African polygamy : what's new

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marriage was low for women (17.5 years) and later for men (after age 26 on average). The proportion never-married was small and polygamy was widespread ...
THE CEPED N

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n the developed world ion of birth control by couples laas been preceded by a fertilitj! decline caused by later female marriage. What evidence is there for this (( nuptiality transition )) in sub-Saharan Africa where the fertility transition has recently got under way ? With a view to producing a systematic and homogeneous analysis of nuptiality changes and their impact on fertility for the whole of Africa, the CEPED, backed by the A U P E L F - m F , is setting up a comprehensive computerized data base of information on nuptiality and fertility from censuses and national surveys. l'%efirst results, presented here by Véronique Hertrich and Marc Pilon, focus on the changes aflecting the conditions in which women form unions1. In a second article, Philippe Antoine and Marc Pilon give a synthesis of the most recent results from the DHS surveys concerning polygamy. The results of these two analyses are complementary and show, for example, that the regions where polygamy is the most prevalent are also those where women marry relatively young and where the age dgference between partners is the greatest.

CHANGING PATTERNS OF MARRIAGE IN AFRICA

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he main characteristics of African marriage patterns are well known : early marriage for girls and almost universal marriage for both sexes ;prompt and generalized remarriage for widowed and divorced women of child-bearing age ; polygamy ; and often large age differences between partners. Within the continent, however, a wide variety of situations exists, which in the 1960-1970 period were organized into fairly distinct regional forms. On the one hand, in West Africa (and especially in the Sahel), the age at marriage was low for women (17.5 years) and later for men (after age 26 on average). The proportion never-married was small and polygamy was widespread (involving between a quarter and a third of married men). At the other extreme, in East Africa, the average age at marriage was relatively high for both sexes (between 20 and 30 for women, between 26 and 30 for men), while the proportion never married (above 5 %) was no longer insignificant and polygamy was rare. Between these two patterns,

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intermediate situations were observed in North Africa and in Central and Eastern Africa, characterized by a lower age at marriage for the men and higher than that in West Africa for women ; the proportion nevermarried was very low and polygamy rare (for long concerning less than 5 % of married men in North Africa).

A decl$e of regional differences Analysis of the results from the most recent censuses and surveys shows a narrowing of these geographical differences. The average age at marriage of women is increasing in all regions. It is often over 19 years and is nowhere below 17.5 except in Niger and the Islands of Sa0 Tomé and Principe. A country-bycountry comparison of the earliest and most recent statistical data shows that of the 37 countries for which both figures are available, in only 4 (Cape

Published in French in the Chronique du CEPED no 26 The earliest data used here are for the period 1950-1974, while the most recent I

AFRICAN POLYGAMY :WHAT'S NEW ?

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olygamy has multiple explanatory factors 4. These females in the population, nor of an importing of include economic (productive value of women and women from neighbouring societies, nor of a high level children), sexual (enforced abstinence following birth), of male celibacy. This apparent surplus of women is in religious (Islam), social (male prestige), political fact the product of a number of demographic factors and marriage practices. The two basic preconditions for (authority of men and elders). The sociologist A. B. DiÒp has identified numerous advantages attached to widespread polygamy are, a large age difference at first polygamy. It is a means of forming alliances with marriage (with women marrying much younger than several different groups and is a source of social men), combined with a population pyramid in which young people are increasingly numerous. Other factors advantage ; it is economically advantageous, since the woman contributes to the household through her work favouring polygamy include : rapid and frequent remarriage of widowed and divorced women ; almost or her own agricultural output ; the (( production )) of children results in a more plentifid work€orce and is a non-existent female celibacy ; levels of male mortality at high ages which potential source of support in old age ; and produces widowhood Fig 1 : Proportion of women married in a polygamous union in for privileged social for several women; different countries between 1992 and 1996 (Source : DHS) populatioii growth categories, polygamy is also a source of status which increases the and prestige. Whatever imbalance between semgal the justifications for its successive generations. Mali existence, polygamy Special mention can be Burkina Fas.aro Niger frequently has a legal made of the custom of is status and levirat (widow inhericaie d'1voirc recognized as a tance) according to Ghana marriage system comwhich a dead man's Togo parable to monogamy. widow or widows have Beni" The legislation of to be married by his several countries gives brother or next of kin, partners the possibility who may already be married, thereby of opting for the marriage system of increasing polygamy. Tanzania their choice (Mali, Ouganda Senegal, Togo, etc.). In The causes and sudan a number of others, demographic mechasuch as Guinea and nisms of polygamy, Ivory Coast, polygamy combined with specific Zambia has . been abolished, systems of kinship and Namibia this has though marriage, give the o IO 20 50 certainly not resulted in institution a central I its disappearance. role in the functioning of the societies in The demographic conditions of polygamy question, with a wide range of psychological, social and economic implications. Although there are gaps in our knowledge concerning the relative importance of the individual factors of Gender and life-cycle : the contrasting experiences polygamy and how they are combined, the demographic of men and women mechanisms which make it possible are better understood. Polygamy implies that there are more The demographic analysis of polygamy continues to be strongly shaped by the masculine perspective. The married females than males. However, contrary to a view that is still widely held, including in Africa, intensity of polygamy is measured by the number of polygamy is not the result of a natural ,surplus of wives per polygamous man and varies in general between 2.0 and 2.5. The most common form of polygamy is bigamy, which accounts for more than Following Ansley Coale's terminology, referring to Malthus 80 % of polygamists. The average number of wives per who advocated marriage postponement and celibacy as the married man is usually situated between 1.02 and 1.50, means of limiting population_gyowjh, _. and increases with age. The (< rate of polygamy D in .-4-PublisEd-iñ Frenchgthe Chronique du C0"OS

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general use indicates the proportion of married men who are polygamous and is usually below 30%. Regardless of the society, thehefore, polygamy only involves a minority of men.

