2 Masters of Planning Student; Faculty of Planning, CEPT University, ..... studies which help to document the design and maintanance aspect of the public toilets. ... coming to new market is from Jawahar Chowk, M.P Nagar, Old Bhopal. .... Thanks also to School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal for facilitating the ...
Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India Raktim Ray1 Kirti2 Session: N Urban Studies – Urbanities Sub Session N11: Urban Contestations
1. Introduction: Public toilet represents an ambiguous and contested space. The ambiguity and contestation come with the oxymoronic nature of the phrase. On one hand, public signifies openness and often represents a collective action. On the other hand, toilet is considered predominantly an activity of private. The urban not only encompasses the ‘city’ rather urban is a ‘polymorphic, variable and dynamic’ entity of discursive politics (Brenner & Schmid 2013). The discursive politics of urban represents variegated forms of capital accumulation and subsequent dispossession of certain groups (Prakash 2010: 1). For Hardt and Negri (2009: 250), it is the ‘space of the common’ for socio-political mobilization and reconstitution of the ‘Empire’. Thus, urban is now not only the spatial site for ‘contentious politics’ but also claiming its stake by the processes of making, unmaking, reshaping and negotiating its position (Roy 2016; Brenner 2013). Situating public toilet within this discursive field of urban, the research aims to represent the complex web of infrastructure, everyday experiences and politics of the body. Most of the academic works on urban public toilets focus on two particular aspects a) inadequate physical access for disabled groups (Bichard et al. 2006; Kitchin & Law 2001) and b) spatial inadequacy in service provision for marginalized groups (Lancione & McFarlane 2016; Desai et al. 2015; McFarlane 2008b; McFarlane 2008a; Burra et al. 2003). Only a few studies (Molotch & Noren 2010; Greed & Daniels 2002) focuses on the generalized micro-politics of public toilets. The research acknowledges the importance of the group specific studies to decipher the spatial inequalities of services provision and simultaneously draws a generalized picture of micropolitics of public toilets in the context of Bhopal city, India. To do so, the research takes 1 2
PhD Student; Development Policy and Practice; The Open University, Milton Keynes, UK Masters of Planning Student; Faculty of Planning, CEPT University, Ahmedabad, India
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Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India examples from comparative case studies and aims to construct a generalized picture of Bhopal city. Finally, in the context of a recently launched urban sanitation program Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, 2014 [Clean India Mission] in India, the research attempts to identify the complex nation state dimension in basic service provision. Continuing from the introductory discussions, in the next section, we critically engages with the literatures related to public toilet. In the third section, we argue access to public toilet as everyday claims and negotiations and hence connects it with the discourse of urban citizenship. This also helps to decipher the micro-politics that are associated with public toilet. The fourth section positions the study in the context of global south specific to Bhopal and India and briefly states about the comparative case studies. This section also discusses about our methodological framework for this study. The fifth section explains the learning from comparative case studies. In the concluding section, we aim to construct a conceptual framework for understanding the politics of public toilet and also opens up the possibilities for future research in this direction.
