As the grandmothers in this study cohabitated with their grandchildren, it was expected ... kinship system commonly are grandmothers or aunts, African American, not currently .... Even if he or she is not consciously aware of the ensuing thought ...... At first, I mean it's still kind of tough not having a job, having people help me.
ADOLESCENT MOTHERS' RELATIONSHIPS WITH THEIR MOTHERS: COMMUNICATION, SUPPORT AND SHARED CAREGIVING
BY CRAY MULDER B.A., Calvin College, 1995 M.S.W., Grand Valley State University, 1997
DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Social Work in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2009
Urbana, Illinois
Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Steve Anderson, Chair Associate Professor Mary Eamon Associate Professor Susan Cole Professor Reed Larson
UMI Number: 3363135
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© 2009 Cray Mulder
ABSTRACT This dissertation focused on parenting adolescent females who reside with their mothers. This research explored the nature of mother-grandmother relationships and how they evolved after an adolescent began parenting within a three generational household. Given the theoretical framework of role theory and the literature on the impacts of caregiving by grandparents, mother-daughter relationships, and adolescent development, this research explored the nature of mother-daughter relationships and how they changed after a teen began parenting. Research questions addressed included: how the tasks of parenting and grandparenting impacted adolescent mothers' relationships with their mothers, their parenting practices and the nature of their relationship with their mothers. The perceptions of mothers and grandmothers on the same issues were explored, as well as how grandmothers acted as caregivers for their daughters and grandchild(ren). Participants included twenty-six pairs of cohabitating adolescent mothers and their mothers, referred to as grandmothers. Mothers and grandmothers reported increased communication, with a focus on the grandchildren and parenting after the mother's initiation of parenting. Grandmothers also wanted to prepare mothers for independence and self-sufficiency through direct teaching and dialogue. Adolescent mothers relied on the grandmothers for financial, material and parenting support. Mothers and grandmothers accessed some formal services; usually services centered on parenting were the most highly regarded. Members of the working poor expressed frustration with rigid eligibility criteria and denial of services, especially for financial and material assistance. In response to caregiving, grandmother involvement ranged from minimal physical caregiving to a level of involvement approaching that of a co-parent. Given the relatively
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young ages of grandmothers in the sample, grandmothers in their forties expressed role enhancement in grandmotherhood via their activity levels and involvement with their grandchildren. This research offered increased insight into the experiences of three generational households, augmented by the inclusion of both mothers and grandmothers.
in
This dissertation is dedicated to the young women I met while working at Booth Family Services. Your courage and strength often amazed and inspired me and taught me a great deal about myself. You changed my life.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This project would not have been possible without the encouragement and guidance of my committee members, Drs. Steve Anderson, Mary Eamon, Susan Cole and Reed Larson. My sincere thanks to my academic advisor and committee chairperson, Steve Anderson. I value your diligent editing, thoughtful feedback and commitment to improving my writing. Your effort has greatly improved the quality of this work. Also thanks to Mary Eamon; I appreciate your continued support and advising throughout my duration in this Ph.D. program. In addition, Susan Cole and Reed Larson lent their time, support and encouragement to my work and to the completion of this dissertation process. Many thanks to my family and friends, who have provided support and encouragement during this long journey. My parents have encouraged my education throughout my life, especially at Oakdale Christian School. I appreciate your support. Thanks to my brother, Michael, who has offered support, comic relief and the greatest gift of all, his children. Thank you to the other doctoral students within the School of Social Work for the camaraderie, assistance, and, at times, commiseration. Finally, fond memories of John Timmerman, who would have been so proud of this accomplishment.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES
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CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION General Statement of Purpose Context of Adolescent Pregnancy and Parenting Consequences of Adolescent Parenting and Living in Three Generational Households Study Rationale Introduction to Research Questions Dissertation Organization
1 1 1 2 4 6 6
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Organizational Structure Theoretical Framework: Role Theory Consequences of Social Roles Adolescent Development and Teen Parenthood Parenting Literature: Mother-Daughter Relationships Literature Review Conclusion
8 8 8 10 21 28 33
CHAPTER 3: METHOD Research Questions Methods Participants Data Collection Data Analysis Plan
35 35 36 39 44 46
CHAPTER 4: RESULTS Findings Synthesis
50 108
CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION AND LIMITATIONS Discussion Limitations
110 110 125
CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION Implications Conclusion
127 127 147
REFERENCES
149
APPENDIX A: MOTHER'S HOUSEHOLD CHART
160
APPENDIX B: GRANDMOTHER'S HOUSEHOLD CHART
161
APPENDIX C: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL FOR MOTHERS
162
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APPENDIX D: INTERVIEW PROTOCOL FOR GRANDMOTHERS
165
AUTHOR'S BIOGRAPHY
174
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LIST OF TABLES Table
Page
1
MOTHERS'DEMOGRAPHICS
169
2
GRANDMOTHERS' DEMOGRAPHICS
170
3
FAMILY DEMOGRAPHICS
171
4
HOUSEHOLD DEMOGRAPHICS
172
5
SUPPORTS ACCESSED
173
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CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION
General Statement of Purpose This dissertation research considers the dynamics and family processes of three generational households that include an adolescent mother, her mother, and her child. Despite the depth of research that exists on the risk factors and consequences associated with teen parenting and the growing research on outcomes of grandparent caregiving, few studies have explored the experiences of such co-resident three generational households. This research explored the phenomena of parenting and grandparenting from the perspectives of both the adolescent mother and her mother through a theoretical lens of role theory, with the intent of understanding the nature and consequences of social roles in this context.
Context of Adolescent Pregnancy and Parenting Slightly more than half of all American teenagers have experienced sexual intercourse while still high school aged (Child Trends, 2002; U.S. Census, 2000). While nearly a third of all pregnancies in the United States occur outside of the marital relationship, the rate is even higher among teens (Child Trends, 2002; Sawhill, 2002). Contraceptive access and effective use, as well as declining rates of adolescent sexual activity, have led to a slight decrease in teenage pregnancy rates over the past few decades (Sawhill, 2002). These trends, however, have reversed recently, and national teen pregnancy rates in 2006 reached their highest level since the year 2000 (Child Trends, 2008).
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With respect to this study, teenage pregnancy and parenthood have become a feminized social problem. Women experience the pregnancy biologically, and according to longstanding gender roles are more likely to assume childrearing responsibilities than their male partners. Once parenting, adolescent mothers also tend to receive support from more sources than the fathers of their children. Often their mothers, the fathers' mothers, and service providers initiate assistance and education that may not be offered to or received by fathers (Dallas, Wilson & Salgado, 2000).
Consequences of Adolescent Parenting and Living in Three Generational Households Assumptions abound, sometimes supported by empirical research, that adolescent parents are inferior parents and will be poor throughout their lifetimes. Teenage parents have traditionally been less likely to finish high school or to marry, which has led to correlations between teen parenthood, single-parenthood, and poverty (Crockett, Raffaelli & Moilanen, 2003; Geronimus, 1997; Miller, Bayley, Christenson, Leavitt & Coyl, 2003; Pereira, Canavarro, Cardosa & Mendonca, 2005; Sawhill, 2002; Wertheimer & Moore, 1998). Adolescent mothers are more likely to experience financial strain and act as single parents early in the lives of their children (Larson, 2004). If adolescent mothers do marry, they are less likely to marry as well as other women of similar ages who did not become adolescent parents (Coley & Chase-Lansdale, 1998; McCullough & Scherman, 1991; Sawhill, 2002). Difficulties with later romantic relationships among teen parents ttranscends the United States; a study in Great Britian determined that teen mothers were more likely to form relationships with less educated or unemployed men (Ermisch & Pevalin, 2005). Teen parents are also more likely to have additional children before the 2
age of twenty, which adds to parental and financial responsibilities and may additionally compromise the ability to perform well in school or in a job or to marry well. Three generational households, which are discussed further in the literature review, include diverse populations (Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 1997). Given changing housing patterns and difficulties with accurate record keeping, an exact number of three generational households is not readily available (Gordon, 1999). However, research has shown that the adolescent mothers least likely to reside with a parent are older and married teens, as well as mothers from larger households (Gordon, 1999). Co-resident relationships involving grandparents and grandchildren often become long-term, lasting at least several years (Ruiz & Zhu, 2004). As a result of co-residence, mothers often receive greater emotional and parenting support and assistance when living with family members, because grandparents in three generational households regularly assist in caring for their co-resident grandchildren (Musil & Standing, 2005). Research on the impact of three generational households has been limited to date for all parties involved. In terms of family dynamics and functioning, adolescent mothers who reside in homes with lower levels of cohesion and higher levels of depression are at greater risk of psychological distress (Kalil, Spencer, Spieker & Gilchrist, 1998). Research on the behaviors of preschoolers discovered that children raised in three generational families where depression and maltreatment were present exhibited greater behavioral challenges than preschoolers whose young adult mother lived independently (Black et al., 2002). Although these findings are suggestive, the consequences of three generational co-residing relationships remain poorly understood for grandparents, mothers, and their children.
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Study Rationale With the rates of teen pregnancy rising again, large numbers of teens not cohabitating with their partners, and reduced access to financial assistance due to changing welfare policies, the number of three generational households within this population most likely will rise. Given the fluidity of housing situations, the hidden nature of this population, and the reality that adolescent mothers will become legal adults while parenting, exact numbers of three generational households are difficult to substantiate. Yet, little is known about this experience from the perspectives of either mothers or grandmothers. This study therefore sought to better understand both the positive and negative consequences of three generational living situations for teen mothers and grandmothers in the changing social welfare context. More specifically, the broader policy context in which many teen parents raise children was altered substantively by the implementation of new public welfare policies over the past decade. The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA), which became law (P.L. 104-193) in 1996, resulted in several notable welfare policy changes, including time limits on lifetime welfare recipients, greater work requirements, and the devolution of program development responsibilities from the federal government to the state level. Although PRWORA provided federal funding through block grants to the states, as well as a set of expectations for families receiving associated Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) services, it also incorporated flexibility in policy development by states (Anderson, Halter & Gryzlak, 2002; Geronimus, 1997; Nathan & Gais; 2001).
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The PRWORA policy contained two strategies designed to reduce the rates of teenage pregnancies: increased funding for abstinence-only sexual education programs and greater restriction to welfare funds for minor parents. The funding for abstinence-based sexuality education, designed to encourage youths to delay sexual intercourse, sought to reduce the risks of pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases. This controversial decision has received much attention (see, for example, Chavkin, 2001; Daley & Wong, 1999; Kempner, 2001). In terms of welfare receipt by minor parents, PRWORA policies introduced two requirements. First, a new housing requirement required parents under the age of 18 to reside with a parent or guardian unless legally emancipated. The minor's parent actually received the TANF funds on her behalf. This policy was intended to provide adolescents with a stable living environment, in residences with a support system to encourage teen parents to concentrate more effectively on short-term and long-term goals to better position themselves for self-sufficiency (Black et al., 2002; Collins, Stevens & Lane, 2000). A second premise consistent with the supervised living arrangement was to create a disincentive for teens who thought a pregnancy could lead to governmental financial support for independent living before they were ready to reside independently (Gordon, 1999; Wehr& Hook, 1985). The PRWORA policy also specifically required minor mothers to maintain full-time school attendance, and to be working towards either a high school diploma or General Educational Development (G.E.D.) certificate. Failure to comply with housing or educational requirements jeopardized the minor mother's status as a TANF recipient.
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Introduction to Research Questions This dissertation research investigated the experiences of three generational households that included both an adolescent mother and her mother, who I will refer to throughout as grandmothers. The research questions pertained to understanding the nature and quality of the mother-daughter relationships, from the perspectives of both mothers and grandmothers, including their communication, monitoring, and support. I also explored social supports available to both the mothers and grandmothers, as well as the strains associated with these living and caregiving relationships. In addition, the nature and experiences of role strain and role enhancement related to multi-generational living patterns were considered. Finally, the experiences and consequences of caregiving on the grandmothers were assessed. To address these research questions, I interviewed members of co-resident dyads of mothers and grandmothers about their experiences as mothers and their mother-daughter relationships. Participants were selected from a single urban area via non-random methods, largely via word of mouth and recruitment flyers. I interviewed mothers and grandmothers separately, for approximately ninety minutes each, about their experiences with parenting, caregiving, and utilization of social supports.
Dissertation Organization Following this introduction, Chapter 2 will review the literature that informed this study and its methods. It includes a summary of role theory and its implications, as well as a synthesis of research findings related to familial caregiving and insights into motherdaughter relationships related to adolescents and their mothers. Chapter 3 presents the
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research questions for the study, and the methods used to address these questions. Chapter 4 summarizes the findings of the interviews with the adolescent mothers and grandmothers, organized in response to the research questions. Chapter 5 then discusses the findings, as well as limitations of the study. Finally, Chapter 6 integrates the implications from this research and offers related recommendations and conclusions.
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CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Organizational Structure This chapter introduces role theory as a framework for studying caregiving within three generational families, and reviews previous research related to adolescent parenting and grandparenting. Given the lack of research on three generational households that include adolescent mothers and their children, this review highlights salient literature regarding both populations: the risks and consequences of adolescent parenthood and the demands and nature of grandparent caregiving. The grandparent caregiving literature stems from role theory and explores positive and negative consequences associated with grandparent caregiving responsibilities. However, much of this literature is derived from custodial grandparents, not grandparents heading three generational households. In terms of organizational structure, role theory, caregiving, and family roles specifically will be considered first. Research about adolescent parents, including human development tasks, is highlighted next to provide background information on this population. This material is specifically related to the roles that mothers and grandmothers assume. The final section assesses the literature on mother-daughter relationships involving adolescents and their mothers. Several topics related to adolescent pregnancy and parenting are discussed in this respect.
Theoretical Framework: Role Theory Role theory serves as a useful theoretical framework for considering many of the mother and grandmother caregiving aspects considered in this study. Family members
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typically adopt social roles within the family context, with related behaviors and expectations. Particularly with respect to three generational households, this research sought in-depth descriptions and deeper understandings of the experiences of mothers and grandmothers. Adolescent mothers within such three generational households simultaneously navigate the roles of mothers and daughters, and are expected to meet the demands of both roles. These roles, however, may not mesh smoothly and may at times conflict with each other. Families must adjust to the changes their members have experienced, as well as assisting children in understanding the different roles family members have undertaken (Johnson-Garner & Meyers, 2003). The following sections will highlight significant concepts within role theory, as well as possible associated role strains and enhancements. Role theory, utilized in a variety of disciplines, examines social relationships and roles individuals experience in different contexts (Davis, 1996). These relationships ultimately create and maintain social structures beyond the micro-level. In addition, roles and their correlating behaviors and expectations often influence how individuals view and feel about themselves (Turner, 1979). Roles also inform how we view others in society, based upon the roles they hold and their performance in those roles (Kite, Stockdale, Whitley & Johnson, 2005). Given the diversity in American society, the experiences in assuming and fulfilling different roles are likely impacted by characteristics such as race, ethnicity, gender, and social class (Forte, 1998). In social work practice, role theory has served as an important foundation for assessment and intervention purposes. For example, practitioners consider individual adjustment to social roles, because performance in these roles impacts a person's
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adaptation to social functioning (Blakely & Dziadosz, 2007). In family practice, social workers consider family members' roles, relationships among family members related to the roles they occupy, and how family members meet the demands of these roles (Fike, 1968). The same role-related issues pertain to other groups and organizations as well.
Consequences of Social Roles Individuals typically fill many roles and balance multiple roles in meeting their different responsibilities and demands. Difficulties with such multiple responsibilities frequently force individuals to make choices about their actions and lifestyles (Goode, 1960; Spencer-Dawe, 2005). With respect to caregiving, multi-tasking is a commonly employed strategy, but it may not be the most effective approach to balancing work and family responsibilities (Tiedje, 2004). Caregivers also are likely to experience consequences of roles differently, depending on factors such as their individual characteristics, family and work demands, the strain they feel, and the salience they feel (Scharlach, 2001). Notable concepts related to role theory include role enhancement, role strain, role conflict, role ambiguity, role overload, and role discontinuity (Davis, 1996). The outcomes of caregiving may vary greatly, ranging from role strain and caregiver burden to enhanced self-worth and competence in one's ability as a caregiver, depending on the prominence of these different aspects of role performance. The positive impact of caregiving, often labeled role enhancement, role saliency, or role importance, may combat role strain or otherwise serve a positive function (Noor, 2004). With good communication and mutual relationships, positive impacts from caregiving may be more
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pronounced (Sebern, 2005). On the other hand, role strain can occur when a person has opposing or disproportionate amounts of stress from multiple sources. This strain is especially common among female caregivers (Gordon & Perrone, 2004; Skalski, DiGerolamo, & Gigliotti, 2006). The following paragraphs describe negative consequences or strains associated with caregiving, based on the concepts of role theory. Each strain is followed by an example related to the population of interest. However, it should be noted that most literature in this area emphasizes grandparent experiences, rather than those of adolescent parents. The following discussion acknowledges that tendency in the literature, with a resulting goal of this dissertation being a better understanding of the adolescent parent's experiences. In terms of grandparents raising their grandchildren, the literature has highlighted three prominent risk factors for role strain: the timing of the role change, role ambiguity, and role conflict (Landry-Meyer & Newman, 2004). Role conflict defines the incongruities with prescribed role behaviors given the accompanying expectations of that role (Mui & Morrow-Howell, 1993). An unexpected transition usually hampered adjustment to the role of grandparent caregiver (Landry-Meyer & Newman, 2004). The authors found that a young grandparent age resulted in grandparent feelings of not being ready grandparenthood. Women generally become grandmothers after their children are grown and reside independently. Off-time initiation into the grandmother role has been associated with higher levels of difficulties in past research on grandparent caregivers (Bachman & Chase-Lansdale, 2005).
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Role ambiguity involves vagueness and uncertainty regarding the responsibilities and parameters of a role (Landry-Meyer & Newman, 2004). If grandparents assume legal custody of a grandchild, for example, their experiences in the grandmother role do not mesh with a typical grandparent role. A grandparent's raising of grandchildren as a custodial parent is perceived to be off time entry into a role, and consequently may generate additional stress for the grandparent (Minkler & Fuller-Thomson, 2000). Role overload involves the additional demands associated with a role, as well as barriers people face in meeting those demands (Mui & Morrow-Howell, 1993). Most of this literature considers how working women balance family responsibilities and career duties (Erdwins, Buffardi, Casper & O'Brien, 2001). Previous researchers have suggested the importance of accessing social supports for those coping with role strain. Securing support from multiple sources is often deemed as a valuable strategy (Erdwins et al., 2001). However, social supports do not necessarily reduce strain for caregivers in multiple roles (Rozario, Morrow-Howell, & Hinterlong, 2004). In fact, having multiple social support sources may be related to maintaining additional roles, which can contribute to role overload or strain. Nonetheless, Rozario et al. (2004) found that it may be beneficial for older caregivers to continue in or embrace new roles to compensate for caregiving demands. Involvement with other relationships may provide respite from the demands of caregiving in such cases. Ross & Aday's (2006) study of custodial, caregiving African American grandmothers explored social supports and resources grandmothers utilized, and it provides a useful illustration of the complexities involved in grandparent caregiving. Respondents voiced concerns in three general areas: for their grandchildren, themselves, and their children.
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These perspectives underscore the previously reported findings that grandparents feel connected to and navigate relationships between their children and grandchildren (Ross & Aday, 2006). Many respondents expressed hope that their children eventually would resume parenting. They worried about their own housing, income and finances, as well as about how they would readjust to the demands of parenting. This study also found that grandparents were under great stress, partially because of the perceived role exchanges they experienced with their adult children. That is, they acted as full-time parents for the grandchildren and their children only visited the grandchildren. Married and higher income grandparents reported higher stress levels than their counterparts. Participants reported grandmothers' spiritual beliefs, including faith and prayer, served as a coping mechanism (Ross & Aday, 2006)
Familial Caregiving Overview Familial caregiving can encompass caring for an elderly parent, a disabled spouse or a grandchild. While the amounts and types of caregiving can vary greatly, caregiving tends to be feminized, as traditionally women have assumed a disproportionate amount of household responsibilities (Roxburgh, 2005; Tiedje, 2004). One category of caregiving referenced in the literature is developmentally related caregiving, which includes adolescent mothers who are either unable or unwilling to live independently. These young women typically reside in three generational households, whereby they assume the role of mother and daughter simultaneously (Goodman, Potts, Pasztor & Scorzo, 2004). The adolescent mother assumes the responsibilities of
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motherhood, but typically depends on her mother for financial and emotional support (Krishnakumar & Black, 2003). Middle adulthood encompasses a significant time period, usually lasting several decades. Family roles assumed by women during this life stage might include breadwinner, parent, daughter, and possibly grandparent. According to a developmental model, middle-aged women possess assumptions about the roles they hold or think they should hold. Their actual experiences with respect to grandparenting, and related discrepancies from assumptions they may hold about grandparenting roles, are likely to influence the feelings that grandmothers hold about their lives and their adjustments to caregiving (Cooney & An, 2006). Grandparenting roles that deviate from normal societal grandparent expectations, such as those examined in this study, are likely to result in particular difficulties. This research explored grandparent caregiving patterns within three generational households. As the grandmothers in this study cohabitated with their grandchildren, it was expected that they would interact regularly with their grandchildren, even if they did not provide considerable assistance to the grandchild. Their greater physical proximity implied a greater quantity of interactions, if not significant supervision and caregiving.
Grandparent Caregiving In their research of grandparent caregiving, Fuller-Thomson & Minkler (2001) utilized a continuum with five levels of caregiving. These levels of care were directed towards families that did not reside in three generational households. The highest level of caregiving represented grandparents who had physical custody of their grandchildren.
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The other levels of care were labeled extensive, intermediate, occasional and noncaregivers. Extensive caregivers identified heavy and regular involvement without viewing themselves as the primary caregiver for the grandchild; they reported providing an average of thirty hours of childcare on a weekly basis. In contrast, non-caregiving grandparents did not provide regular childcare. The researchers found that younger and African American grandparents tended to be involved with more regular childcare (Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2001). In another study of grandmothers, who ranged from minimal contact to co-resident status, findings indicated that grandmothers who provided more frequent care also expressed higher associated stress levels (Musil & Standing, 2005). These grandmothers also felt that their caregiving impacted other aspects of their lives more significantly. Most research on grandparent caregiving focuses on the needs and experiences of custodial grandparents, especially grandparents affiliated with the child welfare system. Grandparents may become custodial caregivers via a formal or informal kinship care arrangements. In terms of the child welfare system, beginning in the late 1970's governmental policies have favored relative placements rather than out-of-home foster care placements for children who have been abused and neglected (Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2000; Strozier, Elrod, Belier, Smith & Carter, 2004). Relative caregivers in the kinship system commonly are grandmothers or aunts, African American, not currently married, and economically disadvantaged (Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2000). Kinship care providers encounter a variety of tasks in caring for children; for example, they are often involved with educational systems, behavioral issues, and financial and material needs (Scannapieco & Hegar, 2002). Early kinship care research determined that
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despite financial challenges, grandparents desired to continue their caregiving relationship rather than pursue non-relative placements (Davidson, 1997). The behavioral and emotional challenges of the children being cared for often create stress for the caregiver (Linsk & Mason, 2004). Grandparents also reported anger and frustration at their own children for not parenting their grandchildren (Davidson, 1997). Researchers have attributed increases in grandparent caregiving to parental substance abuse and HIV/ AIDS (Burnette, 1997; Goodman, Potts, Pasztor & Scorzo, 2004). In a study of rural grandparents raising their grandchildren, Kropf and Robinson (2004) identified three different routes to this circumstance. These included households that were previously three generational housing circumstances, but in which the parent: or middle generation; left the family home for some reason. In an incremental approach grandparents initially attempted to prevent the parent's departure, but eventually assumed primary care of the grandchild. Finally, for some grandparents, crisis situations led to the parents' departure from caregiving (Kropf & Robinson, 2004). Grandparent assumption of childrearing tasks can both preserve the family line and incorporate relationships amongst members of all three generations: grandparents, parents and grandchildren (Goodman & Silverstein, 2001). The nature and quality of these relationships then influence the experiences of all three generational members, as well as the caregiving outcomes of grandparents. Although grandchildren have received a fair amount of scholarly attention, grandmothers and parents in three generational households have received less attention to date (Gordon, 1999). In three generational households with adult children and co-resident grandchildren, the adult parents frequently have experienced social, economic, and
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emotional challenges. Such obstacles sometimes are accompanied by substance abuse problems. These parents often report compromised relationships with both their children and parents as a result of their life circumstances and choices (Ruiz & Zhu, 2004).
