(- ) (- - - . . . . . . JEL : B04, C91, D01, D87

‫ﻣﺠﻠﺔ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ /‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ ،47‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩﻱ ‪ ، 2‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ / 91‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ‪81 - 98‬‬

‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ‪[email protected] -‬‬ ‫*‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻲ‬

‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‪[email protected] -‬‬

‫ﻣﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ)ﻉ(‪[email protected] -‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪89/6/2 :‬‬

‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‪90/7/17 :‬‬

‫ﭼﻜﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺪﺑﺨﺶ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﮔـﺮ‬ ‫ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻣـﻲﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ -‬ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﻳـﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ‬‫ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛـﺰ ﺑـﺮ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺷـﺎﺧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻩﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻱ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺿﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﻣـﻲﮔﻴـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻜﻤﻴـﻞ ﻭ ﺗـﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻥﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﺑﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ‪B04, C91, D01, D87: JEL‬‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺪ ﻭﺍژﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬

‫* ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬

‫‪ -1‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫ﻓﻴﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﺤﻈـﻮﻅ ﻫـﻮﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺨﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﻟـﺬﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﭘﻲ ﺑـﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻋﻠـﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﻳـﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨـﻪ‪ 2‬ﺭﺍ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺩﺳـﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ) ﻓﻴﺸﺮ ‪ ،1930‬ﺻﺺ‪ .(5-6‬ﻛﻴﻨـﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ »ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻪﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲِ ﻣﻴـﻞ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﺼـﺮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﻭ ﻋـﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻧـﮋﺍﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺑﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻴﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺟـﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺣﺴـﺐ ﺍﻣﻴـﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣـﺎﻝ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ... ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪) «.‬ﻛﻴﻨـﺰ ‪ ،1964‬ﺹ ‪ .(109‬ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﺳـﻴﺮﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﻱ ﺣﻴـﻮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠـﺎﺩ ﻣﺤـﺮﻙﻫـﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣـﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﻘﻮﻁ ﻣـﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨـﺪ )ﺍﺳـﻨﻮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻥ ‪ ،2005‬ﺹ ‪ .(75‬ﺍﻛـﺮﻻﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼـﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴـﺎﺱ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﻛﺮﻻﻑ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻧﺘﻮﻥ ‪ .(2000‬ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻄﻖ ﻧﻮﺑـﻞ ﺧـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،3‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ‪ ،4‬ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳـﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺿـﺮﺭ‪ 5‬ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﮔﻠـﻪﻭﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﻨﻲﺩﺍﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ ﺣﺘـﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﭘـﻲﺭﻳـﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ )ﺍﻛﺮﻻﻑ ‪.(2002‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟــﺐ ﻭ ﻣــﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥﺩﻫﻨــﺪﻩﻱ ﺗــﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻧﺎﭘــﺬﻳﺮ »ﻧﺤــﻮﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ«‪» ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪ«‪» ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴـﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈـﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺷـﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ« ﻭ »ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﺮﺳﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ« ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠـﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻱ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳـﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﺒـﺪﻳﻞ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺿـﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﻳـﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠـﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫‪1- Enjoyment income.‬‬

‫‪ ،Cost -2‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭِ ﭘﻮﻟﻲِ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻ‪‬ﺮﻑ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪3- Reciprocity.‬‬ ‫‪4- fairness.‬‬ ‫‪5- Loss aversion.‬‬

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‫ﻣﺠﻠﻪﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪ /‬ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‪ ،47‬ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻩ ‪ ،2‬ﺳﺎﻝ ‪91‬‬

‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ «1‬ﺧﺎﺳـﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺸـﺘﺮﻛﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺷـﺎﺧﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻳـﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲِ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻓﻬـﻢ ﺟـﺎﻣﻊ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺶ ﻗﺴـﻤﺖ ﺳـﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘـﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﭘـﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺪﻣـﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴـﻤﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺄﻣـﻞ ﺍﺳـﺖ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦﺭﻭ ﻗﺴـﻤﺖ ﺳـﻮﻡ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻻﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑـﻮﻁ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺷـﺎﺧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺶﺗـﺮ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺑـﻪ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺟﻤـﻊﺑﻨـﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﺩﻫـﻲ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺳـﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬـﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣـﻲﺩﻫﻨـﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻱ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤـﻲﺩﻫﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻟﻲﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻱ ﻓﺮﺻـﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣـﺆﺛﺮ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭼـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺧـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﻛـﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘـﺮﻝ ﻧﺎﭘـﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑـﺎﻻﻳﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺸـﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟـﻪ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪-Neuroeconomics.‬‬


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‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫـﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺳـﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋـﻪﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫـﺎﻳﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻨﻈـﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﻛﻤـﻚ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ‬ ‫)ﺗﺎﻳﻠﺮ ‪ .(2006‬ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏـﻢ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺕ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺣـﻮﻝ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﻋـﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺟﻌﺒﻪﻱ ﺳـﻴﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻘـﻲ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻱ ﺭﺟﺤﺎﻥ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫـﺎﻱ ﻓـﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻧﻘﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﭘﻲﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣـﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼـﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺤـﻮﻩﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣـﻞ ﺁﻥﻫـﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )ﺩﻳﻜﻬـﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺗﭽﻴﻨـﻲ ‪ (2008‬ﻋﻨـﻮﺍﻥ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫـﺪﺍﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫـﺪﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ ﻋﺼـﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ ﻧﻤـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽـﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺻـﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﮕـﻮﺭﻳﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ )ﮔﻠﻴﻤﭽـﺮ ‪ ،(2009‬ﺗﻮﺿــﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻐﺰ )ﻧﺎﺗﺴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ‪ (2009‬ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼـﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴـﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﭘـﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﻭ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ )ﻧﻴـﻮ ﻭ ﻣـﺎﻧﺘﮕﻴﻮ ‪ .(2009‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼـﻮﻳﺮ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨـﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭼﮕـﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﺫﻫـﻦ‪ /‬ﻣﻐـﺰ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻐﺰ‪ -‬ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ )‪ (1‬ﺗﺼـﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﺷﺨﺼـﻲ‪ (2) ،‬ﺗﺒـﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤـﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ )‪(3‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) «.‬ﺍﺳﻤﻴﺖ ‪(2003‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻭ ﺭﺩﻳﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻋﻤﻞﻫـﺎ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺎﺧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬـﺎﺭ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻭ‬

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‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳـﻜﻦ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻐـﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻤﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺎﺧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ‪ EEG3 ،PET2 ،fMRI1‬ﻭ ‪ rCBF4‬ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻧـﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﺭﻣﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺧـﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﺪﻥ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﻣـﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﻱ ﻣﻐﺰ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺿﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻐﺰﻱﺍﻧﺪ‪ .5‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧـﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﺎﻳﺮ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧـﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻋﻜـﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻃــﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺒــﺎﻧﻲ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﻜــﺎﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨــﻲ ﺑــﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼــﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻜــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻲﺗــﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳــﺎﺕ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﻤــﻚ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﮔﺮﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺗﻠﻘـﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﻱ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫـﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺴـﺖﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺗﻨﺎﻇﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛـﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦﺭﻭ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬـﻢﺗـﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻮﺍﻳـﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌـﻲ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺣـﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟـﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ ،Functional Magnetic Resonance Imager -1‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻓﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﻨﺎﻃﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﺠﻬﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ MRI‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺭﻭﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻳﺮگﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻛﺴﻴﮋﻥ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻪﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ fMRI .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ،Positron Emission Tomography -2‬ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺸﻌﺸﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺰﻭﺗﻮپﻫﺎﻳﻲﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺐِ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ،Electroencephalography -3‬ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﻣﻐﺰ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺳﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪4- Regional Cerebral Blood Flow.‬‬