2. Making and Unmaking of Public Toilet: After receiving an overwhelming majority in 2014 national election in India, the Hindu rightwing nationalist government was formed. Indian corporate houses have lobbied extensively for the electoral success of the populist, nationalist government. The mandate also signifies overwhelming support of the Indian middle class for an aspirational project of ‘Achhe Din’ [better days]. The rhetoric of this aspirational project in a subtle way constructed by the ‘seduction’ of global capital (Hart 2016). This seduction of global capital is visible with the projection of urban as a subject for capital investments. Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, 2014 [Clean India Mission] was launched to create lucrative spaces for this capital investment. One of the major objectives of this mission was to increase private participation in sanitation sector and deregulate state intervention in basic service provision (Ministry of Urban Development 2014). The subdued rhetoric of this mission was based on the metaphor of sanctity of cities. In the context of India, where sanitation workers are predominantly lower caste and considered as untouchables, the notion of sanctity is problematic. Citing Mary Douglas (1966), Ruth Barcan argues the metaphor ‘dirt’ is symbolically signifies ‘polluting agent’ which destabilizes varied socio-cultural categories (Barcan 2010: 25). She also states the idea of sanctity as a metaphor uses to “eliminate, conceal and purify” to preserve the order. The rhetoric around the public toilet is constructed based on this logic. In relation to bodily ‘waste’, cultural variations 2|Page
Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India between faecophilic and faecophobic is worth mentioning where Indian society is considered to be faecophobic culture (Desai et al. 2015). This also relates to the intersection of access to the public toilet and demand of the body during urgency. Many authors define urban infrastructure as a metabolic process (Lancione & McFarlane 2016; Desai et al. 2015; McFarlane 2008a) which connects the human body with the biophysical environment, networks of infrastructure and political economy of space. Similar to this idea, Gandy (2005) argues ‘cyborg’ as a hybrid identity of body and machine, destabilizes the traditional understanding around infrastructure and opens up possibilities for retheorization of infrastructure (Gandy 2005). We argue public toilet locates itself at a critical juncture of this retheorization of infrastructure. To understand this importance of public toilet it is worth to trace the historical construction of the narrative of public toilet. The presence of the public toilets can be traced in Ancient Rome as a part of public bath. Binary divisions of the public and private became more prominent in post Enlightenment period (late 18th century) and activities like urinating and defecating designated as private activities (Kitchin & Law 2001). As a consequence of this, public toilet was introduced in other parts of Europe in the early nineteenth century (Vuorinen et al. 2007). This was also catalysed by rapid industrialization and subsequent urbanization. Victorian reforms initiated the modernist conception of public health and started construction of public toilet blocks for citizens. As Kitchin and Law (2001) point out visiting public toilet is never a linear phenomenon for releasing bodily demand. The performance of bodily demand is always shaped by different socio-cultural constructions of dirt, body exposure, infection and dignity. For Greed and Daniels, public toilet acts as a medium for “reproduction of social relations over space” (Greed & Daniels 2002: 7). The dominant western norms related to public toilet use also translated to the global south to create more ‘modern societies’. India also is not an exception from that. Modernist construction of privacy and discretion on bodily needs creates distinct socio-spatial imageries related to public toilets in global south cities (Desai et al. 2015; Kitchin & Law 2001). As Kitchin and Law states “Consequently, to be placed in a situation where you are unable to relieve yourself without breaking the social conventions which surround the act can be understood as a denial of your rights to participate in social life with dignity” (Kitchin & Law 2001: 290). Construction of this socio-spatial norm disenfranchise nonelite people from performative actions in public space is an act of “bourgeois environmentalism” in Baviskar’s term (Baviskar 2003). This act of “bourgeois environmentalism” is prominent with spatial inequalities in terms of distribution of public toilets. Further disenfranchisement comes with 3|Page
Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India privatization of public toilet provision and hence connects bodily needs with political economies of space. As discussed earlier, guidelines of Swachh Bharat Abhiyan, 2014 also focuses on the participation of private parties in urban sanitation (ibid) and hence equates efficiency with privatization. Citing Chatterjee (2004), McFarlane states this as a creation of ‘heterogeneous social of citizenship’ (McFarlane 2008b). The performance of bodily need connects the public toilet to the discourse of urban citizenship. The next section briefly states the conceptual framework of citizenship which we use in the context of this research.
3. Claiming Urban Citizenship: The claims for citizenship are particularly categorized in three dimensions: political membership, identity and everyday practices. Turner (1990) defines citizenship as an act of active participation in public affairs following the Aristotelian view of “to govern and to be governed” (Cunningham 2011; Dickinson et al. 2008). Some citizenship studies focus on political membership as an act of citizenship (Bosniak 2000; Kymlicka & Norman 1994). Secondly, many of the citizenship studies locate citizenship as identity or sense of belonging. This views citizenship beyond a status rather a mode of collective action and experiences through relations (Staeheli & Hammett 2010; Secor 2003). But we are particularly interested in the citizenship framework which locate it in the sites of everyday life experiences (Isin 2012; Pine 2010; Dickinson et al. 2008; Staeheli 2003; Secor 2003; Ehrkamp & Leitner 2003). Sites or space becomes an important catalyst in this approach of citizenship. The struggle for citizenship in everyday life is characterized by ‘routinization of repetitive and habitual practices’ (Dickinson et al. 2008). This routinization extends beyond vertical hegemonic practices rather it encourages horizontal habitual practices that are embedded in event-space. The contested everyday life has created a contested narrative about inclusion and exclusion; insider-outsider. Locating citizenship within the sites of everyday practices, this approach defines citizenship as performative collective actions. Isin (2012 & 2009) further elaborates this concept by constructing the framework for active citizenship. He defines active citizenship as enactment through negotiations and struggles for collective claims. In this context of ‘activeness,’ sites have become important as it acts as fields of contestation and negotiations (Isin 2012; Isin 2009). Similar to this notion, Holston (2009) proposes the idea of insurgent citizenship which sees political actions for claiming rights and justice as act of citizenship. Insurgent citizenship offers an alternative framework for this research as it poses ‘right to access’ of urban resources is a necessity. At this point, body politics of public toilet connects
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Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India with the discourse of citizenship and rights include access to appropriate public toilets (Kitchin & Law 2001).