Grandparent Caregiving Consequences In considering the meaning of the grandparent role, Neugarten & Weinstein (1964) found that acting as a grandparent enables positive feelings and enhancements for many, but presents strain and discomfort for others. Subsequent studies have confirmed both positive and negative impacts associated with grandparent caregiving, which may result partially from the considerable variations in caregiving involvement that grandparents have. Especially when grandparents, usually grandmothers, have assumed a custodial role of their grandchildren, the emotions surrounding the role change have often been complex and at times contradictory (Kolomer, 2008). The strains of caregiving can be both physical and emotional. Strains are likely to be influenced by the family situation, availability of resources, the relationship between parents and grandparents, and any additional needs of the grandchildren (Engstrom, 2008). Grandparents also may be at greater risk of negative consequences of caregiving as they age (Caputo, 1999). Older caregivers are more likely to experience depression and greater limitations on physical activities and mobility, including activities of daily living (Fitzgerald, 2001; Fuller-Thomson & Minkler, 2000; Grinstead, Leder, Jensen & Bond, 2003; Kropf & Burnette, 2003; Stetz & Brown, 2004; Takahashi, Tanaka & Miyaoka, 2005; Waldorp, 2003). Social opportunities also may be restricted, although caring for grandchildren may offer a form of camaraderie (Kropf & Burnette, 2003).
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Caregiving grandparents also may experience financial consequences in terms of uncompensated childcare provision. Because of their close familial ties, grandparents typically share a higher commitment to the children in care than traditional childcare providers do. They often receive minimal compensation, but choose to provide care for their grandchildren to better support the parents or because they believe that they are the best caregiver for the children (Jendrek, 1994). While this sense of commitment may result in grandchildren spending more time with these grandmothers, the lack of adequate financial compensation may create additional stress (Culp, Culp, Noland & Anderson, 2006).
Policy and Service Issues Associated with Grandparent Caregiving Grandparent caregivers often find themselves in crisis situations that require immediate attention and custody arrangements, and they thus have little time for preparation and transition from a traditional grandparent role to a full-time caregiver role (Letiecq, Bailey & Porterfield, 2008). Given the larger role that caregiving grandparents play in the lives of their children and grandchildren, they typically may need greater emotional, material and physical support than other caregivers (Dellmann-Jenkins, Blankemeyer & Olesh, 2002). In a study of custodial grandparents, Landry-Meyer's (1999) participants noted seven common caregiver needs, which included social outlets, health concerns of grandparents and grandchildren, and childcare arrangements. Related to their familial situations, respondents discussed service accessibility issues and the need for legal clarity regarding their roles and long-term plans for the grandchildren's futures (Landry-Meyer, 1999).
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Recommended intervention strategies included targeting services directly towards grandparent caregivers, and improving service accessibility. A grandmother's coping skills and access to social support can decrease strains related to caregiving (Engstrom, 2008). For example, in a study of 133 caregiving grandparents, Gerard, Landry-Meyer & Roe (2006) found that the greatest benefits in alleviating caregiving stress were achieved by formal supports and programs. Yet, many grandparents did not take full advantage of available services. Furthermore, a greater presence of informal supports within this sample did not significantly shield stress (Landry-Meyer, Gerard & Guzell, 2005). In a study of low-income co-resident grandparents, Caputo (2000) similarly discovered that available services were not accessed adequately by families. Many families had difficulties in acquiring services and financial assistance, and custodial grandparents in this study also wrestled with understanding their legal rights and service options. Those with legal custody of their grandchildren were often more connected with services than other grandparents, and have been shown in previous research to typically be parenting children with greater needs (Goodman, Potts & Pasztor, 2007). The presence of internal and external supports, including those available through community programs, serve as factors that promote well-being and decrease stress among caregiving grandparents (Sands, Goldberg-Glen & Thornton, 2005). Although the services available and accessed vary, social workers can pursue several strategies to foster service utilization. Because social supports have been shown to buffer caregivers from stresses associated with caregiving, intervention strategies frequently involve facilitating relationships and developing social support networks (Kelch-Oliver, 2008). In
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the provision of services for caregiving grandparents, group modalities and case management have been common approaches (Kolomer, 2008). Support groups likewise serve as an important intervention, and have been shown to be beneficial in terms of impacting the health of grandparent caregivers (Leder, Grinstead & Torres, 2007).
Caregiving Literature Summary and Limitations At a time when many mothers work outside of the home in addition to meeting their familial responsibilities, role strain is not uncommon in mothers with young children. As a result, most of the role strain literature concerning parenting considers how working women balance family responsibilities and career duties (Erdwins, Buffardi, Casper & O'Brien, 2001). This body of research has focused on working Caucasian women who typically reside with a partner (Morris & Coley, 2004). This sampling strategy has underrepresented racially diverse groups, as well as families in lower social classes and women without partners who assist them financially. Pressures in these groups may be different. In contrast to research concerning role strain on mothers, the literature on grandparents raising grandchildren has emphasized the presence of African American grandmothers. This stems from the relatively high incidence of such relative caregivers, especially within the kinship care system. Neither body of literature has adequately examined the impacts of three generational households on the experiences of mothers and grandmothers. This dissertation research sought to better understand the roles experienced, as well as related strains and enhancements, on household members. I considered how multi-generational cohabitation and shared caregiving impacted familial
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relationships, particularly between adolescent mothers and their mothers. Adolescent mothers, and the demands associated with this phenomenon, are examined in the next section, with an emphasis on appropriate developmental tasks.
Adolescent Development and Teen Parenthood A grounding in developmental theory and tasks can help contextualize typical developmental journeys and the roles that adolescent mothers assume. This also allows a comparison between expected, "normal" human developmental tasks and the developmental paths that teen mothers undertake when they reside with their mothers. The manner in which the tasks of parenting fit within the tasks of human development is one component in the life course perspective (Burton, Dilworth-Anderson & Merriweafher-deVries, 1994). According to Erikson (1980), adolescence is the transitional period between childhood and adulthood when teenagers develop their independent identity. Young adulthood facilitates maturing romantic relationships and deeper social commitments (Schriver, 2001). Related to this research, entry into roles at other than the usual times affects both mothers and grandmothers. Women in the United States typically become mothers as adults, rather than as adolescents, which is likely to create role ambiguities and related conflicts (Davis, 1996). Yet, the specific ways in which residing in three generational households affects the adolescent mother's development and performance in the social roles they inhabit are poorly understood. As discussed in previous sections, human development issues have clear importance in understanding the broad caregiving context of the current study. This section reviews
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selected human development research related to adolescents. After introducing developmental tasks, risk factors for pregnancy and teen parenthood are discussed to provide an orientation to one of the study populations. Then, the impact of culture and ethnicity are explored as related to adolescent sexuality. Since the role strain literature primarily emphasizes the experiences of grandmothers, literature related to role strain will not be presented here.
Adolescent Development Overview Both individual and environmental influences impact adolescent parenthood and the roles that adolescent mothers assume. Young adults become progressively more accustomed to interacting with a broader spectrum of individuals, groups, and organizations while managing expectations from family, friends, significant others, and societal norms. Teens must learn to navigate new roles and responsibilities and to make significant decisions that can affect the course of their lives. Although adolescence is a period of rapid physiological, social, cognitive and psychological changes, a young person establishes coping and affiliating patterns over time. Adolescents typically seek greater independence from parents in young adolescence, while they often experience greater connectedness to parents as they transition to adulthood (Pinquart & Silbereisen, 2002). In terms of maternal relationships, adolescents pursue greater autonomy and independence, while still learning to remain connected to their mothers. Although adolescent parents manage some responsibilities typically associated with adulthood, they also continue to navigate the developmental processes associated with
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young adulthood (Sadler et al., 2007). Establishing independence, transitioning to greater self-sufficiency through work and school, pursuing stronger peer relationships, exploring romantic relationships, and separation from parents are hallmarks of such adolescent developmental tasks (Fulmer, 1999). Teenagers begin navigating extra responsibilities, with greater accountability for their actions as they prepare for adulthood.
Cognitive Developmental Tasks Adolescent reasoning involves judgment and decision-making, ideally after processing options and weighing alternatives (Keating, 2004). Piaget's (1972) stage of formal operations, which usually occurs in the mid-teen years, reflects the growing capability for analytic thinking and hypothesis testing. Teenagers, unlike younger children, are increasingly capable of abstract thought and predicting consequences. This assessment of one's options, including possible fallout, allows a young person to conduct an informal cost-benefit analysis. Even if he or she is not consciously aware of the ensuing thought process, the adolescent may consider immediate and long-term prospects in determining a course of action. In the context of parenting, cognitive abilities impact an adolescent mother as she faces critical, ongoing parenting decisions that have short and long-term consequences.
Relationship Developmental Tasks As youth discover the passion and intensity in romantic relationships, their partners become progressively more important in their lives. Experiences in romantic relationships create an opportunity for physical and emotional intimacy. Dating
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experiences may vary tremendously in adolescent relationships, from being minimal to intense, from being loving and nurturing to confrontational and volatile (Bouchey & Furman, 2003). The patterns and relationships established during adolescence also may foreshadow future intimate relationships (Bouchey & Furman, 2003). Compared to adolescents who have already had sex, virgins have reported feeling significantly less pressure to become sexually active (Nahom, Wells & Rogers, 2001). While some adolescents may remain involved in long-term relationships, others may experience briefer relationships. Youth who become sexually active with multiple partners during their teen years not only face increased risk of pregnancy or exposure to disease (Hoveil et al., 1994), but also may be establishing a pattern for future relationships. Adolescent mothers must adapt to the demands of motherhood, even while facing other responsibilities and developmental milestones. In terms of romantic relationships, as discussed earlier, adolescent mothers often do not remain in committed relationships with the fathers of their children. Despite physical readiness for sexual intercourse, adolescents may not be emotionally and psychologically prepared for the consequences of physical intimacy (Gordon, 1996; Schaughnessy & Shakesby, 1992). Youth may not foresee the physical or emotional consequences of their actions, especially if the sexual activity was unplanned. Emotional impacts of sex might include not only pleasure, excitement and closeness, but also potentially uncertainty, self-doubt, or fear of rejection. In fact, the argument has been made that some adolescent girls may be using sex as a means to achieve intimacy, without necessarily anticipating the differences between physical and emotional intimacy in relationships (Coley & Chase-Lansdale, 1998).
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Risk Factors for Pregnancy: Understanding the Study Population This overview provides an introduction to the teen parent population upon which this dissertation focuses. The material provided also highlights risk factors for adolescent pregnancy, from the individual, family, and community levels. This body of research not only contextualizes common experiences of adolescent mothers, but also informed the methods used in the current study, as will be discussed in Chapter 3. Upon review of the existing literature on psychological processes related to adolescent pregnancy and parenting, Coley and Chase-Lansdale (1998) reported that adolescent females raised in poverty and having lower educational aspirations were more likely to become pregnant than their contemporaries. One longitudinal study, which examined precursors to teenage or early pregnancy via a sample of middle school youth, found several factors that predicted early pregnancies (Gest, Mahoney & Cairns, 1999). Low academic and peer success, as well as lower socioeconomic status were found to be prominent in this respect (Gest et al., 1999). Early high school dropout rates and parenthood were also moderately correlated for the youth in this study; however, many of the same underlying factors predicted both of these outcomes, although discontinuing one's education typically preceded pregnancy. The youth at highest risk of pregnancy before the age of twenty-four were older than their peers in classroom settings, reported higher rates of aggression, lower socioeconomic status, and lower academic performance and popularity among peers (Gest et al., 1999). Using qualitative interviews to explore the risk factors of pregnancy, Kivisto (2001) interacted with parenting adolescent mothers and sexually active adolescent females. The comparison group of non-parents, which was recruited from the same local clinic,
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revealed more goals and interests and greater ambition for their futures. The mothers typically had become sexually active at a younger age, had less social support in their lives, and were more likely to have other adolescent mothers in their social networks. They also were less articulate in describing themselves and their lives. In addition, the adolescent mothers uniformly did not expect the fathers of their children to marry them, or even necessarily to remain partnered with them. Family level risk factors that have been found to be associated with an adolescent pregnancy include mothers with low educational attainment, mothers who gave birth themselves at a young age, and strained mother-daughter relationships (Raneri & Wiemann, 2007). In addition, having more than one sister who became a teen mother results in escalated risk for pregnancy and more accepting attitudes towards sexual behavior and pregnancy (East & Kiernan, 2001). Less parental monitoring and supervision, parental experience with teenage pregnancy, and difficulties with school and peers are associated with earlier sexual initiation and higher risk behaviors (Pereira, Canavarro, Cardosa & Mendonca, 2005). For example, in a sample of adolescents, young women who reported an absence of parental support tended to seek relationships with romantic partners. Sexual exploration usually accompanied those relationships, placing the young women at greater risk for pregnancy (Whitbeck, Hoyt, Miller & Kao, 1992). Using data from the National Survey of Family Growth, Cooksey, Rindfuss and Guilkey (1996) found that parents, religion, or commitment to other groups generated a later sexual initiation or use of birth control, but not both. Teens whose mothers had greater levels of education, as well as teens who resided in two-parent homes, were more likely to engage in sexual intercourse at a later age.
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Communities harboring high rates of poverty and single parent households report higher frequencies of adolescent pregnancies and parents (Coley and Chase-Lansdale 1998). Such communities also generally report higher drop out rates, higher rates of vandalism, higher levels of alcohol consumption, and greater risk of crime and vandalism (Hill & Angel, 2005; Kirby, 2002), so the community factors that are most influential in affecting adolescent pregnancy later are difficult to entangle. At any rate, neighborhood influences are likely to affect the norms and values for youth and young adults being raised in poor, urban communities, and the schools in these communities likely reflect the communities that house them. Neighborhoods with fewer resources also are likely to offer fewer opportunities (Roche et al., 2005).
Race, Ethnicity, and Cultural Factors In terms of unplanned pregnancies and fertility, the majority group in a society tends to subject other groups to its values and beliefs (Geronimus, 2003). For example, adolescent pregnancy is viewed as a social problem, rather than as the healthy way of life that it may have been considered in earlier generations. Correspondingly, the majority group is not subjected to the norms or values associated with pregnancy and parenting held by minority groups (Edin & Kefelas, 2007; Geronimus, 2003), and consequently societal beliefs and standards typically have not encompassed the diversity reflected in our population. The increased risk of HIV and teenage childbearing among racial minorities has focused greater attention on understanding the intricacies of diverse cultures in order to provide more effective prevention (Gallant, 2004). Cultural influences, in terms of race
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and ethnicity, provide a set of norms and values that may either be congruent with or different from the dominant culture or may differ from mainstream norms. Without discounting the role of one's personal background, a person's cultural or racial identity may impact their lifestyle, the customs they embrace, and the perception of their family systems (McGoldrick & Giordano, 1996). For example, some cultures may be more resistant to adolescents living independently, and others may provide greater intergenerational support systems (Arnett, 2001). Adolescent pregnancy correlations with race and ethnicity are frequently reported, yet such correlations may oversimplify the effect of racial culture in relation to teen pregnancy. For instance, higher single parenting and poverty rates have been documented within the African American population (Coley & Chase-Lansdale, 1998). Single parenthood does not, however, necessarily indicate a lack of familial support, as extended families may assist with parenting responsibilities and offer both financial and emotional support (Geronimus, 1997).
Parenting Literature: Mother-Daughter Relationships The third and final substantive section of this literature review involves research on the relationships between mothers and daughters. Family relationships are likely to inform a teen's attitudes, knowledge and values related to sexuality, relationships, morality, and adolescent parenting. Such impacts may be either positive or negative. For example, previous research has found that close familial relationships, parental support, and positive mother-daughter relationships can serve as protective factors to postpone sexual initiation, and can reduce the threat of adolescent pregnancy due to less frequent
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sexual activity and more effective contraceptive use (Lederman & Mian, 2003; Meschke, Barfholomae, & Zentall, 2000). In contrast, conflict and communication difficulties can hinder mother-daughter relationships. Excessive monitoring, often perceived as control, can be a risk factor for teen pregnancy, as discussed later. Several key elements have received scholarly attention in the research on relationships between adolescent daughters and their mothers. For example, the amount and nature of time spent together, communication between both parties, parental monitoring and problem solving strategies serve as critical relationship dynamics (Krishnakumar & Black, 2003; Mounts, 2007; Raneri & Wiemann, 2007; Smith & Kerpelman, 2002). Insights into family functioning also have been gained through the examination of various aspects of family life, including routines, habits, and typical activities (SmithBattle, 2005). This approach allows the researcher to gain a sense of the family's functioning and normal way of life. These relationship aspects have received considerable research attention, and were important in conceptualizing the current study, as will be discussed further in the methods section. In terms of the relationships between adolescent mothers and their mothers, maternal competence may enhance the adolescent mother's ability to cope with the stresses she faces, both at the interpersonal and intra-personal levels (Sadler et al., 2007). Research has found that adolescent mothers who feel little family support and report distance from their mothers are more likely to become pregnant again (Raneri & Wiemann, 2007). In addition, criticism of parenting skills by their parents has been associated with greater stress among adolescent mothers (Larson, 2004). Such stresses can be compounded by facing the simultaneous challenges of adolescence and adulthood (Larson, 2004).
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In the parenting literature generally, and more specifically with respect to sexuality, several parenting tasks commonly receive attention. These include psychological and behavioral control and support, monitoring, and discipline (Plunkett, Williams, Schock, & Sands, 2007; Stoltz, Barber & Olsen, 2005). Researchers have also examined conflict, dominance and autonomy in mothers and their adolescent children (Branje, 2008; Lundell, Grusec, McShane, & Davidov, 2008). These issues are often considered in terms of internalizing and externalizing behaviors, as well as with reference to positive outcomes such as self-esteem. The following sections will explore these research domains in more depth.
Communication Communication, frequently referenced as an important facet of mother-daughter relationships, tends to focus on the nature of disclosures made by youth and the associated monitoring by parents. Less studied is the impact of maternal disclosures on the youth. In a study of divorced mothers and their adolescent daughters, maternal expressions of financial strain and negative feelings towards their fathers caused psychological stress for adolescent daughters (Koerner, Jacobs and Raymond, 2000). In addition, relations with the father of the grandchild may be a stressor for both parties. In three generational households, grandmothers often provide the role modeling for the adolescent mothers. Daughters in families in which their mothers helped facilitate positive relationships with the father of their children reported better relationships with these men (Krishnakumar & Black, 2003).
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The research on parent-child communication related to sexuality has generated mixed findings, with most of the research being centered on mothers rather than fathers. The emphasis on maternal relationships and communication may reflect the greater likelihood that mothers will be present, or the assumption that mothers are more expressive and better able to communicate than fathers. Nonetheless, several studies have assessed the roles of fathers. For example, (Baldwin & Baranowski, 1990) found that fathers in cohesive and adaptable families reported greater involvement in their offspring's sexuality education and better familial communication in general, resulting in greater paternal impact. In addition, parental disapproval of sexual intercourse, especially by fathers, has been shown to be a deterrent for sexual activity. The timing and quantity of these discussions are both influential (Meschke et al., 2000). Fathers play a pivotal role in sexuality communication, especially if the timing is appropriate (Clawson & ReeseWeber, 2003). Although these studies reveal the importance of the fathers, the larger body of research favors the role and presence of mothers in parenting processes. More explicit communication about sexuality has predicted earlier sexual initiation, a larger number of partners, and more sexual behaviors. Teens and their parents often report discrepancies in communication about sexuality. For example, in interviews with parents and adolescents, Fitzharris & Werner-Wilson (2004) discovered differing perceptions with respect to both the subject matter discussed and the frequency of discussions about sexuality. Parents felt that their conversations were more thorough and ongoing than the youth in the study reported. At any rate, increased knowledge by teens regarding sexuality also has been found to be associated with higher frequencies of sexual actions (Somers & Paulson, 2000).
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In a qualitative study of African American and Latino families in New York City, urban adolescent females and their mothers were interviewed in separate focus groups (O'Sullivan, Meyer- Bahlburg & Watkins, 2001). The researchers concluded that mothers felt they expressed the responsibilities concerning sexual involvement to their daughters, and also provided warnings of the seriousness of sexual behavior and related repercussions. The mothers often focused on disease and pregnancy prevention, with Latina mothers more likely to report a focus on their daughters' romantic relationships. Daughters reported that they assured their mothers about their goals, and they typically prioritized educational or vocational goals above sexual relationships (O'Sullivan et al., 2001). The focus groups also revealed that mothers tended to demand practical monitoring details, such as who their daughters were involved with and what that involvement consisted of, while daughters revealed that they did not readily share that information with their parents.
Parental Monitoring Parental monitoring involves direct and indirect supervision of a child. This can include determining a child's whereabouts and safety, as well as direct observation of a child's behavior and interactions. A causal relationship between parental monitoring and control and sexual activity has not been decisively determined in the literature. Parental monitoring, including the application of rules and restrictions, often decreases risky sexually behaviors (Roche et al., 2005). Research findings likewise suggest that more restrictive monitoring is associated with later initiation of sexual intercourse and fewer
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partners, although daughters who felt that monitoring was actually controlling were more likely to experience sexual activity (Meschke, et al., 2000). Parental behavior may not always reflect parental intentions; parents who are under many stresses or with limited time may struggle in meeting their parental responsibilities. One possible deterrent to parental monitoring, which affects many families, is the decrease in supervision created by single parent families and two-parent families with dual incomes (Monahan, 2001). Single parents may be particularly vulnerable to the pressures of being the primary financial and emotional caregiver for the family, while simultaneously trying to meet their own individual needs. As a result, youth raised by single parents or in dual income families may spend more time unsupervised after school, possibly allowing the time and space for sexual encounters. Parents consumed with their own problematic behaviors likewise may not adequately monitor their children. For example, in a study of adolescents being raised by substance abusing parents, teenage daughters revealed higher rates of sexual activity and greater risk for pregnancy (Chandy, Harris, Blum & Resnick, 1994). Although not explicitly addressed by the study, it is likely that parental monitoring in such families may be more limited than in other families.
Literature Review Conclusion Adolescent mothers, especially when they reside with their mothers, negotiate the demands of motherhood with the realities of daughterhood. They are impacted by their relationships with their mothers in many ways, including through communication, monitoring and parental support. The mothers of adolescent mothers, who reside with
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their daughters and grandchild, often experience the multiple demands of parenting and providing financially and emotionally for their household members. Caregiving at times may cause role enhancement, but also may initiate role strain and stress. The literature, which has examined the experiences and risks factors of teen mothers and their mothers, as well as impacts of the roles they inhabit, has laid the foundation for this dissertation research.
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CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY
Research Questions This research explored how adolescent mothers, who were learning a new role of motherhood, adapted to the responsibilities they faced, while still in residence with their mothers. This research examined the following aspects of life for teen mothers: an understanding of three generational households which include minor mothers, social supports for mothers and grandmothers, and caregiving role strains and enhancements for grandmothers in this situation. This research also considered how this cohabitation affected the mother/ daughter relationship. Related to this, this research assessed how their relationship changed after the arrival of the grandchild, including what strains childrearing placed on the grandmother and the mother. These responses may have reflected role strain or role saliency and may have been related to the grandmother's involvement in caring for her grandchildren. During the course of this research I examined these issues from the perspectives of both the teen mothers and their mothers. For greater clarity, the adolescent mother will be referred to as the mother and her mother will be labeled as grandmother. Although their presence was recognized and they were discussed briefly during the interviews, the grandchildren themselves were not directly interviewed or even necessarily interacted with during the course of this research. This research instead focused on the dynamics and relationships between mothers and grandmothers and their childrearing experiences.
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Research Questions for the Mother- Daughter Dyads: 1) What is the nature and quality of the mother-daughter relationships, including their communication, monitoring, dominance, and support, from both the perspectives of the mothers and grandmothers? 2) What have been participants' experiences in three generational households (descriptive)? 3) What social supports are in place for mothers and grandmothers? 4) What role strains and role enhancements have occurred due to the multigenerational living patterns? How has caregiving affected the lives of grandmothers? How has this impacted the motherhood and grandmotherhood experiences?
Methods Sampling Minor mothers are more likely to cohabitate with their mothers based upon welfare reform policies and the financial restraints young parents face in living independently. The living arrangement and school requirements intended specifically for minor parents by PRWORA policy require parents under the age of eighteen to live with a parent or guardian if they receive welfare assistance from the government. By seeking cohabitating dyads, the mothers and grandmothers sampled remained in close physical proximity, even if they were emotionally distant or conflicted. I also believed cohabitating mothers and daughters were more likely to fulfill multiple roles simultaneously, such as daughter, mother, student, employee, romantic partner and others. Grandmothers may be more likely to be more involved in the caregiving of their grandchildren if they live together. Depending on the grandchild's age and the mother's adjustment to parenting, familial relationships may be under great stress. Cohabitating teens may also be monitored differently by their mothers than older teens who live independently. It may be easier to access dyads that are both willing to participate if they reside together.
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According to census data for Kent County, Michigan, the population of almost 600,000 is predominantly white (78%), with 9.5% Black and 8.9% Hispanic populations (U.S. Census Bureau, 2005). In terms of economic status, the median household income in 2004 was $47,821, although 11.5% of the county's residents lived below the poverty line (U.S. Census Bureau, 2005). According to the American Community Survey, within Kent County 8,572 grandparents reported living with a grandchild. Over half of those were white (55.4%) and a fifth (21.2%) were Black (U.S. Census Bureau, 2005). Almost seventy percent (69.9%) were female grandparents, which resonated with national trends (U.S. Census Bureau, 2005). These households also had a higher rate of living below the poverty line (23.4%) compared to other household types in Kent County (U.S. Census Bureau, 2005). Over the course of five months, from November, 2007 through March, 2008,1 interviewed 26 pairs of mothers and grandmothers, recruited through local alternative schools that provide programs for teen mothers, local clinics, and support programs for teen parents. Twenty-six pairs were selected to offer, ideally, descriptions into the lives of mothers and grandmothers who reside together and navigate the social roles they inhabit. A sample of this size did not offer complete saturation, but offered overlapping themes while providing variation as well. Given potential challenges in locating and securing permission of the grandmothers and mothers, the recruitment of twenty-six pairs was pragmatically feasible. It was expected that some grandmothers would be resistant to discussing their parenting and grandparenting practices, especially if they assumed different social characteristics, such as race, education and social class than myself; however, this did not seem to be a deterrent in the interview process.