‫‪ -5‬ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺍﻥِ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻜﻴﺰﻭﻓﺮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻻﺕ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭﺗﻴﺴﻢ )ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ( ﻭ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬


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‫‪ -3‬ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﻜـﺮﺩﻱ ﺟـﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﻫﻤـﻪﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻏﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻭ ﻛـﻮﺩﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴـﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﻣـﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻌـﺪﺩ ﺍﻧﺤـﺮﺍﻑ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸـﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤـﺚﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫـﺎﻳﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ ﻋﺼـﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﻛﻤـﻚ ﮔﺮﻓﺘـﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫـﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳـﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﺴـﻚ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫـﺮ ﻛـﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺿـﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﻫــﺎ ﻧــﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋــﻪﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣــﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨــﻲ ﺑــﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -1-3‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﺳـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺤـﻮﻩﻱ ﺗﺼـﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴـﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔـﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﺳـﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻝ »ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺗﻨﺰﻳـﻞ ﺷـﺪﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻞ ))߬(‪ (D‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻬـﻢ ﻧـﻮﻉ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗـﺎﺑﻊ ﺗـﻼﺵﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴـﺒﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧـﻮﻋﻲ ﺗـﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﺓ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺖﻳـﺎﺑﻲ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﻻ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺗـﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳـﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻌﺪﺵ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺗﻨﺰﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻩﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ‬

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‫ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺗـﺄﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳـﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻛـﺎﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻚﻛﻠﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ )ﻣﻚﻛﻠﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ (2007 ،‬ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗـﻚ ﺑﻌـﺪﻱ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻱ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﻣـﻼﻙ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺑـﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺤﻮﻩﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠـﻪﻱ ﺗﻤـﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣـﺆﺛﺮ ﺑـﺮ ﻧـﺮﺥ ﺗﻨﺰﻳـﻞ ﺫﻫﻨـﻲ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﻣﻚﻛﻠﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ‪.(2004‬‬

‫‪ -2-3‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻝ ﻭﻗـﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﺎﻣـﺪﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈـﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺪﻝ ﻣﺘﻌـﺎﺭﻑ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑـﺎ ﻭﺯﻥﺩﻫـﻲ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖﻫـﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻـﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣـﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤـﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪﻱ ﺁﻥﻫـﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨـﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﻱ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺭﺳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻤﻦ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻧـﻮﻋﻲ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨـﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺾ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ )ﺗﻮﺭﺳـﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻛـﺎﻧﻤﻦ ‪ .(1981‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟـﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺑـﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﻪﻱ ﻧـﻮﻳﻤﻦ‪ -‬ﻣﻮﺭﮔﻨﺸـﺘﺎﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻤﺎﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍَﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺮگ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸـﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘـﺾ ﻓﺮﺿـﻴﻪﻱ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴـﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻈـﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺭﺳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻱ ﻣـﺪﻝ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮﻱ ﺑـﺮ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ )ﺗﻮﺭﺳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻤﻦ ‪.(1991‬‬


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‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺪﻣـﻪﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺼـﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴـﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﭘﻠﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺗﻞ ‪ .(2008‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻳﻪﻱ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻛﻮﺭﺗﻜﺲ ﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ‪ 1‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺼـﻴﻢﮔﻴـﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻳﺴﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩﻱ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﻳـﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ )ﭘﻠـﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻮﺗـﻞ ‪ .(2008‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻻﻳﻪﻱ ﻛﻮﺭﺗﻜﺲ ﻗـﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼـﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴـﺰ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ )ﻻﻡ ﻭ ﺳـﻴﻨﮕﺮ‪ ،(2010 ،‬ﻛـﻪ ﺑﻨـﺎﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻐﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴـﺰ ﻭ ﻫﻤـﺮﺍﻩ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﺑﻬـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑـﻪﻛـﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺵﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﺪﻝﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑـﻮﻁ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺼـﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺷـﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫‪ -3-3‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻲﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺣـﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣـﺎﻥ ﺗـﺪﻭﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻓـﺮﺽ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜـﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﻤـﻚ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤـﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗـﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻤـﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣـﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫـﺎﻳﻲ ﺑـﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻣـﺪﻝﺳـﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣـﻲﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﻥﺟﺎﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺭﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﻓﺮﻭﺽ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ ﻋﺼـﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧـﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌـﺎﺭﺽ ﺑـﺎ ﻧﻔـﻊ ﺷﺨﺼـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗـﻼﺵﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪1- Posteriorcingulate Cortex.‬‬