4. Situating the research in field site: We are particularly interested in understanding the complex web of infrastructure services in the context of global south. For us, the global south instead of a geographical region represents new methods of understanding. Secondly, this also enables us to understand a different set of power geometries that exists in global south cities (Raghuram et al. 2014). Finally, global south cities represent ‘history of present’ where the past is always a means of understanding the present ((Raghuram et al. 2014; Roy 2003b)). Raghuram et al. (2014) also argue the urban temporalities also represent by an “unfinished past and unstable present” which also construct the requirement of an open-ended methodological apparatus for understanding. In the context of sanitation condition, India has the highest population in the world who do not have access to sanitation facilities. Census 2011 highlights around 54% of the population do not have toilet facility at the household level (Census 2011). A WaterAid report (2015) shows India has moѕt реoрlе dеfесаtіng іn thе oреn реr ѕquаrе kіlomеtеr. Almoѕt 173 реoрlе dеfесаtіng іn thе oреn for еvеrу ѕquаrе kіlomеtеr іn thе сountrу (WaterAid 2015). This represents the inadequancy of access to sanitation condition in India. As the majority of the population do not have toilet facility at home, access to public toilet becomes an ardent need for them. Understanding of urban issues of India in academic works is often predominantly concentrated in big cities like Mumbai (Desai et al. 2015; McFarlane 2008b; McFarlane 2008a), Delhi (Ghertner 2012; Bhan 2009; Baviskar 2006), Bangalore (Goldman 2011; Benjamin 2008) or Kolkata (Shaw 2015; Roy 2011; Roy 2003a). Little importance is given on relatively smaller sized (1 million+) cities like Bhopal. Situating the research in the context of Bhopal we follow the framework of ‘ordinary cities’ by Jennifer Robinson (2006). Following Robinson’s argument, we also consider each city is dynamic without privileging certain kind of cities in the settlement hierarchy (Robinson 2006: 108-09). In our research, Bhopal represents this kind of ‘ordinary city’. Bhopal is said to have been based on the site of the eleventh Century City of Bhojpal, which was established by the that time Parmara King, Raja Bhoj (1000-1055). Later on during Mughal era boundaries of Bhopal were demarcated which closely resembles the location of Bhopal (early 16th to 18th century). Bhopal was a princely state during colonial time (19th century) and was the second-largest Muslim-ruled princely state. After independence 5|Page
Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India (1947), as per the States Reorganization Act of 1956, the Bhopal area was coordinated into Madhya Pradesh and was pronounced as its capital. Bhopal is also an observer of one of the most noticeably awful industrial disasters on, 1984, when 42 tons of poisonous methylisocyanate gas spilled out of the Union Carbide plant, prompting the tragic demise of around 3000 individuals. The consequence of the gas disaster was a sharp decrease of the population by death and relocation. After the relative adjustment, there was a sudden increase of population (35.91%) in 1991 to 2001 (Census 2001) because of its increased importance in relation to industrial and administrative activities within the region. The city boundary was increased 3 km eastward in 1971-81, to include industrial township of Bharat Heavy Electricals Limited (BHEL). The number of wards increased to 66 in 1994 from 55 wards in 1983. Recently, the wards have been restructured and the number increased to 70 (Bhopal City Development Plan 2005). The Development Plan of 2005 envisages around 17,500 Hectares of developed area till 2005 but the actual developed area was 10,400 Hectares. It is proposed to develop the sub-cities at the rate of 7 Hectares per 1000 persons with variation among the sub-cities between 6 – 8 hectares per 1000 persons. At present, the maximum density is in the old city area. Average density in most areas is between 250 – 500 persons per hectare. Around 47% of land use is for the residential purpose, followed by recreational, transport, industrial, public and semi-public and peri-urban fringe areas. The percentage of land use for the city comprises of New Bhopal and other areas that have come up in planned fashion, unplanned areas including old Bhopal, slums and colonies that have come up haphazardly and the special areas are cantonment, universities, airport and industrial areas. The planned areas comprise of land use for the