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In terms of demographic characteristics, clientele of the schools and community agencies used to recruit participants tended to be of lower socioeconomic status. The races represented were primarily African American, European American and Latina. The programs utilized to recruit participants primarily served young women. Although I have acted as a social worker for adolescent parents, for this research I did not interview any persons who were previously known to me. Upon initiation of contact by the mother or grandmother, I met with first the grandmother, then the mother. The grandmother consented to the interview and provided parental permission. The mother assented to the interview process before any data was collected. Only pairs where both members of the dyad agreed to participate were interviewed for this research. All participants completed one interview session, lasting one to two hours, and were paid $20.00 following each interview.
Eligibility Factors for Participants Rather than implementing rigid eligibility criteria for participants, this descriptive study sought a diverse sample. Teen mothers who had primary custody of their children and their mothers were eligible for participation. Given the desire to examine motherdaughter relationships, developed over a lifetime, legal guardians were excluded from this research. The grandmother's relationship status, whether she was married, single or cohabitating, did not exclude her, nor did family structure, such as the mother's birth order, the presence of other siblings or other grandchildren, or other members of the household. For example, the mother being interviewed in this project was not always the parent of the first grandchild in the family. The entire family system did not always share
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a household. During data collection participants were asked to identify family and household members for clarification and documentation purposes. The eligibility criteria did not stipulate the number of children an adolescent mother may have parented, however, each of the mothers interviewed only parented a single child. The mothers interviewed were adolescent mothers, who resided with their mothers, and whose oldest child was three years or younger. Participants were asked to reflect upon events that occurred prior to and following a pregnancy. Given the life changing nature of pregnancy and parenthood, the time limit of three years since the grandchild's birth was chosen to limit the effects of recall, although this cannot be controlled for entirely. Questions about specific events were limited for this reason as well. A maximum age requirement of three years meant that the children did not attend school full-time, although some attended daycare programs. Children under the age of three require greater supervision and attention; if the adolescent resided with her mother they were both likely to spend significant amounts of time with the child.
Participants Recruitment The recruitment of participants occurred primarily in three phases. In each phase I distributed flyers and information to professionals, who then shared my contact information and the project description with potential participants. In November I contacted several local alternative schools and a parenting program that operated out of several sites in different neighborhoods across Kent County. From these contacts twelve dyads initiated participation. Prior to the December holidays recruitment slowed. In
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January I contacted a variety of programs that work with teen parents, including clinics, parenting programs and social work agencies. Through this recruitment I secured another six dyads. After recruitment again lost momentum I again contacted programs that had previously provided referrals, as well as a couple of new agencies and services. In February and March I located and interviewed the final eight pairs. Upon recruiting through various agencies and social service programs, eleven mothers initiated contact for this study, six grandmothers pursued participation and nine pairs were located through community referrals. Seven of the pairs learned of the study through an alternative school setting, six received information from parenting classes, one pair obtained study information from a local clinic, four others were received from community postings and the remaining eight pairs learned of the study from various community services and social workers.
Demographics Participants of this study ranged in age from 15 to 19 years for mothers and 31 to 58 years for grandmothers. The mean age for mothers was 16.5 years and the grandmothers' mean age was 42.9 years. Twenty-four of the mothers gave birth at the age of seventeen or younger, thus being minor mothers. Mothers' ages at the times of their children's birth extended from fifteen and under (n = 11) to sixteen and over (n = 15). Seven of the grandmothers reported an age between 31 and 39, fifteen were in their forties, and the two remaining were over fifty years of age. All of the mothers were parenting only a single child. The grandchildren ranged in age from newborn (n = 2) to two and a half (n =
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2). The mean age of the grandchild was ten months. Ten of the grandchildren were over the age of twelve months, while sixteen were under twelve months of age. The status and involvement of the grandchild's father was also related to the mother's situation and experiences with parenting. Mothers depicted diverse levels of contact, from cohabiting (n = 3) to uninvolved (n = 7). Two of the uninvolved fathers were incarcerated at the time of the interview and had not had contact since the birth of their children. For detailed demographics for mothers and grandmothers, please see tables 1 and 2 in the appendix.
Family Structure Twenty-four of the grandmothers were biological grandmothers, while the other two were blood relatives who had raised the mothers since birth. In the first circumstances the mother's biological mother died while her daughter was a toddler; a biological, maternal aunt adopted the mother at that time. In the second case the great grandmother evicted the grandmother from her home when she became an adolescent mother herself. The great grandmother then raised the mother exclusively herself and she was the grandmother interviewed for this study. Eleven of the families, nearly half, were headed by a single parent. The remaining families were headed by two parents, but not necessarily by two biological parents if the mother in this study. The mothers were asked to identify their perceptions of parental involvement. In terms of involved parental figures, four of the mothers identified a single parent as regularly involved in their lives, fourteen mothers recognized two parents (not
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necessarily biological), six mothers reported three involved parents and the remaining two mothers named four involved parents. Fourteen of the mothers have resided with their mothers continuously since their births, while the remaining twelve mothers have at one time or another additionally experienced other housing environments. Six mothers reported living with a partner in the past, although not necessarily the father of her child. Three mothers have dwelled with other relatives and three mothers had experienced the child welfare system during their childhoods. Ultimately all of the mothers returned to the grandmothers' care, either by a change in situation, such as leaving foster care, or the mother's inability to support herself and her child financially without her mother's assistance. A more detailed description of family demographics appears in table 3 of the appendix.
Household Dynamics Household sizes ranged from three to eleven members. In nine of the households the mother was the only sibling remaining in the household; she was often the youngest or only child. Fifteen of the mothers identified a sibling who had experienced a pregnancy, but only thirteen of those siblings have parented. The mean number of children under the age of 18 in the household, not including the grandchild, was 1.9 children. Despite the small sample size for this study, this sample did reflect a fair amount of variation in terms of racial identity. In terms of race, participants in this sample identified as a member of one of five different groups: African American, Caucasian, Latina, Native American and multi-racial pairs. Only a single Native American dyad was interviewed during the course of this research, but as a frequently overlooked population, this pair
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offered a unique perspective. For detailed household demographics, please see table 4 in the appendix.
Grandparenting Nearly half (n= 12) of the grandmothers had one grandchild, however, four of the grandmothers had five or more grandchildren. Each of the grandmothers lived with either one or two of her grandchildren. More than half of the grandmothers worked outside of the home in addition to their domestic responsibilities. Grandmothers' occupations included homemaker (n = 11), full-time childcare provider (n = 5), nurse (n = 2), other professional jobs, usually not requiring a college degree, (n = 6), and the remaining two were unable to work for medical reasons.
Childcare Eight of the mothers currently remained home full-time, two of these graduated from high school recently. Fifteen mothers attended high school, two mothers attended college and one mother worked rather than attend school. In terms of childcare arrangements, the grandmother acted as the primary babysitter in seven dyads, the mother remained home full-time in eight dyads, and the grandchild attended the mother's high school daycare in seven cases. Another relative babysat for two mothers and the remaining two mothers utilized outside daycare.
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Data Collection Data collection, held from November 15th, 2007 until March 25th, 2008, involved four phases. First, assent was secured from the mothers and parental permission attained from the grandmothers, if mothers were under the age of eighteen. Prior to interviews with the mothers and grandmothers participants completed a household chart questionnaire, attached in appendices A and B. These charts sought information about household compositions, as well as other demographic characteristics. The grandmothers were then interviewed first, following the approved protocols. Within one week, and usually on the same day, the mothers were interviewed. I interviewed the mothers and grandmothers separately, at the location of their choice. Twenty-three pairs opted for interviews in their homes; the other three dyads chose a public venue. I requested privacy during the interviews, particularly between the mother-daughter dyads. After audiotaping all interviews, they were transcribed verbatim. I did not meet all of the grandchildren during the interview process, depending on the location of the interview, preferences of the mothers and grandmothers, the age of the child, and the availability of childcare. This research was oriented towards understanding the meanings of experiences associated with teen parenthood and the impact of this experience on family systems, as experienced by mothers and grandmothers. These research questions seemed suited to qualitative methods in that they sought detailed descriptions and narrative accounts (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). Each interview lasted two hours or less. Since the participants were adolescent mothers and their mothers, the interviews began with rapport building and a brief history of the mother-daughter relationship, in which participants shared elements of their life histories. Those life stories, which are individualized accounts of
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their lives, (Atkinson, 1998) provided accounts that could then be considered in relation to each other and the other participants in this study. To gather an in-depth understanding of the attitudes, values and mindsets of adolescent mothers and their mothers, interviews seemed the most appropriate method for collecting data. The interviews, however, were semi-structured and the protocols are attached (see appendices C and D). Given the sample size of twenty-six pairs of women, their stories and experiences varied. Interview protocols, for both mothers and grandmothers, provided structure for the interviews and facilitated thoroughness, yet still allowed flexibility in the interviews rather than being too prescriptive. Additionally, follow-up questions and probes were utilized during the course of the interviews (Rubin & Rubin, 2005). Participants had the opportunity to discuss various issues, and responded to the interview protocol in their own words, rather than in a directed manner. The protocols were designed to provide similar information from the perspectives of the mother and daughter, thus both parties shed light on identical subject matters. Although they were asked about events that may have occurred several years ago, the expectation remained that those events were momentous and important enough to be recalled and described, despite the time and possible emotional distance from certain events, such as decisions about sexuality, pregnancy and parenthood. The subject matter for the interviews included the participant's personal histories, experiences with pregnancy and parenting, the nature of the mother-daughter relationships, and supports that impacted parenting and caregiving. Some interviews reflected the mothers' dating and romantic lives, but that aspect of their lives was not a dominant aspect of the interview protocols. This information, potentially, could be highly
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sensitive or not as relevant in the lives of the participants if they were not currently in a relationship. Depending on their comfort and disclosures, this subject matter was pursued in varying degrees. Some of the mothers did not currently have romantic partners or support from the fathers of their children; a couple of mothers revealed antagonistic or estranged relationships with the fathers of their children. The literature review informed the interview protocols and the subject matters discussed during the course of the interview sessions. The interviews began with rapport building, during which mothers and grandmothers were asked about key memories involving the other party and shared routines. Protocols then focused on the experiences with the mother's pregnancy and parenting history, including her role and adjustment as a mother. To explore both formal social work and social services and coping strategies, participants were then asked to discuss utilization of formal and informal social supports. Respondents then discussed the relationship between the mother and grandmother, including how that relationship and its associated characteristics influenced the mother's parenting. The interview questions for mothers and grandmothers were nearly identical, however, the grandmother interview protocols additionally assessed their roles as grandmothers and mothers, and what those roles mean in their lives, as well as experiences of role strain and role saliency.
Data Analysis Plan Data for this dissertation exists in several forms. First, upon completion of the interviews, all audiotapes were transcribed verbatim. The transcripts allowed appropriate and accurate documentation of the verbal interview process (Flick, 1998). The transcripts
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also provided documents for content analysis. Second, brief field notes, taken during and after the interview process, provided written documents as well. This offered contextual information, which was incorporated during the data analysis process and during the generation of conclusions from the study. Given that I interviewed persons whom I did not have prior acquaintanceship with, the field notes provided critical observations into the personalities and communication patterns of the women interviewed. They were also useful in assimilating the dynamics and characteristics of the dyads in the study to better understand how the mothers and grandmothers relate to each other. Strauss and Corbin's (1998) procedure of theoretical coding was utilized in the data analysis process. This first entailed open coding, which generated a set of codes relating to the transcript text. Upon completion of the open coding process, the codes were considered in relation to each other through axial coding. Memos and diagrams were utilized to foster the development of codes and categories, as well as documentation of the analysis process. For example, I utilized memos to highlight unfolding trends and patterns in the data and to organize the data. Given the breadth of the interviews, the memos and diagrams were used to organize similar ideas together and to track developing codes and themes. Theoretical notes documented the unfolding coding process and the interpretations being made based upon the data. Given the sampling process, whereby participants varied in social class positions, family compositions and cultural backgrounds, the analyses sought to describe patterns within cases and mother-daughter dyads, as well as across cases and dyads (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The research questions and interview protocols were designed with overlapping subject matters for the mothers and grandmothers. This allowed coding and
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understanding across the populations of mothers, grandmothers and pairs. Responses that seemed to fit together were linked to create sub-groups. For example, in identifying support systems for pregnancy and parenting it seemed that several clear groups emerged: family members and relatives of the grandchild, friends/ peers, adult professionals, and faith communities. These figures could then be classified into groups. To improve the trustworthiness of the analysis, several steps were taken in addition to the processes previously mentioned. First, Guba and Lincoln's (1989) parallel criteria for constructivist inquiry were considered and utilized as a standard of quality. Credibility, similar to internal validity, was fostered through the sample size and the diversity of the sample. Although the methodology did not allow for repeated interviews with the same mother-daughter dyads, the researcher maintained prolonged exposure to the populations under study through the exposure of several months of data collection. This means that themes and ideas developed while the data collection process was still underway. Occasionally that resulted in the modification of the interview protocols, based upon a better understanding of the populations under study or greater sensitivity to the populations concerned. This trend emerged several times, for example, among the first handful of completed interviews, several of the mothers had sisters who had experienced teen pregnancy. This often evoked strong memories and feelings of regret within the grandmothers. Also, several of the grandmothers parented toddlers themselves, which seemed to generate a different experience and meaning of grandmothering than those grandmothers whose youngest child became pregnant as an adolescent. In addition, provided the diversity within the sample, the cases varied from each other and reflected different experiences and points-of-view. This allowed for some negative
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case analysis. Having the transcript data, as well as the memo and diagramming process documented, allowed for conformability, or the ability to trace the research conclusions to the original data themselves. This fostered greater integrity and accountability in the process. Finally, transferability is one intention of this research. Describing the participants, both within and across cases, allowed a deeper understanding of the populations under study, or how the findings might transfer beyond the participants of this project.
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CHAPTER 4 RESULTS
The findings of this dissertation are presented in response to the research questions, provided earlier. Stylistically, themes and findings from the mothers are presented first, followed by grandmothers' responses for all research questions, except question four. Responses from research question four focused exclusively on grandmothers' experiences of caregiving. When notable discrepancies existed between mothers and grandmothers, these are described after the presentation of mother and grandmother responses for that question. Additionally, tables and frequencies are at times referenced in discussing the findings. Their purpose is to offer a sense of prominence and prevalence among the themes, as opposed to indicating a precise quantitative measure of the occurrence of themes. Although the protocols were followed consistently during the interviews, not every mother and grandmother answered every question. This occurred for a variety of reasons, such as hesitance to answer a question or not replying to a question directly, and resulted in some themes with only a partial response rate. The insight and reactions shared during the interview process varied, although most participants appeared to take the interview process seriously and thoughtfully considered their responses. One particularly noteworthy trend emerged during the course of the interviews with the grandmothers. More than half of the grandmothers I interviewed cried during the course of the interview as they wrestled with the choices their daughters have made, the consequences of their own parenting, and what being a mother has meant to them. One grandmother, when I inquired about her emotional responses, stated that she was unaccustomed to others in her life asking or showing interest in her experiences as a
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mother. My interest in her life and the perceived personal nature of the interviews allowed her emotions to easily reach the surface. That mother specifically cried throughout the entire interview. The teenage mothers never revealed the emotional depth that their mothers did during the course of the interviews. In retrospect, I wish I had probed more fully into the grandmothers' emotional responses, possibly even adopting a two-part interview to discuss these salient topics.
Research Question 1: What is the nature of the mother-daughter relationships, including their communication, dominance, and monitoring, from both the perspectives of the mothers and grandmothers? In general, mothers and grandmothers perceived an increased quantity post-pregnancy in communication, often accompanied by changed subject matters. Grandmothers noted a desire to prepare their daughters for future relationships and life opportunities, while mothers frequently stressed the role that the grandchild played in their communication. Mothers and grandmothers typically felt the grandmother dominated the relationship, and they offered similar perspectives in terms of rules of the house and rules about boyfriends. Grandmothers especially articulated a desire for increased monitoring of the mothers since they became parents.
Communication The mothers reported that generally communication did change with their mothers after they became parents. This trend emerged in several different forms. First, mothers felt they could be more honest and open with their mothers after the birth of their children. Many indicated that this stemmed from hiding their sexual behavior before the
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pregnancy, and in some cases hiding the pregnancy itself for several months. Several mothers also reported a change in conversational subject matter, to the child, which they felt added a topic of conversation and shifted the focus of communication from themselves to the children. Several mothers embraced this change, because it removed parental scrutiny from themselves and placed attention onto the children, with a shared common interest. Two of the mothers reported a higher frequency of arguments since the birth of their child, usually related to parenting conflicts and/ or unsolicited advice from their mothers. Two mothers felt that communication with their mothers had not changed since parenting. Nearly half of the grandmothers reported changed conversational patterns with their daughters, and these grandmothers noted three themes in this respect. The greatest number of these expressed an increased communications emphasis on sex and romantic relationships. One grandmother, in particular, identified a sentiment regarding her daughter's vulnerability in romantic relationships: Boys are going to come and go. And the same situation where a young man sees young girls that have babies, they know automatically that they're not virgins. So we say that a lot of times what they have on their mind mostly is sex, so a lot of them would approach them, want to talk to them for that very reason. These grandmothers tended to reveal their regret that they did not know their daughters were sexually active prior to the pregnancy and most hoped to delay a second pregnancy. A second communications theme focused on preparing their daughters for adulthood and being independent. Grandmothers offering this perspective felt the future had become a focal topic of discussion. Finally, two grandmothers described a focus on their
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grandchildren in conversations, rather than on their daughters. The perceived changes in the mothers' lives, and in their relationships with the grandmothers, also resulted in feelings of grief and loss for the grandmothers. For example, the following mother of a fifteen year old and grandmother of a two week old portrayed the changes she observed in her daughter during the pregnancy. I guess because, they [past conversations] have [changed] because usually it's about school, her friends. And now that she's been pregnant, it's more about her, her boyfriend. Now the baby is here, it's about [son's name], her boyfriend. And it's less friends cause now she's moving onto a different state. She's missing this whole section of life that she can't get back. And it's hard to watch sometimes... .She just missed a whole chapter in the book. She was almost into the book and she didn't even open the first page. She, more than her daughter, recounted a void in her daughter's life. In summary, while both mothers and grandmothers thus typically recognized changed emphases in conversational subject matter, the nature of changes noted varied somewhat. Mothers most often expressed greater openness and shared communication regarding the grandchildren. In contrast, grandmothers frequently noted the intention to discuss and prepare their daughters for the future and for relationships.
Dominance Based on the empirical literature, one of the areas of interest in mother-daughter relationships is dominance. Mothers and grandmothers were asked, during the course of the interviews, which party they felt dominated the relationship. During our discussions,
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mothers and grandmothers revealed who had greater dominance in their relationship. The responses varied, but most respondents did not voice a desire to change this aspect of the mother-grandmother relationship. In terms of the mothers, four felt that they dominated the relationship. The following narrative reveals one seventeen year old's growing desire for autonomy, and the ramifications in her relationship with her mother. It seems like sometimes lately, I know always she is, she's my mom. But it seems like lately I've wanted to put my last word in and it seems like sometimes, I don't know. I want the power sometimes, I don't know, I want the power too because it feels like I'm older than I am and in some ways I am, mentally, because I have had a baby and I just know more things now. And I just kind of feel older than I am. And I think sometimes I act older and that sometimes plays off some conversations we have and I have to be like "No, it's this way." So I guess sometimes I feel like I have more power. Another of these four mothers felt that her personality was stronger, but that she felt her mother should dominate more and she wanted to work on that tendency. One felt that she initiated contact with her mother and dominated by reaching out to her mother. The final mother, who had recently turned eighteen, felt her mom could no longer tell her what to do, thus altering the power dynamics of their relationship. Five of the mothers felt that both they and their mothers dominated at times. Several reported a desire to assert their own power, especially over their child, while they recognized their parents had power over them. Two mothers responded that they did not
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know who dominated and expressed confusion about the concept of dominance. The remaining mothers felt their mothers dominated the mother-daughter relationship. Twenty-one of the grandmothers replied to questions about dominance. Four of the grandmothers felt their daughter dominated the relationship, but interestingly, none of these were the mothers of the four mothers who felt they dominated the relationship. These grandmothers reported either that their daughter pushed boundaries, or else the grandmother indicated that she did not want to dominate the relationship. Seven of the grandmothers felt dominance was shared by both members of the dyad; two of the grandmothers' daughters had given the same answer. These grandmothers tended to identify domains in which each party held more power. For example, grandmothers typically exerted more control over house rules, while daughters exercised more influence over parenting the grandchild. Finally, ten grandmothers felt they were the dominant party in the mother-daughter relationship. Half of these grandmothers' daughters had also identified their mother as the dominant member of the dyad. These grandmothers distinguished their role as the authority figure in the family and the head of the household, and often as breadwinner as well. In summary, although not everyone answered this question, agreement between mothers and grandmothers on who dominated the relationship only approached fifty percent in these dyads in which both members responded.
Monitoring and Rules Mothers and grandmothers both were asked about the grandmothers' parenting styles during the interviews. Components of parenting included rule setting and monitoring, as
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mentioned in the literature review. Rules included expectations for behavior and standards expressed by the grandmothers. Monitoring included the grandmothers' efforts at observing their daughters' behaviors both within and outside of the family home. The interview protocol included questions about both sets of behaviors, although participants tended to elaborate more on rules than monitoring. According to the mothers, rules fell into two categories: house rules and boyfriend rules. In general, mothers also commonly indicated that they had become subject to increased monitoring and structure since parenting. Twenty-one mothers explicitly discussed the rules they experienced within the family home. Six of these stated that they either have no rules, they did not feel they had rules, or the rules had not changed for them since motherhood. Five of the mothers identified house rules, including those related to cleanliness for their children. Three mothers noted rules involving the fathers of their children, specifically the nature of visitation and the amount of contact allowed. Only two mothers reported fewer restrictions and more freedom since parenting, while seven indicated more restrictions and less freedom. In terms of monitoring, these mothers commonly perceived the grandmothers' motivation as a concern for their children, with the idea being that rules prevented risks for their children by placing boundaries around acceptable activities. One seventeen year old, who was a high school senior, felt that parenting had greatly impacted her life and her friendships as her parents became more strict. He [her father] doesn't like me leaving the house that much or anything because he just likes me to stay home. I can leave the house, but he'll only let me leave for a certain amount of time. Like my friend today was complaining because she's 18 and
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she's a senior and her curfew sometimes is 12 or 1. I'm like, yeah right, my dad needs me home at 9. Like people don't realize how good they have it sometimes. As these interviews were conducted during winter months, mothers stated grandparents tended to be particularly restrictive with their grandchildren in order to avoid exposure to cold weather conditions and to prevent illness. For the grandmothers, rules and monitoring emerged as closely intertwined. After the pregnancy, and in light of their daughters' status as parents, most grandmothers expressed a desire for their daughters to develop skills for maintaining a home, as well as a need to monitor their daughters' whereabouts. Almost all mothers had rules of some sort, although the level of restriction varied. Of those who had rules, eight grandmothers reported a greater expectation to approve their daughters' activities, via the provision of locations where they would be as well as phone calls to check in with the grandmothers. One of these grandmothers noted her desire to maintain structure in her daughter's life, and she felt that the rules and monitoring helped facilitate this goal. An equal number of grandmothers required their daughters to meet expectations in terms of cleanliness and physically caring for the grandchild. Related rules centered around successful completion of daily tasks, such as washing dishes, making beds, and cleaning shared living spaces. The remaining category of rules could be classified as following house rules. These included limited time alone with boyfriends, the expectation of school attendance, and not smoking in the house. Only two grandmothers stated they had not implemented any new rules post-pregnancy. The daughter of one of these mothers had just turned eighteen and was viewed as an adult now. The other grandmother felt she had been a strict mother earlier, and that the mother needed relief now that she was a parent.
