In fact, Brantz Mayer left a drawing of the teponaztli, after he had visited the Museum of Antiquity of the University of Mexico City in 1841. (Mayer 1947, 104).
University College London Drums and Warfare in Aztec Society: An Iconographic Approach A Master’s Thesis by Maria Carlotta Vocca MA Comparative Art and Archaeology Institute of Archaeology
Supervisors Dr Elizabeth Baquedano Dr Jeremy Tanner September 16, 2013
This report is submitted as part requirement for MA comparative Art and Archaeology at Institute of Archaeology, University College London. It is substantially the result of my own work except where explicitly indicated in the text. The report may be freely copied and distributed provided the source is explicitly acknowledged.
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Abstract Beyond the apparent forms, simple images and complexly constructed scenes, the iconographic analysis has revealed that there was a strong connection between drums and the context of warfare. The Aztecs chose to represent that connection by carving military-related themes on the harmonic board of drums, or by painting pictures on books whose destiny was to change our understanding of the Mexican universe. As musical instruments in festivals honouring warriors and war gods, or as means of communication among Aztec troops in war, drums played a fundamental role. As a result, the iconographic codes, which transformed them into artistic objects, contain strong associations with mythological and religious contents, all concentrated in intricate symbolism. The results of the current study have demonstrated that Aztec drums were used in a militaristic environment and that this resulted in the construction of iconographic systems, artistically expressing the connections of drums and the context of warfare in Aztec society.
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Acknowledgements I would like to dedicate this thesis to the people that have believed in me and sustained me with all their energy: my friend from Italy, Silvia, who has been experiencing the different stages of my life, and is always on my side; my best friends that I am glad to have met in London – to Camille, Kate, Alex, Shiva and Savvas goes a special gratitude to be exactly as they are-; to my professors, who consciously or unconsciously have helped me to be more confident and appreciate my talent more; and above all to my father, who has introduced me to the infinite love of Art.
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Table of Contents Chapter 1 Introduction .................................................................................................................. 10 Definition of iconography and its approach.............................................................................. 12 Key terms .................................................................................................................................. 15 The construction of the corpus .................................................................................................. 16 Drums .................................................................................................................................... 16 Codices .................................................................................................................................. 17 Chapter 2 Iconographic Interpretation of Aztec War Drums ........................................................ 18 Teponaztli from Tlaxcala .......................................................................................................... 18 Teponaztli from Cholula ........................................................................................................... 20 Huehuetl from Tenango ............................................................................................................ 24 Huehuetl from Malinalco .......................................................................................................... 31 Chapter 3 Iconographic Interpretation of Aztec and European Codices ....................................... 35 Aztec Codices ........................................................................................................................... 35 Codex Borbonicus ................................................................................................................. 35 Codex Magliabechiano ......................................................................................................... 41 Codex Ixtlilxochitl ................................................................................................................ 44 European Codices ..................................................................................................................... 46 History of the Indies of New Spain....................................................................................... 46 Inconsistencies of the chroniclers accounts through the study of drums .............................. 48 General History of the Things of New Spain ........................................................................ 53 Chapter 4 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 55 Appendix A ................................................................................................................................... 58 The Tonalamatl and the Tonalpohualli ...................................................................................... 58
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Appendix B ................................................................................................................................... 61 Images ....................................................................................................................................... 61 Bibliography ................................................................................................................................. 90 Primary sources ......................................................................................................................... 90 Secondary sources ..................................................................................................................... 91
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List of Figures Figure 1: Plan of the Great Temple ............................................................................................... 62 Figure 2: Tlaxcalan Teponaztli .................................................................................................. 63 Figure 3: Linen of Tlaxcala, 15 and 11 ...................................................................................... 65 Figure 4: Teponaztli from Choula ............................................................................................. 66 Figure 5: Stone sculpture of jaguar ........................................................................................... 66 Figure 6: Ceramic copy of the giant jaguar.............................................................................. 67 Figure 7 - Bottom of the jaguar vessel receptacle......................................................................... 68 Figure 8: Codex Borbonicus, 22 ................................................................................................... 69 Figure 9: Codex Borbonicus, 34 ................................................................................................ 70 Figure 10: Huehuetl from Tenango ........................................................................................... 71 Figure 11: Drawing of the carvings of the huehuetl from Tenango ........................................ 72 Figure 12: Codex Borbonicus, 9 ................................................................................................... 73 Figure 13: Codex Borgia, 51 ......................................................................................................... 74 Figure 14: Izpapalotl Cuauhxicalli ............................................................................................ 75 Figure 15: Star Eyes .................................................................................................................... 75 Figure 16: Huehuetl from Malinalco ......................................................................................... 76 Figure 17: Drawings of the carvings of the huehuetl from Malinalco ................................... 77 Figure 18: Codex Borbonicus, 3 ................................................................................................ 78 Figure 19: Florentine Codex, Book VIII, folio 30 .................................................................... 78 Figure 20: Teponaztli from a Mixtec region ............................................................................. 79 Figure 21: Codex Borbonicus, 26 .............................................................................................. 80 Figure 22: Codex Ixtlilxochitl, 103 recto ................................................................................... 81 Figure 23: Codex Borbonicus, 28 .............................................................................................. 82 Figure 24: Codex Magliabechiano, 72 recto ............................................................................. 83 Figure 25: Codex Telleriano- Remensis, 02 recto ..................................................................... 84 Figure 26: Codex Magliabechiano, 89 recto ............................................................................. 84 Figure 27: Codex Ixtlilxochitl, 106 recto ................................................................................... 85 Figure 28: Durán, History, Chapter XXXVIII, plate 25 ......................................................... 86 Figure 29: Durán, History, chapter LIV, pl. 39 ........................................................................ 87 Figure 30: Alvarado Tezozómoc, Crónica Mexicana, chapter 25, plate 17 ............................ 88 8
Figure 31: Sahagún, General History, Book VIII, picture 69 ................................................. 89
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Chapter 1 Introduction
It has been thought that the original function of human music was related to peaceful activities such as call to a mate, communication with gods, work together effectively, and conveys information over long distances (Nettel, 2005, 264). The music of primitive tribes has played a far more important role than in industrial societies for its prevailing functionality (Nettel 1956, 6). Most primitive music served a particular purpose, rather than only being a source of aesthetic delight. For example, its most frequent use regarded religious rituals, followed by non-religious contexts such as the production of love songs, whose association with flutes has been widespread throughout the world (Nettel 1956, 7). Furthermore, the third most important function of music has been connected with story-telling (Nettel 1956, 7). However, students of animal communication recently have discovered that music may have been generated to outline individuality and group competition (Nettel 2005, 264). The biologist Geoffrey Miller (2000a, 349-356; 2000b cited by Nettel 2005, 264) has argued that the adaptive mechanism of showing fitness to mate through sounds with complex structure may imply the intention of frightening a rival. By applying these results to the human context, in modern society, if groups such as clans and bands can symbolically display power by producing music together – shout, sing, and beat drums and rattles – to scare an enemy group, this would be a plausible inception of music (Nettel 2005, 264-265). It strengthens the conception of war and conflict, rather than peacemaking, as the sources of music. In fact, in pre-industrial society the function of music to incite warriors to fight has been very common. As a result of this tight relationship between music and war, it is natural to hypothesise that certain types of musical instruments have been used as a means of signalling among troops; drum signalling is found throughout Africa, in Melanesia, and in the Middle American Indian communities, among which the Aztecs 10
were not an exception. In fact, during battle the Aztecs were accustomed to wear small drums suspended from the neck, upon which signals and directions were beaten (Saville 1925, 58). Among the people of Xochimilco, Vetancourt (1871, vol. III, 178-179 cited by Saville 1925, 57) has argued, there was not a single festival in which drums were not played. It was a consequence of the military action against Tepoztlan, in occasion of which the Xochimilcan had won a horizontal drum audible over a great distance. Due to this victory, they were accustomed to play those musical instruments regularly. Questioning about the military origins of drum performances is a natural step in the process of analysis of Aztec rituals. Little research and study about the relationship between drums and warfare has been made within the context of Aztec society. Art historians have been concerned more about the interpretation of specific individual motifs (Seler 1990; Séjourné 1978), while others (Nicholson & Keber 1983; Pasztory 1983) have produced works of general matters in the study of Aztec Art. The interest in understanding the ideology of Aztec songs and music, and the attempt of reconstructing the ensemble have produced works (Gallop 1939; Martí 1968; Stevenson 1968; Tomlinson 1995) still considered the fulcra for future researches on Aztec musicology. A small number of scholars (Castañeda & Mendoza 1993a; 1993b; Quiroz 1958; Seler 1990) have explored the Aztec drums either by looking at their iconography, or reconstructing their original sounds. Saville (1925) has dedicated a considerable chapter to drums, included in a larger whole dealing with the art of the wood-carvers in Ancient Mexico. The combination of these invaluable sources, the readings of ethno-historical accounts, and the analysis of the information given in the studies of Aztec warfare (Hassig 1988; Seler 1992a) constitute the starting point for an understanding of the importance of drums in military context. The difficulties in ascertaining the origins and tracing the early history of the drums included in this dissertation are several. These have lead scholars to misunderstand the role and significance drums have had in the Aztec military ritual context. For instance, McEwan and Luján (2009, 201) have maintained that the teponaztli depicting a Tlaxcalan warrior (figure 2) was played by the Aztecs of Mexico-Tenochtitlan: “the act 11
of drumming on the back of a captive enemy warrior would therefore have held important symbolic significance”. The inappropriateness of this assumption is demonstrated through historical facts. In fact, the teponaztli from Tlaxcala had not been played by the Aztecs, because it has been transferred to Mexico City only in modern time, as recently as the early 1800s (Mayer 1947, 104). The objective of this research is to determine the repertoire and character of the iconographic features that may attest a connection of drums and warfare in Aztec society. Therefore, this study aims to address the following research question: “To what extent, in Aztec society did drums share tight associations with the context of warfare? Which iconographic features elucidate that connection? The approach employed in order to answer the research question will be based on the Panofsky's iconographic model. This will be applied to the carvings of the drums mentioned in this dissertation, the pictures taken from the Aztec painted books, and the European codices. This analysis will be supported further by the works of the scholars that have explored the Aztec religious beliefs system and the role specific deities played in the context of military rituals (Anderson 1979; Burland 1983; Caso 1958; Oliver 2003).
Definition of iconography and its approach Iconography is a branch of Art history concerned with the interpretation of pictorial representations. In the process of iconographic analysis, the success of the interpretation depends on the knowledge available to the interpreter. The ultimate aim of the iconographic reading is to reach an understanding of the meanings beyond the pictorial images. The methodology used to reach this understanding depends on the type of evidence available for the study of a specific culture. Morgan’s (1988, 10-16) approach to areas of evidence pertaining to Aegean Bronze Age iconography is appropriate also for Aztec art. Therefore, four areas of evidence will be used for explanatory 12
information: 1) the physical world; 2) archaeological excavation; 3) written texts; 4) comparative iconography. 1. The physical world: in the Aztec conceptual universe, gods had a variety of transformational manifestations. They had the power to transform themselves into specific flora and fauna. For the iconographic analysis to be successful, it has been necessary to identify particular animal species, and link them with war deities. 2. Archaeological excavation: in the case study concerning the horizontal drum from Cholula (page 21) the interpretation resulting from the iconographic analysis has been supported by the information available from the archaeological excavation of offerings at the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan, the ancient Aztec capital. 3. Written sources: the works of the sixteenth century ethnohistorians such as Durán (1971; 1994), Molina (1571), Sahagún (1952-1980), and Tezozómoc (2008) have been of invaluable importance for the descriptions of Aztec festivals and rituals in which drums were played and who were involved. 4. Comparative iconography: motifs and cluster of motifs, from which it has not been possible to retrieve explanatory information from archaeological excavations and written sources have been identified by utilising a comparative study using depictions of a same motif on other artistic objects (see the case pertaining to the representation of Itzpapalotl as star on page 28). Moreover, the ultimate interpretation of pictures is based on the understanding of both simple and complex meanings: single elements and ideas. The first step consists of the identification of individual motifs and the implications existing among them. The second step is the study of the meanings resulting from the juxtaposition of these motifs. Therefore, Iconographic Elements involve categories of individual motifs (Morgan 1988, 15): a certain animal species, weapons, specific glyphs. The Iconographic Themes consist of the meanings evolved through the juxtaposition of individual elements to form a scene (Morgan 1988, 15): the representation of a jaguar and an eagle mostly conveys militaristic concepts. Aztec iconography did not express meaning in limited forms. In fact, the Aztec 13
speeches and poems contained a considerable number of metaphors. “The meaning of the individual motifs may have implied several associations, and vice versa the meaning of the whole included several messages simultaneously” (Pasztory 1983, 72). The iconographic approach developed by the art historian Erwin Panofsky (1995) deals with the readings of an image, or complex of images, and defines three levels of meaning. The first level is the primary or natural; it is apprehended by identifying the pure forms; the secondary or conventional level consists of the analysis and connection of artistic motifs and combinations of artistic motifs (compositions) with themes or concepts; the intrinsic meaning or content represents the third strata, and it takes in account personal, technical, and environmental factors. At this level, art is not looked as an isolated phenomenon, but as a product of the culture and history in which it is created (Taylor 1987, 121). According to these three different strata of meaning, in the process of the iconographic reading of an image and complex of images, three questions must be answered: 1. What do the images represent? (In correspondence to the primary level) 2. What do the images symbolise? (In correspondence to the conventional level) 3. What do the images signify? (In correspondence to the intrinsic content) Moreover, for the Aztecs one of the modes of iconographic composition consists of the substitution of motifs which are conceived of as synonyms (Pasztory 1983, 88). In Aztec art, synonyms mean different concepts on an individual level, but they fulfil the same meaning from the mythological or linguistic viewpoint. For instance, the symbols of preciousness par excellence are the turquoise and the jade, and in visual art as well as in rhetorical language they are interchangeable (Pasztory 1983, 88). For what concerns the archaeological excavations, the pieces of evidence concerning the offerings at the Great Temple of the Aztecs have been gathered from the works of Luján (2005) and Moctezuma (1988).