residential, commercial, industrial, recreational, etc. Net density of in residential area is 410 persons per hectare, in commercial areas is 391 persons per hectare and in industrial areas is 119 persons per hectare. These figures are indicators of the intensities in which land is being used by sectors of employment – commercial, industrial and public and semi-public activities. In relation to sanitation condition, Madhya Pradesh ranks 5th in terms of open defecation and urination rate in India. Bhopal, the capital of Madhya Pradesh has more than 50% of the population defecating and urinating in open. Due to lack of the toilets, people tend to release themselves in open. In Bhopal, there are 176 public toilets are located within the boundary of Municipal Corporation out of which 94 are owned by Municipal Corporation, 76 by Sulabh and 6 are made in PPP mode. In respect to maintenance of these toilets the distribution figures varied which shows privatization of service delivery mechanism. Types of toilets and the distribution of maintenance in the city are listed below: 6|Page
Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India
Table 1 Distribution of Ownership and Maintenance of Public Toilets in Bhopal (Source: BMC)
PPP: BMC+ Private
Other Private
Bhopal Municipal Corporation (BMC)
Sulabh
Ownership
94
76
6
NIL
Maintenance
24
106
6
40
Pay and use scheme
No
Yes
Yes
Yes
Charges/ use
Nil
INR 2-5
INR 2-5
INR 5- 10
Average
Maximum
Maximum
Minimum
Usage
Figure 1 Spatial Distribution of Public Toilet in Bhopal City Source: Bhopal Municipal Corporation
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Organizations
Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India To analyze the overall condition of the public toilet, we adopt a deductive method to select comparative case studies. We attempt to compare the case studies from differential land use and user groups. The selection criteria for case studies are discussed below: Table 2 Case Study Description
Case Studies
User Groups
Commercial area: New
Varied user groups of floating population
market area Residential area: Arera
Predominantly slum population and partially other users
colony and surrounding 12 No. Slum Transport terminal:
Passengers
Bairagarh railway station
For data collection we use ethnographic methods of participant observation, semi structured interviews and focus group discussions.
Figure 2 Methodological Framework Source: Authors
a) Focus Group Discussions (FGD): FGD’s are conducted in each land use type delineated. The discussion consisted of about 20 people in each area. The discussions are based on three
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Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India qualitative parameters: physical accessibility to the public toilets, the condition of the public toilet and affordability of the public toilet. b) Participant Observation: Participant observations are carried on each of the identified case studies which help to document the design and maintanance aspect of the public toilets. c) Semi-structured Interviews: Semi-structured interviews are conducted with different stakeholders from municipal officials, Sulabh representatives and users. About 50 people are interviewed in each of the case studies. This helps to decipher people’s perception about the public toilet from various vantage points. The next section aims to map the learning from each of the case studies in detail.
5. Learning from Comparative Case Studies Case Study 1: Commercial area- New market area: One of the most important shopping areas of the city and catering to all section of societies. New Market houses
various
cloth
shops
and
showrooms
offering
garments,
readymade
clothes
numerous
restaurants,
eateries,
bakeries,
bookstalls, mobile stores etc. It is located in the old core of the city and situates
on
Bhopal
Municipal
Figure 3 Landuse and Locations of Public Toilet-New market area Source: Authors
Corporation land. The floating population coming daily to the new market is around 70008000. People from all over the Bhopal come here to shop but the majority of the population is coming to new market is from Jawahar Chowk, M.P Nagar, Old Bhopal. For about 8000 population, 8 public toilets are present with different capacity in terms of number of toilets seats and urinals. Learnings: a) Usage: There are six toilets in New Market and beyond 500m radius two more toilets are present. Within New Market core area, only four toilets are in high used while the rest are not in use. The reasons behind this are the isolation of the toilets, lack of facilities in these toilets etc.