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Research Question 2: What have been participants' experiences in three generational households (descriptive)? Considerations Before describing the nature of experiences within three generational households in this sample, three aspects of parenting and grandparenting emerged that tended to influence interview responses in this area. First, in almost all cases, the family members never seriously considered alternatives to parenting. Although adoption or abortion may be options for pregnant teens generally, participants in this study conveyed a consistent desire to parent. Second, the size of households, and particularly the presence and ages of other dependent children, influenced the process of adaptation to grandchildren. The age of the grandchildren also corresponded to different experiences and stressors. Although all grandchildren were under the age of three, mothers and grandmothers tended to perceive infants and toddlers differently. Finally, this sample included dyads from four unique racial groups and several multi-racial families. This diversity allowed some preliminary thoughts about the impact of race on the mothers' and grandmothers' experiences. The common lack of consideration of alternatives to parenting within these dyads implied that the expectation that grandchildren would be raised within the family system. Only two of the grandmothers indicated that they offered their daughters options after learning about their daughter's unplanned pregnancy. Both of these grandmothers were Caucasian, mothers of seventeen year olds with grandsons who are now two and a half. According to both of these grandmothers, their daughters were told they could consider adoption, abortion or parenting. In these cases, the grandmothers made it clear, from that 58
initial conversation, that primary parenting responsibilities, especially associated with physical care of the child, would fall upon the mother. The following narrative described one grandmother's approach and the familial response to her daughter's pregnancy. My response to her was to hug her and tell her we'd figure out what to do, and whatever it was she had our support. And she went through, she talked to her boyfriend and they thought she should have an abortion. Okay, [pause]. Whew! She's been raised in a very pro-choice house. And so I had her get online and look at the stuff because I know the rules of the state are parental consent and you have to have counseling and a 24 hour waiting period. So I got her online to look at things and she's like I don't think I can do it. Okay, what's next? So we looked at some adoption agencies and she was looking at profiles of adoptive couples. And I talked to her dad about it. He was at Kalamazoo at school and he got home and he'd been crying the whole way home. He said 'If that child is born and I get one look at it, I can't give it away.' Ahhh. Fine, okay, we're having a baby. Ahhh! For a second. And I was the one that after three days she'd woken up and really didn't feel good and her period was late. Are you pregnant? She said 'I don't think so.' Yeah, I knew right away. And she said 'If I am it was the condom, it wasn't me.' I know she was always responsible. She was on the pill. She used condoms for sexually transmitted disease prevention. She's always been very open about all of that stuff. We had an ongoing conversation. And everybody says, check, check, and check, so. Yeah, she was probably like 5 weeks pregnant when we found out she was pregnant. The second grandmother depicted her experience here: Yeah. And of course I listened to her cry all night and I thought about what I had told
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[oldest daughter] when she was at that age and doing the crazy stuff was, she better be careful because if she gets pregnant, there's no easy way out. One, you can have an abortion and live with that. Two, you can give it away and live with that. Three, you can take it and raise it and live with that. And bottom line is I wasn't going to make that decision so that [her daughter] couldn't come back when she was 25 and say 'I hate you because you made me give my baby up' or 'I hate you because you made me kill your baby.' Or whatever. So I told her, basically, it was her decision. Her grandmother disowned her, told her she was a stupid bitch, whatever, if she wouldn't have an abortion. That Christmas, [a different, older daughter] got presents, [daughter] got nothing. Her dad tried to talk her into giving it up for adoption. But as time went on her father and me both pretty much lined up with that whatever [daughter] wanted to do, we would be okay with. And I am grateful that her dad... because he could have been really bad about it. And, we've done it. Now that her grandson is two and a half years old she evaluates her daughter's progress and diligence as a mother: And [daughter] has taken that responsibility. She understands; she doesn't try to pawn him off on other people or she doesn't expect other people to do it for her. Even though, when she gets to that point, there's times when [older sister] will say, okay, I'm taking him to bed or, like last night, I came home and he didn't want to go to bed. [Daughter's] going, come on [grandson's name], I'm tired and he says no! He ended up crawling into bed and pretty soon I went [daughter], he's asleep. Cause he'll lay there watching tv and fall asleep. She takes the responsibility. She does it day in, day out. She feeds him, she gets him up. I don't know if I could get up at 6:00 in the
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morning and get a kid ready and myself. While all of the pregnancies described by the mothers in these dyads were unplanned, most mothers never considered alternatives outside of parenting. Another factor that seemed to influence the perceptions of the grandmothers about their experiences was the presence and ages of the other children within the household. As noted in the participants' descriptions, most of the mothers interviewed were raised in small families. Seven of the grandmothers mentioned the challenges associated with having an infant in the family home after their own children had reached adolescence. These grandmothers tended to report a difficult transition in terms of lack of sleep and frustration that a baby's equipment, such as cribs, playpens and car seats, intruded upon their living spaces. In a sentiment expressed by several, one grandmother described her anticipation of her children reaching the age of eighteen, only to now be co-parenting a toddler. The timing couldn't have been much worse. Finally got up the balls to apply to grad school after 9 years, like I said. And, my kids were 13 and 15. They could cook, take public buses. She [daughter] is a certified lifeguard, she knows CPR, if her brother did something stupid she could, you know. They were perfectly taking care of themselves for a few evenings a week. Ohhh, I can finish my education. Two weeks into the semester she got a positive pregnancy test. And I just, I don't want a baby, I don't want a baby. My husband had a vasectomy. There's a reason. I was done. I was done. I started early. I started at 19. My third child was born at 26. Done. I was like the light at the end of the tunnel, you know. My youngest was 13; he skipped a grade. He was going to graduate at 17. And you know my clock was ticking. I could see the end of
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the child-rearing duties. All I could think of was ohmigod, no, no, no, no, no, NO, NO, NO! This grandmother later described how she has adapted to this experience. There have been some hard days where I was going to be 45 and done with childrearing duties. And I'm potentially looking at 58? It's a lot different, it looks a lot different than 45. But, you know, the priorities have shifted and I have to shift with them. So, yeah, it's been really emotional in a lot of ways. The age of the grandchild of interest for this study also impacted participant responses. Mothers and grandmothers reported developmentally appropriate challenges. With infants, for example, both parties often identified difficulty with sleeping, teething and fussiness. Mothers and grandmothers of toddlers described challenges such as temper tantrums, growing independence associated with older children, and potty training. The ages tended to represent perceived stress and, in some cases, reflected the demands of parenting and grandparenting experienced by both dyad members. Finally, despite the sample of size of twenty-six mother- grandmother pairs, these families reflected diverse social characteristics. Specific to racial characteristics, this sample included African American (n = 8), Caucasian (n = 9), Latina (n = 5), Native American (n = 1) and multi-racial pairs (n = 3). As these families tended to vary in other demographic traits, this research only offered preliminary thoughts as far as the impact of race. For example, in the African American families the grandmothers tended to maintain high levels of caregiving with the greandchildren, several of the white mothers desired counseling and greater emotional support for themselves, and the Latina pairs tended to adopt more traditional gender roles. For example, several of the Latina mothers referred
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to their child's father as a fiance or their boyfriend's mother as a mother-in-law. It seemed as if this practice was more culturally appropriate and less stigmatizing for the mothers. For the Latina grandmothers specifically, their English language proficiency varied. One grandmother spoke no English. Although the family had resided in Michigan for a decade, the mother in the study typically translated for her and I hired a translator for our interview. Given the relatively small samples of each sub-group and the exploratory nature of this study, I wanted to exercise caution in the generation of conclusions based on racial diversity, but at several times in the findings I highlighted when trends tended to emerge in certain racial groups. This is intended to highlight possible differences and future areas of research.
Involvement Although the mothers and grandmothers currently cohabitated, the level of involvement varied between them greatly. The norm from the perspective of the mothers seemed to be that, although they shared a residence, they spent limited time with their mothers. The reasons varied. For example, some mothers felt their mothers were strained by employment demands, younger siblings in the household or other commitments. Only two of the mothers felt that they actually spent increased time with their mothers since parenting. In these cases, neither the mothers nor the grandmothers worked outside of the home or attended school. However, in most circumstances at least one dyad member worked outside of the home or attended school. These external responsibilities reduced the opportunity for mothers and grandmothers to spend more time together.
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Some participants who reported spending more time together viewed this favorably, because the time signified a commitment to parenting and meeting the grandchild's needs. In other cases, and with grandmothers in particular, respondents associated the increased time at home as a loss. These grandmothers reacted to their daughters' increased quantity of time at home with grief and sadness. They felt that, as teenagers, their daughters were missing out on important developmental milestones by spending most of their leisure time at home with their child and the grandmother. As one grandmother relayed, I would say the last two years, being that she was pregnant 2 years ago, I feel that we have lost a great chunk of her childhood, if you will. Now I see her as being a parent in our household versus a child who needs the same type of support and guidance as what I would've had if she didn't have a child so young. Several of these grandmothers actively offered respite care for the grandchild in order for their daughters to experience some developmentally appropriate activities, such as a traditional high school setting, time with a peer group and possibly dating activities. Grandmothers did not complain about lost leisure time from their own perspectives as caregivers for their grandchildren, but rather, if they discussed their altered lifestyles, discussed how they incorporated their grandchildren into their activities and interest.
Perceived autonomy vs. support The primary tension between mothers and grandmothers that emerged in these interviews entailed the pursuit of independence versus the need for support. The mothers relied heavily upon their mothers for material and emotional support, and grandmothers
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displayed varying degrees of physical caregiving, as is discussed later in the findings. Grandmothers facilitated their daughters' parenting with this support, but also generally established and maintained firm boundaries for the amount and types of support offered to mothers and grandchildren.
Perceived autonomy vs. support: Mothers' perspectives. Both mothers and grandmothers, but with differing perspectives, expressed the tension between the quest for autonomy and the need for support. Mothers generally reported that the grandmothers assisted them at the appropriate level, although this subject matter seemed sensitive at times. Only one mother voiced a request for additional assistance from her mother. Respondents, especially the minor mothers, frequently discussed their financial dependence on their mothers, although several were seeking a more active role as provider for their children. In addition, several mothers felt stifled by sharing a three generational household and hoped to live more independently in early adulthood. As noted earlier in the description of participants, approximately half of the mothers had already lived outside of their mothers' homes at some point. So perhaps this contributed to a sense of feeling restricted when living in their mothers' homes. Mothers were asked to assess their feelings about the level of involvement by grandmothers. Only one mother, who was fifteen years of age, stated a wish for her mother to become more involved, while twelve mothers reported that their mothers contributed at the right level. Five of the mothers felt the their mothers did too much as caregivers for their children. In terms of perceived over-involvement by grandmothers,
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two of these mothers, both age fifteen, wanted greater independence from their mothers and more autonomy. Here one describes her frustrations: Like, if I want to go out, she doesn't let me go out. She doesn't want to take care of the kid. Or if I want to take the kid out, they tell me not to because it's cold outside. I'm like so what, she can go outside, she's not going to die from going out in the cold. So I put her snowsuit on and I have another thing to cover it, to cover the whole thing, the car seat. They say no, don't take her out because it's cold. How are you going to take her out and this and that? I'm like ohmigod, I'm 15 years old and I know what I'm doing. The other three mothers had recently turned eighteen and felt their mothers had, at times, stepped into their role as mothers. They wanted autonomy and felt it was their right as they had become legal adults. The mothers who felt their mothers assisted at the right level, by and large, described their mothers as involved participants in daily caregiving who still did not overpower them as mothers. It seemed, in these discussions, that the mothers wrestled with the role of motherhood and ownership of that position. Most of the mothers wanted support and assistance, but did not want it to compromise their roles as mothers. This theme of tension and search for autonomy versus support emerged throughout the interviews with the mothers. Eleven mothers explicitly discussed the complex nature of three generational households in terms of familial relationships. In addition, seven of the mothers revealed concern that their children might not fully know them as their mother, and two felt that their mothers wanted to be in the decision-making role over their child. Two mothers also identified role confusion among family members, including children
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who recognized the grandmother as the head of household as they entered toddlerhood. The following seventeen year old's description of her relationship with her two and a half year old son illustrated one form of confusion: When he was a baby, I always babied him, I always cuddled him. That was my little baby. But now that he's grown, he can talk back to me, I think we fight like we're brother and sister. I feel, I know I'm his mother and he knows I'm his mom, but we argue. We will literally argue like we're brother and sister. So, in some aspects he's like my little brother but others I know he's my son. Nonetheless, the mothers frequently recognized their children's closeness to the grandmothers. Most welcomed this relationship and valued the support. The most outspoken proponent of a three generational household, a sixteen year old single mother whose mother babysat while she attended a traditional high school, stated "It's like she's got two mommies. She calls both of us mommy. It's really not... she knows who her real mom is. She calls both of us mommy." However, a couple of the mothers feared that their children would not be able to differentiate between a grandmother and a mother, and that their status as a mother would be compromised. Another tension that materialized during the interviews was the issue of financial responsibility. Several of the mothers wrestled with their financial dependence and frustration at not being a breadwinner to help support their children. The following mother, who had just turned eighteen, had lived in foster care and with a variety of relatives throughout her childhood. Since becoming a mother a year ago she had moved multiple times, although her unemployed boyfriend has accompanied her during the moves. Here she describes her goals for her daughter:
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At first, I mean it's still kind of tough not having a job, having people help me. But, it's a joy having a baby. She makes me happy. She's my world but it is hard when you don't have a job, you don't have your own place, that I don't want her to grow up like how I was, living with people, expecting somebody else to do something for you. I need to be able to rely on me and know that I can provide everything that she needs. Several of the fifteen and sixteen year-old mothers emphasized their desire to work, but wrestled with employment opportunities and wage limits, as well as barriers such as transportation and childcare. These mothers frequently stated that they did not want to be dependent upon their mothers, but they did not know how to financially support their child. One mother, who had experienced a turbulent relationship with her mother, stated "I have no choice but to live off her." She felt that without that financial dependence she and her mother would be more like equals. Another mother, currently parenting a two month old, described her mother's attentiveness and her response. If I call for her, like mom, maybe I won't even ask my mom, she's running out of wipes, I have to somehow get her wipes. My mom will come home with wipes and stuff. Anything my baby needs my mom will take care of it. She's on it. I then asked how that made her feel and she responded "It makes me feel like I'm useless. So that's why I'm getting a job, so I can do all of that." Although she recognized her mother's assistance and her own dependence, this mother felt it came at a cost to her selfworth. Related to financial self-sufficiency, nine of the mothers spoke of the desire to reside independently, possibly with a boyfriend. A couple of these mothers also noted, however, that they were not yet ready or able to support themselves independently. Twelve mothers
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had lived outside of their mother's home at some time, yet had since returned to their mother's care due to financial need or other reasons. These mothers usually expressed contentment with their current living arrangements, and were not the mothers who aspired to live independently in the near future.
Perceived autonomy vs. support: Grandmothers' perspectives. Grandmothers also conveyed the complexities of three generational households. This included expressions of the theme of independence versus support and caregiving, although the grandparent perspectives were distinguished by different presenting issues. Some grandmothers worried about the long-term challenges their daughters would face as teen mothers, as they had been adolescent parents themselves. Grandmothers navigated many demands and worries, which tended to create additional stress. Some grandmothers, especially those that felt overwhelmed, articulated a craving for space and quiet. These mothers wanted a reprieve, even temporarily. In terms of the costs and benefits of three generational households, several of the grandmothers identified familial patterns. Interestingly, this theme was not present within the mothers' interviews. A handful of the grandmothers were teen parents themselves and saw their daughters following the same difficult journey they had. Another subset of grandmothers framed this as an opportunity to become more involved in the lives of both their children and grandchildren. They believed ideally positive parenting and grandparenting would foster the family's development in a positive manner. The theme of looking for space was not uncommon among the grandmothers. Eight of them actively sought respite from their daughters, their grandchildren or the situation in
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general. A couple of the grandmothers described their bedrooms as a quiet spot, where they sought solitude away from family members. One grandmother mentioned her daily workouts as an opportunity to seek time away from her family. Another grandmother specified that weekends were "her time." She provided childcare for her grandson while her fifteen year old daughter attended school during the week; in turn she spent most of the weekends with her boyfriend and did not provide regular childcare for her daughter then. Another grandmother, who parents two toddlers herself, described her tendency to disappear when she needed a break, leaving the older children in charge of the younger siblings. Her youngest two children, aged two and three, frequently played with her one year old granddaughter and viewed her as a sibling. Several of the grandmothers communicated grief over the changes in their household, from marital strains to less time for themselves and their goals to less space in the living area now that baby equipment has reentered the family's lives. The following grandmother described adjusting to life with an infant: "With a baby, the baby comes with all this stuff, the swing and all this stuff and the bath and the changing table. So that does make more of a... my house is full. I mean it was full for 5, but now a baby is like another 3 people with all their stuff." One of the twenty-six dyads actually constituted a four generational household. The fifty-eight year old grandmother resided with her mother, her sixteen year old daughter and her infant grandson. This grandmother described a sense of being caught in the middle of her daughter and mother and had, on occasion, fled to her room for solitude and in order to escape these demands. It's, I guess it's a little like, in a way, it's like a cartoon in a way. But then, I enjoy it so much. I enjoy it, but then again I'm like the middle, to me. Because I deal with this
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older person, I deal with [daughter] the younger person, and the baby, a much younger person. And, that sometimes do stress me, okay. Then they got the minds clashing, so I got to try to be liaison between them. So then sometimes I do just say, I'm not dealing, I'm going up to my room. Shut my door. That's my little sanctuary, you know. That's how I deal, you know. Yep. But that don't last long because [her daughter's] the type, to me she don't respect your space because when she wants to come in my room, she comes in my room. She just busts open the door and walks in. I don't put locks on the doors. I can sometimes lay there and pretend that I'm asleep, with my eyes closed. And I don't be asleep, I just act like I'm asleep. She'll say Mom! So and so and so. Or she'll bring the baby in and lay him on me. Mom, look what he's doing... And it's not like she's sleeping, back out, like I would probably do you know. This grandmother craved respite, at times, from all family members. In terms of the benefits, by and large the grandmothers felt the greatest reward of three generational households was the ability to foster a close relationship with the grandchild. Several of the grandmothers embraced the opportunity to teach their daughters about motherhood and child development. One grandmother went so far as to say that cohabitation only yielded benefits for her daughter, no disadvantages at all. Well I think she has all the benefits. Some would say "have the cake and eat it too".... I can't see any [disadvantages], she might, I think she views it as being supportive, anything and everything that I need, that my child needs, if I need to get in contact with any community resources out there that would benefit my child I know where to find it and I know that through my dad, if it's not my mother can't support me at the
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moment, I have my dad. I know if I don't have my dad for this moment than I have [boyfriend's mother's name]. And if his mother can't support me for the moment I know that his father would. Or my grandmother would, meaning my mother. Several grandmothers conceded that their daughters had higher levels of support as mothers than they had experienced themselves as mothers. Several of the grandmothers recounted that during disagreements or arguments with their daughters, their daughters often threatened to move out. The grandmothers almost universally felt that daughters were not ready for self-sufficiency, although the mothers more often claimed to be prepared. Two of the grandmothers discussed their daughters' past attempts at living independently, usually with a boyfriend; these attempts had lasted only a handful of months before the mother returned home.
Grandmother Roles One role and expectation of grandmothers, recognized by both grandmothers and mothers, was that of teacher. The theme of teaching emerged during two sections of the interview protocol: within conversational patterns before and after pregnancy and in the discussion of grandmother roles and relationships. The daughters in particular tended to view the grandmothers as experts. Sixteen of the mothers gave specific examples of how their mothers teach them, in ways ranging from encouragement and role modeling to active participation with the child. Most of these mothers noted that their parenting practices had evolved from their mothers, and that they had watched and learned from their mothers' words and behaviors. Several mothers also noted that because they based their parenting skills upon their mothers' skills, their mothers should not be able to
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criticize their parenting. This provided confidence for the mothers. Related to this, seven grandmothers worked within various helping professions, including two in the nursing profession. These grandmothers tended to their expertise with their daughters, including facts and wisdom about child development and nurturing behaviors. Five of the grandmothers served as a primary childcare provider for their grandchild, usually while the mother attended school. This required grandmothers and grandchildren to spend significant quantities of time together, often blurring boundaries and relationships within the family. Seventeen of the grandmothers described the advice and teaching they provide to their daughters. A small group of grandmothers mentioned teaching practices and style of teaching, but stated the effectiveness of this approach came when they offered suggestions, as opposed to issuing directives. In terms of content, grandmothers often focused on physical care of the child, including nutrition and teething. An equal number of grandmothers encouraged their daughters to do the best they could at meeting their own needs, as well as the needs of the child. A smaller group of grandmothers highlighted the emotional care of the grandchild, specifically unconditional love and care of the child. Two of the mothers emphasized relationship advice, particularly concerns with the fathers of their grandchildren. Interestingly, one grandmother felt there was no need to offer her daughter guidance or advice. The theme of teaching also surfaced in assessing conversational patterns during the interviews. Half of the grandmothers observed a greater prominence of teaching conversations with their daughters after the birth of their grandchild. Interestingly, the mothers did not converge with this finding as they elaborated on the teaching roles of the
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grandmothers less frequently and in less depth. Teaching, as expressed by the grandmothers, focused on two specific areas. First, and most commonly reported, grandmothers incorporated teaching by example in terms of childrearing and household duties. This frequently involved cooking and caring for the baby together, often with the grandmother as a role model. The second entailed life skills and general strategies for self-sufficiency. For example, several grandmothers discussed the mother's struggles with money management. Grandmothers described showing bills to their daughters and discussing money management regularly. Grandmothers frequently described their intention as preparation for their daughters' independence. A recurrent concern entailed the desire for telephone service and, as one grandmother described, the fact that ten dollars worth of minutes for a cellular phone cost the same as a package of diapers: Yeah, and then she has a thing if me or my mother make a comment to her about him, 'That's my baby, let me raise my baby.' But then 5, 10 minutes later or so it's like she forgot entirely what she said because it's like 'Mom, can you watch him while I run around the corner?' 'Grandma, can you watch him.' No, but that's your baby, do you know what I'm saying? She tries somewhat, but she still doesn't comprehend the fact that, I don't think she really, really, really comprehends the true fact that she's a mother now and there's a lot of things that she ain't going to be able to do, you know?.... She forgets sometimes that she's a mother. Can I get some minutes on my phone? Well, you got to realize, should you get minutes for your phone or pampers for your baby? See. Now you've got to make choices. But I don't want you to, I don't want to put her in the position neither where she's resenting the baby. Because she had to miss out on some things. But she has to realize that this is the choice you wanted to
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make. You laid down and got this baby. I don't want to say that too much. If I didn't have you I could have had me a new such and such. I could have had a new pair of Jordan shoes or whatever. Stuff like that and I don't want that. But she do have to realize, like I said, that the minutes for phone are $11, a box of pampers is $9, $11. She had seen her daughter wrestle with this choice repeatedly, and she felt her daughter was learning to anticipate the baby's needs and expenses, although this did not develop naturally for her daughter. These tactics encompassed learning from natural consequences and anticipating the future. These examples also fit with developmental theory, where adolescents may prioritize short-term needs, rather than longer-term needs.
Research Question 3: What social supports are in place for mothers and grandmothers? Several mothers identified that without the assistance of family members they would be struggling emotionally and/ or financially. They observed the obvious stressors, such as financial and housing needs, the physical and emotional demands associated with parenting, and social stressors, that stemmed from familial and other relationships. In addition, the fathers of the grandchildren generated stress for some dyads, as did the struggles of single parenting for grandmothers. Many mothers received social services to some degree, through school programs, faith-based groups, local public agencies and parenting programs. Mothers and grandmothers generally viewed these services favorably. Some grandmothers also involved themselves in faith communities and employed spiritual resources in coping with challenges.
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Needs and Services During the course of the interviews mothers were asked about their needs upon having their children. These questions were intentionally worded in an open-ended way, whereby mothers interpreted need based on their own definition and life circumstances. In response, four patterns developed during the course of the interviews. Almost a third of the mothers declared that they did not have any needs. Several of these mothers reported that they had all necessary baby supplies, usually as gifts or from baby showers. Another third of the mothers identified basic needs, such as formula, diapers, clothing, and money. Two mothers expressed a need for physical assistance with the newborn and childcare. Three mothers, all Caucasian, requested support in the form of counseling, to feel better about themselves or for substance abuse before parenting. When asked about service utilization, I suspected the mothers tended to underreport service use, but mothers still identified a range of services accessed since the birth of their children. In terms of services, twelve of the grandmothers felt their needs were currently being met. Of those twelve, four stated they were not currently utilizing services, while eight were presently consumers. Services were classified into five distinct categories (see table five in the appendix for detailed classifications). These included emotional support, financial assistance, material support, medical care and parenting support. As noted in the table, inconsistencies in service utilization reporting existed between the mothers and grandmothers, especially for Medicaid, which supports the idea that families may have underreported service use. In terms of emotional support, services accessed included in-home counseling, with higher reported rates of use by grandmothers; a mentor; and the utilization by one family
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of a residential program for pregnant and parenting teens during the mother's pregnancy. Reported financial assistance included childcare provision at school or daycare subsidies, TANF funds and/ or food stamps, and access to Section 8 funds for housing assistance. Material support included the provision of crisis services, usually diapers, formula or clothing for grandchildren. One of the services reportedly consumed the most was the Women, Infant and Children (WIC) program. This service was generally viewed very favorably by mothers and grandmothers, especially the assistance with baby formula. Medical care, usually referenced in relation to the well-being of the grandchildren's health, included Medicaid and visiting nurses from the Public Health Department. Services provided by public health nurses are community-based and include professional visits to the mother for service provision. Four mothers indicated that they received Medicaid, but more of the mothers either likely used Medicaid, at least for their children, or were eligible to do so. The final type of services included programs designed to enhance parenting skills and to offer parenting support. Specific programs mentioned for parenting and child development knowledge included Bright Beginnings and Strong Beginnings. In terms of emotional and parenting support, two of the mothers shared an affiliation with Mothers of Preschoolers (MOPS) programs based at their alternative schools. These MOPS programs, which were satellites from local churches, offered weekly community outreach programs at many local alternative schools. Five of the mothers and four of the grandmothers (four were dyads) accessed a parenting program entitled Effective Family Foundations, whereby participants received a gift card to a local grocery store and other incentives for each session attended. Two mothers were involved with a Young Lives
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program, a parenting support group for teen mothers offered through the organization Young Life. Two of the grandmothers viewed their daughters as consumers. For example, one grandmother described her daughter's habit of examining resources online to proactively meet her daughter's needs. This grandmother relayed this account with pride. However, she clarified several times during the interview that her daughter is in fact the consumer, not she herself. She felt she did not need or want services for herself. In the second scenario, the grandmother's daughter received services, but the grandmother stated that she has not coerced her daughter into obtaining services, as she herself is not a "program person." Two grandmothers also recounted that they were not very aware of available services, yet they were not necessarily resistant to accessing services either. In contrast, one mother communicated that her mother's access of services while she was a child helped her become more receptive to services herself.