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‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻣﺪﻝﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋـﻪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧـﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ]ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ[ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻳـﻞ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻲﻋﺪﺍﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻫـﻢﺭﺍﺳـﺘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﻧﻔـﻊ ﺷﺨﺼـﻲ ﻣـﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺍﺋـﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ »ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧـﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ «1‬ﻭ »ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﻪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑـﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤـﻞ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑـﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑـﺖ‪ «2‬ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﺎﻳﺪﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‬ ‫)ﻓﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻤﻴﺖ ‪ (1999‬ﻭ )ﺑﻮﻟﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻛﻔﻠﺲ ‪ .(2000‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ ﻋﻜـﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ »ﻋﻤـﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﺤﻮﻩﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻉﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﻩﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ «3‬ﻭ »ﻋﻤـﻞ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑـﻞ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ ﻋﻼﻗـﻪ‪ «4‬ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴـﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﻛُﻠﻢ ‪.(2006‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ‪ 5‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫـﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛـﻪ ﻛﺴـﺐ ﻛﻮﭼـﻚﺗـﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦﮔـﻮ ﻣﻄﻠـﻮﺏ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳـﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌـﺎﺭﻑ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻼﻳـﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺼـﻴﺐ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻫـﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷـﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ ﻣﺠـﺎﺯﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦﮔـﻮ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻨـﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﮔﻮ ﺍﻳﻦﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮ ﺻﺮﻓﺎً ﻣﺘـﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴـﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣـﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪1- Inequity Aversion.‬‬ ‫‪2- Theory of Equity, Reciprocity and Competition.‬‬

‫‪ ،Balance-reciprocity -3‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻞِ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﺍﻟﺬﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ،Liking-reciprocity -4‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻱ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫‪5- Ultimatum game.‬‬


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‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻧﺤﻮﻩﻱ ﺗﺼـﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳـﺖ )ﺳـﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮﺍﻥ ‪ .(2003‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤـﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ ‪ fMRI‬ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﻪ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺨﺘﻠـﻒ ﻃﺮﺍﺣـﻲ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟـﻪ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦﮔـﻮ ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷـﺪﻥ ﺑـﺎ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﺑـﻪﺩﺳـﺖ ﺁﻣـﺪﻩ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔـﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺳﻬﻤﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺳـﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ‪ 1‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻘﺴـﻴﻢ ﺩﻩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑـﻪ ﻓـﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦﮔﻮ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺷـﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻻً ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼـﻔﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼـﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺎﻟﺘﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻜﻞ ‪ 2‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺑـﻴﺶﺗـﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﺛﺒـﺖ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺰﻭﻻ‪ 1‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨـﺰﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴـﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﺷـﻜﻞ ‪ ،1‬ﺑـﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘـﻲ ﻣـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻇﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺰﻭﻻ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓـﺮﺩ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣـﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓـﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨـﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺴﻤﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘـﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﻱ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ ﻣـﺪﻝﻫـﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻳـﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺸـﺎﻥ ﻣـﻲﺩﻫـﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘـﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻟـﺐ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻜﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺳﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓﻫـﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻫﻴﻨﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ‪.(2001‬‬ ‫‪Insula -1‬؛ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﻱ ﮔﻴﺠﮕﺎﻫﻲ )‪ (temporal lobe‬ﻭ ﻗﻄﻌﻪﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﺎﻧﻲ )‪ .(frontal lobe‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺷﻜﻞ ‪ -1‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﻱ ﺳﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪2003 ،‬‬