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Key terms First of all, among the Aztecs the two most important percussion instruments were the huehuetl and the teponaztli. The huehuetl was considered the most venerated of Mexican instruments. It is a cylindrical wooden drum sitting on three legs, whose top was covered with stretched animal hide, the bottom open. It was beaten on with the fingers, and stood upright (Stevenson 1968, 41). According to the species of the animal hide, it served different purposes and acquired different names: the deerskin-covered huehuetl was used to troupe out gladly people from their home to dance; the tlapanhuehuetl1 was covered with panther (jaguar) skin, and its sound was conceived of as call of war; the teohuehuetl, “drum of the gods”, announced that human victims were about to be sacrificed (Gallop 1939, 216). Bernal Díaz (1908, Book II, chap. XCII, 77 cited by Saville 1925, 75) wrote: They [the Aztecs of Tlatelolco] had an exceedingly large drum there, and when they beat it, the sound of it was so dismal, and like, so to say, an instrument of the infernal regions, that one could hear it a distance of two leagues, and they said that the skins it was covered with were those of great snakes. The taponaztli is a hollowed-out wooden cylinder laid sideways; it sounds by striking the two tongues of an H- shaped incision on its top, while the opposite side presents a rectangular opening. It is played by means of two mallets called olmaitl (Stevenson 1968, 63). As the ethnohistorians Bernardino de Sahagún (Book II, chaps. 25, 83; Book IX, chap. 10) and Diego Durán (1994, chaps. XXXIX and LI) have described, the teponaztli had a very versatile nature: it was played during rituals dedicated to Tlaloc, the rain god; in non-religious ceremonies involving merchants; it was used as container of the ashes of two Aztec kings' cremated mummy bundle, Axayacatl and Ahuitzotl.
1 Although the vertical drums included in this dissertation are tlapanhuehuetls, they are defined simply as huehuetls. In fact, any type of vertical drum commonly is referred to as huehuetl, despite of its size and the species of the animal hide that covers it.
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Moreover, Tezozómoc (1878, 570 cited by Stevenson 1968, 69) added that slaves were slung over a “large teponaztli, because that was the king's instrument”.
The construction of the corpus In Aztec culture, the material of which an object was made had both practical and symbolic reasons. Differences in style and iconography depend on the material used to create the work of art. This may be the result of workshop specialisations (Pasztory 1983, 71), and in this thesis each material has a distinctive chapter.
Drums Several drums have survived the elapsing of centuries. They are made of three different materials: clay, stone and wood. A great number of clay miniatures of drums have been found in offerings at the Great Temple, especially at the Red Temple (figure 1 F) (Luján 2005, 318-319). Clay drums do not present any substantial elements on which an iconographic analysis can be drawn. One of the most famous stone drum is the fullsize model of a horizontal percussion in lava (tezontli). It presents the mask of the god of music and flowers, Macuilxochitl, as the main feature. Concerning carved drums made in wood, it is essential to distinguish between horizontal and vertical specimens. Two of them belong to the latter category, and they are conceived of as original Aztec artefacts. The former are more numerous, nine in total, and present a wide range of iconographic subject- matters. Four of these specimens show iconographic associations with the god of music and flowers; four have decorations pertaining to the natural world, depicting different animal species; and the remaining drum has clear connections with the context of warfare, because its carvings depict a warrior. The rationale beyond the construction of the corpus of drums excludes the examples which have not immediate militaristic connotations. For instance, on Codices warriors frequently are 16
depicted holding flowers, and the drums carved with representations of the god of flowers and music are several. Although iconographic repertoires pertaining to Macuilxochitl potentially can be linked to the context of warfare, war associations are secondary. Therefore, the final corpus includes: 1) the horizontal drum depicting a jaguar, due to its strong associations with war deities; 2) the horizontal drum representing a warrior; 3) and 4) the two upright specimens which present militaristic iconography.
Codices Both Aztec and European manuscripts are invaluable sources of information concerning the life in Mexico before the conquest. They cover a wide range of themes: religion, calendar, lifestyle, history, kingship, economy, and conquest. Music and musical instruments are mentioned very frequently, due to their fundamental importance in the Aztec lay and religious rituals. However, only a limited number of pictures have been selected to represent the relationship between drums and warfare. In agreement with Gallop (1939, 216) who considers war drums specifically those covered with jaguar hide, part of the illustrations chosen to building the corpus contains representations of drums covered with jaguar skin. The remaining part consists of descriptions of festivals and rituals performed in a military context, even though the drums depicted are covered with deer skin. Therefore, four images have been taken from Aztec painted books, and pertain mostly to religious festivals and kingship. The four remaining have European origins and depict scenes related to funeral rites and lay festivals. Therefore, the overall structure of this research takes the form of three chapters, including this introduction. The second section consists of the corpus of the four drums mentioned. The third chapter is divided in two subsections: the first deals with the iconographic approach applied to Aztec painted books, and the second sections gathers together the images and descriptions the European authors have left regarding drums and the context of warfare. Finally, the conclusion includes a summary of the main 17
findings and contribution of my research as well as suggestions for future works.
Chapter 2 Iconographic Interpretation of Aztec War Drums The following corpus of drums consists of four specimens: two teponaztlis and two huehuetls. Each exemplar is related to the context of warfare from different perspectives: the first is a representation of a warrior; the second is connected with warfare due to its mythological and archaeological associations; the third consists of a huehuetl with complex iconography linked to specific war deities; and the carvings of the fourth depict a scene connected to the Aztec military ritual.
Teponaztli from Tlaxcala The expanding Aztec empire had never been able to subdue the city-states controlled by the Tlaxcalan political power that remained independent until the arrival of the Spaniards (Smith 2003, 164). The Aztec city-states of the Tlaxcalan region and the Aztecs of the Triple Alliance continuously had been in a state of war. The series of battles they had waged upon one another are known as “flowery war”, or xochiyaoyotl in Nahuatl. It is commonly agreed that flowery war was held not to win, but to obtain the necessary sacrificial victims in proper military fashion (Hick 1979, 87). Nevertheless, the function of human sacrifice may be seen as more political than religious, for yielding prisoners doomed to die by sacrifice consisted of an impressive display of military power (Hick 1979, 90). The permanent state of war withstood by the Tlaxcalan people may have influenced the subjects and the content of art production, for militaristic attributes might have been widespread. One example of these specimens 18
which has survived the elapsing of centuries is a teponaztli carved in the shape of a warrior (figure 2). Its history is little known. The antiquarian Guillermo Dupaix described the drum in the Relacion of his second expedition to Mexico in 1806. Here the teponaztli is depicted as a “genuine example of Tlaxcalan antiquities” (Saville 1925, 71). At the time of Dupaix the drum was probably in the city of Tlaxcala, and later transferred to Mexico City. In fact, Brantz Mayer left a drawing of the teponaztli, after he had visited the Museum of Antiquity of the University of Mexico City in 1841 (Mayer 1947, 104). The teponaztli from Tlaxcala represents a reclining warrior (figure 2): his head is adorned with feathers and rests on an object placed above his chin. He assumes a contorted position, for the legs and the right arm are bent. The identification as warrior is explicitly suggested by the objects fastened at the waist: the maquahuitl, the traditional Aztec sword made in wood and embedded with obsidian of flint blades at the edges; and an axe. The head band, the clothing, and the ornaments he wears are other sources of information which enable us to achieve a more precise identification. The Lienzo de Tlaxcala is an illustrated manuscript written by educated Tlaxcalan artists at the end of the sixteenth century (Quintana et al 1983, 8). As historical information shows, Tlaxcalan people collaborated with the Spaniards during the conquest, gaining a position of privilege. Although a series of prerogatives had a legal base, the Spanish largely ignored them. This is the reason why the Lienzo was created: to portray the services provided by the Tlaxcalan in favour of the Conquistadores, and therefore to claim the forgotten privileges to be considered by the Spanish government (Quintana et al 1983, 9). The head band of the warrior carved on the teponaztli consists of a simple strip, two bunches of feathers hanging on a side, and a three feathers pointing backward (in real world they should have pointed upward as pictures show). This type of head band is very similar to that worn by a Tlaxcalan soldier depicted on the Lienzo, folio 15 (figure 3 A). Moreover, figure 3 B shows in the middle of the composition the royal Tlaxcalan crown (Quintana et al 1983, 73): a bicoloured twisted cord knotted on the forehead, and a feather headdress. The royal members depicted on the left present an identical hairstyle: a bunch of hair bound on the neck. The warrior on the teponaztli has 19
the hair gathered by means of a cord in the same manner as the lords on figure 3 B, but the head strip is simple and it is not knotted on the forehead. Concerning his clothing and ornaments, he wears sandals, noseplug and earplugs. Hassig (1988, 40) informs us that commoner warriors were not entitled to wear neither sandals nor ornaments; valiant warriors and war leaders could wear earplugs, noseplugs and neck bands mainly made of wood or bone, while only noble were entitled to wear articles made of gold and precious stones. According to this account, the identification of the warrior on the teponazlti with a member of a high military rank is ascertained. However, he was not a member of the royal family, due to the simple head strip on his head. In Aztec society, commoners who achieved noble titles for the valorous deeds demonstrated in war were called cuauhpipiltin. They did not enjoy full noble status, but could participate to war councils flanking warriors of noble origins (Hassig 1988, 29). The identification of the warrior carved on the teponaztli from Tlaxcala as a member of the social group described above is likely. As far as it is of my knowledge, scholars have not attempted to define the action the figure performs. However, the open mouth and the structure of the body and the limbs, and above all his function as a drum and the ceremonial context pertaining to it suggest that it might be the portraiture of a warrior in the moment of dancing and singing to the sound of the drum. This specimen is essential for the study of ethnomusicology, due to its clear display of the importance drums, and the rhythms created with them, hold in the Aztec militaristic context.