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Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India b) Vulnerability: Female respondents are not comfortable to use these facilities because of safety concerns and cleanliness. Some of them also complained about higher charges of this pay and use facility. c) Condition: There is a total of six toilets within the new market area among these 1 is managed by BMC and anther is in PPP mode. Rest all are managed by Sulabh. The details are given below: Table 3 General Scenario of Public toilets in new market P.T 1
P.T 2
P.T 3
P.T 4
P.T 5
P.T 6
Maintenance
Sulabh
B.M.C
B.M.C & Sulabh
Sulabh
Sulabh
Sulabh
Pay and use scheme
Rs. 5
Nil
Nil
Rs. 5
Rs. 5
Rs. 5
1
1
2
0
1
1
6am10pm
6am10pm
6am11pm
6am10pm
6am10pm
6am10pm
All
All
All
All
All
All
Charges Attendants Duration
Available for
Table 4 Condition of Public Toilets- New Market Area P.T 1
P.T 2
P.T 3
P.T 4
P.T 5
P.T 6
Access to Toilet Street Lights Isolation Signage's
Here red indicates worse and the green indicates good situation. This is rated according to the visual survey done for each toilet. All the toilets lack in signage and the approach path to the toilets is also not in good condition. The street lights on the pathway leading to the public toilets are absent.
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Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India Table 5 : Facilities within Toilet in New Market
M
F
M
Universal Access
F
M
F
M
F
M
F
M
F
Toilet Seats
2
3
2
4
6
4
2
3
3
3
2
3
No. of Urinals
5
-
6
-
10
-
4
-
4
-
5
-
Bathing Section
Availability of Water
Wash basins
2
1
3
2
4
2
2
1
2
1
3
2
Availability of soap
Case Study 2: Residential area- Arera colony and surrounding 12 No. Slum: Arera Colony is one of the largest residential areas of Bhopal. It is one of the high end residential areas of Bhopal. The area has the highest circle rates of Bhopal. Arera colony is further divided into 8 Sectors, E-1 to E-8. This residential area is surrounded by two slums i.e. 12 no. Slum. The majority of the people from this slum work in houses of Arera colony
Figure 4 Landuse and Locations of Public Toilet-Arera Colony and 12 No. Slum Source: Authors
as maids or car washer etc. The total population of the area is near 5000 with a floating population of 1000-1500 people per day. The slum population of the area is around 3000. This huge amount of population of slum has only 2 public toilets are present and one community toilet in its vicinity. Learnings: a) Usage: Two toilets are present in the slum area and one in the residential area. The toilets in the slum are not well managed and lack basic facilities of water connection, toilet seats etc.