Service Barriers In terms of barriers to accessing services, some mothers had refused services despite acknowledging that they knew services were available if needed. Several of these mothers currently parented newborns and recognized that their needs may change as their children age. Finally, four mothers recounted frustrations with eligibility criteria, especially for TANF funds. Among these, one seventeen year old mother, who had resided at the residential program during her pregnancy, received cash assistance there, but was unable to receive cash assistance while in her mother's care due to her mother's income. Two additional mothers applied for cash assistance but were not eligible. One
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mother received only $10 a month in food stamps due to her father's income. She expressed ambivalent feelings about receiving that assistance, because social services required her to seek child support funds from her Latin American boyfriend, who was in the United States illegally. Two mothers reported feeling discriminated against at school, especially by teachers and peers. One of these, who eventually married the father of her son, attended high school in a regular education setting and felt judged by teachers who knew her thenboyfriend as a previous student. She reported that several faculty members commented upon the couple's seven year age difference. The other mother, who attended an alternative school, recounted the tensions in her school and jealousy by non-parents because mothers received a longer lunch session and spent some class time interacting with their children in the daycare room. There appeared to be discrepancies in the intensity of services offered and academic resources available in different communities and for families of different income levels. For example, the more affluent participants resided in better neighborhoods, attended traditional high schools instead of alternative schools and utilized social services at a decreased frequency. This reflected the greater financial resources available to subsidize quality daycare resources outside the school setting. The young women who attended alternative schools typically chose a school setting in which their children could accompany them to school and attend daycare on site. This option often allowed them to remain in school more feasibly. Families with greater economic resources also tended to need fewer emergency services, such as diaper and clothing provision, and tended to have more assets, such as home ownership and vehicles, than lower income participants.
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Similarly to the mothers, eight grandmothers discussed either challenges in accessing services or feelings that their daughters had been discriminated against. Several of these grandmothers expressed frustration with being lower middle class and struggling to make ends meet, yet not being poor enough to meet eligibility standards for cash assistance and other forms of government aid. In one case, the grandmother could not work due to her medical history, but she did not qualify for TANF funds because she possessed assets and a working spouse. In the past she has utilized emergency services and Effective Family Foundation (EFF) parenting classes, but has struggled with being, in her language, not poor enough. Here the grandmother describes her situation: And because mom's disability money and dad's working in a factory needs to support this whole family and him. And the whole thing, we filled out this paper cause I've had three strokes. I filled this paper out and I gave it to the wrong person. Anyway, now they gave me a caseworker and they sent everything. So no, we don't get any food stamps, we don't get anything yet. We kind of knew that. We're the low side of the middle class. Enough to make money to get the credits for that but we're just above the poor person to be able to get help. And so, I feel that's really bad. It's because we have a house, we both have cars. But anyway, they finally said, yeah, if she was to go to school or work we'll pay for day care. Well, she goes to school and brings the baby there. I'm 48 and I've had 3 strokes. The thought of having to be... I'm kind of like... it's overwhelming. Another grandmother, who currently has cancer, did not qualify for governmental assistance because of her assets; she owned a condo and a car, although both had been subsidized by her parents. Her nineteen year old daughter is eligible to participate in
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Michigan Works! job training and assistance program, but the grandmother is apprehensive about her daughter's prospects for participation or success. Her daughter has not been enrolled in school or been employed since her high school graduation nearly two years ago. Another grandmother's seventeen year old daughter recently passed the GED examination and started attending a local community college. The family applied for daycare assistance but was deemed ineligible for the mother's college attendance, despite her status as a minor mother. This grandmother, who was a sociology instructor at a local university, was well versed in PRWORA policy and found it discriminatory towards young mothers. She also felt her daughter experienced discrimination by peers and the school system. She also voiced her preference for more birthing options for adolescent mothers. For example, she was an advocate for home births and doulas, and felt that teen mothers were often not aware of these options or what they entailed. This grandmother offered specific examples of perceived discrimination both within the school and health care systems. But yeah, we went through a lot of stuff you know. Different receptions with medical professionals that were condescending and obviously you're idiotic to have gotten yourself in this situation, and not used birth control. And it's like, don't make assumptions! There's a reason why you don't have 100% efficacy ratings and you really should understand that having gone through medical training. I get it; I'm a sociologist. I understand it. It's 99% when used exactly perfectly every time means there's still a 1 in 100 chance. So, yeah, I got testy with a number of medical professionals over the course of her pregnancy. This sucks. Let's see what else we can
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find.... Yeah, school was terrible. She actually left in the middle of freshman year. I've never been a real big public high school kind of person. It puts people in boxes that most kids don't fit in. So she had left in freshman year and tried to go back in sophomore year. And then once she got pregnant I talked to her counselor about options like home study, if she had the baby before the end of the semester. 'Oh, that doesn't exist here.' Can she pass out of this algebra class that she's taken 4 times, just gotten A's and B's on her exams but has failed because of lack of homework? 'Well, we can move her back to the pre-algebra.' That's NOT what I'm asking you to do. Can she test out of this one? 'Well, no.' There were no accommodations made and since I've been doing my master's research I've been researching some of that too. I learned about Title 9 coverage and all this other stuff. And so she would have to kind of fit into the chairs with the desks attached. And no extra potty breaks or rest. This grandmother took great efforts to learn about her daughter's rights and services. Here she describes her frustration with PRWORA policy. I really, really, really, really, really, really, really hate the Personal Responsibility Work Opportunities Reconciliation Act of 1996 with a passion! I really hate that thing. I really hate that she can't get food aid. I really hate that she can't get cash aid, unless she's enrolled in high school full-time. It's like oh, you're in college, bad girl, wrong, no help for you. What the hell message is that? Ugggh. It makes me so angry. And no, you must work 35 hours a week at whatever job is offered to you. As a graduate student herself, she hoped her daughter could continue her education, rather than experience educational gaps while maintaining low wage jobs as both she and her husband had.
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A third grandmother, whose daughter recently turned eighteen and graduated from high school, reported her daughter was deemed ineligible for cash assistance because she did not comply with employment requirements. The grandmother was actually relieved, in some ways, for the denial because she did not want her daughter entrenched in the system. They kind of, there is no benefits that I could get to, I still, even though, they still base it on my income and they look at my income and I'm not eligible for anything. To help our household as opposed to my daughter getting totally entrenched in the system, having to get all that when in fact all that I think would've been necessary was maybe some food stamps. That was the only thing that we could use. We don't need any financial assistance. The baby has Medicaid benefits and just that and that made a difference with what we could do. She feels that caseworkers "talk down" to young mothers and she would rather her daughter not access the Michigan Works! program, which provides employment assistance for TANF recipients. Another grandmother, who became a single mother several years ago, previously acted as a homemaker for a large family. While married, the family was ineligible for services due to her husband's income. Since her divorce she also had been ineligible for TANF funds due to her income, but she maintained two jobs to support her family. In the past she accessed emergency services to acquire material goods. The failure to meet eligibility criteria for assistance, in addition to her divorce, altered her family dynamics when she accepted a second job to meet financial obligations. Well yeah because my income guideline is still, I've got $30,000, $32,000.1 wouldn't
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qualify in the household for WIC. So even so during her pregnancy, caring for not just herself but some food assistance available, but as far as cash, I did think I would get food assistance and that wasn't really available. I looked at it, I said well, she's just pregnant, maybe that will change once he got here. And still, yeah, to their calculations and guidelines, it still wasn't possible. So that's been another burden, but they say you do what you have to do. I always, like I said, just being a single parent, I have to work two jobs. I'm not working two jobs because of the situation that came up with [daughter]. I let one go. I'm in a situation now where I'm like need to go work, pick up another job again. But I did what I had to do. I had 17 hours a day of long work, but that was just part of keeping a roof over our heads. Doing what I have to do not only for them, but just me. And I think that too, I keep it real with them. I talk to them and tell them because I sacrificed a lot because I have them. They're my responsibility. Even with just me. Several grandmothers also perceived systemic discrimination by either the school systems or medical systems. For example, one grandmother received multiple complaints from teachers about her daughter's attire during the pregnancy. She stated that it was challenging to find maternity clothes in the correct size because her daughter was small in stature. With respect to medical care, one grandmother indicated that, when her daughter became a mother at age fifteen, she was a nervous mother and tended to contact the doctor or nurses frequently with questions or concerns. The grandmother felt that her daughter was not taken seriously as a mother due to her age. She does not believe that professionals always understand that young mothers are ultimately still mothers. Finally, another grandmother relayed a narrative that occurred when her daughter delivered her
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child. The doctor approached the mother about placing the grandchild for an adoptive placement, as she revealed: The doctor come in here every day, what are you going to do, are you going to give your baby up for adoption and this and that? I'm like, no, she's not giving up her baby. She had this baby, she laid down and made it. This is her baby. You're not taking her baby. She ain't [sic] did nothing wrong or nothing. This is her baby. She going to raise it. She going to do good with it. She'll be taking care of her baby. Everything her baby needed she got. God looking over her raising her baby. The African American family responded to this experience with anger and frustration, as they perceived discrimination based on youth and race.
Grandchildren's Fathers The fathers of the grandchildren emerged as a common topic of discussion amongst many of the grandmothers and some of the mothers. The situation of the fathers of the children ranged from cohabitating with the mother and grandmother to never having any contact with the grandchild. Some of the mothers and the grandmothers reported satisfaction with the level of involvement and current relationship with the fathers of the grandchild, while others voiced concerns and requests for change. The following grandmother expressed relief in describing her 18 year old's situation as compared to her older daughter, who is also a mother. I don't know, maybe because the 18 year old knows who the father is for hers [her child]. And the 20 year old is not quite sure. She's not quite sure on this one that she's pregnant for either. So, that's kind of disappointing because, I mean, I didn't have a
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good childhood and I never had my father in my life. So when I had children, it was not a good relationship with their father. He was very abusive. But I stuck it out. I swore to God my children were going to have their father in their life. So, it's kind of disappointing for me with my 20 year old because she's not sure on who the baby's father is for either children. To where my 18 year old, even though it was irresponsible to get pregnant at that age; she knows who the father is. It seems, at least for some of the mothers and grandmothers, that the relationship with the father of the children influenced their feelings about the pregnancy and perhaps the child itself, especially when compared to the grandmother's own history. Mothers and grandmothers with positive perceptions of the fathers of the grandchildren tended to expect more assistance and support from the fathers, which in turn reduced the burden many grandmothers identified with the addition of the grandchild. Most mothers and grandmothers acknowledged paternal involvement by the fathers of the grandchildren, but they also tended to voice concerns or inconsistencies regarding the fathers' paternal role. Only six dyads agreed that the father was involved and contributing at least to the parenting of the child, if not the financial aspects of childrearing. Four additional mothers identified the fathers as supportive and involved, but their mothers did not agree. The following mother receives "donations" from the father of her child when he works, although his seasonal job has limited his employment. She feels her daughter's father is involved and supportive, although she has a more active role in her daughter's life. I mean, since we don't live together and since [her daughter's name] lives with me, she's obviously more bonded with me but she knows who he is. It's just that she has
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bonded with me more. Like, she was breastfed so even that kind of was a really big bonding thing. But he's always been really good with her, I just feel like I've done a lot more of the "dirt work", if you want to say. [laughs].... I think he's used to it now and I think in a heartbeat he'd say "Sure, I'll watch her tonight" but would I let him? No. For any reason? No. It's just that I've been the one for 16 months and I couldn't let anyone else do it. Three of these mothers wished, in fact, that they could cohabit so that the fathers and their children to spend more time together. One mother felt that that the father, who she was engaged to marry, encouraged her to attend school and shared caregiving responsibilities with her to support her educational goals. Members of two of the dyads indicated a desire for the fathers of the grandchildren to become more involved. In one case, the grandmother felt more pressure should be exerted onto the fathers, although she did not clarify by whom or in what way. She felt, however, that her sixteen year old daughter's life had been greatly impacted by the birth of her grandchild, and that the father's life had been impacted only minimally. In the second family, which was affluent, the mother wished the father of her child was more responsible so that she could have more respite time from parenting. Interestingly, in both of these families both members of the dyads identified the paternal grandmother of the child as contributing in the place of the father, either in terms of financial support or caregiving. In the first family the paternal grandmother was in poor health and provided childcare only occasionally, but she more often offered diapers. In the second case, the paternal family actually had a court order with visitation rights; they were the only family in this study with a legal visitation schedule. This seemed to reflect their higher
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socioeconomic status and the adversarial relationship between the mother and the father of the child. The parents of the father actually facilitated and participated in those weekly visits more often than the father himself. Several of the mothers and grandmothers expressed a feeling of physical and / or emotional abandonment by the fathers of their children. A couple of other mothers reported sporadic involvement by the fathers of their children with their offspring, while other mothers revealed that the fathers of their children did not maintain relationships with the child in any way. Both members of three dyads relayed accounts of the fathers vanishing during the pregnancy. In two cases the father of the grandchild was incarcerated shortly after conception. One father remained in prison and had not met his son. The other was not released until after the child's birth, and he had not been regularly involved since his recent release. In the third case, the father "bailed" when the mother was eight months pregnant, and had only seen his son a couple of times in the past two and a half years. In two of these cases, the mother moved onto a new romantic relationship quickly. In the latter case, the grandmother expressed concern because her daughter, now seventeen, had developed a new romantic relationship and moved in with her partner. They lived together a few months, but when the relationship ended the new boyfriend had no further contact with her son. The mother viewed this as another loss of a father figure in her son's life. Her mother expressed concern over her daughter's tendencies to seek relationships and rely on male partners. For mothers and grandmothers who expressed concerns about the father of the child, agreements between both members of the dyad, or at least awareness of the other person's perspective, were common. Approximately half of the participants voiced
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concerns about the father of the grandchild. In terms of concerns expressed by the mothers, several saw the shortcomings in either the father himself or in her relationship with the father, but they did not want to hinder the child's relationship with the father. For example, one mother's son had never met his father, because he had been incarcerated the past two and a half years since the birth of the child due to statutory rape charges initiated by the grandmother. The mother discussed her son's potential relationship with his father: Yeah, but if [son's name] dad wants to be involved when he gets out, that's fine with me. But it's up to [son]. If [son] wants to know his dad, I'm not going to tell [son] things his dad did to me. I'm not going to tell [son]—I'll tell [son] his dad is in prison because I was 14, he was 25 and that's wrong. But, other than that, he can form his own opinion about his dad. And once he's ready to meet him, then he can meet him. Because there's a point in his life, which I know is going to come, where he's going to want to meet his dad. But once he meets his dad, and he knows his dad, he can form his own opinion. And hopefully his dad has changed and he's not smoking weed and not drinking 24/7. The mother recognized the severity of the situation and desired for her son to make up his own mind about his father after they became acquainted. Grandmother concerns included the challenge of seeing a daughter with an unsatisfactory partner, feeling the young man "weighed the daughter down", and frustration that the father did not seek regular contact with the child. One grandmother expressed her concerns succinctly in stating "I don't believe he's the right person for her." Two of the other mothers communicated about the challenge of having either a
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current partner or significant past partner whom they knew their mother did not approve of or like. Here one seventeen year old mother described her feeling of entrapment between her mother and her daughter's father: It's been pretty stressful, but I try not to talk... it used to be really stressful and I just didn't want to talk about it to anybody. Like my mom, no matter what, she just wasn't happy with him. No matter what I could do, I couldn't please both of them at the same time, so I just stopped bringing it up. I don't argue with her, it's like okay. And if [boyfriend's name] says 'why doesn't your mom like me?' I'm just like 'I don't know, just let it go.' I don't want to talk about it to anybody because it's not really ever going to change probably. This mother did not know how to reconcile the differences between her mother and boyfriend.
Single Parenting and Family Structure This theme emerged during the course of the interviews and analysis, rather than being planned in advance. Over the course of the interviews this material emerged with enough depth and regularity that it seemed substantive enough to report. As a result, not all of the grandmothers discussed their past romantic relationships and many of the mothers were not currently in a romantic relationship. Given their ages and life circumstances, most of the mothers did not share anxiety or concern with their status as single parents. A few of the mothers either hoped to cohabitate with boyfriends in the future or had done so at some point in the past, but most did not convey a desire for a
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greater commitment presently. For example, the following fifteen year old mother described her relationship with the father of her infant son. He wants to go in the army and he wants to get married. He wants me to live on base with him. And I do want to be with him, but I don't know about the whole army thing. But I want to go to college too. We'll work around it. We're not in a big hurry. Cause we're together and boyfriend and girlfriend and people know that. The public acknowledgment of the relationship frequently served as adequate recognition for these mothers. One of the twenty-six mothers actually married the father of her son while she was a pregnant sixteen year old. She felt that, given her mother's strong religious convictions, the appropriate response to an unplanned pregnancy was marriage. Although she had been married for three years to her son's father, who was seven years her senior, they had been separated for several months due to his verbal abuse and controlling tendencies. Her mother had experienced an abusive marriage herself and allowed her daughter to reside at the family home while the couple worked on their marriage. In this narrative she describes what the relationship with her husband has meant to her as a young woman. Being married? I really, to tell you the truth, I think I'm really fortunate to find someone. Because at this age, I mean there's, so many people get married just to rush into it, don't even really know them. But for a grown man to actually be in love and actually be able to take care of someone, you know what I'm saying? And expect like the love and attention that you expect out of a grown woman as you would in me. I think that he's really trusted me and I know that for my age I'm really mature because I've always just, even ever since I was little before [husband's name] even came in, I
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was always so mature. Like I was always in grown folks' business. He noticed that and I just, like I said, I think I'm very fortunate to find someone who actually really loves me and cares about me because I see a lot of my friends relationships and they're talking about getting married and I'm like ohhh? You know what I'm saying? But, yeah, I was very fortunate. A lot of kids, a lot of my friends have to get child support and don't, and they're doing it on their own and here I am, so fortunate, to have a dad who just supports us and takes care of us and loves me and loves [son] and puts himself second in everything. Besides an anger problem, that's the only downfall to me, a really big downfall, but for the most part, I'm really fortunate, you know, to have someone. I don't know. Cause he, at the point and time when we got together, he could have been with someone who was grown and had a job and everything, but no, like there was something about me that apparently he just loves. And he's taken care of me ever since. Although she has not shared a home with her husband in months, she remains in regular contact with him, partially for her son's sake, and is open to a reconciliation with her husband. Sixteen of the grandmothers discussed the challenges of single parenthood they encountered in their own lives. Six of these were currently married, although not necessarily to the father of the daughter in this study. However, even these grandmothers had previously experienced stints as single mothers, most for at least two years. Several of the grandmothers disclosed that they did not want to see their daughters struggle as they had during childrearing, and that they had hoped their daughters would lead a different life. One grandmother described the challenges she had faced as a single parent
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and her wish that her daughter would not experience the same problems, even though her seventeen year old daughter at times mentioned her desire to reside independently. I think that she's lucky that we have this situation because you know how you do experiments or something: say you put her in her own house or apartment? It'd be very tough. I don't think she has a clue how hard that would be, you know? I don't. She thinks she does; I know she doesn't. Cause I remember. I was young and I had two boys, single, and had roommates, just an awful dark time in my life. And it was hard. I remember just scraping up, $2.63 to get my son diapers. They were $2.63 at the 7/11 to buy like 12 of them. I'd be taking bottles back just to get them because I couldn't make it until the paycheck. And that always sticks in my mind. I just, she needs something, her dad and I give it to her. Which, because we can now and that's why. If she were on her own, let's say we weren't here at all one bit to help her, it'd be huge. And I wouldn't want her to experience that. And that's what I'm saying, maybe sometimes they do need to experience that to realize it. She is not bad or.. .you know what I mean? If she was out drinking or drugging or never took care of her kid, yeah, it'd be different. But like I said, she's a really good mom for him. He's clean, she takes care of him, she feeds him. Some of the mothers and grandmothers also acknowledged that mothers are more often the default parent. For example, the following grandmother had parented her oldest child as a single parent for two years and currently had been married for sixteen years. The mother in the study was raised in a two-parent household: But even so, she's realizing that the woman is always going to be the one that does most of the work, most of the time, most of all of the above. The woman is going to be
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there. And especially when he's not making any money, so, you're not getting any support there so you're actually leaning on mom and dad. This statement reflects the fact that adolescent mothers often depend on their parents for financial support, which has been reinforced by recent policy trends. The majority of the grandmothers had been married at some point while parenting, but they had experienced periods of single parenting as well. Two of the never married grandmothers, both of whom were parenting children under the age often at the time of the interviews, expressed a desire to marry. These women were in their early thirties and regretted not marrying before having children. A different grandmother discussed her life's journey and the toll single parenthood had taken: At that time, I was very tired of single momhood. And, you know, wanting to move on and I had kind of lost myself in raising my children because I had focused on them for so long. So I was getting up in age and it was like, can I live life, finally? No, I can't because I've got all these issues with a teenager who may or may not get out of school and those kinds of things. So it was difficult. It was very difficult. She then expressed her regrets, in retrospect, at being a single parent to her two children. Yeah, I wouldn't have had any children out of wedlock. That's for sure. If I had a chance to go back, that's probably it. Doing the married thing, find the right person. Even though I was married with my son, it was still something that I knew the person wasn't right for me. I just wanted to be married kind of thing. That was the thing to do back then. So just those choices, I would have gone about it in a slower way, a more thoughtful way, that kind of thing.
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A couple of the grandmothers had only parented as single mothers, although earlier they have harbored hopes of marrying the fathers of their children. Several of the grandmothers whose daughters were raising their children by themselves encouraged self-sufficiency and stability, as illustrated by the following quote: I'm real encouraging. I tell her look, [laughs], go for the love, you know. Because love don't hurt. That guy, his [her grandson's] dad, just blessed her with hurt, you know. Make her jealous, be ignoring of the baby and not supportive of the baby, you know. I just think, just don't even let that bother you. And I'm sure it does, because it did me for a long time, when I was young. I see myself in her: calling the dad, saying I need help, I need help. Cause I used to do it. I used to take her, chasing her dad. And then we just said forget it. Yeah, I was. I was getting beat up, having to call the police and then track him like a detective, trying to get child support, which never happened. So I just said, you know, do your own thing. Get your own job, take care of your baby and do what you've got to do for him and yourself. And don't let him stress you out. And we started that right when she got pregnant. I said you know, finish school, get your education and then get a job. And don't let nobody pull you down. That's the way it's got to be. Three of the grandmothers also discussed, in depth, how the fathers of their daughters were verbally abusive men; in two of the cases the daughters were exposed to physical violence as well. Both of these women discussed how difficult it can be to leave domestic violence, especially when parenting young children. One of these grandmothers, in particular, recounted her own bitter divorce and custody battle, which has continued in the years since she left her husband. In the third case the husband was an addict, which
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impacted his personality and the relationship until the grandmother ultimately evicted him from the home and divorced him.