Teponaztli from Cholula The teponaztli representing a crouching jaguar is from Cholula, and now exhibited at the America Museum of Natural History in New York (figure 4). It still presents traces of red and dark yellow pigments. Its mouth is open, and the lower jaw presents perforations in which teeth had been inserted. Crouching jaguars are not uncommon in art production. One piece in particular may be fundamental to prove the tight relation 20
between jaguar and warriors, and therefore it will be possible to connect the Cholula teponaztli to the context of warfare. Figure 5 represents a colossal jaguar made of stone. This specimen was found not far from the Great Temple in 1901, and it is believed to have been created during the first decades of the sixteenth century (Pasztory 1983, 171). This sculpture presents a strong combination of simple design and realistic forms. It was meant to transmit a sense of power and physical strength (Pasztory 1983, 172). Moreover, the paws placed beneath it and the expression of its staring eyes may suggest that this feline is depicted in the very moment before the attack. The sculpture is not only a natural representation of a jaguar, but it had a specific function in the Aztec ceremonial and ritual context. It is a stone vessel called cuauhxicalli, literally translated as “house of the eagles” (Molina 1571, 7, 25). In fact, on the walls of the cylindrical receptacle a row of stylised eagle feathers is carved (figure 6). The cuauhxicalli was used as vessel for sacrificial offerings such as hearts (Broda et al. 1987, 20), dedicated to the sun. Moreover, the eagle is the disguise of Huitzilopochtli/ Tonatiuh (sun god) (Seler 1990, 132; Quiroz 1958, 62), and the jaguar that of Tezcatlipoca (Olivier 2003, 104; Benson 1988, 165). In the Aztec concept of a dynamic universe, animals and plants had supernatural symbolic associations. The Aztecs believed that gods could transform themselves into specifics animals (Pasztory 1983, 233). For instance, Tepeyollotl, also known as the “Heart of the Mountains”, is the patron of the third week of the tonalamatl or divinatory calendar (see table 2). This being presents itself as a gigantic jaguar, bearer of earthquakes and volcanic eruptions (Burland 1967, 87). Tepeyollotl was one of the Tezcatlipoca's transformational manifestations (Saunders 1994, 109; Caso 1958, 29). Tezcatlipoca was one of the most important gods in the Aztec pantheon. His name is composed by Tez-Catl, “it is a mirror”, and Ih-po-ca, “it emits smoke”, for it is known as “the Smoking Mirror” (Alarcón 1984, 235 cited by Olivier 2003, 14), and the image of a round mirror with smoke scrolls is symbol of his par excellence. His worship was widespread throughout all Mesoamerican people. He was considered to be omniscient and omnipresent. Within the Aztec society, Tezcatlipoca was conceived of as the complementary counterpart to Huitzilopochtli, the war god. The former represented the black and the night sky, while 21
the latter the blue and the day sky. Nevertheless, they share many important aspects: Huitzilopochtli was the patron of the Aztec warriors, while Tezcatlipoca symbolised the royal power and militarism. In the mythological account, Huitzilopochtli was the Warrior of the South, while Tezcatlipoca the Warrior of the North (Caso 1958, 27-31). Returning to the jaguar vessel, to outline the strong connection that exists between these two deities, on the bottom of the receptacle, two figures carved in low relief may be identified with them (figure 7). However, their identification is controversial: some scholars (Seler 1903, 262 cited by Nicholson and Keber 1983, 31) believe that they represent Tezcatlipoca flanked by the soul of a dead warrior; others (Pasztory 1983, 172) have conceived of them as gods of the past. However, by analysing the iconography it is possible to come to different conclusions. The two figures face each other, and perform the act of bloodletting by piercing their ear with a pointed bone. Although both of them present the foot replaced by Tezcatlipoca's smoking mirror (figure 7A), the two individuals can be recognised by the headdress they wear. The personage on the left wears the “stellar crown”, a row of vertical striations set with small circles that represent stars (Nicholson and Keber 1983, 31) (figure 7C). This headdress is characteristic of Tezcatlipoca, as it is frequently shown in codices (figure 8A). In addition, the curved “trunk” of the Fire Serpent is visible on the back of his head. Tezcatlipoca was also thought to be the discoverer of fire (Caso 1958, 28), thus the association between him, the fire god Xiuhtecuhtli, and the Fire Serpent seems likely. Moreover, due to the particular headdress and the smoking mirror, the identification of this figure with Tezcatlipoca is secure. For what concerns the figure on the right, he wears an elaborate headdress composed by two types of feathers of different height. On the back of his head there is a long-billed bird, the hummingbird, the disguise of Huitzilopochtli (figure 7E). Furthermore, this individual has the eyes encircled by a crown of circular points, which represent stars (figure 7D). This particular facial paintings or mask is frequently seen in codices adorning the face of the Aztec war god (figure 9A). In Aztec ideology, animals represented specific supernatural powers. Each species had 22
certain types of attributes within the natural world, which the Aztecs used as metaphors and explanation for specific human abilities (Saunders 1994, 108). In the Codex Florentine (Sahagún 1950-82, Book XI, 1) the ocelotl, “jaguar”, was regarded as the bravest and fiercest among animals. Therefore, the Aztec culturally constructed concept of the ocelotl was the embodiment of specific qualities required for warriors and rulers (Saunders 1994, 108). One of the two elite military orders was indeed the Ocelotl or Jaguar order (Durán 1971, 197). Only the rulers had the privilege of seating on jaguarskin thrones, mat and cushions (Sahagún 1950-82, Book VIII, 31). However, none of these associations are represented directly in naturalistic sculptures, but it is believed that the symbolic knowledge beyond the simple depiction of a jaguar was widespread among all members of the Aztec society (Pasztory 1983, 233). The iconographic features of the teponaztli from Cholula have enabled us to explore the ideological and religious account, and connect the figure of the jaguar with war deities. They do not present any further element which entails an in-depth iconographic analysis. However is possible to establish a stronger argument regarding the militaristic connotation of this teponaztli by studying the archaeological depositions of jaguars at the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan. Skeletons of jaguars have been found mostly in offerings dedicated to Huitzilopochtli, with the exception of Chamber 2 which belongs to the Tlaloc context (Luján 2005, 246): offering H in Building B (Luján 2005, 323); offering 64 in Building of Huitzilopochtli (Luján 2005, 337-338); offering K in Building A (Luján 2005, 274) (figure 1). Moreover, the position in which the feline was buried in these caches provides a further element attesting the connection between the teponaztli from Cholula and the context of warfare. In the corresponding chapters, Luján informs us that in both offering H and K the bony remains of the feline2 have been found in crouched position, while in Chamber 2 this information has not been given.
2
In Luján (2005, 274) it is said that the skeleton found belongs to a puma, not to a jaguar. However, in the work of Moctezuma (1988) on the offerings at the Great Temple, the terminology used is rather different. In fact, what in Luján is described as “puma”, in Moctezuma is presented as “jaguar” (compare the description of the offerings in Chamber 2). In the light of these facts, I prefer to use a rather general terminology, i.e. feline, assuming that in offering K a jaguar was deposited.
23
In conclusion, it has been possible to prove the existence of strong links between the jaguar teponaztli from Cholula and the context of warfare by looking at both iconography and archaeology. The iconographic analysis of the drum and the resulting comparison with the jaguar stone vessel have associated the teponaztli with the context of Tezcatlipoca, while the archaeological depositions of felines at the Great Temple have connected jaguars with the Aztec war god. As a consequence, the Cholula teponaztli can be conceived of as a good example of war drum, it played by soldiers during war dances and war songs, or during ceremonies and rituals in honour of warriors and war gods.
Huehuetl from Tenango At the National Museum of Anthropology in Mexico City, the Tenango huehuetl is labelled as “tlapanhuehuetl”, war drum. Castañeda and Mendoza (1933a, 296) have reported that the label belonging to this specimen states that the scene carved on the upper part represents the feast in honour of the Knights of the Sun. It is also mentioned that the huehuetl is originally from Tenango del Valle, in the modern state of Mexico, and that it pertains to the Nahua (Aztec) civilization. However, the origins of this instrument are controversial due to the fact that Guido Callegari, Saville and Rubén M. Campo have conceived of Tula, in the State of Hidalgo, as its motherland (Castañeda and Mendoza 1933, 296-297). The carvings are structured on two registers (figures 10, 11). The upper part and the lower parts are divided by a band. The upper half presents two birds fronting each other and resting on the central twisted cord with their clawed paws. Their heads are in profile, while their bodies are depicted in three quarters. Their wings are open entirely. The two animals are examples of extreme realism, for the artist tried to imitate nature. The action in which the subjects had been frozen in wood corresponds to the act of speaking or singing. It is suggested by the interwoven motifs that spread from their open 24
beaks. The one on the left emits the fluid symbol of water (atl in Nahuatl) (figure 11E), the other emits a motif consisting of stripes of burnt soil ending with the shape of a flame (tlachinolli) (figure 11F). On the three legs with sawtooth edges the same design is carved: a semi-circular disk decorated with a flower-like image in the centre. The diameter of the circle is surrounded by rounded rectangles. Behind the central disk, a flame-like design with curved edges spreads along the entire height of each leg. Concerning the identification of the two birds to a particular species, the bird on the left is surely an eagle, while the definition of the one on the right has been controversial. Some scholars believe it to be a turkey, recognising the drop-like motif on its breast as the peculiar turkey wattle (Saville 1925, 76). This animal cannot be identified as a turkey for two reasons: first, in codices such as Codex Borbonicus, plate 17 the snood hanging from the turkey beak is always shown to identify with certainty the species this animal belongs to; second, the plumage of the figure depicted on the Tenango huehuetl pertains to another type of bird, the vulture. Considering the bird physiognomy as it is represented on the huehuetl, successfully Castañeda and Mendoza (1933, 297) conceived of it as a black vulture. Moving to the second level of iconographic analysis, the localisation of underlying meanings, Castañeda and Mendoza (1933, 296-297) have suggested that the eagle and vulture, along with the atl-tlachinolli conjunction connect the scene to the context of warfare. The explanation of the conjunction of atl (water) and tlachinolli (burnt land) in the Aztec art and thought has been hotly debated. Laurette Ségiourné (1978, 99-110) has maintained that the stream of water associated with flames is one of the many manifestations of the union of two opposites, a fundamental idea upon which the Aztec system of beliefs was founded. The liberating fire of sacrifice and penitence, the atltlachinolli, and therefore the flowery war – the sacred war symbolised by the water-fire hieroglyph– represents nothing else but the soul of the warrior. The interpretation of the atl-tlacinolli as the synthesis of two opposites is suggested by the archaeological findings. In fact, the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan is composed by two shrines: that of Huitzilopochtli (war=fire); and that of Tlaloc (agriculture=water). 25
Although this explanation seems satisfactory, commonly scholars tend to consider Seler’s definition as the most valid. Although Seler (1990, 105-148) was more concerned about the representation of the atl-tlachinolli sign as it appears on Codex Borgia, his interpretation has been applied broadly. He has conceived of the union of water and fire as the linguistic signifier for the concept of devastation, destruction, war, to which Sahagún (1950-1982 cited by Seler 1990, 131) has referred describing Huitzilopochtli: quiyocoyani yn yaoyotl yaotecani yaotlatoani ca ytechpa mitoaya tepan quitlaza yn xiuhcoatl ym mamalhuaztli i.e. yaoyotl teoatl tlachinolli. He is who causes war, who arranges the warriors in rows, commands the warriors, for of him it is asserted that he throws the fire serpent, the fire rubbing implement, upon men, i.e. war, the destroying flood, the consuming fire. From this translation of the words from the Codex Florentine, it is clear that the word yaoyotl is the Nahuatl word for war, warfare, and the (teo) atl-tlachinolli represents what the Aztecs metaphorically believed to be war: “destroying flood and consuming fire”. Nevertheless, there is still a certain degree of ambiguity: Seler (1990, 133) believed that the prefix teo- is expressed by the presence of little hooks called teocuitlatl at the stream divisions of the atl. However, this feature appears only in Codex Borgia. Furthermore, the water stream on Codex Borbonicus, folio 9 (figure 12A) is depicted as simple atl with two spears floating in the middle. Seler (1990, 106) has described it as teoatl, but he has not explained how it could be read in this way without the teocuitlatl sign, how, in other words, the presence of two spears can account for the prefix teo-. However, both atl-tlachinolli and teoatl-tlachinolli seem to convey the same meaning: war (Molina 1571, 67). For what concerns the word tlachinolli, Seler (1990, 119) translated it as “what is burned”. The idea of “burnt land” is depicted in picture writings and monuments with the representation of a “stripe divided into sections and filled with 26
hooks or dots and with the fire butterfly at the end” (Seler 1990, 121) (figure 12B, C). The conventional ending of the fire strip consists of the butterfly motif (papalotl). The Aztecs conceived of the butterfly as the likeness of fire, and commonly the figure ending the tlachinolli sign is the fire butterfly (Seler 1990, 107, 121). However, another interpretation can be more pertinent to the huehuetl from Tenango: the identification of the butterfly not as fire but as the Obsidian Butterfly, the goddess Itzpapalotl. Seler (1990, 111) informs us that the Tzitzimime were conceived of by the Aztecs as the demons of darkness, “the stars that become visible in the bright sky at the impending solar eclipse when the world is threatened with extinction”. Itzpapalotl is named one of the Tzizimime in the picture writings. As a consequence, the Obsidian Butterfly goddess may have been represented graphically as a combination, a synthesis of the two aspects she embedded: the butterfly and the star. As picture writings and works of art made of stone show, the stars are usually depicted with a pupil-like design (figure 13A). On a stone bowl for sacrificial blood or cuauhxicalli, Itzpapaolotl is part of the sky band hanging from the central cord (figure 14A). She is carved elaborately with the brow-like design in the centre and rays or wings surrounding it (figure 14B). Distinctively, four of these rays are depicted as obsidian knives. Others representations of the star eyes are presented by Seler (1990, 112) (figure 15), and an alternation between pointed and round rectangular forms can be noted (figure 15B, A). The validity of this interpretation may suggest that not only the atl sign presents adjuncts and substitutions, but also the tlachinolli. It is also clear in figure 12 (B), in which the fire stripe ends not only with the usual butterfly but also with other elements. Nevertheless, the meaning does not change: war. The atl-tlachinolli, consequently, appears to be the basic component of an expression signifying “warfare”. It can be embellished with other signs and symbols, somehow related to warfare – teocuitlatl (fire), mitl (spear), Obsidian Butterfly (sacrificial knife) – as they were superlatives, emphasising the concept of war. Atl-tlachinolli is no longer a sign, it has become a symbol.