‫ﺷﻜﻞ ‪ – 2‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﺰﻭﻻ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﺘﻴﻤﺎﺗﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻔﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪2003 ،‬‬

‫‪ -4‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻱ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑـﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﻛـﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﺩﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪.‬‬


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‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻛﺎﺳـﺘﻲﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺼـﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺗﻨﮕﺎﺗﻨﮓ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑـﺮ ﻋﺼـﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﺁﻻﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣـﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺩﺍﻧﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘـﺪﺍﻱ ﺍﻣـﺮ ﺷـﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄـﻪﻱ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺠﻬﻴـﺰﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﺁﻻﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻤـﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗـﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﺴـﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻋــﻼﻭﻩ ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻛــﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﺧﻪﻫــﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﻋﻠﻤــﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳــﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪)1‬ﻛﻤﺮﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ‪ .(2005‬ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻘـﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻱ ﺧﻄﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻓـﻮﻕ ﻓـﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﺗَﻌﻴ‪‬ﻦ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈـﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻴـﺎﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﺒﻘـﻪﺑﻨـﺪﻱ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ )ﻫـﻢﭼـﻮﻥ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺯﻧﭽﻲ‪ ، (1387 ،‬ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﭘـﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻣﻼﻛـﻲ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨـﺪﻱ ﺑـﻴﻦ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .2‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺳﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧـﻪ ﺗﻨﻬـﺎ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻲ(‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺗـﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻢﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﺎﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﺗﺤﻠﻴـﻞ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻱ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﺼـﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻨـﺪ؛ ﺳـﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺻـﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺐ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧـﻪ ﺩﺳـﺖ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﻣـﻲﺯﻧﻨـﺪ؛ ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑـﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬـﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺸـﺨﺺ ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﻪ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻘـﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠـﻢ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺗﻠﺴﻜﻮپ ﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺮﻭﺳﻜﻮپ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺠﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺴﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -2‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﻭﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﺻﻼً ﻓﺮﻭﺿﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﻛـﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻐـﺰ ﻧـﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺑـﺎ ﺷـﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﮔُﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺴﻨﺪ‪‬ﺭﻓﺮ‪ .(2008 ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﮔـﺮ ﻋﻠـﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪﻱ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻥﮔﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﻣﻼً ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋـﻼﻭﻩ ﺑـﺮ ﺍﻳـﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘـﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴـﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧـﻪﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻗﺒﻴـﻞ ﻣﻔـﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩﻫـﺎﻳﻲ ﭼـﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﻣﻄـﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺩﻟﻪﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺭﺷـﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦﺟﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﻳـﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ ﻋﺼـﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ » ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ )ﮔﻞ ﻭ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﺭﻓﺮ‪ .(2008 ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻣـﺪﻝﻫـﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣـﺮ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﺎﻳﻲﻛﻪ ﺗﺼـﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻧـﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻓـﺮﺩﻱ ﻋﺎﻣـﻞ ﺗﻌﻴـﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨـﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺑﻨـﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺗﻔـﺎﻭﺕﻫـﺎﻱ ﺑـﻴﻦ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻤـﻚ ﻣـﻲﻛﻨﻨـﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﻈـﺮﻱ ﻋﻠـﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ – ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ‪ -‬ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻬـﻢﺗـﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻓﻀـﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴـﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨـﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺁﻥﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣـﻲﮔﻴـﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺟـﺐ ﺍﻧﺤـﺮﺍﻑ‬