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Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India b) Vulnerability: It is observed that most of the slum dwellers were practice open defecation. As the area is close to Habibganj Railway Station, people go to railway tracks in morning/ evening for releasing themselves, which increases the possibilities of accidents. They also mentioned that women and children usually go early morning and late at night in bushes to release themselves which leads to safety issue as sexual harassment is common. c) Condition: The toilets in this area are maintained by Bhopal Municipal Corporation and Sulabh Organization. The details are given below: Table 6 General Scenario of Public toilets in Arera Colony and 12 No. Slum
P.T 1
P.T 2
P.T 3
Maintenance
Sulabh
B.M.C
B.M.C
Pay and use scheme
Charges
Rs. 5
Nil
Nil
Attendants
1
0
0
Duration
6am-10pm
24*7
24*7
Table 7 Facilities in and around the Toilet in Arera Colony and 12 No. Slum Area P.T 1
P.T 2
P.T 3
Around Public Toilet Access to Toilet Street Lights Isolation Signage's
Inside Public Toilet M
F
M
F
F
Universal Access
Toilet Seats
3
2
6
3
6
6
No. of Urinals
5
-
4
-
4
-
Bathing Section
Wash basins
2
1
2
2
2
2
Availability of soap
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M
Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India Case Study 3: Transport terminal-Bairagarh railway station: Bairagarh is one of the important railway station of Bhopal City. It is operated by Western Railway. The locality is mostly dominated by the Sindhi community. The Sindhi community is known for their business acumen and over time, Bairagarh has developed as the wholesale market for Bhopal providing the supplies of cloth, jewelry, electronics and consumables to the Bhopal market. Bairagarh Railway station has
two
platforms
serving
a
Figure 5 Landuse and Locations of Public ToiletBairagarh railway station Source: Authors
daily
population of about 3000-4000. There are 2 public toilets on the railway station and 4 public toilets within a radii of within 500 mt. The land ownership is under Railways. Learnings: a) Usage: The toilets within the station premise are not in a state to be used. Other toilets in the vicinity of the railway station have high footfalls as these toilets are well maintained. b) Vulnerability: Railway tracks are used for open defecation and urination which increases possibilities of accidents. c) Condition: Two toilets are maintained by Railways and three in the vicinity are maintained by Sulabh. The details are below: Table 8 General Scenario of Toilets in and around Bairagarh Railway station
Maintenance Pay and scheme Charges Attendants Duration Available for
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use
P.T 1
P.T 2
P.T 3
P.T 4
P.T 5
Railways
Railways
Sulabh
Sulabh
Sulabh
Nil
Nil
Rs. 5
Rs. 5
Rs. 5
1
0
1
1
1
24*7
24*7
6am-10pm
6am-10pm
6am-10pm
Railway passengers
Railway passengers
all
all
all
Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India Table 9 Facilities in and outside the Toilet in and around Bairagarh Railway station P.T 1
P.T 2
P.T 3
P.T 4
P.T 5
Around Public Toilet Access Toilet
to
Street Lights Isolation Signage's
Inside Public Toilet M
F
M
Universal Access
F
M
F
M
F
M
F
Seats
2
1
-
-
3
2
3
2
3
2
Urinals
-
-
1
1
4
-
4
-
4
-
Bathing Section
1
1
1
1
Wash basins
1
1
-
-
2
1
2
1
1
1
Availability of water
6. Conclusion: Based on the learnings from the case studies we identify the problems are manifold. It is identified that although the quality of services is better, affordability is a major hindrance for privately managed public toilets. This forces poor people to adopt the practice of open defecation irrespective of the associated danger of accidents and harassments. As an approach one of the major problems is importance on area specific approach which is also quite visible in Swachh Bharat Abhiyan guidelines (2014). Instead of adopting area specific approach, it is important to focus on user specific approach. The research shows the unequal rights to access the public toilet has gender as well as class attributes. Poor people adopts ad hoc approach to respond to their urgency of bodily rhythm. These are contingent arrangements through repetitive and habitual practices. These enable people to claim their rights to access basic services in the urban. These contingent arrangements open up possibilities of a new political space. This is a direct need driven mechanism through the appropriation of space. In this appropriation of space, people are active participants with direct engagement with space through every day spatial practices. This necessity for people arises from appropriateness and 14 | P a g e
Body Politics and Citizenship in Global South: A Case of Public Toilets in Bhopal City, India urgency. The elements of appropriateness and urgency relate to the broader conceptual framework of spatial and temporal. The element of urgency is not an impromptu, ambiguous solution rather a strategic radical mechanism through everyday spatial practices, through occupancy and non-hegemonic networks. The urgency (time) as a mechanism does not annihilate spatial practices. Space always bear the maneuvers of temporal mechanisms. Hence we propose, understanding of micro-politics of infrastructure in the postcolonial world requires new apparatus and methods which would define these radical mechanisms. Finally these radical democratic possibilities of connect to the discourse which is in Chatterjee’s (2011) term ‘political society’.
Acknowledgements: We would like to thank Gaurav Vaidya and Paulose Kuriakos for their valuable comments. Thanks also to School of Planning and Architecture, Bhopal for facilitating the research with its infrastructure. Finally we would like to thank our respondents who spend adequate time with us during the interview and focus group dicussion. The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this research. The author(s) received no financial support for conducting the research. The Open University, UK financially supports Raktim, for travelling and other logistics for the attendance of the conference.
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