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The identification of the butterfly at the end of the “burnt land” stripe with the Obsidian Butterfly rather than the fire butterfly, may explain the carvings on the three crenelated legs of the Tenango huehuetl. The hypothesis is based on the assumption that the depictions on the legs of the drum are the enlarged representation of the Obsidian Butterfly ending the tlachinolli, on the upper carvings of the musical instrument. Therefore, the flower-like design at the centre is not merely ornamental, but it is an elaborate and revised representation of Itzpapalotl in her form as star and butterfly. In fact, analysing the central motif carved on the legs of the drum, we find the same motifs composing the star eye in figure 15: pupil-like design, pointed and rounded rectangular forms. In this case, however, the components are disjointed from one another, but still represented in the same manner (figure 11B, C). Moreover, what I described previously as “flame-like design with curved edges”, which is what surrounds the central disk, is the representation of the Obsidian Butterfly's wings (figure 11A). Following this interpretation, the double, twisted cord dividing the two registers of the drum is the sky band as it is depicted untwisted on the Itzpapalotl's cuauhxicalli (figure 14A).
Castañeda and Mendoza (1933, 297) have maintained that the symbol carved on the legs corresponds to the fire in its butterfly form. From the acoustic viewpoint, in Aztec times the skin covering the upper edge of the huehuetl was not tuned by means of cords, as it is today, but fire was set under the drum, between the three legs, in order to enhance the pitch and the sound. Accordingly, Castañeda and Mendoza (1933, 297) have conceived of the images on the legs as the inverse representations of the fire set under the drum. Three are the reasons proving the inappropriateness of this interpretation: the skilfulness the wood carver shows to have possessed, and the wise structure in which the figures are constructed do not allow us to believe in this type of mistakes; secondly, there are no other examples in Aztec art representing fire on the legs of huehuetls, neither in upright nor inverse position; third, the iconographic motifs appearing in the central disc (rounded rectangles and pointed forms) are strongly connected to the iconographic scheme belonging to Itzpapalotl in her representation as star. Therefore, the interpretation of Castañeda and Mendoza is not acceptable.
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Who or what do the birds on the upper part of the huehuetl represent? As already mentioned, the bird on the left is identified as an eagle, while the bird on the right is a black vulture. In Aztec mythology, the eagle was perceived as a solar animal. The myth of the creation of the fifth sun tells that both the eagle and the jaguar contended for the honour of being the sun. The eagle was the first to immolate itself and thus became the sun, while the jaguar did not transform itself entirely and thus became the moon. The spots on its coat recall the failure to become the sun (Anderson 1979, 197). Moreover, the eagle has a stronger association with the Mexican tribal god Huitzilopochtli in its solar aspect, and with Tonatiuh, the sun god. Caso (1958, 33) informs us that the sun of the morning was called Cuautlehuanitl, the ascending eagle, while that of the evening Cuauhtemoc, the falling eagle. Furthermore, the temple of the sun was called Quaquauhtin inchan, House of the Eagle (Seler 1990, 132). Durán (1971, 197) called it Quauhcalli, and it is said to be the place housing the Eagle and Jaguar knights (figure 1B).
Therefore, the bird on the left is clearly the representation of the solar deity Tonatiuh, or the solar aspect of the war god Huitzilopochtli. Moreover, in picture writings and stone sculptures, the eagle and the jaguar are an inseparable pair, and, as mentioned previously, the jaguar has strong association with Tezcatlipoca. It is not surprising that as Tezcatlipoca and Huitzilopochtli are represented facing each other as in the carvings of the Jaguar sacrificial vessel (figure 7), also the jaguar and the eagle are depicted fronting each other, as they are the two deities' transferred meaning. In war context this pair is never divided, for they always are depicted together. However, on the Tenango huehuetl the eagle is not flanked by a jaguar, but a vulture is found in its place. To solve this issue, Itzpapalotl, the Obsidian Butterfly, needs to be invoked for a second time. In the Cantare Mexicanos (Garibay 1953, Vol I, 119 cited by Heyden 1988, 221) Itzpapalotl is described as a warrior, Our Mother, the Obsidian Butterfly. She is originally Chichimec, and although neither Sahagún nor Durán included her in the list of gods, in Mexican society she was conceived of as the obsidian knife, the symbol of 29
sacrifice (Heyden 1988, 220-221). In the Aztec calendar, she is the bearer of the sixteenth day, called Cozcaquauhtli, the Vulture (Kelley 1960, 321; Heyden 1988, 220). In the Codex Borbonicus, folio 13, she is represented in her vulture disguise, the feathers ending with obsidian knives and also her dress is draped with them. Associations between Tezcatlipoca and obsidian are numerous: his effigy in the main temples was carved of obsidian; mirrors were made by obsidian (Anderson 1979, 81); in rural areas his wooden statue was painted black to resemble the black material of which the god was made in Tenochtitlan and Tezcoco (Heyden 1988, 222; Anderson 1979, 92). Itzpapalotl was the sacrificial stone, while Tezcatlipoca was the sacred stone itself, thus black= obsidian= sacred stone (Heyden 1988, 222) = Tezcatlipoca.
As mentioned in the introductory section dealing with methodology, the substitution of motifs is based on the assumption that synonyms mean different concepts, but could fulfil the same meaning. Thus, in visual art synonyms are evident through the substitution of one motif for another (Pasztory 1983, 88). The carvings of the Tenango huehuetl present the substitution of the figure of the jaguar with that of the vulture, but the meaning of the composition does not change, because both jaguar and vulture can represent Tezcatlipoca on a mythological level.
Furthermore, in Aztec thought the association of meanings between the jaguar and Tezcatlipoca was well known, due to the fact that the jaguar was one of the most common transformations of the Smoking Mirror. Conversely, the vulture was Itzpapalotl's disguise, and only through an association of concepts between obsidian knife and sacred stone, and thus between Itzpapalotl and Tezcatlipoca it is possible to find the substitution of the jaguar with the vulture in artistic productions. If this hypothesis is correct, this also may inform us on the level of knowledge the wood carver possessed regarding the mythological universe both Aztec and Chichimec. The skilfulness and the genius of the artist are expressed in his ability to concentrate intricate ideas, beliefs, and artistic strategies in a composition deceivingly simple.
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Finally, the third level of the iconographic analysis, the understanding of the content, the intrinsic meaning, becomes the synthesis of what has been described by this point. Therefore, what is represented on the musical instrument is not a feast in honour of the Knights of the Sun, but the cosmic war, the ideal concept of war and warriors, the perfect unison between Huitzilopochtli and Tezcatlipoca. It is divine, no human; it happens in the heavens, above the sky band, not on earth. It represents the concept of the perfect, divine, original war in the mind of a knowledgeable artist at the time of the Aztec empire.
Huehuetl from Malinalco This specimen belongs originally to Malinalco, a town in the district of Tenancingo, State of Mexico (figures 16, 17). Nowadays, it is exhibited at the Museum of Archaeology in Toluca. For what concerns the primary level of iconographic description, the carvings are structured on two registers divided by a carved central band. On the upper level, the scene is composed by two separate parts: on the right an eagle and a jaguar flank the nahui ollin symbol (figure 17B, C, E); on the left, a personage wearing an eagle costume is facing upward (figure 17A). The pair on the right side is depicted in the act of speaking or singing, assumption based on the fact that the atl-tlachinolli symbol is emitted from their mouth and accompanies the dancing motions of their feet (figure 17D). Concerning the figure on the left, below its face is represented a breath cloud to the extremity of which the hieroglyph chalchiuitl, “green jewel, costliness”, is attached (figure 17 F2). This is the sign for music, cuicatl. The two motifs depicted on each bottom side are slightly different, but Seler (1990, 132) has conceived of them as a different stylistic representation of cuicatl. Differently, Quiroz (1958, 62) has identified them as the stylised depiction of the Fire Serpent, xiuhcoatl. At my state of knowledge, its identification as the Fire Serpent appears to be unjustified, also due to the fact that what Quiroz affirms to be the characteristic trunk of xiuhcoatl, it is more likely to be recognised as a stylised conch shell (figure 17 F3). It appears in Codex Borbonicus 3 (figure 18) and 6. Moreover, the conch shell is another musical 31
instrument included in the Aztec orchestra, as it is clear from the drawings of the Codex Florentine, Book VIII, folio 30 (figure 19) (Sahagún 1950-1982). The motifs in question must be conceived of as the union between the cuicatl sign and a conch shell, which conveys the idea of chant and music together. Also the identification of the ascending individual on the left has been hotly debated. Seler (1990, 132) had identified this figure as the god of music, Xochipilli, in his coxcoxtli disguise. Quiroz (1958, 59-64) rejected this interpretation assuming that this individual wears the eagle costume, not the coxcoxtli one. As a consequence the only acceptable identification regards Huitzilopochtli or Tonatiuh. However, Séjourné’s (n.g.3 cited by Quiroz 1958, 58) account is the most reliable: the personage who dominates the scene needs to be seen as the eagle warrior, the messenger of the Sun, rising with a mighty interior dynamism. He represents the apotheosis of universal soul, rather than “a brutal god satiated by blood”. On the right, the date nahui ollin, “four motion”, represents the symbol of the fifth sun, the historic sun called in Nahuatl olintonatiuh (figure 17E). It is the abbreviated sun glyph, an eye with four radii, as part of the sun disk on the Calendar Stone (Seler 1990, 131-132). Nahui ollin is flanked by two figures: an eagle and a jaguar. These, as those carved on the three sawtooth legs of the huehuetl, hold the pamitl or sacrificial banner, and wear the forked feathers of the warrior, the aztaxelli (Seler 1990, 132) (figure 17G). Moreover, the eagles present flint knives among their feathers, expressing the sacrificial character of those figures. They are identified as eagle and jaguar warriors, dancing and singing war songs, as suggested by the atl-tlacinolli symbols emitted from their mouth and carved on the side of their feet. According to Seler (1990, 133), the atl flowing from their eye represents the tears of these warriors, who had been “left behind in battle and doomed to death by sacrifice”. However, the reading of Sahagún suggests another interpretation. In the Codex Florentine, Book II, 21 (1950-1982, 48-49) the feast called tlacaxipeualiztli is described. A victim was sacrificed in honour of the sun: his heart became an offering and was placed in the eagle vessel, cuauhxicalli. Then the captive 3
n.g. for “not given”.
32
was called the eagle man: The captor's being pasted with feathers was done because he had not died there in war or else [because] he would yet go to die, would go to pay the debt [in war or by sacrifice]. Hence his blood relations greeted him with tears. […] Hence it was said: “The eagle man is taken upwards”, because indeed he who died in war went, went looking, sat resting in the presence of the sun. […] Thus his valor would not in vain perish; it was as if thus he took renown from the captive. Through the words of Sahagún it can be inferred that the captive killed for the sake of the sun was costumed as eagle and thus he became the impersonator of the warrior died on the battlefield. He was doomed to perform the same fate: to die and ascend to the heavens at the presence of the sun, through his sacrifice. Therefore, the eagle and jaguar could be the impersonators of the dead Aztec warriors, rather than Aztec warriors themselves. The carvings on the huehuetl from Malinalco may suggest that not only an “eagle man” but also a “jaguar man” was sacrificed in honour of the solar deity. The central band, which divides the carvings on the sounding board from those on the legs, is also decorated. The atl-tlachinolli and the sacrificial rope, aztamecatl - the rope with which the captive was secured at the circular stone in the occasion of the “gladiatorial sacrifice” - are intertwined. Moreover, five times the same symbol is repeated: the shield of Huitzilopochtli with spears and pamitl (Seler 1990, 132) (figure 17H). The shield and the spears convey the idea of war, while the aztamecatl and the pamitl, that of religious sacrifice. The synthesis of these two significations is embedded in the atl-tlachinolli, because it means “sacred war”. Furthermore, the iconographic pair shield- spears is not only another symbol of war, but also a linguistic expression. In fact, the Molina’s vocabulary (1571, 67) translates mitl chimalli – spears and shield – as “war”. The iconographic readings of the different parts of the huehuetl from Malinalco 33
suggest that this musical instrument was probably used at the dance of warriors. The iconography of the Malinalco huehuetl has been associated with another drum, a teponaztli commonly believed to pertain to the Mixtec culture (figure 20). Although the exact provenance has not been ascertained, the character of the mythological scenes and the technique of the sculpture suggest that it probably belongs to the region of the highlands of central Mexico (Saville 1925, 69). The front of the drum presents a solar disk with a seated person in the centre. A dot is shown in each corner, suggesting that this feature must be identified as a variant of the nahui ollin date (figure 20B). The person in the centre wears an eagle headdress, and the maguey thorns on his right are the symbol of self-sacrifice. Therefore, the interpretation of this figure as Huitzilopochtli/Tonatiuh or an eagle warrior (Saville 1925, 69) performing the ritual bloodletting is acceptable. On each side of the upper register two individuals face the central scene. Those on the left must be conceived of as warriors, due to the weapons they hold – a shield in the first case and two atlatls, spear thrower, in the second- and the feather headdress, aztaxelli. Those on the right also can be identified as warriors for the headdress, but they do not hold any weapon. They surely are musicians: the first to the right plays a rattle, while the following plays a rattle and a huehuetl (figure 20C). The other side of the instrument portrays an eagle and a jaguar intertwined together (figure 20F, E). They must be identified as quauhtli- ocelotl warriors, as they appear on the Malinalco huehuetl (figure 17 B, C; cross-reference page 33). The eagle presents flint knives attached to the ends of the wings, while on the upright drum they are confused with its feathers. Above and to the left of the eagle is the shield with spears and pamitl, as they are portrayed five times on the Malinalco huehuetl (figure 20G; 17H). On the right a cuauhxicalli spreading blood is a further sign of the religious context in which the scene must be included (figure 20I). Finally, atl-tlachinolli is also present: the atl spreads from the mouth of the ocelotl warrior, while the tlachinolli consists of the eagle’s speech (figure 20D, H). The iconographic scheme chosen for the carvings on the so-called Mixtec teponaztli 34
might be interpreted as the antecedent of that appearing on the huehuetl from Malinalco. Respectively, drums representing warriors and war gods reputedly were played in the occasions their images were referring to. However, the identification of a particular ceremony for which this huehuetl was created is hard to demonstrate. Nonetheless, the reading of Sahagún leads to the hypothesis that here are depicted images taken from the realistic scenario of the feast honouring the god Xipe Totec: the feast called tlacaxipehualiztli.