Spirituality One of the themes that emerged, especially among the grandmothers, was the utilization of spiritual resources. Seven of the grandmothers discussed the role religion or spirituality played in their lives. Grandmothers discussed support accessed from faith and religious communities, as well as the meaning and values they placed on spirituality. For example, three of the African American single grandmothers reflected upon the support they found in their faith in God and their fellow members of faith communities, especially as they coped with the demands of their single parenthood. These grandmothers discussed the feelings of purpose and support that their faith offered, especially in feeling able to deal with the challenges that parenthood presents. Several reflected that God sustained them through difficult times and would not give them more than they could bear at specific times. Two grandmothers noted and described their religious conversion as a pivotal life experience. One grandmother returned to church after September 11th, 2001 and felt that it was critical to attend church faithfully. Another found religion about eight years ago while struggling in a second marriage. These conversions were monumental and consequently changed their lives and activities greatly; both were subsequently regular attendees and volunteers at their respective churches. Their religious conversions did not evolve seamlessly though, as their children were all latency aged and tended to not understand the momentous changes in their mothers. In the first case, noted above, the
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grandmother had three children, and no one in the family joined her regularly for church services or her community activities. The mother, who was the middle child, reported that since giving birth she made an effort to attend church sometimes with her infant son, because it pleased her mother. She did, however, report tension at the church because many of the congregation members have explicitly told her that she should have waited to have sex. Her mother had given her a promise ring to wait to have sex and the fifteen year old hid her pregnancy for eight months. The pregnancy consequently was a major shock to the family system. In the second family system, the mother expressed confusion at the radical and sudden changes in her mother during that time of transformation. Her step-father, the grandmother's second husband, eventually joined her mother in church participation, but she and her sister have not joined her mother in the faith community as regular members. The mother described the grandmother's conversion as shocking, but when she became pregnant while unwed she felt becoming pregnant outside of wedlock was wrong. She married the father of her child while still pregnant, at sixteen years of age. In this case the grandmother escorted her grandson to church weekly and asserted that this routine was important to her. Several grandmothers shared a sentiment in the ritualistic aspect of religion, and the desire to incorporate that into the lives of their grandchildren. Three of the grandmothers mentioned church related activities as part of their regular routines and daily activities. They articulated an aspiration to offer their children and grandchildren religion and faith. For two of these women, this involved the grandchildren accompanying them to church functions, and in one case it entailed teaching her infant grandson Bible stories and religious songs. This grandmother also expressed concern that her daughter did not plan
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to baptize her grandson or raise him in a faith community, so she viewed her task as supplementing this aspect of her daughter's parenting. Spirituality emerged as a theme exclusively among grandmothers who either were currently single parents, or had been at some point while parenting. These grandmothers expressed financial and emotional strains associated with parenting, and they, often times indicated that either their faith beliefs or church communities provided spiritual resources to assist with daily challenges and responsibilities. The following grandmother described her frustration at the lack of support by her ex-husband and the father of her grandson, as well as how she coped: Then again, it comes from, I know how hard it is to be a single parent and whatnot because I'm one now. That's something I didn't plan on. So, just, it put some stress on me but back to what the Lord said. He said he wouldn't put more on me than I can handle. Sometimes certain things have to remind me that I have to back, they have to come back to my spirit and remind me again. But there's times I'm like why should I have to do this? Why should I have to be the only responsible person? There is another responsible party. Why can't they see that they have a responsibility too? And someone told me, have you ever thought that maybe you are the only responsible party? [laughs]. This grandmother later elaborated specifically on the meaning that her spiritual beliefs hold in her life. Um, [long pause], I mean.. .my faith is important. You bring up a child in ways to not depart from it. I truly believe that. I also truly believe you spare the rod, you spoil the child. So and the rod could be anything, you know, not necessarily a belt, which I
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have used. I've used it plenty [laughs]. A rod could be too as far as you know activities, being able to do things and stuff like that, so. Yeah, it plays a very important... I think that's what... like I said, there's many times where I feel as though it's been hard and I get depressed about the fact that why should I be the only one working and whatnot. It's my faith. It gets me through that you know. I'm reminded where, I might go through it for a minute then I have to remind myself, okay Lord, you said you'll never leave me and forsake me. So right now I'm going through with my children. I need you to help me. And once I remind myself what the word says, that brings me back to peace. Her religion offered solace and comfort during difficult times.
Research Question 4: What role strains and role enhancements have occurred due to the multi-generational living patterns? How has caregiving affected the lives of grandmothers? This subject matter focused the grandmothers' experiences and the meanings associated with grandmotherhood for participants. Although grandmothers described variations within this role, three common responses emerged. First, grandmothers in some circumstances acted as equal or nearly equal caregivers, sharing many parenting tasks with the mothers. Second, and in contrast, some grandmothers adopted clear boundaries and assisted with caregiving at their will and initiation. Third, grandmothers described their role as head of household and family matriarch. In addition to these roles, most grandmothers and mothers recognized the grandmother as a teacher and role model. The following sections describe caregiving patterns within these families.
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Grandmotherhood Roles When asked about the nature of being a grandmother, most of the grandmothers spoke of the meaning and value they associated with grandmotherhood. These meanings were universally framed in a positive manner, although four grandmothers, sometimes jokingly, stated that they were too young to become grandparents. These grandparents spoke enthusiastically about the unconditional love and joy in being a grandparent; to many that felt like a special bond. Overall, these grandmothers identified themselves as performing similar tasks to a mother but with the benefit of some emotional distance and the ability to return the child to her mother when they preferred. Several grandmothers described the excitement of sharing in infant and toddler development without all of the responsibility of daily care. When a young child resides in the home, new and exhilarating changes occur frequently. Three distinct roles within the experience of grandmotherhood emerged. The first type of role consisted of shared caregiving. Six grandparents indicated that they assumed coparenting status in their grandchild's life. In these cases grandmothers identified their daughters as a primary caregiver to the grandchild, but felt they also completed tasks as a parent in terms of quality and quantity of interactions with the grandchild. For example, in two of these cases, both Caucasian families, the grandmothers described scenarios in which they and their daughters each had specific duties as far as parenting. Another grandparent mentioned the desire to fulfill parenting obligations so that the daughter could focus on her senior year of high school and work towards long-term selfsufficiency and success. Three of the grandmothers, all minorities, described a bond with their grandchildren approaching that of a parent, and one grandmother stated that she
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viewed the baby as her child, not as a granddaughter. This Latina grandmother articulated the closeness she felt to her granddaughter: "I see her as my daughter, even though she's not, that's how I see her. I can't believe that she could be my granddaughter. My mind won't believe it. I know she is though. It's very hard for me." This grandmother dreaded the day her daughter became an adult and left the family home. The second distinct approach towards grandparenting involved the independent stance. Eleven grandmothers asserted that they viewed the parenting of the grandchild as their daughter's job, and that they would not assume parental duties on their child's behalf. This was usually communicated to their daughters clearly and consistently, initially prior to the delivery of the grandchild. The following fifty-eight year old grandmother, the oldest in the sample, very specifically articulated that she did not want to sacrifice her own plans on her daughter's behalf. But I'm not going to be, like I told her, I'm not going to be deprived because I just got her up to the age where I try to go and I don't have to worry about trying to get babysitters and all that kind of stuff, you know what I'm saying? But then for me to turn back around, when am I going to have my time? You know? Uh-huh. So it gets to be a little... but then I don't want him to feel that grandma didn't love him or nothing neither. Another grandmother described the relief, compared to single parenthood, which accompanied grandmotherhood. I love it, I love it. I mean that's somebody else's baby. I'll be like with her in the house, come get your baby from home. So it's nice to not have the responsibility of their lives in your hands. You can love them. You don't have to worry if they're going
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to get an A in school. You do, but it's different than as a parent. You've got their lives in your hand. But as a grandmother, it's like you add that little piece to their lives. You don't have to carry that whole burden of raising that child, making sure that they do what needs to be done in life. You can just be a grandma. That's freedom for me. A third grandmother specified her expectations that her daughter assume the role of primary caregiver. The father of her grandson maintained minimal involvement. As a result, the grandmother emphasized education with the hope that her fifteen year old daughter would ultimately become self-sufficient. We let her know right up front, there's still things that I expect out of her, she has the responsibilities, this is her baby. Yes, she's young, but she has to learn that we have consequences for our choices and for our actions and whatnot. And this is the consequences of being a teenage mother, it's responsibility. Education is important, I want her to get that. That's why we take care of him while she's at school. Once she's out of school and she's home, the responsibility of him now rests on her. We're no 1 longer responsible for him. His care and his needs, it's now her responsibility when she comes home from school. A few of the grandmothers also stated that they wanted the difference between mother and grandmother to be clear for the grandchild, which can be challenging when they cohabitate. These grandmothers, for a variety of reasons including health, energy and interest, did not want to be accountable for the daily care of their grandchild. They tended to be the least affected by both the experience of grandparenting and living within three generational households, because they maintained clear and consistent boundaries with their roles and tended not to deviate from them.
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The third role associated with grandmotherhood, as expressed by six grandmothers, was that of the family matriarch. These grandparents viewed their grandchildren as the youngest generation of the family line and a part of themselves. These grandmothers typically embraced the presence of their grandchildren. One grandmother, who had two grandchildren residing in her home, expressed the sentiment, "For my grandchildren, I don't know, they're my life. They're part of me. They're part of my dad. I've got four generations going on and I'd like to see a fifth." In describing her grandchildren she said they were her heritage. Several grandparents emphasized that grandchildren were an opportunity to view one's children as parents and to have additional children in the family. Within this context four of the grandmothers expressed a desire to protect their grandchild and to act on behalf of the grandchild in terms of safety. These grandmothers reported concerns about safety and about the child's environment, and one grandmother voiced displeasure with her daughter's utilization of her alternative school's childcare facility. She would have preferred to babysit herself, but her daughter wanted the baby at school with her. As discussed earlier, many grandmothers established rules for the mothers, especially related to the care of the grandchild. For example, curfews were common for mothers and usually centered around the grandchild's routine and bedtime. During cold weather, grandmothers were hesitant to allow their grandchildren outside unnecessarily. Although most grandmothers were slow to criticize their daughters' parenting, many nonetheless wanted to oversee the care of the grandchildren, particularly for infants.
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Caregiving All of the mothers and grandmothers reported some involvement in terms of physical and financial care for the grandchild. However, the types and extent of care provided varied considerably. For example, some provided mainly short-term respite care, such as smoking breaks or time to run errands. Five grandmothers who provided childcare while the mother either attended work or school spent the greatest quantity of time with their grandchildren. Two of the mothers in those pairs expressed relief in the arrangement of childcare provided by the grandmother. Six of the mothers communicated that their mothers explicitly desired time with their grandchildren and planned for that specifically. Two factors specifically seemed to impact caregiving experiences of the grandmothers: the number of other minor children residing in the household and whether the grandmother served as the primary childcare provider. In homes with other minor children, grandmothers frequently reported stress at financially and emotionally providing for all members of the household. To ease this burden, these grandmothers tended to utilize other children in the household as childcare assistants during the day. The mothers' siblings often provided respite care for the grandmothers, which was appreciated. Grandmothers who provided childcare for their grandchildren were more likely to be in constant close proximity with the children, and the grandchildren were more often less clear about the differences between mother and grandmother. Two grandmothers, both Caucasian, discussed their deliberate decisions to not have additional children prior to the birth of their grandchildren. In one of these cases, the grandmother's only child, who became a mother at sixteen, greatly changed her family's functioning with her decision to parent. This grandmother discussed the toll that three
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generational parenting has taken on her marriage, ultimately resulting in her leaving the family home for three brief stints: Because there are times when I just need a break from it. I love to be outside and I love to work out and I can clear my head in that way but it's a constant every-day walk in and it's still there and it's something I have to deal with. So I personally have been deciding 'Is this something I want? Is that something I want to have to accept everyday? Or do I want to play it part-time where I can live separate but still play an active role?' So [her husband'a name] in the last three months has really had to take over more of the primary responsibilities and I'd have to say that the reasons for the main cause of that, the breakdown of the marriage, would have been the pregnancy. This grandmother found less satisfaction in her marriage after grandmotherhood in this circumstance. At this point, the grandmother found herself questioning the future of her marriage, despite over twenty-five years with her partner. The other grandmother described her husband's vasectomy and her yearning for her children's independence. She saw the birth of her grandson as potentially postponing her own independence another eighteen years. These grandmothers both reported significant grief over their daughters' choices to parent, yet both grandmothers were very hesitant in allowing their seventeen year old daughters to contemplate living independently. Fourteen grandmothers expressed physical, financial and/ or emotional consequences as a result of caregiving within their three generational households. The greatest number of grandparents: nine total, referred to emotional consequences associated with caregiving. These included worry for their daughters and/ or grandchild; one grandmother's resentment towards her daughter for being placed in the role of provider
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and caregiver; and another grandparent's wish that a daughter was more appreciative. Grandmothers also specifically referenced financial and material needs, as well as the costs associated with raising a young child. Six of the grandmothers voiced physical tolls as a result of caregiving; two experienced health problems themselves that rendered them limited in their physical abilities to care for a grandchild. A final grandmother expressed the toll of being the emotional buffer for the entire family. In this situation, her daughter and husband had experienced a long-term conflictual relationship, and she felt trapped in between them.
Role Enhancement Five of the grandmothers specifically discussed ways they had experienced role enhancements as grandmothers. Two of these noted advantages to becoming young grandmothers, specifically the ability to sustain physical activity with young children. Several grandmothers who were very involved with sports and physical activities with their children anticipated a similar role with their grandchildren. Like I said, I'm blessed to be able to be home and not be working in a factory job or whatnot. I enjoy it. And I'm glad that I'm young enough. I'm 44. I'm young enough where I'll see all these guys graduate hopefully, God willing. And then I can get out there and play ball with them, and do stuff like that. I run with [oldest grandson] a lot. I can't wait to teach him how to ski because my kids were all skiers. I want to do that with all these guys, really. And then like this year I want to get him out, bring him waterskiing, all that fun stuff.
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The following excerpt from a grandmother reflects her pleasure at seeing her daughters parent their children. I'm happy to be a grandmother, you know. A lot of people say you're a mom at this age and now you're even a grandmother at this age. I'd rather, I don't really want to push, because they're so young, and yeah, it comes out of one's pocket because they're still minors, but I want to be around to hopefully see all of my kids have their kids. So at least I know, as they're raising them, I know I had something to do with it. And I know the fact that what I've done as a mom has rubbed off on them and they're doing pretty good as parents. Two of the grandmothers expressed how having their grandchildren in their homes helped them feel like a mother again. This also emerged as a tension for one grandmother, who viewed her granddaughter as her own child. Although her daughter was currently fifteen and her granddaughter just a couple of months old, this grandmother felt herself bonding to the baby as a mother. It's a bad thing because when my daughter turns 18 and leaves the house it is going to be very hard for me. She's not going to leave the baby here. And it's going to be like losing two daughters instead of my daughter and my granddaughter. My relationship with my granddaughter should be different. I should just be doing babysitting, but it's so difficult. If my daughter decides to leave the baby with me when she leaves I would love it, but I don't think that is going to happen. A final grandmother discussed the joy she experiences when her granddaughter chooses her over anyone else, but she recognized that when she communicates about her granddaughter her possessive nature surfaces.
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I catch myself often, especially at work, talking to people about babies and whatnot, I catch myself sounding like I'm her mom. And then I'll have to stop and it's like "wait a minute, that's my grandbaby". But I know as I'm talking about her that's how it's coming across that I talk about her like she's mine. And there are times when I think I forget that she's not mine. But we have a good relationship. She's very, I would say, close with me, there are times where, often probably I think, where she chooses me over anybody but I'm like the "baby whisperer" or something. These women found their lives enriched by the experience of grandmotherhood and multi-generational living.
Findings Synthesis This research explored the nature of and dynamics within three generational households. Typically when a minor became a mother and lived with her mother, their relationship and communication changed after the birth of the child. Mothers typically spent more time at home and engaged in more open conversations with the grandmothers after parenting. Not unexpectedly, many grandmothers became more restrictive and monitored their daughters' lives more carefully after parenting. One theme that emerged in interviews with both mothers and grandmothers concerned the tensions between mothers' dependence on the grandmothers for financial, emotional, and parenting support, in contrast with mothers' struggles for autonomy. Minor mothers, especially those who accessed governmental assistance, experienced restrictions in terms of their housing environments and the expectation to complete a high school education.
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Financial, emotional or material needs tended to accompany adolescent parenthood for mothers and grandmothers in the sample. Most dyads accessed services from community providers, particularly parenting and emotional support, financial and material assistance or medical care. Participants, in addition to formal social services, reported the utilization of support from spiritual resources and faith communities. Many dyads reported a desire for greater involvement, physically and financially, from the fathers of the grandchild. Related to this, single grandmothers recounted higher levels of stress and lower levels of support than those grandmothers in stable and long-term romantic relationships. Most of the participants in this study resided in relatively small households. As such, the existence and ages of other children in the household, as well as the age of the grandchild and the presence of other resources, impacted how the family adapted to the grandchild. Overall grandmothers felt positively about their relationships with their grandchildren, even though their presence altered the lives of grandmothers. The matriarchs tended to share caregiving responsibilities, including physical care and financial support. Despite occasional challenges and strains, most dyad members recognized their need for each other and the benefits of three generational households in this circumstance.
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CHAPTER 5 DISCUSSION AND LIMITATIONS
Discussion This study sought to provide in-depth descriptions of the lives and experiences of mothers and grandmothers living within three generational households. Past research had focused on specific areas of interest, such as parental communication, caregiving, role strain, and the consequences of welfare reform, but this research integrated these topics for a more holistic understanding about this subgroup of adolescent mothers. By interviewing diverse participants, this research furthered understandings of three generational households in a manner that had previously not been reported in the empirical literature. Teen pregnancy has received significant scholarly attention in recent decades, particularly the identification of associated risk factors and outcomes. This research sought to advance the literature in terms of understanding household functioning postpregnancy, when adolescent mothers reside with their mothers. Interviews for this research captured the perspectives of mothers and grandmothers, to better understand the nature of three generational households with teenage mothers. This sample presented diversity in terms of household composition, socioeconomic status, race and ethnicity, and family size. Additionally, the families varied in their access to social services and educational opportunities. This diversity allowed insight into a variety of life circumstances, but not enough depth to fully categorize the impact of differences. One contribution of this study involved the methodological choice to interview mother-grandmother pairs, in order to compare perspectives on the same subject matters.
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This method revealed that dyad members viewed their experiences more similarly than differently. Only a few notable disagreements emerged during the course of the interviews, which implies that mothers and daughters considered and described their worlds and experiences through similar terms. This exposed, arguably, the power of multi-generational relationships and socialization within the family. The findings revealed different experiences for mothers and grandmothers, often associated with developmentally appropriate challenges, but similar experiences in several areas as well. More broadly, mothers wrestled with anticipating the short and long-term needs associated with parenting and providing for a child. While mothers usually wanted autonomy from the grandmothers, most recognized their lack of preparation and ability to support themselves and their child emotionally, financially and physically. Related to this, many mothers did not expect, nor demand, equal participation from the fathers of their children, even though all of their children were under the age of two and a half years. While a handful of mothers felt the grandmothers did too much for them, most relied on this emotional and financial assistance and craved the support it offered. The grandmothers in this study were more apt to recognize role conflict. This frequently surfaced in relation to feeling strained under the quantity of personal and professional roles they juggled. In their relationships with the mothers and grandchildren, the grandmothers frequently acted as teacher, mentor, provider, and respite childcare provider. They articulated different meanings and experiences with caregiving, ranging from a co-parent approach to a more independent stance with clear boundaries for their role. Nonetheless, by cohabitating, the grandmothers tended to maintain regular,
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consistent involvement with the grandchild. They also commonly viewed themselves as the family matriarch or head of household. This stance required grandmothers to create, implement and monitor household rules, such as a regular schedule and supervision, which typically seemed to further the best interest of the grandchild. Despite strain they may have encountered as grandmothers, most identified a deep affection for and bond with the grandchild and pleasure in grandparenting. This tended to moderate the stresses they often identified. Common ground between mothers and grandmothers also emerged during the course of the interviews and subsequent analysis. Some mothers and grandmothers discussed the importance of and pursuit of romantic relationships, especially within the context of parenting. Grandmothers, in particular, disclosed the challenges associated with lacking a life partner to share the perceived burdens of parenting and grandparenting. Grandmothers and mothers both accessed social support, although from different formal and informal sources. Formal supports included parenting programs, material and financial assistance, and medical care. Informal supports included emotional support through friendships and relationships, and, for some grandmothers, spiritual resources. Most mothers had accessed at least one service since parenting, and these support services generally were viewed favorably. In addition to community and home-based services, half of those who attended high school attended alternative schools. These programs catered to adolescent parents through programming for parents and the offer of daycare. Grandmothers acknowledged the mothers' participation with social services, and also typically deemed them as helpful, but tended not to view themselves as the consumers of such programs. The notable exception to satisfaction with services for both
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mothers and grandmothers involved challenges with accessing TANF funds and, on occasion, being deemed ineligible for this resource. Despite common observations by mothers and grandmothers, their perceptions varied in three key instances. First, in terms of service use, the mothers and grandmothers did not report identical service utilization by type or rate. It seemed, based on examination of the findings in table 5, that grandmothers often did not identify services in which they viewed their daughter or grandchild as the primary consumer. For example, fewer grandmothers recognized WIC or material support programs. On the other hand, mothers seemed less aware of the grandmothers' use of support services to meet family and household needs. For example, mothers were less conscious of receipt of TANF and Section 8 funds. This implies that grandmothers either assumed these responsibilities without communication to the mothers, or mothers were passive in this process. These phenomena indicated separation between the mothers and grandmothers and a possible lack of awareness between both parties about services used within the household, by household members. A second common area of disagreement entailed the fathers of the grandchildren. Grandmothers regularly voiced concerns about the quantity and quality of involvement by the fathers of their grandchildren, or the lack of involvement altogether. Mothers tended to be more protective of the fathers of their children, even if they no longer shared a romantic relationship. At times mothers discussed the conflict they experienced when tensions surfaced between their mothers and boyfriends, but the mothers were, by and large, unwilling to vocally declare their loyalty to one party over the other. This issue,
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over the course of the interviews, seemed largely unresolved within the families, but tended to emerge in an ongoing manner due to the presence of the young children. Finally, independent living reflected a third area of disagreement between dyad members. The mothers' mean age of 16.5 years meant that most mothers planned to live with the grandmothers indefinitely. While most mothers expressed a lack of preparation to live independently, many hoped to live either alone or with a partner in the future. The grandmothers, in contrast, revealed their protective tendencies towards their daughters and grandchildren. Almost all were hesitant to encourage or allow their daughters to pursue independent living, even though they experienced role strain and stress as a result of sharing a three generational household. These grandmothers' instincts to shield their offspring from stress and hardship indicated their concern for the mothers' and grandchildren's well-being, and at times their lack of confidence in their daughters' abilities. The remainder of this discussion focuses on household relationships, caregiving, and the access of supports. Incorporated within this discussion is the access and utilization of social supports, including thoughts about social capital. Considered within these sections are the household level, the interpersonal level, and finally the community level. The implications then present recommendations for policy, practice and research.
Developmental Tasks and Caregiving This research provided not only insight into both the functioning of mothers and grandmothers within three generational households, but also a greater understanding of caregiving within these households. Within three generational households that are
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established by a teen pregnancy, the teen mother usually parents her child while managing the developmental tasks associated with adolescence (Krishnakumar & Black, 2003; Sadler et al., 2007). The findings from this study reinforce past research, as mothers wrestled with the desire for independence, in the context of dependence upon the grandmother. Although mothers at times felt mature because of their circumstances, developmentally they also negotiated the typical tasks of adolescence. Given the young ages of the mothers in the sample, developmentally the mothers wrestled, at times, with anticipating coming challenges, long-term consequences and assessing consequences of behaviors prior to their arrival. The following example illustrates the immediacy of the mothers' thinking: when asked about their needs, a third of the mothers replied that they had none. Many of these mothers described the baby gifts they received either at baby showers or when they had their children. They often failed to realize the quantity of diapers and formula they would need for their babies or the speed at which their children would grow. This lack of planning and forethought is common in early adolescence (Keating, 2004). Several grandmothers described instances of their daughters' short-term thinking, for example the prioritization of buying cell phone minutes instead of diapers or baby items. Many of these mothers then relied on their mothers to meet their children's financial and material needs, which fostered a greater sense of dependence. Most would likely expect members of three generational households to spend significant time together. As family members in close proximity, it would seem likely that mothers and grandmothers would interact most of the time that they were home together. Contrary to expectation, and although mothers tended to spend more time at
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home after this birth of their children, only two mothers reported an increased quantity of time with their mother post-childbirth. This offered new insight into relationships of dyad members and indicated a couple of different behavior patterns by grandmothers. Grandmothers often worked long hours, cared for younger children, or sought solace in their private living quarters. Mothers usually noted limited time spent with their mothers, a desire to spend increased time together, and the loneliness of parenting a child. During a time when adolescents typically seek greater depth and intensity among relationships outside of family members (Fulmer, 1999), the mothers in this study frequently found themselves at home more often after the birth of their children. This aspect of adolescent parenting receives less attention in the literature, although it likely has significant impacts on educational, employment, and social opportunities. While mothers typically responded to this loss of freedom in a nonchalant manner, a subset of the grandmothers grieved the loss they felt on behalf of their daughters. These grandmothers tended to regret the early parenthood by their daughters, and often offered to provide respite care so the mothers could experience a semblance of a typical adolescence. Grandmothers typically provided financial support, education for the mothers, and in some cases assistance with physical care of the grandchild. Childcare support ranged from occasional respite care to acting as the regular babysitter while the mother either worked or attended school. For half of the grandmothers, the grandchild in the study was their first grandchild; as such, many were adjusting to a new role as grandmother, in addition to sharing a household. This unexpected event and the perception of being off-
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time impacted adjustment, similar to past research findings (Landry-Meyer & Newman, 2004; Minkler & Fuller-Thompson, 2000). In most of the households, the grandmothers had only one grandchild living with them. Therefore, many grandmothers based their experiences as grandmothers primarily on the relationship with the grandchild in the study. As such, this study contributed to understanding of a life-changing event as the women experienced it, rather than based on historical events set in their pasts. Grandmothers typically reported positive sentiments about the grandchild and, in general, the experience of grandparenting. These relationships, particularly given the cohabitation, may have been closer and more interconnected than typical grandparent relationships. As mentioned in the findings, the existence of other children in the household, usually the mother's siblings, and whether the grandmother served as a childcare provider, tended to impact their caregiving experiences. Another factor that seemed to have made some difference in the responses regarding their grandchildren involved the age of the grandmother. Seven of the grandmothers were under the age of forty, which means they were both of childbearing age themselves and remained in early adulthood (Zastrow & Kirst-Ashman, 2001). Not surprisingly, these grandmothers often indicated that although they loved their grandchild, the onset of grandmotherhood arrived too early. These grandmothers always parented their first grandchild, and their daughters' pregnancies had been unexpected. In addition, several of them parented young children themselves. As mentioned in the literature review, this reflects the notion of off—time entry into a role. The emergence of grandmotherhood was often unexpected and frequently unwelcome, at least initially.