To this has to be added the diversity of social, psychological, sexual and economic experience. It must be remembered, however, that even in a polygamous society a proportion of men and women will never be members of a polygamous household in the course of their lifetime, but that all (and especially women) have a latent risk of experiencing this type of union.

The picture appears very different from the female standpoint, however, For example, in 1985 just over a third (35 %) of married men of the Moba-Gurma (North-Togo) were polygamous, but more than half Togo, Benin and Burkina Faso have the highest (57%) of the married women were in polygamous levels relationships. Consideration of age in the same population reveals that at age 25 more than half the Recent results from Demographic and Health Surveys women were in a polygamous relationships, and the1 (DHS) point to a persistence of great regional diversity proportion rises to approximately 70 % for those aged in the prevalence of polygamy (Figure 1).The indicator 50. By contrast, it is not until the age of 50 that we have used is the proportion of married women (aged polygamous males form the majority (around 60 %). 15 to 49) who are in a polygamous marriage. The zones Although these figures vary from one population to with a low incidence of polygamy are in eastern and another, the difference between the sexes is a constant, southern Africa, where the proportion of married women in polygamous reflecting sharply Fig. 2 : Evolution of the proportion of women married in a contrasted patterns of marriages is between 11 polygamous union experience. and 31 % in rural areas and between 7 and 20 % Another weak point in urban areas. The zone concerns the statistical where polygamy is the measures of the most prevalent is centred incidence of polygamy. on western Africa, in the These are based on data coastal regions and in the for a particular point in Sahel, where almost one 50 time and consequently in two married women give a static and fixed are in polygamous 40 image of the practice. In marriages. The highest 30 reality, an individual's incidences of polygamy marital status changes in are found mainly in 20 the course of their Togo, Benin, and lifetime, notably as a of Burkina Faso, ahead 10 result of the hazards of Senegal and Mali. In the -2 73. partner relationships and countries around the 0, @ + 1976- 1986- 1992mortality. The marital Gulf of Guinea, from life cycle of individuals 79 89 96 Ivory Coast to Nigeria, varies greatly according which form a single to sex: although 'every cultural area, polygamy polygamous male has necessarily begun as is sigmficantly less prevalent in the two Englishmonogamous, a woman can go directly from being speaking countries (Ghana and Nigeria) than in the celibate to polygamous by marrying a man who is neighbouring French-speaking countries (Ivory Coast, already married. A man (or woman) in a monogamous Togo and Benin). marriage who is widowed or divorced at time t may have been in a polygamous marriage previously (a more The countries of North Africa have not been included accurate measure of polygamy would allow for this in our table, since contrary to a widely-held view evolutive aspect). A married man who is widowed or polygamy is very rare there. In Algeria, for example, divorced finds it relatively easy to remarry with a young the absolute number of polygamous males has been, never-married woman, whereas for a widowed or falling steadily for over a century whereas the divorced woman the probability that remarriage will be population has been growing. In Morocco with a man who is already married increases with her approximately 1 % of males are still polygamous, while age. It is not unusual to find a woman divorce her in Tunisia the abolition of polygamy has been followed husband who has become polygamous and then marry a by. its complete disappearance. The low incidence of man who is already married. In these conditions it is polygamy observed in other.Moslem countries such as not hard to imagine the full complexity of marital Mauritania and its high incidence in a number of histories and their particularities depending on whether countries where Islam has little influence, such as they are examined from the male or female standpoint. Benin (49.6 % in 1996) and Togo (52.3 % in 1988),

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raises the question of the nature of the relationship between Islam and polygamy. In sub-Saharan Africa the role of the Moslem religion seems to be one of (( legitimating )) pre-existing traditional practices.

change over time was tiny. Polygamy would thus seem to have declined most in the English-speaking countries. This measure of polygamy obscures a number of changes, however. Only women who are in marriages are included in the indicator. Yet if we In sub-Saharan Africa as a whole, the level of calculate the proportion of polygamous women in the polygamy is significantly higher in rural areas, female population as a whole, that is, comprising all particularly in southern Africa. The higher the women (aged 15 to 49) regardless of their marital incidence of polygamy, the smaller the difference :- status, the changes are found to be greater. In Kenya, between urban and mal areas. The only exception to between 1977 and 1993, the proportion of women in this is Nigey, where polygamy is more common in the polygamous marriages among all women aged 15-49 urban areas. According to specialists of the population fell from 21% to 11%. Even in a country like Senegal, of Niger, this form of marriage is particularly common where the proportion of married women who were among the wealthy sections of the population. married to a polygamist changed little in the course of the 1970s (48.5 YO in 1978, 47.3 % in 1992), Evolution of the phenomenon calculating the proportion of all women who were in a polygamous union reveals a fall from 40 % to 33 %. Influenced by modernization theory, with its implied Later marriage and divorce are the explanations for this fertility transition and convergence towards the nuclear fall in the prevalence of polygamy when we consider family norm, many authors in the 1960s predicted a the female population as a whole regardless of marital gradual disappearance of polygamy, notably under the status. impact of urbanization, education, opening up to western values, etc. The data that are available indicate Recent years have brought a number of changes in that the institution in fact remains very much alive. The African society. Increasing economic difficulties have links between polygamy and urbanization, educational been accompanied by a large rise in age at first level and socio-economic position have sometimes marriage and by a greater frequency of marital turned out to be ambivalent, and would probably be breakdown, especially in urban areas. In nearly every even more so if so-called