Chapter 3 Iconographic Interpretation of Aztec and European Codices
The corpus of codices consists of four pictures taken from Aztec painted books, and other four pictures from codices of European origins. The selected illustrations depict: religious festivals, royal military attire, funeral rites and lay events taken from everyday life. Each of these has been chosen by virtue of its immediate connection to the context of warfare.
Aztec Codices
Codex Borbonicus Although Codex Borbonicus is conceived of as a pre-conquest manuscript, its chronological aspect has been controversial: some scholars have maintained that it is pre-conquest; others have dated its creation after the arrival of the Spaniards. Nevertheless, generally it is believed to have been painted before 1540 (Caso 1967, 35
104). The Codex Borbonicus is divided in four parts. The first consists of the tonalamatl, the count of fate, which the Aztecs used for divinations (see Appendix A). The second part consists of representations of the “Lords of the Night”; the third is the festival calendar composed by 18 periods (months) of 20 days (Betancourt 1998, 58). Feasts were performed within a 365- day period or agricultural year. The Aztec annual calendar in fact consists of 365 days arranged into 18 months of 20 days, plus 5 unlucky days (Smith 2003, 248). Finally, the fourth part repeats the ceremonial cycle represented in the previous section (Betancourt 1998, 58- 59). The Aztecs celebrated eighteen religious festivals throughout the whole agricultural year. Each of them honoured a certain deity and was characterised by a specific theme:
No
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
4
PERIOD4 14 February5 March 6 March25 March 26 March14 April 15 April4 May 5 May22 May 23 May13 June 14 June3 July 4 July23 July 24 July-
NAME OF THE FESTIVAL
NAME OF THE DEITY
ATLCAUALO
TLALOC
TLACAXIPEHUALIZTLI
XIPE TOTEC
TOZOZONTLI
TLALOC
UEI TOZOZTLI
CINTEOTL
TOXCATL
TEZCATLIPOCA
ETZALQUALIZTLI
CHALCHIHUITLICUE (water)- TLALOC
TECUILHUITONTLI
HUIXTOCIHUATL
UEI TECUILHUITL
XILONEN
TLAXOCHIMACO
HUITZILOPOCHTLI
According to Townsend (1992, 212-214)
36
12 August 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
13 August1 September 2 September21 September 22 September11 October 12 October31 October 1 November20 November 21 November10 December 11 December30 December 31 December19 January 20 January8 February
XOCOTL UETZI
XIUHTECUHTLI
OCHPANIZTLI
TOCI
TEOTLECO
ALL GODS
TEPEILHUITL
XOCHIQUETZAL
QUECHOLLI
MIXCOATL
PANQUETZALIZTLI
HUITZILOPOCHTLI
ATEMOZTLI
TLALOC
TITITL
ILAMATECUHTLI
IZCALLI
XIUHTECUTLI
Table 1: Festivals of the Aztecs
Etzalqualiztli, feast in honour of Tlaloc The right section of page 26 on Codex Borbonicus depicts the god Queztalcoatl on the left and Xolotl on the right (figure 21D, E). Between these two figures a circle of dancers is portrayed. They all wear the typical costume of Queztalcoatl and Xolotl composed by a winged loincloth and a winged head band. An equal type of ornament hangs from the shoulders and from the object they grasp. Differently from the other, Quetzalcoatl has the medallion of characteristic form which is repeated on the centre of his black shield (figures 21 B, compare it with 8C). From the religious viewpoint, Quetzalcoatl was the Aztec god of air and wind, while Xolotl was his twin and he was conceived of as the representation of the negative aspects of the personality (Burland 37
1967, 93, 102-103). On the bottom of page 26, a white pot (amateteulli) contains a kind of vegetable porridge called etzalli; on the right an image of Tlaloc, the rain god, is depicted (Burland 1967, 74- 75). This imagery has led some scholars to believe that the Etzalqualiztli is portrayed here (Paso y Troncoso 1981, 115; Hamy 1899, 19). Although the feast honoured Tlaloc, the dance corresponds to a performance dedicated to Quetzalcoatl (Paso y Troncoso 1081, 116; Hamy 1899, 18). The identification of the dancers has not been attempted. However, they can be linked to the war context using iconographic analysis. Two are the elements that identify them as warriors: the huehuetl covered with jaguar skin; and the object they hold (figure 21 A, C). As Gallop (1939, 216) has maintained, the huehuetl covered with “panther skin, was familiar to them [the Aztecs] as a call of war” (“panther” must be interpreted as “jaguar”). As a consequence, jaguar-skinned drums were peculiar to the context of warfare, used as signal for the call of war and in ceremonies involving warriors. The object they hold is the second feature that identifies them as warriors. Hamy (1899, 18) has conceived of it as a stick used to regulate the dance. Although the practical function of those crosses may have been keeping the rhythm during ballets, as rattles, is possible to make a more precise identification: they are atlatl. The illustrations of the manuscripts show that the spear-thrower form was that of a narrow, short board, with a hook or projecting peg at the terminal part against which the end of the spear rested (Seler 1991, 213). In both Codex Borbonicus and Borgia the atlatl occurs in depictions of the Fire god, Huitzilopochtli (war), Tezcatlipoca (war), Tonatiuh (sun), Mixcoatl (hunting) and Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli (Venus as Morning star) (Seler 1991, 208, 211). All these deities share warlike associations. In Codex Ixtlilxochitl, folio 103r (figure 22), Quetzalcoatl is represented in his peculiar costume, holding an atlatl very similar to those painted on Codex Borbonicus, 26. To conclude, the huehuetl covered with jaguar skin and atlatls are indicative of the military connotations of the performance, even though it was held in honour of Quetzalcoatl and Xolotl, during the feast Etzalqualiztli dedicated to Tlaloc, gods that apparently did not possess militaristic associations. 38
Xocotl Uetzi, the Great death feast Page 28 of Codex Borbonicus (figure 23) depicts two feasts: Tlaxochimaco on the left and Xocotl Uetzi on the right. These two events represent the ninth and the tenth annual feast of the Aztec agricultural year (see Table 1). The former was celebrated in honour of the war god Huitzilopochtli, while the latter in honour to the statue of Xocotl. It must be identified with Otontecuhtli (“Lord of the Otomí”), due to his peculiar ornament: red butterfly figures, which appear on Xocotl's headdress (figure 23A) (Seler 1990, 139). Moreover, the two feasts were called also Miccailhuitzintli (“Small death feast”) and Ueimiccailhuitl (“Great death feast”) (Seler 1990, 139). During Xocotl Uetzi, all the people ascended to the roofs of their houses and prayed to their dead relatives: “come quickly, we await you” (Seler 1990, 139-141). According to Terquemada (n.g. cited by Seler 1990, 141) the people of Tlaxcala used to celebrate these two feasts to remember their dead. During the Xocotl Uetzi the deceased were called teotl, “god”, referring to past kings and all the distinguished persons who had died on the battlefield. For linguistic and artistic reasons, Seler (1990, 141-142), has maintained that the Ueimiccailhuitl was indeed dedicated not to all the dead, but only to princes and warriors who had died at the hands of the enemy. The iconographic analysis of the butterfly motif on the Otontecuhtli's headdress led Seler (1990, 141-142) to assume that it must have represented the soul of dead warrior, as Sahagún (1950-1982, Book III, Appendix, Ch. 3) wrote: nimac
ic
mocuepa,
tlazototome,
huitzitzilti,
xochitotol,
totocoztli,
mixtetlilcomolo, tizapapalotl, ivipapalotl, xicalteconpapalotl. They
[warriors]
convert
themselves
into
ornamental
birds,
into
hummingbirds, flower birds, yellow birds with black marks around the eyes (i.e. with the morning-star face painting), into white- chalk butterflies, into white- down butterflies, into drinking- cup butterflies. The Xocotl Uetzi feast depicted on page 28 of Codex Borbonicus must be considered 39
within the context of warfare for other two reasons: the huehuetl covered with jaguar skin and the dancers’ attire. Regarding the row of dancers, Paso y Troncoso (1981, 130) and Hamy (1899, 20) have conceived of them as priests. Although Paso y Troncoso has recognised that the patterns of the performance are very similar to a warriors' dance, giving no further details, finally he has identified them as priests. On the left bottom of page 28, the individual beating the huehuetl has been recognised as a member of the priestly community (Paso y Troncoso 1981, 130). The head ornament in form of two butterflies and the hairstyle (which does not belong to any of the documented hairstyles of warriors, princes and kings) identify him as a priest of the god Xocotl/ Otontecuhtli. Nevertheless, the jaguar skin covering the huehuetl demonstrates that the music played must be considered as a war melody. Concerning the dancers, they are depicted wearing a variety of articles and clothing among which some belong to the warrior class, others to the royal rank. First of all, there are eleven individuals, all clothed differently: the first has the hair gathered tightly together in a large bunch by means of a red binder adorned with white feathers, similar in style to the quetzallalpiloni – hair binder with quetzal feather tassels (Seler 1992a, 16). He has ear pegs and lip pendant both made of green stone or turquoise. The ear peg is called xiuhnacochtli and is a peculiar ornament of kings (Seler 1992a, 22). The lip pendant is named chalchiuhtentetl tenzacatl and consists of a long rod-shaped labret (Seler 1992a, 19). He wears a chipolcozcatl, a collar consisting of a small snail shell (Seler 1992a, 38), or any other collar with round beads of the types worn by kings or warriors (Seler 1992a, 20, 22). The white colour may suggest that the beads are made of snail shells rather than gold or green stone. Moreover, this personage wears a net shoulder covering and a decorated loincloth. The following figure is attired similarly to the preceding one except for the lip pendant which is white instead of green. The third and the fourth personages are depicted in the same manner: the hair is longer on the forehead, bound behind by means of a white- feathered binder; they wear a whitebeaded collar; precious green ear pegs; a decorated loincloth; and a net mantel. The next five individuals are attired in the same manner as the previous ones, but they have shortcut hairstyle with no binder. The last two figures are depicted smaller than the others 40
due to their lower status; it is not the representation of realistic proportions, but different social hierarchies. As a consequence, they are dressed simply with the net mantel and an undecorated loincloth, while ear pegs, labret, collar, and hair binder are missing entirely. From the attire and the ornaments they wear it is possible to assume that the individual leading the chain belongs to the highest rank and then persons of progressively lower ranks follow. The red binder worn by the first two is tightly associated with the warrior class, while ear pegs and lip pendant are typical of princes and kings. The white- beaded collar belongs to the series of devices worn by the chieftains of lower rank, but also it could be identified with a variant of the necklace worn by kings or princes. By looking at the Seler's work on the attire and insignia of social and military rank (1990, 3-61) it is evident that decorated loincloths belong to both warriors and princes, while from Durán (1971, 198) it is known that the knights called Cuauchic used to wear a net shoulder covering. The identification of this variety of elements is essential in order to characterise the social membership of the dancers: they are the youths, the princes, probably belonging to specific military ranks. They are depicted in the act of dancing a war music, or a music dedicated, as Seler (1990, 139- 149) has maintained, to their Aztec warriors or relatives that had died valiantly at the hands of the enemy.