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Grandmothers in middle adulthood typically parented teenagers or older children, and only one grandmother had daily caregiving responsibilities for an older parent. Some of these grandmothers appreciated their relative youth and agility, as it fostered the ability to physically interact and play with their grandchild. These grandmothers possessed fewer familial responsibilities and dependent family members, which impacted the availability of time and resources. Nonetheless, not all of these grandmothers maintained regular interactions with their grandchildren. This demarcation had not been previously made within the caregiving literature, yet influenced the lives and experiences of grandmothers. Varying degrees of role strain and role enhancement also were discerned in study interviews. Similar to past research (Gordon & Perrone, 2004; Skalski et al, 2006), role strain appeared more pronounced when grandmothers failed to set firm boundaries with their daughters and grandchildren in terms of their intended involvement. Grandmothers who allowed themselves a physical space within the family home and who limited caregiving responsibilities generally fared better than other grandmothers. They likely either protected their time and self-interests better, or else were more skilled at decisionmaking to limit their involvements and responsibilities. Past research (Goode, 1960; Spencer-Dawe, 2005) also has found that a greater number of responsibilities often required more choices in the lives of caregivers. Too many stressors and obligations facilitated role strain (Gordon & Perrone, 2004; Skalski et al., 2006). Not surprisingly, the grandmothers who faced fewer stressors and were not a primary caregiver for the grandchild were more expressive of the positive aspects of grandmotherhood within three generational households. This finding also reverberated with past research (Sebern, 2005).
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Romantic Relationships Similar to most published studies, this study focused on the role of mothers as primary caregivers. Within the sample, most of the mothers did not expect significant assistance from the fathers of their children. In some cases, the couple no longer shared a romantic relationship or any meaningful contact at all. In other cases, the father maintained physical support and contact, which in the mothers' minds seemed to trump financial assistance. Another related factor is that most of the fathers were not successful in maintaining consistent full-time employment. Only one father worked full-time and provided medical benefits for his infant son. These findings resonant with previous literature (Kivisto, 2001), in which teen mothers do not necessarily expect a long-term commitment or equal parenting from the fathers of their children. In fact, adolescent mothers are likely to raise their infant children without an equal effort from the father of their child (Larson, 2004). Approximately half of the grandmothers were either currently single parents or had been single parents in the past. In addition, several noted their histories of being abused women in relationships with the father of their children. Findings from the current study also revealed the linkages between the grandmothers' relationship status and the availability of supports. That is, single grandmothers quickly disclosed their relationship status and elaborated upon the challenges of single parenthood. In contrast, the married grandmothers rarely, if ever, mentioned their spouses during the course of the interviews. The women in committed relationships thus may have taken the presence of spouses for granted. This makes sense if the women had fewer struggles, in terms of emotional and financial resources, based on their relationship status. The single grandmothers often
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grieved the lack of a partner to some degree, although grandmothers who experienced abusive relationships also noted some relief at the dissolution of their previous romantic relationships. Those grandmothers who were either married or in a committed relationship, on the other hand, rarely mentioned their partners at all, unless they contrasted previous experiences as a single mother with their current situations. Those grandmothers regularly described relief and pleasure in their existing relationship. This emphasis on single parenting developed from the grounded theory approach, whereby the grandmothers initiated this subject matter instead of a direct prompt eliciting information about the grandmother's relationship status. Single grandmothers also were quick to note financial and emotional stressors as related to parenting and their status as the head of a three generational household. Financial needs often presented a serious challenge. Several grandmothers reported the need to work two jobs to make ends meet, since the demise of their romantic relationship with their daughter's father or another partner, thus removing them from the family home for extended periods of time. Not surprisingly, this offered their daughters segments of unsupervised time, usually during the day and after school hours. Previous literature has indicated that such limited supervision places young adults at greater risk for sexual activity and pregnancy (Monahan, 2001). Grandmothers in these situations revealed that they had tended to ask their daughters about sexual activity with some regularity, but their daughters had assured them they were not sexually active. When this questioning cannot be accompanied by direct monitoring it is less successful at pregnancy prevention (Chandy et al., 1994; Roche et al., 2005). Similar to previous empirical findings, the grandmothers in this study recognized this as a contributor to the initial pregnancy and
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feared a second pregnancy. The pregnancy almost always provided a shock and extra responsibility for the grandmothers and few of the grandmothers in this situation viewed their grandchild as a burden in their current situation. Not surprisingly, several of the grandmothers were themselves teen mothers. This research reinforced, to some degree, the fear that adolescent pregnancy is influenced by generational patterns (Raneri & Wiemann, 2007). Disparately, a similar quantity of the grandmothers became mothers in their twenties and thirties. This reinforced the notion that while teen motherhood by the grandmother may be a risk factor for teenage pregnancy, it is not the only predictor of generational teenage pregnancies. Although not fully explored within this research, the grandmothers who were and were not teen parents responded to their daughters' pregnancies differently. These grandmothers seemed more shocked by the pregnancy and their daughters' sexuality than the grandmothers who were young mothers themselves. Several of the grandmothers who were teen parents themselves discussed the fact that their daughter had accessed birth control during the time period when they had become pregnant.
Social Supports The majority of mothers and grandmothers noted a willingness to access formal support services if they were viewed as potentially helpful. Only a couple of the mothers reported not using any services, although even these likely either received Medicaid or WIC or were eligible for such services. Dyad members reported the utilization of services for emotional and parenting support, financial and material support, and medical care. The distribution of services accessed reflects the diverse needs and situations of families.
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For example, families deemed ineligible for TANF funds were more likely to recount experiences with seeking emergency goods such as diapers, formula and clothing. Several of the more affluent families discussed needing Medicaid for the grandchild, because the child was ineligible under a grandparent's insurance plan. A variety of families sought emotional and parenting support, which implied that motivation and interest were not necessarily associated with socioeconomic status or race. Among the single grandmothers, spirituality emerged as a common source of support. However, religion and spirituality were only referenced by two mothers. In those cases both described their mothers' conversions to faith. This reflected a pattern in which mothers did not self-identify as religious, regardless of their mothers' level of religious involvement. Religious beliefs can be a protective factor for teen pregnancy (Cooksey et al., 1996), but none of the mothers in this sample self-identified during the interview as religious or spiritual. Because this line of questioning evolved during the interviews, rather than being a planned part of the interview protocol, it would be helpful to understand how the grandmothers' faith and religious beliefs evolved over time, as well as the impact of these beliefs on the family system. One can speculate, based on the findings this sample, that religious inclinations among the grandmothers increased with age and the lack of other supports. This would reinforce the finding of single mothers expressing spiritual beliefs so readily. Less understood are the daughters' experiences with spirituality and their reasons for limited involvement with organized religion and spiritual beliefs. While most of the participants from communities of lower socioeconomic status remained in school, nearly all attended alternative education settings instead of traditional
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schools. These schools offered several advantages to mothers, including the presence of childcare and other mothers and children in attendance, as well as a lower volume of homework. Alternative schools are one mechanism for the reduction of barriers to school access and increase support services, which ultimately reinforces school enrollment (Coley and Chase-Lansdale, 1998). In turn, the lack of school attendance presents a risk factor for teen pregnancy (Gest et al., 1999). However, while these schools stimulated continued enrollment and foster attendance, they may not promote adequate long-term opportunities involving higher education and professional careers (Roche et al., 2005). Norms influence behaviors and attitudes for community members. As far as teen pregnancy, norms stem from parents, community members and school settings (Houseknecht & Lewis, 2005). Among a variety of other risk factors, teen pregnancy tends to be more normalized in communities of lower socioeconomic status (Coley and Chase-Lansdale 1998; Hill & Angel, 2005). The findings of this research, specifically regarding the broad accessing of services and non-traditional school settings by some mothers, provided interesting insights into the use of social capital. In particular, the mothers of lower socioeconomic status possessed social networks with greater numbers of adolescent mothers. This likely minimized the stigma associated with teen parenting, but the teen mothers did not necessarily maximize their social connections with other mothers to share resources and offer support to each other. In fact, a greater of number of parenting adolescents within one's social network is a risk factor for teen pregnancy (Kivisto, 2001). In contrast, mothers of higher socioeconomic status in this study reported greater assets and opportunities, especially related to a desire to pursue college and an
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articulation of long-term goals. These more affluent mothers, however, felt a greater stigma associated with teen parenthood, and they rarely had any other close friends who were parents as well. Several of these mothers reported being a source of gossip at their school due to their circumstances; mothers of lower socioeconomic status never revealed that experience. This tended to isolate higher socioeconomic status mothers from their non-parenting peers to some degree, as they typically attended school, often worked parttime, and then spent most free time with their children. Yet, the maintenance of enrollment in regular education settings signified an achievement in the mothers' minds, even if it possibly included a social cost. All voiced a sentiment that their schools offered a better quality of education and increased opportunities for the future, in comparison with an alternative education setting. In summary, conclusions about social capital may be a bit complex and even contradictory. Family systems with lower socioeconomic status typically were more connected to community resources, and tended to reside in locations closer to service providers. These mothers usually reported denser social networks with other adolescent parents. However, many of their communities wrestled with economic needs, fewer social and economic opportunities, and potentially untapped networks among mothers. On the other hand, more affluent families were more selective with service utilization, and they tended to report a higher stigma associated with the pregnancy and their status as teen parents. Perhaps at greater risk, members of the working poor social class seemed disenfranchised from service utilization and without the same resources and opportunities for self-sufficiency provided to members of lower socioeconomic classes.
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Limitations Although the participants in this study reflected diverse demographic traits, they were recruited through non-random channels, largely by word of mouth. Methodologically, the interviews were conducted over a four-month span of time, which coincided with the momentum of posting recruitment flyers. However, a slower data collection period may have allowed a richer grounded theory approach. Most participants were recruited through school systems, parenting classes and local clinics, as opposed to through social service programs. Recruiting directly through programs for teen parents tended to be unsuccessful for the most part. The sample size of twenty-six pairs, adequate for a qualitative study, did not reach saturation for findings. Subsequently, this research offered preliminary thoughts and descriptions, rather than conclusions. As a result, the sample is not necessarily representative of the broad teen parent population residing in three generational families. It must also be noted that data was collected during a particularly cold Michigan winter, thus leading to unusual difficulties with transportation and the cost of living. The interviews were also held in a state with serious economic difficulties at that time. This impacted some participants' requests for assistance, especially members of the working poor who desired cash and financial assistance, and were later deemed ineligible. The inclusion of many families who were not eligible for cash assistance from the state, for example, increased an understanding of the working poor or families that may desire financial assistance without meeting eligibility criteria. These families tended to be well-informed about welfare reform policies and eligibility criteria for services.
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Because the sample varied in terms of race and ethnicity, household structure, life circumstances and socioeconomic status, the number of participants with any particular characteristic was limited. The resulting small subgroup sizes limited quantification and generalizations. This ultimately led me to produce initial conclusions and categorizations, rather than a more systematic quantification or typology of experiences within three generational households. Especially since the sampling strategy yielded some participant groups who were unexpected, for example more affluent families and a Native American family, I wanted to exercise caution to prevent overgeneralizations based on my findings. Despite sampling limitations and methodological constraints, this unique sample offered representation to groups that may be commonly overlooked in the literature. These families tended to be connected to social services to some degree, but not to the degree I expected. The inclusion of families across the income spectrum reflected different needs and trends in terms of experiences, service use and supports. Although subgroups remained small in size, the integration of families of diverse racial backgrounds created some contrast, although more commonly similarity in experiences. This method provided a voice for and the inclusion of mothers and grandmothers in a manner that has not been done with the adolescent parenting research for this subject matter. Finally, this study sought to provide description and divergent narrative accounts, which was achieved during the course of this research.
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CHAPTER 6 CONCLUSION
Implications Social work language labels minority groups as populations-at-risk, meaning that they are vulnerable to systemic discrimination in American society or otherwise susceptible to social problems. In our commitment to combat this, social workers advocate for minority groups to raise awareness of discrimination and to reduce the negative effects of social problems as much as possible. Adolescent parents are vulnerable in terms of projected long-term disadvantages, including poor educational and career outcomes and limited opportunities for romantic relationships, in addition to the fact that they are responsible for raising a younger generation of children themselves. This research considered adolescent parenting and the subsequent impact on the teen mothers and their mothers, who reside together while parenting young children within the household. Implications for policy, theory, research, and practice are suggested by the research findings.
Theory This research enhanced knowledge related to the experiences of adolescent mothers and their mothers, and provided insights into experiences of multi-generational living. Role theory, the framework for this study, was utilized to explore family dynamics and relationships. This study considered how mothers' lives are supported and enhanced by family and community members as they cohabitated with grandmothers and adapted to new roles. Insights gained from the findings of this research highlighted the dynamics
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within households and family functioning. This study also underscored the role and ages of the mothers' siblings on the experiences and stresses facing the grandmother. As noted in the review of the literature, grandparent caregiving has been studied increasingly, but not usually within the circumstance of three generational households. In contrast, much of the recent role strain research has focused on white, middle class, employed mothers wrestling with the balance of home life and employment. This study sought to better understand the phenomenon of co-resident families, where mothers and grandmothers were parenting their minor children simultaneously. As a result, this research contributed to extending our understanding of three generational households in two distinct ways. First, the goal of current social policy toward teenage mothers promotes high school completion and long-term self-sufficiency. The current policy further assumes that one means of achieving this goal is for minors to reside with a parent or guardian until at least the age of eighteen. Although current policy requires cohabitation in return for public benefits, the costs and benefits of such living arrangements have not been well-informed by research. The current study is beneficial in this respect by providing greater description than previously has been available concerning the lives of mother-grandmother dyads who live together while raising a third generation as well. Second, this study's participants included both middle class and two parent families, which are frequently absent in the adolescent parenthood literature. This sample diversity offered an exploration of similarities to and differences from previous research. For instance, the respondents in this study generally did not access or utilize services at high levels. Some of these families, particularly those of the working poor, desired financial
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and material assistance but had been deemed ineligible for services. In addition, study participants lived in communities with varying levels of resources. In general, those that lived closer to services tended to access services more frequently or have more options for services. These ideas will be further developed in the implications sections. The findings from this study also contributed to an understanding of developmental theory and human behavior within this specific context, which had not been adequately researched to date. Typically, according to developmental theory and role theory, young adults leave their family home, enter committed relationships, then procreate and raise children. The developmental paths of the mothers in this study adopted a different route. The mothers entered motherhood before early adulthood and often without the presence of a committed partner. Traditionally, according to developmental theory and role theory, parents raise their children before the onset of grandparenthood. This allows more smooth and clear transitions between life stages, from early to middle adulthood. One series of life events, such as childrearing, are often completed before the next series of events, such as the introduction of grandchildren. This research expanded the insight into the roles and development of mothers and grandmothers within this context. Shared living environments altered the mothergrandmother relationships, as well as how the grandmother interacted with her grandchild. Although the degree of grandmother involvement varied from co-parenting status to a more detached stance, by virtue of living within the same household, grandmothers tended to connect, even briefly, with their grandchildren on a near daily basis. The grandmothers in this study who were still in their thirties grappled with the task of raising their own young children while sharing caregiving for and a residence with
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a young grandchild. As demonstrated in the findings, this complicated family relationships and role identities of mothers and grandmothers. One factor that seemed to greatly impact the mother-grandmother relationship in some cases was the age of the mother. In addition to different developmental stages among early and later teenagers, for some of the mothers and grandmothers the age of eighteen also signified a transition to independence. Younger mothers occasionally noted a desire to live independently, perhaps with a boyfriend, but most acknowledged that they were not ready and independence was not feasible at present. Several of the mothers of seventeen year old respondents had pointedly expressed the mothers could be evicted from the family home at any point after their eighteenth birthday. Several of the teenage mothers also openly expressed this possibility. This tended to elicit apprehension among the mothers, unless they also expressed a strong wish to leave their mother's home. Two mothers I interviewed who were eighteen both reported greater ownership in their living situation; they felt they were at their mother's home by choice, not law or policy requirements. This appeared to foster greater respect and positive feelings towards each other among mothers and grandmothers. It would be beneficial to further study the transitional process to independence and to assess the long-term sustainability of those efforts.
Research The findings from this study suggest several directions for future research. For example, mothers' ages and psychosocial development seemed likely to impact their transitions to adulthood, as well as to the role of motherhood. These transitions, towards
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independence and ideally self-sufficiency, then affect the grandmothers' and grandchildren's lives as well. This sample included relatively young mothers, with an average age under seventeen, so they likely would minimally reside and parent with their mothers for approximately two years before transitioning to independence and legal adulthood. The mothers' departures from the family home may leave a void in the family system and impact family relationships and dynamics. For grandmothers, the impact of the grandchild's age on caregiving, more insight into the experiences of grandmothers as caregivers, and the incorporation of the grandmothers' partners all merit more research attention. Related to household functioning, but not explicitly studied in this research, is the development and experiences of the grandchildren. Longitudinal research could more clearly assess the psychosocial development and histories of the grandchildren in these three generational households and attempt to identify factors associated with healthy development. Half of the grandchildren were infants and the other half were toddlers under the age of three years. The experiences of mothers and grandmothers seemed greatly impacted by the age of the grandchild. For example, dyad members living with an infant frequently noted sleepless nights, teething challenges and the difficulties associated with adjusting to an infant in the home. On the other hand, mothers and grandmothers of toddlers voiced different concerns. More apt to describe strong wills and temper tantrums, these grandchildren faced different developmental tasks and created different stressors for their caregivers. These parenting challenges likely face all parents, but tended to inform the grandmothers' perceptions of the grandchild during the course of a one time interview. Repeated interviews or longitudinal research could track the grandchildren's
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development and evolving parenting and grandparenting strategies over the course of time. Having a larger sample of different age cohorts could also be helpful in this respect. A longitudinal strategy could better explore how members of three generational households experience each other and adapt over time, for all family members. As the mothers tended to reside with their mothers for at least a year or two while they parented, it would be worthwhile to study the process and consequences when mothers leave the grandmothers' homes to reside independently. From the perspectives of grandchildren and grandmothers specifically, how would no longer sharing a residence impact their bond, caregiving and relationships? The mothers' mean age of sixteen and a half years meant that most mothers did not envision living independently in realistic terms and some did not consider leaving their mothers' homes in the immediate future. Most mothers planned to reside with their mothers at least until age eighteen; a year and a half is a long time for this population. In retrospect, focusing my research on minor mothers related directly to policy requirements, but older teens who have elected to stay with their mothers or returned home after a separation seemed to differ from minor mothers. Their experiences outside of their mothers' care often reinforced their acceptance to live with their mothers; they recognized alternatives and the benefits their mothers' care provided. Future research could better assess whether and how adolescent mothers transition to independence, and how this is experienced by both these mothers and grandmothers. The circumstances of the mother's departure also could affect the leaving process. As noted earlier, several mothers threatened to leave the home during arguments with the grandmother. A departure made in haste and anger may have a different result than a planned, thoughtful
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leaving process. The grandchildren also have little voice in determining where they will reside and which environment will best meet their needs. Another pattern emerged while analyzing the mothers' psychosocial histories. Just over half of the mothers had resided with their mothers throughout their lives, without any breaks in the grandmothers' parenting. The other twelve mothers had lived with foster families, boyfriends, or other relatives at some point in the past. These separations, which were initiated by the mothers, grandmothers or by an external source like Children's Protective Services, were frequently accompanied by strained relationships. In the past, such separations have been identified as a risk factor for teen pregnancy (Raneri & Wiemann, 2007). The participants in this study demonstrated that parental separation in the past did not eliminate the possibility for cohabitation, as either welfare policy or life circumstances had reunited the families. Nonetheless, this journey was not seamless for these dyads. This phenomenon, and the related evolution of mother-daughter relationships, could be better studied in future research. Regarding the grandmothers, one direction for future research involves a greater exploration into their experiences. Beyond the tasks of caregiving, grandmothers reported a sense of feeling great responsibility in holding their families together. Single grandmothers especially acted in many roles, including breadwinner, head of household, parent and monitor, encourager, and supporter. These grandmothers shared accounts of fulfilling these roles, often with limited social support and with many stressors. This study offered initial description, which could be further developed in subsequent research. Finally, for grandmothers who currently had a romantic partner, it would be ideal to interview their partners either separately or as a couple to contrast experiences
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with single parents and to assess the perspectives of male and female partners. Focusing on the mothers and grandmothers continued the precedent of feminizing parenting processes. Another possible consideration in terms of familial relationship expectations concerns the mothers' histories with their own fathers. Many of the mothers were raised for significant time intervals by single mothers or by a father figure who was not a biological parent. Although not always discussed in great detail in these interviews, at least half of the mothers experienced role modeling by their mothers, as single parents. Also similar to the existing literature (Koerner et al., 2000; Krishnakumar & Black, 2003), in several of the situations the mothers' biological fathers were a source of stress and conflict between mothers and grandmothers. Future research could usefully explore what impact this has on adolescent daughters, especially those now parenting children of their own and negotiating relationships and responsibilities with the fathers of their children. Another population subgroup that emerged clearly in this research was families of higher socioeconomic status. These families, which often included two parents, tended to disassociate themselves from other families who experienced teen pregnancies. The following grandmother, who stays at home full-time, offers her perspective on that scenario: You know, one last note that I'll say, I think you hear of, you have a stereotype, you hear about young moms living with parents. Your stereotype of that is more of, you think of, maybe you don't think this and I might be way off, you think of these young teen moms and then they're living with single parents. Okay, that would be different from our situation. That must be really hard. And I would hope that there are programs
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out there for a mother that works full-time and has her teenage daughter living with her with her kid. In general these grandmothers never or rarely accessed services and could offer their daughters assistance to complete high school within regular education settings. They also tended to express resistance to formal services for themselves, although not necessarily for their daughters or grandchildren. It would be easy to overlook these families, especially given their lack of visibility within the community. Yet they may have stressors involving their mental and emotional health. Future research could explore and analyze their experiences in greater depth. This will be revisited in the implications for practice section.
Welfare Reform Policy Although not all of the participants of this study received assistance from the state of Michigan at the time of the interview, many either were eligible to receive assistance, shared characteristics with families who receive TANF funds, or had tried to access assistance but were deemed ineligible. Although the PRWORA policy requires multigenerational living for minor parents, research has not adequately explored the impacts of such living situations on the experience of motherhood and grandmotherhood. This research investigated the mothering experiences of young women and whether the supports they have in place foster and encourage these them as mothers. Twelve years after the implementation of welfare reform policy, this research underscored the impact and understanding of this policy among consumers. These mothers and grandmothers generally understood the policy and its requirements
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accurately, as well as perceived barriers to access. Mothers and grandmothers, especially those who desired cash assistance but were deemed ineligible, felt frustration with the government and the perceived lack of support, especially in a state and region with limited economic resources. On the other hand, mothers who were near or just reaching legal adulthood expressed fear and distrust of the government system, and the grandmothers often did as well. This was particularly true for the Michigan Works! Program, which required active pursuit of employment for thirty-five hours a week in return for TANF benefits. Those who spoke about welfare most clearly and frequently were those who did not receive the services they desired. For example, the seventeen year old GED holder who could not receive childcare funds to attend classes at a community college, the fifteen year old whose family received ten dollars a month in cash assistance and the eighteen year olds who were nervous about a referral to MichiganWorks!. As referenced previously, families that were denied TANF assistance were generally outspoken in their views on TANF policy. They typically included members of the working poor who lacked economic resources, but did not meet governmental eligibility criteria. They often sought services based on life circumstances, such as divorce or dissolution of a romantic partnership or health concerns, but expressed frustration when denied such services. Mothers and grandmothers did not seek reliance upon cash assistance from the state as a long-term goal, but rather a transitional means to meet basic needs. The frustration came, particularly for members of the working poor, when family members sought immediate and short-term assistance, yet found themselves unable to access support. The eligibility criteria tended to be too restrictive, in the minds of participants, especially for
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families with assets, such as a vehicle or a home. The families within this sample who shared this experience commonly reported either a medical condition that impacted the grandmother's ability to work or a change in the household structure, such as parental divorce. The policy seemed to lack the flexibility to support families in temporary circumstances, especially in a state that was in the midst of an economic downturn. These dyad members usually sought short-term financial assistance to adapt to their changed circumstances and the surplus needs presented by an additional family member. An implication from this study, given the current political and economic context, would be to educate families about various supports they may be eligible for, including Medicaid, food stamps, TANF funds, and WIC. Families can then determine themselves whether they wish to apply for assistance or not, but their decisions will be wellinformed. Some grandmothers that provided regular childcare for the grandchild were likely eligible for or received childcare subsidies. Grandmothers never explicitly mentioned receiving this support, but it likely aided some families and provided an opportunity for grandchildren to remain in the home as opposed to external daycare sites. Families may need assistance in locating services through existing resources and programs, especially if they have not needed financial assistance in the past. Members of the working poor or recently unemployed heads of household may be particularly vulnerable to economic needs. If denied financial assistance, these families may find themselves in crisis to save their existing assets. These families, if ineligible for significant financial assistance, might benefit from other support services to cope with the additional stressors they face. As economic need increases, stress levels also likely increase for families. Social services that offer emotional support and practical skills,
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such as budgeting and job skills programs, might better equip families for the stressors they face and the prospect of employment. Ironically, Michigan Works! offers employment assistance, but many mothers and grandmothers feared a referral to this program.