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‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ ﺑـﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴـﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺗﻌـﺎﻣﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﺩﻻﻳـﻞ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘـﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺕ ﻣﺰﺑـﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﮔـﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼـﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫـﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨـﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺭﺳـﻲ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺗﻼﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘـﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪﻱ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ ﺗﺼـﻮﺭ ﺍﺳـﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺗﻠﻘـﻲ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻳـﺎ ﺧﻴـﺮ؟‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪﻱ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﻄﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻓﻠﺴـﻔﻪﻱ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺭﺟـﻮﻉ ﻛـﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘـﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈـﺮ ﺗـﺎﻣﺲ ﻛـﻮﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤـﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺎ ﺣـﺪﻱ ﺍﻗﺒـﺎﻝ ﻳـﺎ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺍﻗﺒـﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻳـﺎ ﭘـﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺴـﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻱ ﻻﻛﺎﺗﻮﺵ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺑﻲﻗﺎﻋﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨـﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺘﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻱ ﻣﻘـﺎﻭﻡ ﺟﺮﻳـﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌـﺎﺭﻑ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳـﺦﮔـﻮﻳﻲ ﺑـﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺑـﺎ ﺗﻮﺳـﻌﻪﻱ ﻣﻔﻬـﻮﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻪﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫـﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼـﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠـﻪﻱ ﮔـﺮﺩﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫـﺎ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻨﻈـﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺍﺳـﻄﻪﻱ ﭘﻴـﺪﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺸـﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ‬

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‫ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻭﺵ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ )ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻜﺜﺮﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ(‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻬـﺮﻩﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ )ﺣﺘـﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺣـﺪ ﺍﻟﻬـﺎﻡ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ( ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻚﻛﻼﺳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻳﻄﻮﺭﻳﻘﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥﮔـﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋـﺪ ﻛـﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺒﺎﻥ )ﻛﻪ ﻟﺐ‪ ‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻚﻛﻼﺳﻜﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ( ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷـﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﻱ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﻣـﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺎﺷـﺪ ﻛـﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧـﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻛﻨـﺪ‪) .‬ﺩﺍﻭ‪ ،1388 ،‬ﺹ‪ .(196 .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﻣﻨﻈـﺮ ﻧﻴـﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑـﺮ ﻋﺼـﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑـﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳـﺖ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛـﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳـﻮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌـﻪﻱ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣـﻲﺷـﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻴـﺖ ﮔﺴـﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑـﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻮ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌـﺎﺗﻲ ﻭ ﭘـﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﺑـﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -5‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﻥﭼﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟـﻪ ﭘـﮋﻭﻫﺶﮔـﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻗـﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑـﻪﻛـﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫــﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘــﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸــﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴــﺪ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﻠــﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺖ‪ .‬ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣـﺎً ﻳﻜـﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸـﻜﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪﮔﻴﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻱ ﺑـﺎﻻﻱ ﺗﺠﻬﻴـﺰﺍﺕ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳـﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﻲ ﭘﺰﺷﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴـﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷـﺎﺧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜـﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣـﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷـﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﺳـﺘﺎ ﺑـﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻲﺗـﻮﺍﻥ ﺑـﻪ ﻃﺮﺍﺣـﻲ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫـﺎ ﻭ‬