Codex Magliabechiano
Funeral rites for a dead warrior Codex Magliabechiano was produced in the mid-sixteenth century as a copy of an early ethnological prototype. It consists of drawings accompanied by Spanish commentary, and it presents diverse aspects of the Aztec intellectual culture (Boone 1983, 7). Its early history is obscure. Although the author was probably trained by an Aztec artist, considering the illustrations and the design, he received a European education, considering the text and the structure in which the work was executed 41
(Boone 1983, 22,164). The Codex Magliabechiano consists of six sections, including: 1) ritual cloaks, 2) a twenty-day count, 3) the fifty-two year cycle, 4) the eighteen annual feasts and two moveable feasts, 5) pulque gods and related deities, and 6) the miscellaneous gods and rites (Boone 1983, 165). On folio 72 recto (figure 24) on the left is shown a statue placed on a platform and adorned with jewels, feathers, colourful papers, and a staff called amatl on its headdress (figure 24B). In front of it there are offerings of food in two pots, chocolate in a globular vase, a staff wrapped in paper in the form of crosses, and below “a load of sheets of paper” (Boone 1983, 212). On the right there are two musicians depicted in the act of singing and playing three musical instruments: the musician on the top shakes a ground-shaped rattle called ayacahtli, and beats an ayotl - a tortoise shell rubbed on its ventral side with pieces of antlers (Stevenson 1968, 36-37); the musician on the bottom plays a huehuetl covered with jaguar hide. The commentary of this picture occurs on the previous page, folio 71 verso: the figure on the left is described as “he for whom the memorial was made”, a dead person remembered in occasion of the dead feast called Tititl (Boone 1983, 212). Tititl was the seventeenth feast of the agricultural calendar (see Table 1). It was celebrated from 31 December to 19 January in honour of the mother goddess, Ilamatecuhtli, and a woman was sacrificed. During this event there was a great opportunity to get married (Burland 1967, 77). As Seler (1990, 141) has reported, Tititl was also a feast in honour of the dead. He has used two figures from the Codex Telleriano-Remensis to prove that the ninth and the tenth feast of the Aztec agricultural calendar – Tlaxochimaco and Xocotl Uetzi- were festivals honouring the dead that had performed venerable deeds in life. The first of them depicts a bundle that has the mask of the mother goddess (figure 25): black painting on the lower half of the face, red on the upper side, and a ring-shaped plaster on the cheek. This same goddess was celebrated during the Tititl. The author of Codex Magliabechiano was faithful to the canon of the Aztec gods' face paintings, for on folio 45 recto an earth goddess is depicted, she marked with the same colours and patterns of the Tititl feast goddess. The iconography of the funeral rites depicted on folio 72 recto of Codex 42
Magliabechiano demonstrates that they are performed in honour of a dead warrior. First of all, the huehuetl played by the second musician is covered with jaguar hide, and, as already mentioned, this particular drum occurs in contexts involving warriors and war dances. Secondly, the statue is adorned with the paper shoulder band (amaneapanalli) and the blue dog (xolocozcatl), the yacaxiuitl, “blue nose ornament”, and the turquoise mosaic headband (xhiuhuitzolli), which are characterised as ornaments of dead warriors (Seler 1992b, 95, 99) (figure 24C). Not surprisingly, they are depicted in Codex Borbonicus, page 9, the trecena dedicated to the fire god Xiuhtecuhtli pared with the representation of Venus as morning star, Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli (figure 12 D). Both of these deities share some associations with the context of warfare: the former is depicted with the fire serpent (xiuhxoatl) on his back, the mythological lightening-like weapon belonging to Huitzilopochtli (Read and Gonzáles 2000, 194, 230); the latter was believed to be a dangerous god, shooting darts to harm people (Bierhorst 1992, 36) (is this the reason why in Codex Borbonicus, 9, the atl sign above its head is depicted with floating darts?). Thirdly, the face paintings of the statue on Codex Magliabechiano present patterns which are similar to those of war deities' masks. In fact, it is not like the Tititl feast earth goddess', as might be expected, but it presents the same patterns of the mask of the fire god as depicted on the Codex Magliabechiano, folio 89 recto, and that of Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli as it appears on Codex Borbonicus, 9 (figures 26, 12). In fact, on the former four deities are represented: Tlaloc on the left top followed by Queztalcoatl on the right; Huitzilopochtli (or Tezcatlipoca) on the left bottom and Xiuhtecuhtli on the right (Boone 1983, 217). The latter presents the mouth and the chin painted red, the cheeks are black, and the upper half of the face is yellow. Although the statue of Tititl feast has the same distribution of colours, it has the eyes painted black, encircled by a crown of stars, as the mask of Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli shows. Moreover, Seler (1992b, 96) tells us that the abode of the spirits of the dead warriors was located in the eastern sky, which is also the location of Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli, i.e. “Lord in the house of the morning red”. The fourth and last element that contextualises the scene on Codex Magliabechiano, 72 recto, as funeral rites in honour of a dead warrior is the object laying in front of the statue. As previously stated, Boone has considered it as “a load of sheets of paper”. On the contrary, there are two different offerings: the load of 43
sheets of paper, and next to it a “bouquet” of staffs inlaid with sharp points. These specimens can only be identified as the traditional Aztec sword: the maquahuitl. To conclude, the musical instrument chosen to accompany the rhythm of the melody, the ornaments the statue wears, its face paintings, and the offering placed in front of it characterise it as the representation of a valiant dead warrior. Therefore, through the iconographic reading of the images on page 72 recto of Codex Magliabechiano, it is possible to draw a tight connection between huehuetl with jaguar skin and funeral rites of great soldiers.
Codex Ixtlilxochitl
Royal attire of Aztec kings in battle Don Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl is the author of the codex that bears his name. He was of noble origins, for he has been considered to be the descendant of the Acolhua lords of Tezcoco and Cuitlahuac, the penultimate Aztec king of Tenochtitlan (DurandForest 1976, 9). Codex Ixtlilxochitl consists of three parts: the first is a series of 21 coloured plates, with commentary in Spanish, dealing with the main religious festivities; the second part consists of four Tezcocan lords, and of four pages among which are two plates representing Tlaloc, and the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan; the third section deals with the Aztec calendar and do not present any illustration, again regarding the 18 Aztec religious festivities. The date of creation and collection of the three parts into a corpus is unsure, due to the lack of any precise indication. However, attempts of dating have been made by analysing the types of handwritings and watermarks found in the manuscript. Consequently, it is commonly believed that the codex had been elaborated between the sixteenth and seventeenth century (Durand-Forest 1976, 35). The plate that interests us most is 106 recto (figure 27). It represents the Tezcocan ruler Nezahualcoyotl attired with the different devices with which Aztec kings arrayed 44
themselves as warriors, when they marched forth to conquer. The costume they wore for this particular occasion is called “the costume of the god Xipe Totec”, and there are three variants of it. The firsts consists of: a crown of precious feathers of red spoonbill; a drum covered over with gold, and carried on the back; a red shirt decorated with golden stone knives; and a short skirt made entirely of green quetzal feathers (Seler 1992a, 47). It also includes a shield covered with rings of golden plates the edge thereof has a hanging of precious quetzal feathers, and decorated with small grasshoppers of gold. To conclude, another component of the costume is a necklace made of large beads of green precious stone and turquoise. This particular costume is known as “red spoonbill Xipe”, which the Mexican kings had worn in battle since the reign of king Axayacatl (Seler 1992a, 47). Fernando de Alvarado Tezozómoc, whose work will be discussed later, in the chapter 84 of the Crónica Mexicana mentioned that king Motcezuma II, waging war upon the Otomí of Nopallan, had appeared in battled wearing the red spoonbill Xipe costume, beating the golden drum and shaking rattles to incite the Mexicans to fight. The second type of the Xipe costume consists of: a crown of blue cotiga feathers adorned with gold and quetzal feathers; a blue shirt also made of cotiga feathers; a green (blue) drum, covered with gold; a short skirt of quetzal feathers; and another skirt of blue cotiga feathers trimmed with costly feathers and knives made of thin gold plates (Seler 1992a, 48). This type of the Xipe costume is what king Nezahualcoyotl wears in the depiction of plate 106 recto of Codex Ixtlitolchitl. However, the head ornament shows some peculiarities such as the coyote ears attached to it. The name Nezahualcoyotl means “coyote in fast”, and the alteration of the costume is explained as a personalised version. The third and last type is known as “jaguar Xipe”, and it includes the following articles: a shirt made of jaguar skin; a short skirt consisting of quetzal feathers; a drum covered with jaguar skin (Seler 1992a, 49). The jaguar Xipe costume is remarkably important because it demonstrates that drums covered with jaguar skin had a tighter association with the context of warfare than drums covered with hide of other animals. It justifies the presence of jaguar huehuetls in the majority of the depictions concerning war dances, or performances in honour of warriors and war gods.
45
The relationship between kingship and drums is very clear; kings went to battle with a drum on their back used as means of communication and signalling among the Aztec troops. Tazozómoc mentioned it in chapters 84 and 88 of the Crónica Mexicana; Durán (1994, 352), in chapter XLVI of the History of the Indies of New Spain, in occasion to the war against Tecuantepec, gave the most representative account of the important connection between ruler and drumming: On his back [king Ahuitzotl] was a gold drum, with which the kings signalled the attack or the retreat. In this way the king himself represented the drum –or [in his absence] his general did, when they gave the attack signal or played the sound for withdrawal of the army.
European Codices
History of the Indies of New Spain Diego Durán was born in Spain around 1537 and then moved with his family to the New World when he was still a child. In his early teens he entered the Dominican Order, which requested Friar Durán to produce a study of the history, the ideas, the mythology, and mostly the religious belief system of the natives. These works written by missionaries aimed to guide new friars during the process of conversion of indigenous people. His authorship consists of three works: the Book of the Gods and Rites (15741576); the Ancient Calendar (1579); and the History of the Indies of New Spain in 1581 (Heyden 1994, XXV-XXVIII).
Funeral rites of valiant knights Throughout the History, Durán often referred to the Aztec rites and ceremonies, both 46
lay and religious. For instance, the first part of chapter XXXVIII deals with the funeral rites for deceased warriors under the reign of Axayacatl. Durán left a thorough illustration (figure 28) (Durán 1994, plate 25) representing the whole event. The structure of the picture was composed in such a way that each phase of the entire ceremony is represented through a succession of temporal stages. The chain of the events described in the chapter, and the succession of the scenes depicted in the picture coincide. The direction in which the images need to be read goes from the right top corner to the right bottom, then horizontally from the right bottom leftward, and finally from the left bottom upward to the left corner (↑←↓). At the beginning of the chapter, Durán describes the returning warriors from the war against Mechoacan, the king welcoming the Aztec lords, and their request of celebrating the funeral rites for those who had died in battle (Durán 1994, 283). Then, the account informs that singers were called to sing hymns of lamentation. Their profession was to sing songs dedicated to deceased soldiers, and the sole musical instrument mentioned to accomplish this purpose is the huehuetl. The widows and their sons wept bitterly, alternating mourning demonstrations to moments of dancing. The men stood motionless, holding the shields and the swords of the dead warriors. From that day the women mourning their relatives did not wash their clothes, face, and head until eighty days had elapsed. Finally, ministers went to scratch the filth from the faces of the women, and wrap it in papers. These papers were then cast into a place called “Round Place”. This was the last stage of the ceremony and by burying the papers the women were freed from their sorrow and tears (Durán 1994, 283- 286). Concerning the picture, the first episode of the description -the messengers demanding the funeral rites to the king-, is preceded by the principal cause of the entire ceremony: the battle fought against Mechoacan, and a soldier lying dead on the ground. The two episodes occur on the right foreground and background respectively. Then, the reading moves leftward showing a woman and her young son holding flowers and dancing to the rhythm of the huehuetl. Beside them, the motionless warrior holds the weapons which once belonged to his companion. The scene proceeds leftward to the representation of the eighty-day period in which the women wept, and their tears from the face unwashed. It justifies the 47
last scene depicted on the left top of the picture: the priests bury the filth produced by the women in the “Round Place”, as the ending moment of the ceremony. The information given in chapter XVIII demonstrates that the funeral rites in honour of dead warriors had been performed in very similar patterns throughout all the Aztec history. Under the reign of king Moctezuma I, after the soldiers victorious against Chalco had arrived in Tenochtitlan, funeral rites were performed for those left behind (Durán 1994, 149-151). The constituting parts of the celebration are identical with those described previously, as is the role played by the drum. It is the sole instrument mentioned, and, additionally, here the sound the drum produced was described as “hoarse and dissonant”, which must have been in tune with mournful songs and sad dirges (Durán 1994, 149). The information provided in these two chapters and the picture related to the former, are of invaluable importance, for the drum is presented as the exclusive musical instrument played in occasion of deceased warriors' funeral rites. The huehuetl was the sole instrument that imposed the rhythm to the entire ceremony, the tempo to each event, helped by the clapping hands of the people yelling their sorrow (Durán 1994, 151). It elucidates the militaristic connotations drums possessed intrinsically; specific rhythms and tunes only the huehuetl was able to sound were perceived as an integral and essential part of ceremonies honouring dead warriors. Those sounds were not replaceable by others produced by means of musical instruments different from huehuetls. These resulting considerations are further upheld by the picture of Codex Magliabechiano presented previously, for percussion instruments are presented as central elements in occasion of warriors' funeral rites.