Practice As noted earlier, most participants in this study were not well-connected to service providers, which suggests several directions for improving practice and service provision. Implications for service delivery include maximizing human service connections, minimizing burdens on grandmothers while providing supportive services, and the value of integrating culturally sensitive approaches. Existing social work interventions might build upon a willingness to learn parenting skills, commitment to one's child, and motivation to parent successfully as evidenced by mothers' participation in parenting and child development programs. In addition, interviewing mother- daughter dyads generated ideas for better serving family systems with adolescent mothers, which is particularly important given welfare reform policy requires cohabitation for minor parents who receive TANF funds. States have opted for different levels and types of formal interventions for TANF recipients since the devolution of cash assistance programs. They are not mandated by the federal government to provide supportive services and case management for minor mothers, yet certain states have either offered services to some or all minor mothers. Support services integrating case management and counseling are intended to equip young women to better handle impediments to greater future success. Program goals for
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such services often include the promotion of self-sufficiency, delaying a second pregnancy, and completion of a high school education (Franklin & Corcoran, 2000). These support services, accompanied by TANF funds, have been deemed beneficial in several evaluations. An evaluation of programs for teenage mothers and children based out of clinic settings supported goals of delaying second pregnancies and continuing formal education found reduced secondary pregnancy rates (Akinbami, Cheng, & Kornfield, 2001). The Teenage Parent Demonstration, in its final report evaluating services for teen parents, revealed lessons for future programs (Kisker, Rangarajan & Boiler, 1998). These insights included the integration of case management and supportive services, the need to hire proficient staff to interact with teen parents, and the benefit of clear guidelines for the teen parents describing what is expected of them by the state. Based on the findings from this sample, it appeared that many teen parents were not well-connected to social services. Although the majority of mothers in this study utilized social services to some degree, other services of which they were unaware may be available. Historically, adolescent mothers may have accessed services through referrals by their Department of Human Services (DHS) caseworker or another human services professional, if services were of interest or relevance. Service providers, especially in a mid-sized community such as this one, tend to be well-connected and informed about other programs that serve similar client groups. In an era of reduced service availability and economic shortfalls however, these programs may not be as heavily marketed or easily accessible as in years past. As a result, especially in a sample such as this, it seemed as if mothers may not realize the services that may be available in order to make an educated decision about becoming a recipient. This was reflected in the nominal
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numbers of mothers involved in parenting support programs in particular. Less than half of the mothers accessed parenting support programs. In addition, more mothers may have been eligible for financial assistance at least in the form of childcare subsidies or Medicaid. The mothers did not typically express disinterest or resistance to services within my sample, and most of the mothers that accessed services regarded them favorably. Simultaneously, as mentioned in the findings, most mothers identified minimal needs in terms of parenting. The variation within the sample also makes it difficult to offer consistent recommendations. The mothers' situations and resources differed considerably, as did their motivation levels and patterns of service use. Among the respondents, one barrier might have been the lack of a uniform mechanism for service delivery or referrals. For example, without a central agent, such as a DHS caseworker, to make referrals, many mothers may have lacked information about potential resources or services. This agent could act as a broker, assisting mothers and grandmothers in securing services. In addition, outreach efforts to inform prospective clients about services would likely connect adolescent parents to services more effectively. Based on the findings, it seems that a central referral source may be beneficial, but the mothers never explicitly requested that. As mentioned in the findings, the mothers largely did not feel they had unmet needs. As noted earlier, mothers and grandmothers lacked reliability in reporting service use patterns. This likely reflected perceived distinctions about the role of services and which family members were consumers. The divergent patterns indicated that mothers and grandmothers may not be aware of the services the other party received, nor the benefit
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and utility of those services. A couple of implications transpired from these findings. First, adolescent daughters might access services without the knowledge or formal permission of the grandmother. This provided mothers with some autonomy, but might compromise the role of the grandmothers in service delivery. In many cases the mothers and grandmothers were both service recipients, but the separation of services may have cost an opportunity to integrate services more efficiently. The exception among participants within this study, which families tended to value, were the Effective Family Foundations parenting classes, which eight dyad members attended as pairs. Finally, one significant concern surfaced in regards to access of services. It seemed, especially with financial, material and medical needs, that the grandmothers assumed responsibility for providing for the mothers and grandchildren. The mothers were not always aware of assistance received on their behalf, such as Medicaid or Section 8, which either they likely received or their child received. In interviews the mothers often did not acknowledge identical services as the grandmothers, causing me to speculate that this often likely occurred because their mother interacted with the caseworkers and negotiated this process. Although the mothers were mostly minors, this raised the concern about their readiness to assume this role upon reaching adulthood. Some mothers relied heavily on their mothers and were likely unprepared to transition into independence. They may not recognize the available services, the process of accessing services or expectations to maintain services. This could impede their ability to parent or their access to resources in the future, unless they learn how to navigate these services. The population subgroup of infant and toddler children were less frequently referenced in this service delivery dialogue by respondents. The mothers and
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grandmothers typically both identified the mothers as service consumers. Possible exceptions included public health nurses and parenting programs. Nurses, who visited the mother and her child to discuss health and developmental concerns, were almost always regarded positively by adolescent mothers. In addition, ten of the mothers were involved with either parenting classes or child development programs. The grandchildren often became a focal point of these professionals in service delivery. The mothers often preferred not being under scrutiny, as mentioned within the context of communication and the grandmothers. These examples indicated that adolescent mothers can be motivated to engage in services, especially if they are deemed worthwhile or if they receive participation incentives. This study found that alternative schools were one arena that attracted many adolescent mothers. Study participants often chose such schools for their daycare provision; most of these schools also required either time in interaction with children during the day or participation in a parenting curriculum. However, schools most often prioritize educational needs over interpersonal and psycho-social needs of youth. Although not necessarily a historical role of the school system, these schools could play an important role in enhancing services for teen parents and connections within the greater community. This could include referrals and increased on-site services. A wellinformed social worker would be better able to gauge the mothers' needs for services and could support programming on school premises. One potential barrier, which also relates closely to funding, is that not all alternative schools employ a full-time social worker to share these tasks. A school social worker could act as the central agent for referrals, and would be well-connected to the mother if she attends school regularly. This social worker
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may be most informed about the mother's academic and social performance within the school setting. The social worker could support the mother in school and in parenting through appropriate interventions and referrals. In addition to the mothers, the school social worker would also have access to the grandchild, especially if the child attended the school's daycare. The children of teen mothers within my sample, who were frequently a captive audience at alternative schools, were not yet school-aged themselves. Many of the alternative schools, in particular, target the children of teen mothers for enrollment into Head Start programs upon reaching the age of three. The children of teen mothers who attend school are usually the most connected to school personnel in order to facilitate this process. School social workers thus would be well-positioned to make referrals and assist the mothers with enrollment procedures. An alternative or supplement to hiring a full-time school social worker would be to enhance community partnerships. Two of the schools serving respondents, which were both public alternative schools, partnered with local churches for Mothers of Preschoolers (MOPS) groups. The mothers who participated in that program enjoyed the structured activities with their children and the related educational component. Although affiliated with churches, the MOPS programs provided in schools were voluntary and did not incorporate religious beliefs into programming. The possibility exists that schools could further develop such collaborations to support teen mothers. This requires school personnel and administrators to initiate and support these activities. A school social worker could act as the coordinator and manager of programs designed to meet the diverse needs of mothers.
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The grandmothers in this study frequently occupied many roles, including mother, grandmother, breadwinner, and childcare provider. In some cases, this generated role strain, especially for grandmothers who did not set clear boundaries for themselves. During the course of the interviews, grandmothers seemed willing and open to sharing their experiences; some voiced a lack of support or opportunity to secure support services. As noted in the beginning of the findings section, grandmothers frequently cried during the course of the interviews. This suggests that their own parenting and observing their daughters' parenting were both emotional subject matters. These grandmothers, however, tended to quite burdened with responsibilities and services would need to be flexible and feasible for their busy lives in order to be successful. For example, some grandmothers lacked the childcare, transportation and economic resources required to access services. Programs such as Effective Family Foundations (EFF) parenting classes provided childcare, transportation, a meal and a gift card to a local grocery store in recognition of attendance. This program was universally well regarded by consumers. Respondents in this study also had the opportunity to participate as mother- grandmother dyads in order to develop their parenting skills in tandem and four pairs did so. Opportunities for grandmothers to receive assistance with their mental, emotional, and physical health may be beneficial, but the services would likely need to be evaluated as worthwhile by potential clients. In response to grandmothers' higher utilization rates of in-home counseling and family services, home-based services seem to be an appropriate vehicle for this population. Many mothers' services focused on the parenting and development of the grandchildren, while the grandmothers' services incorporated mental health and parenting skill
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development for the head(s) of the family system. Several of the grandmothers had referrals for in-home counseling due to stressors outside of the adolescent mother and grandchild, often related to other children within the family home. Grandmothers welcomed the emotional and parenting support these programs offered. Grandmothers of adolescent mothers are likely under multiple constraints and stressors with pragmatic barriers to services. Home-based services allow flexibility for the grandmothers and do not require transportation, although grandmothers with responsibilities for young children may be distracted within the home setting. Grandmothers also may prefer a respite from the stressors of their home environment. Finally, cultural differences also may impact values and norms about adolescent sexual activity and parenthood. In addition, members of racial and ethnic minorities are at increased risk of HIV exposure and sexually transmitted diseases (Gallant, 2004). Intervention approaches would likely be most effective when offered in a culturally sensitive and appropriate manner. It is noteworthy that five of the dyads in this sample were Latina. This racial group has been frequently researched recently and differing acculturation levels tend to influence immigrants' experiences and social service utilization (Burnette, 1999; Denner, Kirby, Coyle, & Brindis, 2001; Zambrana, Cornelius, Boykin & Lopez, 2004). Within this sample the Latina pairs represented minor variation in migration patterns, as families immigrated from Mexico and Puerto Rico, but they were not uniform in terms of their acculturation experiences. One Latina grandmother, when asked about social services and who supports her, replied: Nobody. Nobody. I mean, our culture is not about support. Our culture is just more
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about you take it as it comes. You know there's not a support system for that, you know. When you're married, you have each other. Being a grandmother, is something that, now for grandparents, which is me and my husband, we support each other. We don't have to deal with anything major, at least not right now. Who knows in the years to come, right? But support-wise, I don't need any. It's just me. Me, myself and I. Another Latino family in which the grandparents spoke no English received minimal financial government assistance from the state, but they still accessed social services. They were one of the families who utilized EFF parenting classes, but they opted for Spanish-speaking sessions. This demonstrated that services adapted for diverse cultures likely appealed to the populations they are intended to reach, especially if they were marketed and accessible to potential clients. To best meet the needs of diverse populations, interventions must be culturally sensitive. Pragmatically this may include using multiple languages, especially Spanish, both verbally in interactions and in any curriculum materials. Because primary consumers may be the adolescent mothers and their grandchildren, the permission of grandmothers may first be required to provide services. Practitioners must be sensitive to cultural norms and values surrounding adolescent pregnancy and parenting experiences in order for the mothers to feel invested and respected. These notions of autonomy, respect and selfdetermination also fit well with the values and Code of Ethics for social workers.
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Conclusion This study explored three generational households that housed adolescent mothers, their mothers and their children. This research enhanced the understanding of human development and mother- grandmother relationships amongst three generational households within the context of role theory and caregiving. The contributions of this research included developing knowledge about socialization patterns and relationships between mothers and grandmothers. This allowed a better understanding of the role the grandmothers can play in raising their grandchildren, as well as the nature of the caregiving they provide for their grandchildren. The participants of this study represented a range of socioeconomic statuses, and the working poor respondents wrestled with financial shortfalls. Most participants understood the nature and consequences of welfare reform policy, particularly the requirements for teen parents. Perceived levels of need influenced the types of supports accessed, as well as the amounts of formal supports utilized. Among participants, only a small subset sought formal social services for their own emotional and mental health. In contrast, many mothers welcomed services that focused on their infant and toddler children if they appeared worthwhile. The knowledge and understanding gained from this research can be utilized to improve interventions and policies related to teen mothers and their mothers and their children, in terms of their parenting skills, living arrangements, and utilization of social supports. Although this research provided description, future research could better explore mothers' transitions to independence, grandmothers' relationships and caregiving, and the experiences of grandchildren. Increasing the accessibility and feasibility of these services, for both mothers and grandmothers, might increase
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participation in services. Cultural sensitivity and brokering also could improve access to services.
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APPENDIX A MOTHER'S HOUSEHOLD CHART Household Members: PERSON'S
RELATIONSHIP
NAME
TO YOU
AGE
RACE
NUMBER
ATTENDS
WORKS
HELPS
OF
SCHOOL
OUTSIDE
WITH
CHILDREN
(YES/NO)
THE
YOUR
HOME
CHILD
(YES/
(DAILY,
NO)
WEEKLY, MONTHLY, RARELY)
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APPENDIX B GRANDMOTHER'S HOUSEHOLD CHART Household Members: PERSON'S
RELATIONSHIP
NAME
TO YOU
AGE
RACE
NUMBER
ATTENDS
WORKS
HELPS
OF
SCHOOL
OUTSIDE
WITH
CHILDREN
(YES/NO)
THE
YOUR
HOME
CHILD
(YES/
(DAILY,
NO)
WEEKLY, MONTHLY, RARELY)
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APPENDIX C INTERVIEW PROTOCOL FOR MOTHERS Topic # 1: Family Background 1) What is your first memory of your mother? 2) How much time to you and your mother spend together? What types of things do you do together? 3) What daily activities do you and your mother share?
Topic # 2: Parenting 4) What were your feelings about being pregnant? [specify which child if mother has multiple children] 5) Describe your child. What is your relationship like with your child? 6) What is being a mother like? a. What are the best things about being a mother? b. The greatest challenges? c. How have you coped with these challenges? 7) What do you think you do well as a mother? How would you like to improve? 8) Tell me about how motherhood has affected your life? a. What have you learned about yourself since you became a mother? b. How has motherhood affected how you see yourself? 10) What is the most important thing in raising a child? 11) What fears do you have about motherhood?
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Topic # 3: Social Support 12) Who supports you in being a mother? In what ways? 13) What were your greatest needs after you became a mother? 14) What supports, programs and/ or resources were helpful after you had your child? How did you learn about them? What was your experience like when you worked with those programs? 15) Are there services that would have been helpful that you wished you had had?
Topic # 4: The Mother-Grandmother Relationship 16) In general, when you were growing up, what was your relationship with your mother like? 17) What was your relationship with your mother like when you told her you were pregnant? Describe her reactions to your pregnancy? How involved was she in your pregnancy? 18) How is your relationship with your mother different since you've had your child? Does she treat you differently since you have had your child? How so? How do you feel about those changes? 19) Have your conversations changed? What do you talk about now that you didn't before? Is anything missing from your earlier relationship? 20) Who dominates your relationship with your mother? In what ways does she give you independence? What rules does she have for you? Have the rules changed since you became a mother? In what ways? How do you feel about that?
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21) Have you experienced any conflicts with your mother about how you parent? Can you describe some of the conflicts you may have had? How do you typically work through these conflicts?
Topic # 5: How the Mother-Grandmother Relationship Affected Parenting 22) How has living with your mother affected your ability to be a mother to your child? 23) How much does your mom assist you in caring for your child? What kinds of things does she do? How do you feel about what she does? Do you feel she does enough? [If no, what else do you wish she did?] Are there things you wished she did differently? 24) What advice has your mother shared with you about parenting? 25) What has your mother taught you about being a mother? 26) What advice do you have for other mothers in your situation?
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APPENDIX D INTERVIEW PROTOCOL FOR GRANDMOTHERS Topic # 1: Family Background 1) Tell me a little bit about yourself? 2) What is your first memory of your daughter? 3) How much time do you and your daughter spend together? What types of things do you do together? 4) What daily routines do you have with your daughter now?
Topic # 2: Your Grandchild 5) When you found out your daughter was pregnant, how did you react? How did she seem to handle her pregnancy? 6) Can you describe your daughter's child? Is this your first grandchild? If not, how is this grandchild similar to/ different from your other grandchildren? What is your relationship like with your grandchild?
Topic # 3: Parenting 7) Her mothering: a. What is being a mother like for you? b. Tell me about how motherhood has affected your life? c. What is most important in raising a child? d. What fears do you have about motherhood? e. What challenges or stresses have you faced as a mother? How have you coped with these challenges?
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f.
What do you think you do well as a mother? How would you like to improve?
8) Her grandmothering: a. What is being a grandmother like for you? b. Tell me about how grandmotherhood has affected your life? c. What are your goals for grandmotherhood? d. What fears do you have about grandmotherhood? e. What challenges or stresses have you faced as a grandmother? How have you coped with these challenges? f.
What do you think you do well as a grandmother? How would you like to improve?
9) Her daughter as a mother: a. How do you think your daughter has adjusted to motherhood? How has having a child affected her life? b. What is she doing well as a mother? How has she improved as a mother? c. How has she been challenged? How has she coped with these challenges? In what ways would you like to see your daughter do better as a mother? d. How have you supported her in being a mother?
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Topic # 4: The Mother-Grandmother Relationship 10) In general, when she was a child, what was your relationship with your daughter like? 11) What was your relationship with your daughter like after she had her child? Do you treat her differently since she had her child? How so? In what ways is your relationship better? In what ways is it not as good or more difficult? How do you feel about those changes? Does she treat you differently since becoming a mother herself? 12) How closely do you monitor her daily activities? Do you usually know where she is and who she is with? 13) Have your conversations changed? What do you talk about now that you didn't before? Is anything missing from your earlier relationship? 14) Who dominates in your relationship with your daughter? In what ways do you give her independence? What rules do you have for her? Have the rules changed since she became a mother? In what ways? How do you feel about that? 15) Have you experienced any conflicts with your daughter about how she parents? Can you describe some of the conflicts you may have had? How do you typically work through these conflicts?
Topic # 5: How the Mother-Grandmother Relationship Affected Parenting 16) How has living with your daughter affected her ability to be a mother to her child?
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17) How much do you assist her in caring for your grandchild? What kinds of things do you do? How does your daughter respond to your help? 18) What advice have you shared with your daughter about parenting?
Topic # 6: Strains and support 19) How has caring for your grandchild affected you physically? Mentally? Emotionally? Financially? [Ask for elaboration on each of these] 20) In what ways has caring for your grandchild caused stress? How have you handled that? 21) In what ways has caring for your grandchild improved your life? 22) Who supports you in being a grandmother? In what ways? 23) What were your greatest needs after the birth of your grandchild? Did any one / any program help you meet those needs? If you accessed services, how effective were they? 24) Are there services that would have been helpful that you wished you had? 25) What advice would you have for other grandparents in your situation?
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TABLE 1 MOTHERS' DEMOGRAPHICS CHARACTERISTIC
FREQUENCY
PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL
Age 15 16 17 18 19 Mean Age
7 3 8 5 3 16.5
26.9 11.5 30.8 19.2 11.5
Age at child's birth 14 15 16 17 18 19 Mean age
1 10 8 5 1 1 15.9
3.8 38.5 30.8 19.2 3.8 3.8
Age of child Newborn- 3 months 3-6 months 7-12 months 1 year 1 year - 2 years Over 2 years Mean age
4 6 6 4 3 3 10.0 months
15.4 23.1 23.1 15.4 11.5 11.5
Educational/ employment status Attends high school Attends college Employed Home full-time Works & attends school High school graduate Earned GED
15 2 2 6 1 2 1
57.7 7.7 7.7 23.4 3.8 7.7 3.8
Status of the child's father Cohabits Regular contact Some involvement Incarcerated Uninvolved
3 10 6 2 5
11.5 38.5 23.4 7.7 19.2
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TABLE 2 GRANDMOTHERS' DEMOGRAPHICS CHARACTERISTIC
FREQUENCY
PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL
Age 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50 and over Missing Mean age
3 4 9 6 2 2 42.9
11.5 15.4 34.6 23.1 7.7 7.7
Number of children 1 - 2 children 3 - 4 children 5 - 8 children Mean number
8 12 6 3.47
30.1 46.2 23.1
Number of children grandmother raised 1 - 2 children 3 - 4 children 5 - 8 children Mean number
10 10 6 3.2
38.5 38.5 23.1
Number of grandchildren 1 grandchild 2 grandchildren 4 - 7 grandchildren Mean number
12 8 6 2.31
46.2 30.8 23.1
Number of grandchildren in the house 1 grandchild 2 grandchildren
19 7
73.1 26.9
6 11 3 5
23.1 42.3 11.5 19.2
1
3.8
Educational / employment status Employed Home full-time Works & attends school Provides childcare for grandchild Works and assists with childcare
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TABLE 3 FAMILY DEMOGRAPHICS CHARACTERISTIC
FREQUENCY
PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL
Number of siblings None 1 siblings 2 siblings 3 siblings 4 - 7 siblings Mean number
2 6 7 5 6 2.7
7.7 23.1 26.9 19.2 23.1
Number of siblings in the household None 1 sibling 2 - 6 siblings
9 9 8
34.6 34.6 30.8
Number of pregnant siblings 0 siblings 1 sibling 2 or 3 siblings
11 9 6
42.3 34.6 23.1
Number of parenting siblings 0 siblings 1 siblings 2 or 3 siblings
13 8 5
50.0 30.8 19.2
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TABLE 4 HOUSEHOLD DEMOGRAPHICS CHARACTERISTIC
FREQUENCY
PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL
Race African American Caucasian Latina Native American Bi/ multi-racial
8 9 5 1 3
30.9 34.6 19.2 3.8 11.5
Household size 3 - 4 people 5 - 6 people 7 - 1 1 people Mean number
13 6 7 5.5
50.0 23.1 26.9
Family structure Two parent (bio) family Single parent family Step-family Four gen. household Grandparent
8 10 6 1 1
30.8 38.5 23.1 3.8 3.8
3 12 9 2 1.9
11.5 46.2 34.6 7.7
Number of children (not including grandchildren) under the age of 18 in the household None 1 child 2 - 4 children 5 - 8 children Mean number
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TABLE 5 SUPPORTS ACCESSED TYPE OF SERVICE
MOTHERS' FREQUENCY, PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL
GRAND-MOTHERS' FREQUENCY, PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL
Emotional Support Big sister mentor program Health Dept. social worker In-home counseling Residential programming
1,
3.8%
1,
3.8%
2, 2, 1,
7.7 % 7.7 % 3.8%
0, 5, 1,
0% 19.2% 3.8%
4,
15.4%
2,
7.7%
2,
7.7%
5,
19.2%
0,
0%
1,
3.8%
3,
11.5%
2,
7.7%
11, 42.3%
5,
19.2%
4, 15.4% 11, 42.3%
4, 15.4% 2, 7.7%
0,
0%
1,
3.8%
5, 19.2%
4,
15.4%
2, 1, 2,
7.7% 3.8% 7.7%
0, 1, 1,
0% 3.8% 3.8%
3,
11.5%
4,
15.4%
Financial Assistance Childcare provision at school/daycare subsidies Department of Human Services: TANF and/ or food stamps Section 8 Material Support Emergency services for material assistance for infants and toddlers Women, Infant and Children (WIC) Medical Care Medicaid Public health nurses Parenting Support Bright Beginnings Effective Family Foundations (EFF) Mothers of Preschoolers (MOPS) Strong Beginnings Young Lives Not currently using services
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AUTHOR'S BIOGRAPHY Cray Mulder was born in Grand Rapids Michigan on May 9, 1973. She graduated from Calvin College in 1995 with a Bachelor of Art's Degree in Communications and Business. After a career-changing internship in Chicago, Illinois in 1994, she became interested in social services. In 1997 she graduated with a Master of Social Work degree from Grand Valley State University. For four years she practiced as a social worker, employed by the Pregnant and Parenting Teen Program at Booth Family Services. In August, 2002 Cray began the doctoral program at the University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign School of Social Work.
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