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‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥﺭﺷﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪﻱ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣـﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧـﺪ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣــﺎﻳﺶﻫــﺎﻱ ﺣــﻮﺯﻩﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨــﻲ ﺑــﺮ ﻋﺼــﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻲ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻔــﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮﻩﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻳـﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ ﮔﺰﻳﻨـﻪﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼـﺎﻑ ﺩﺭ ﻣـﺮﺩﻡِ ﺭﺷـﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘـﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨـﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺗﺠﺮﺑـﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺴـﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ )ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﻣﻲ( ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏـﻢ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒـﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻜﺪﻩﻱ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸـﻜﺪﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﻧﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺷﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳـﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻫﻤﻴـﺖ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ ﻧـﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻣﻐـﺰ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﻗﺸـﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻩﻓﺮﻭﻧﺘﺎﻝ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ )ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳـﻦ‪1380 ،‬ﺍﻟـﻒ(‪ ،‬ﺗﻔـﺎﻭﺕ ﺳـﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﮔﺰﻳـﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨـﺎﻃﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ )ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳﻦ‪1380 ،‬ﺏ( ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑـﻴﺶﺗـﺮ ﺗﻌـﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺖ ﺑـﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴـﻪ ﺑـﺎ ﻣﻴـﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺧـﺖ )ﺍﺧﺘﻴـﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜـﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ (1383 ،‬ﺗﻮﺳـﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﭽﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺸـﻮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ -6‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻣﻲ ﭼـﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒـﻮﺩ ﻣﺤﻴﻄـﻲ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻨﻈـﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺠـﺎﻡ ﺁﺯﻣـﺎﻳﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺧـﻮﺩ ﻣﺤـﺮﻭﻡﺍﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺸـﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺮﭼﻨـﺪ ﻏﻴـﺮﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣـﺎ ﻣﻔﻴـﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺽ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺻـﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻘﻢ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤـﻮﺍﺭ ﺷـﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺭﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴـﺰ ﺍﻓـﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕـﺮ ﺗﻔـﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻣﻴـﺎﻥ ﺟﺴـﺘﺎﺭﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺼﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷـﺖ ﻛـﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺑـﻮﻁ ﺑـﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻬـﻢﺗـﺮﻳﻦ ﺛﻤـﺮﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻱ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻏﻴـﺮ ﺩﻗﻴـﻖ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻲﺭﺑﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﺸـﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑـﻪ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻄـﻪﻱ ﻋﻠـﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺑﻴﺶﺗﺮِ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘـﻪ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻣﺘﻨـﻲ ﺑـﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧـﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﻫـﺎﻱ ﻣـﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳـﻦ ﺷـﺎﺧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳـﺖ ﻛـﻪ ﺑﺎﻳـﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣـﻲ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶﻫﺎ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻤـﻪﻱ ﻋﻠﻤـﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﻄـﻮﻑ ﺑـﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴـﺖﻫـﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫‪ - 1‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴــﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳــﻦ ﺑﻬــﺰﺍﺩﻱ )‪1380‬ﺍﻟــﻒ(‪» ،‬ﻗﺸــﺮ ﭘــﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﻧﺘــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧــﺘﻼﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷـﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪) 3 ،‬ﭘﻴـﺎﭘﻲ ‪،(11‬‬ ‫ﺻﺺ‪.64-86 .‬‬ ‫‪ - 2‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻱ )‪1380‬ﺏ(‪» ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴـﺮﻱ ﻣﺨـﺎﻃﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ :‬ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪) 3 ،‬ﭘﻴـﺎﭘﻲ ‪،(12‬‬ ‫ﺻﺺ‪.36-48 .‬‬ ‫‪ - 3‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺰﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭﺧﺶ ﻣﻜﺮﻱ )‪» ،(1383‬ﺩﻓﻌﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺩﻳﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ :‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡﻳﻚ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺑﻴﺶﺗـﺮﻱ ﺑـﺮ ﻣـﺎ ﻣـﻲﮔـﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟«‪ ،‬ﺗـﺎﺯﻩﻫـﺎﻱ ﻋﻠـﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ‪) 6 ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ‪ ،(24‬ﺻﺺ‪.17-27 .‬‬ ‫‪ - 4‬ﺩﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻼ ﺳﻲ )‪ ،(1388‬ﻛﻨﻜﺎﺷﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺵﺷﻨﺎﺳـﻲ ﻋﻠـﻢ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤـﻪﻱ ﻣﺤﻤـﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺳﺘﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ - 5‬ﺳﻮﺯﻧﭽﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﻴﻦ )‪ » ،(1387‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺻﺺ‪.79-98 .‬‬

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