Inconsistencies of the chroniclers accounts through the study of drums Hernando de Alvarado Tezozómoc was born in Mexico- Tenochtitlan between 1520 and 1530. He is believed to have been the grandnephew of the Aztec king Moctezuma 48
II. He was an expert of Nahuatl, and studied at the Collegio de Santa Cruz of Tlatelolco. The most important work of his is the Crónica Mexicana, written in Spanish- Castilian in 1598. It recounts the Aztec history from the leaving of Aztlan by the Aztec- Mexican people, until the inception of the conquest (Linkgua 2008, 11). Since the seventeenth century, there was a big discussion concerning the relationship between the History of Durán and other chronicles written in the second half of the sixteenth century. The similarities between the Durán’s work and the Crónica Mexicana of Tezozómoc are striking. Barlow (n.g. cited by Heyden 1994, 572) has suggested that Durán and Tezozómoc had based their histories – in their different forms- on an earlier chronicle which Barlow has called the Crónica X. For instance, chapters 86 and 87 of the Crónica Mexicana correspond to chapters 53 and 54 of the History, while chapter 25 of the former does not have a corresponding chapter in the latter. Moreover, there are many ambiguities regarding the illustrations that compose both these histories. Chapter LIV of the History describes the preparation of lavish banquets and the joyful atmosphere on the occasion of the public anointment of king Moctezuma II. His coronation was perceived as a moment of peace, sanctioning the temporary suspension of war. The description of the feast held to celebrate the newly enthroned ruler outlines his benevolence and generosity for the gifts bestowed to both Aztec lords and allies: mantels, gold diadems, bracelets, ear ornaments, labrets, and nose plugs (Durán 1994, 405-406). In this chapter particular attention is given to the part that treats the invitation of rulers from enemy cities such as Tlaxcala, Huexotzinco, Cholula, Mechoacan, and Metztitlan (Durán 1994, 402). The author highlighted the demonstration of the warm welcome and the sumptuous treatment reserved to those who had come to greet Moctezuma II. The whole ceremony and the moment of reconciliation with the foreign rulers was perceived as extraordinary, for since then enemy chieftains had always been invited each following year (Durán 1994, 407-408). Durán concluded the chapter informing that he was not able to explain the reason of the Moctezuma’s decision to invite those nobles, and that this had never been done by former kings, with the exception of his grandfather, Moctezuma I (Durán 1994, 408). By definition, history is a constructed knowledge based on true events set in a chronological framework. 49
However, very frequently men have exploited the concept of truthfulness which history should entail to manipulate other people’s knowledge about specific events. As a consequence, the “usual aim [of written historical documents] was not to describe things exactly as they happened, but to describe them in such a way as to make them fit in with a specific view, follow a particular trend, or legitimate a certain course” (Nissen 1988, 4 cited by Marcus 1992, 15). Moreover, historical documents, as every other manmade creation, contain mistakes evident or hidden, fortuitous or conscious, for each document must be read critically. For instance, Durán’s declaration about the uniqueness of the enemy rulers’ invitation by Moctezuma II contrasts the information given in chapter XLII in the History. Here is reported the invitation of opposing kings by the Aztec ruler Ahuitzotl, and that none of them went to congratulate him on the anointment, with the exception of the Cholula and Yopitzinco dignitaries (Durán 1994, 321). In these chapters – LIV and XLII – the moment of dance and music is only hinted. In occasion of Ahuitzotl’s coronation “musicians began to play the musical instruments used to accompany song and dance. At the time all the kings present and all the lords and dignitaries were given mantels and jewels and flowers and tobacco, all so rich and magnificent and in such abundance that it was an amazing event” (Durán 1994, 321). During the Moctezuna II’s coronation festivities “when the night of the ceremonial dances came, they [foreign rulers] attended, dressed in the royal vestments, diadems, precious jewels, and feathers that the king had given them. […] all the torches and lights in the palace were put out while they danced [in the royal courtyard]” (Durán 1994, 405-406). Plate 39 (figure 29) is set as the explanatory picture of the event involving the public anointment of Moctezuma II, chapter LIV of the History. It depicts in the foreground: two drummers, one beating a huehuetl covered with jaguar hide and the other a teponaztli elevated on a support; on the right an eagle warrior holds a bunch of feathers. This individual could be identified as the singer, due to his prominent position and the open mouth. The middle ground is composed by four dancers: two of them doubtlessly are warriors belonging to the Eagle and Jaguar orders; the following individual is 50
depicted wearing a rather simple mantel, hair bound with a red band, a bracelet on the right upper arm adorned with feathers, and a maquahuitl grabbed on his left hand. The last individual, the sole depicted on the right side of the middle ground, looks leftwards at the other dancers, wearing a mantel coloured as that worn by the preceding person, his hair are bound with a red cord, and he holds a maquahuitl on his right hand. Moreover, he does not present any further adornment. On the background is a structure a temple or a palace- represented as it was hovering, whose function was to communicate the location of the performance. On each corner of the picture four fires are depicted, whose function was to inform about the moment of the day in which the performance took place: evening and night-time. The individuals flanking the drummers are all identifiable as warriors, due to the attire they wear, the weapon they grasp, and their hairstyle. Two of them belong to the order of the Eagle knights, and one to the Jaguar order. The remaining two figures hold the Aztec sword, and gather a bunch of hair with a red cord, which is described as a common article used by warriors also by Sahagún (1950-1982, Book VIII, 43). Moreover, there was no need for the Eagle and the Jaguar knights to be equipped with weapons due to the fact that in Aztec society their identification as warriors may have been forthright. Finally, the jaguar skin used as the covering hide of the huehuetl characterises the scene in which it is depicted as a representation of warrior dances, or dances dedicated to warriors. The descriptions provided in chapters XLII and LIV regarding the dancers’ performance in occasion to Aztec kings’ coronation does not coincide with the depiction of plate 39, which Durán used as the representative picture of that event. This phenomenon can be explained by assuming the existence of an anomaly: we do not know in the History the original distribution of the illustrations. The inadequate publication history and information regarding the pictures, previously scattered throughout the text, then gathered together on an individual corpus, are the causes of the limited knowledge of the relationship between text and illustrations (Robertson 1968, 340-341). In fact, the forty-nine plates of the Atlas (illustrations) firstly were published at the time of Chavero's edition of all the three works of Durán in 1880. The preceding edition (1566 c.), also known as Codex Ramírez, contained the History and the Atlas 51
“which had been already reproduced, but not distributed” (Durán 1994, 566). The unsure tracing of the different stages undergone by the Atlas causes striking problems concerning the relationship between the representation on plate 39 and the description in chapter LIV. In fact, there is no apparent connection of content between them, and the choice of their association, made by the nineteen- century editors, is explicable by the fact that both of them depict a moment of celebration. In the Crónica Mexicana edited in 1878, plate XVII (figure 30) must be considered as the different version of the picture on plate 39 of the History. It depicts two drummers at the centre of the composition, and a row of dancers on the background. The drawings present European traits in the rendering of the characters' attire, while the disposition of the figures is faithful to the indigenous tradition. The dancers are depicted frontally with the head in profile; all looking leftward, as leftward is also the direction of their feet. As a consequence, the dance is perceived to have been performed by a circle of people rotating around two drummers. Toribio de Motolinía, an early sixteen-century Franciscan friar, in his Memoriales (first published in 1903) mentioned an Aztec dance called areito, “dancing in a ring”, and he described it in detail: the drums were the basic musical instruments, which gave the rhythm to the performance; trumpets and flageolets were additional and played only occasionally. The friar mentioned the light effects caused by flares and torches, suggesting that the performance continued after the sunset, until the nightfall (Motolinía, 1903, 342-343). In the Crónica the distribution of the illustrations within the text is different from that of the History, and the picture on plate XVII had been chosen to represent another more pertinent chapter: 25. It treats the funeral ceremonies in honour of the outstanding Aztec soldiers who had died in occasion of the war against Chalco. The areito, huehuetl and teponaztli are mentioned explicitly (Tezozómoc 1878, 301). Furthermore, the place in which the dance had been performed has specific identification: Tezozómoc mentioned the courtyard of the temple of Huitzilopochtli. However, Tezozómoc in the description as well as in the picture did not give specificinformation about the dancers’ social membership. In fact, in chapter 25 elders and relatives of the deceased are mentioned as the performers. In the picture a sole knight of the Jaguar order is distinguished, while the identification of the social 52
status of the remaining individuals is uncertain. However, the unique and most important feature is the drawings of the carvings of the huehuetl. As far as it is of my knowledge, this is the sole case in which the carvings on drums have been reported graphically. On the central band of the huehuetl the figure of an eagle (or vulture) is depicted; its position within the structure of the drum consents to hypothesise a very tight connection between these drawings and the carvings on the war drum from Tenango analysed previously. In conclusion, regarding plate 39 of the History, iconographic analysis alone would have informed us sufficiently about the importance of drumming in Aztec war dances. However, it has been fundamental to arrange the picture in its original collocation (chapter 25 of the Crónica that does not have a correspondence in the History). The resulting associations existing between the illustration and the content of the chapter elucidate the relationship of drums and warfare all the more. In fact, these musical instruments are presented as the fulcrum of the performance, and the interchange of moments of music and moments of silence determines the succession of the different stages of ceremony.
General History of the Things of New Spain
Recurring celebration performed by warriors Friar Bernardino de Sahagún was born in Spain in 1499. He studied at the University of Salamanca and later became a monk of the Franciscan order. In 1529 he came to New Spain, and in 1557 he was commissioned to write in Nahuatl an account of the most important aspects of the natives’ religion and costumes. It would have served to guide new missionaries in the process of conversion of the natives. This was the first step leading to the creation of the Codex Florentine, the General History of the Things of New Spain (Robertson 1994, 168). It consists of 12 books dealing with a wide range of 53
contexts: religion, cosmology, ceremonies, lifestyle, rulers and rulership, merchants, fauna and flora, and the conquest. The dating of the Codex Florentine is a difficult field. However, it is commonly assumed that the first eleven Books range from 1566 to 1577 and the last dates from 1585 (Robertson 1994, 173). Book VIII is concerned with the Aztec pre-conquest history, and it deals with “The kings and Lords and the Manner of Their Choosing and Their Ruling”. Chapter XVI describes the palaces and the houses of the lords and the ruler, and the everyday life conducted in these types of dwellings. The third and the fourth paragraphs are of outmost importance, for their principal subjects are: the place in which discussions were attended by warriors and noblemen; and the council chambers of the brave warriors. Therefore, it can be conceived of as the section regarding the description of the various offices devoted to warlike affairs. The fourth paragraph mentions the Cuicacalli, the place where the masters and the rulers of the youths resided. It is said that every day, at dusk, they turned their attention to dances. They were attired with a short mantel made like a net, and their head ornament consisted of forked heron feathers, the aztaxelli, mentioned previously as the ornament of warriors (see page 33). They wore turquoise ear plugs and sea shell lip pendant, and bound their hair with a red cord. The red band appears in plate 39 of the History of Durán as the article used by warriors to gather together a bunch of hair, and also in the Book of the gods and rites Durán (1971, 198) informs us that the more a warrior performed great deeds, the more the red cord was embellished5. These pieces of information lead us to assume that this device was peculiar to the military membership. The paragraph of the Codex Florentine does not mention the musical instruments played during these dances, with the exception of shell trumpets which signalled the ceasing of the performances (Sahagún 1950-1982, Book
5
[The knight] was granted the name tequihua which was a general name applied to brace men. Aside from the
[receiving] this title, he was given the signs of a knight commander which I have described. Their hair on the top of his head was parted in two, a red cord wrapped around it; in this same cord was attached an ornament of green, blue, and red feathers. From this knot emerged a cord which hung down his back, at the end of which was suspended a red tassel. This meant that he had performed a great deed; and when he had performed two [feats], he was awarded two tassels, depending upon his acts.
54
VIII, 43). Picture 69 (figure 31) is the representative depiction of the account given in paragraph 4: in the middle of the composition two drummers give the rhythm to the dancers, two on each side. The dancers hold flowers and rattles in their hands and sing. As described in the corresponding paragraph, they wear a net mantel and use a cord coloured with red filaments to bind their hair. The structure of the composition, i.e. the prominent position assumed by the drummers, and the description of the military context in which the performance was held, are all evidences of the important relationship existing between drums and warfare.
Chapter 4 Conclusion This dissertation has investigated the existence of militaristic connotations of drums in Aztec society. The basic interest from which this argument has been developed was the assumptions researchers of Communication Sciences have made regarding the intrinsic frightening nature of drums and the sounds they produce. The purpose of the current study was to determine if a strong association between drums and warfare existed in Aztec culture, and which iconographic repertoire was chosen to picture that connection. The relevance of military connotations of the Aztec’s most important percussion instruments has been supported by iconographic, religious and archaeological interconnections. The Aztecs used different iconographic compositions to express associations with the context of warfare: by shaping the entire drum with effigies of military-related subjects; or by carving the sound board with depictions of war-related festivals, or religious beliefs. For instance, the figure of the jaguar belongs to the former 55
category. It has presented strong links with the Tezcatlipoca, god of rulership and military power, for it was his main transformational manifestation. Contemporaneously, archaeological depositions of jaguar have demonstrated its immediate association with Huitzilopochtli, the war god. Concerning the second category of composition, the carvings of the huehuetl from Tenango and that of Malinalco have been explored. The Aztec artist conceived of their sound board as a black page on which symbols of divine military power (in the case of the first drum), or the main features of the festival dedicated to the warrior class (Tlacaxipehualiztli in the case of the second) are depicted. Concerning the codices, it has been demonstrated, through the iconographic reading of their illustrations, that drums covered with jaguar skin are intrinsically connected with the context of warfare, for its religious, mythological and conceptual associations. Other focal elements which entail martial connotations are the ways the personages are attired and the articles they wear. The main consist of: the net mantel; the hairstyle and red binder; the face paintings; and the objects belonging to each character. The results of this research support the idea that a very tight relationship existed between drums and warfare, for drums were the central musical instruments in occasion of warriors’ funeral rites, festivals honouring war deities, and during common gatherings of young soldiers. Moreover, drums were not solely used as musical instruments, but they also functioned as means of communication amongst Aztec troops on the battlefield. The main difficulty encountered during the research process was the paucity of adequate images of the drums, especially the teponaztli from Tlaxcala, which has impeded a complete identification of the component parts. Concerning the codices, the scarcity of secure sources regarding their early history and the disconnection between illustrations and text (especially in Durán) may be misleading.
Further research might investigate the militaristic connotations of drums by pointing the attention to archaeological findings, Aztec war poetry, and above all the iconographic repertoire on Aztec weapons.
56
57
Appendix A The Tonalamatl and the Tonalpohualli The tonalamatl is part of the tonalpohualli, the Aztec “count of day” or year. This calendar was constituted by 13 numbers per 20 days (260-day period) (Smith 2003, 246- 248; Burland 1967 81-82). The name of each day was characterised by a symbol which typified its fortune and, additionally, each day had a patron god. Therefore, the following table may be explicative (Smith 2003, 247; Kelley 1960, 320- 321): Numbers 260-day
in ritual
Day name
Deity (20)
(20)
period (13)
Numbers in 260-
Day name
day ritual period
(20)
Deity (20)
(13)
1
Alligator
Tonacatecuhtli
11
Monkey
Xochipilli
2
Wind
Quetzalcoatl
12
Grass
Patecatl
3
House
Tepeyollotl
13
Reed
Iztlacoliuhqui
4
Lizard
Huehuecoyotl
1
Jaguar
Tlazolteotl
5
Snake
Chalchihuitlicue
2
Eagle
Xipe Totec
6
Death
Tecciztecatl
3
Vulture
Izpapalotl
7
Deer
Tlaloc
4
Movement
Xolotl
8
Rabbit
Mayauel
5
Flint knife
Tezcatlipoca
9
Water
Xiuhtehuhtli
6
Rain
Chantico
10
Dog
Mictlantecuhtli
7
Flower
Xochiquetzal
Table 1 - Aztec tonalpohualli consisted of 20 trecenas
In Aztec belief, the 20-day celendrical cycle was the basis for a complex series of ritual associations. For instance, each group of 13 days was a unit called trecena in Spanish, and it was thought to have special symbolic meanings (Smith 2003, 247- 248). The gods of the 13- day period are the same as those appearing in the 20- day series, but they occur in a different order. Moreover, each of the 13- day periods takes its name from its first day , i.e. One Alligator, One Jaguar, etc. This cycle is called tonalamatl (Smith 2003, 248; Burland 1967, 92). In the 58
Borbonicus painted book, the first period of the tonalamatl is missing, therefore it begins with One Jaguar series born by Quetzalcoatl. Table 2. would clarify this point (Burland 1967, 92107): First day of the trecena
Deity
First day of the trecena
Deity
1
One Alligator
Tonacatecuhtli
11
One Monkey
Patecatl
2
One Jaguar
Quetzalcoatl
12
One Lizard
Itzcoliuhqui
3
One Deer
Tepeyollotl
13
One Movement
Tlazolteotl
4
One Flower
Huehuecoyotl
14
One Dog
Xipe Totec
5
One Reed
Chalchihuitlicue
15
One Calli
Itzpapalotl
6
One Death
Tecciztecatl
16
One Vulture
Xolotl
7
One Rain
Tlaloc
17
One Water
Tezcatlipoca
8
One Grass
Mayauel
18
One Wind
Chantico
9
One Snake
Xiuhtecuhtli
19
One Eagle
Xochiquetzal
10
One Flint knife
Mictlantecuhtli
20
One Rabbit
Iztli
Table 2 - Aztec tonalamatl
59
60
Appendix B Images
61
B
C
A
D
E
F
Figure 1: Plan of the Great Temple Plan of the excavated remains of the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan, the ancient Aztec capital.
62
A) Temple A belonging to the complex of Huitzilopochtli, the war god. Here offering K is located. B) House of the Eagles. This is the place in which warriors were accustomed to perform their rituals. C) Temple B belonging to the complex of Huitzilopochtli. Here offering H is located. D) Sanctuary of Tlaloc, the rain god. Here chamber 2 is located. E) Sanctuary of Huitzilopochtli. Here offering 64 is located. F) Red Temple or Temple of Music.
Figure 2: Tlaxcalan Teponaztli
This teponaztli represents a warrior. The weapons fastened to his hip, the head band, the clothing and the ornaments he wears identify him as Tlaxcalan. The sixteenth-century illustrated manuscript known as Linen of Tlaxcala provides pieces of information which have enabled his identification as one of the cuauhpipiltin, commanders who had achieved noble status due to their valorous deeds in war.
63
A
64
X
B Figure 3: Linen of Tlaxcala, 15 and 11 Painted manuscript created by Tlaxcalan artists in the second half of the sixteenth century. Its subject is the conquest of Mexico at the hand of the Spaniards, helped by the Tlaxcalans.
A (folio 15) depicts Tlaxcalan warriors in the
middle of the compositions, surrounded by an architectural structure. The personage included in the black rectangle presents a head band very similar to the warrior depicted on the teponaztli. It consists of a band adorned with two bunches of feathers hanging on a side, and two feathers pointed upwards.
B (folio 11) depicts Hernán Cortéz on the
right, and Moctezuma followed by Mexica lords on the left. The Aztecs form Mexico-Tenochtitlan are depicted as Tlaxcalan lords, due to the head band they wear (X). It is the characteristic Tlaxcalan royal head band composed by a double coloured twisted cord with a knot on the forehead and a feather headdress.
65
Figure 4: Teponaztli from Choula The teponaztli from Cholula represents a crouching jaguar. Mythological associations can be drawn between the figure of the jaguar and the god Tezcatlipoca, who had strong associations with kingship and warfare. Moreover, archaeological discoveries link it with the complex of the war god Huitzilopochtli.
Figure 5: Stone sculpture of jaguar This sculpture in the shape of a colossal jaguar functioned as sacrificial vessel, cuauhxicalli. It can be connected with the teponaztli from Cholula for the identical position they assume. National Museum of Anthropology, Mexico City.
66
Figure 6: Ceramic copy of the giant jaguar This object is a ceramic copy of the stone vessel representing the colossal jaguar. From this perspective it is possible to see the cylindrical receptacle presenting a row of stylised eagle feathers on its inner border. The image of the eagle was connected mostly to the sun and war god, Huitzilopochtli.
67
C E
B
D
A A
Figure 7 - Bottom of the jaguar vessel receptacle It shows the drawings of the carvings on the inner receptacle sculpted on the back of the giant jaguar. The figure on the left could be identified with god Tezcatlipoca; the figure on the right with the war god Huitzilopochtli. The particular elements of their costumes and the face paintings have been used as the fundamental features for their identification. A) Foot replaced by the smoking mirror. B) Trunk of the Fire Serpent. C) Stellar crown. D) Circle of stars around the eyes. E) Hummingbird beak on the headdress.
68
A
C
B
Figure 8: Codex Borbonicus, 22 The central representation shows the god Quetzalcoatl on the left and the god Tezcatlipoca on the right. The latter is depicted with the characteristic "stellar crown" headdress and the Fire Serpent on his back. A: stellar crown. B: trunk of the Fire Serpent; C: medallion of Quetzalcoatl.
69
B
C
A
Figure 9: Codex Borbonicus, 34 It is the representation of the war god Huitzilopochtli. The peculiar components of his costume are depicted: A) Circle of stars; B) Hummingbird beak; C) Fire Serpent as his weapon.
70
Figure 10: Huehuetl from Tenango The carvings of the huehuetl from Tenango present strong militaristic connotations. In a deceivingly simple composition, the Aztec artist concentrated complex mythological and religious connections. National Museum of Anthropology, Mexico City.
71
F
E A
B
C
G
D
Figure 11: Drawing of the carvings of the huehuetl from Tenango From the drawings of the huehuetl from Tenango it is easier to recognise its different iconographic motifs. The design carved on the three legs of the drums is the representation of the goddess Itzpapalotl in her starry form. It is composed by: A) Wings of Itzpapalotl butterfly. B) Rectangular forms with curved edges (confront figure 15 A). C) Pointed forms (compare it with figure 15 B). The central composition on the upper section consists of: D) Figure of the eagle. E) Atl symbol. F) Tlachinolli symbol. G) Figure of the Vulture.
72
A
C
B
D
Figure 12: Codex Borbonicus, 9 This page from Code Borbonicus represents Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli on the left and Xiuhtecuhtli on the right. It is particularly emblematic due to the illustration of the atl-tlachinolli symbol. It is depicted separately: A) the stream of the atl (water) with floating darts in the middle; B) the burnt land symbolising the tlachinolli. The stream of burnt land, spreading from the god of the morning star Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli, ends with elements which are peculiar to this illustration only. C) The butterfly motif that commonly is attached to the end of the fire strip. They may function as further attributes attached to the linguistic component expressing the tlachinolli. The ninth period of the tonalamatl was presided by Xiuhtecuhtli, the fire god who had associations with the war god Huitzilopochtli. Moreover also Tlahuizcalpantecuhtli shares aspects with the context of warfare. They can be the reasons why on this page of Codex Borbonicus we found articles worn by kings and warriors (D).
73
A
A
A
Figure 13: Codex Borgia, 51
The death god, on the right, is depicted in in the act of bearing the sky band. Stars represented as stylised eyes (A). It was the Aztec basic and conventional representation of stars.
74
A
C
C
B Figure 14: Izpapalotl Cuauhxicalli
This figure illustrates the cuauhxicalli depicting the starry sky with the goddess Itzpapalotl as the likeness of the star. A: skyband. B: Itzpapalotl. C: Stars. National Museum of Mexico, Mexico City.
A
B
Figure 15: Star Eyes
B
A
Star eyes or star rays. a. Vienna manuscript. b. Wall paintings of Mitla. The design presents a round centre depicted as an eye. The eyelash consists of a U- shape with curled endings, followed by the alternation of two distinguished elements – one pointed (B), one rounded (A) - which represent the star rays (Seler 1990, 112).
75
Figure 16: Huehuetl from Malinalco Huehuetl originally carved at Malinalco and now exhibited at the National Museum of Toluca. It is totally carved, for the artist expressed horror vacui. It presents strong symbolism with militaristic connotations. The scene depicts the moment in which the Messenger of the Sun is sacrificing himself for the sake of the Sun. The Eagle and Jaguar warriors are presented in the act of dancing and singing war songs, due to the symbol of the atl-tlachinolli they emit. Probably they perform a military ritual during the feast in honour of the god Xipe Totec called Tlacaxipehualiztli.
76
A
F2
B
F3
H
D
C
E
F
G
D
Figure 17: Drawings of the carvings of the huehuetl from Malinalco A) The Messenger of the Sun. B) Jaguar warrior. C) Eagle warrior. D) Atl-tlachinolli symbol. E) Nahui Ollin, the Sun eye with rays spreading in four directions and four dots on the bottom of the figure represent the number 4. F) The cuicatl sign for “music” and a conch shell on the top. F2) Sign meaning “costliness”, “green jewel”. F3) Representation of a conch shell. G) Aztaxelli, headdress composed by forked feathers, worn by warriors. H) Shield of Huitzilpochtli.
77
Figure 18: Codex Borbonicus, 3 Tepeyollotl and Quetzalcoatl are represented as bearers of the third day of the tonalamatl. The conch shell (encircled with a black line) spreading from the mouth of Quetzalcoatl may correspond to the stylised motif carved on the huehuetl from Malinalco (compare it with figure 17 F3).
Figure 19: Florentine Codex, Book VIII, folio 30 It is the representation of the typical Aztec orchestra. The conch shell is in the centre of the picture (encircled with a black line).
78
B
A
I
H
G
F
C
E
D
Figure 20: Teponaztli from a Mixtec region It is considered to be the antecedent of the huehuetl from Malinalco, due to their strong iconographic associations. This specimen is of fundamental importance because it depicts a musician/warrior beating a huehuetl (C). A) B) C) D) E) F) G) H) I)
Representation of two warriors Nahui Ollin with the messenger of the Sun in the centre Huehuetl played by the musician/warrior Atl symbol Jaguar warrior Eagle warrior Shield with sacrificial banner and spear meaning “war” Tlachinolli symbol Chauhxicalli
79
B C
D
E
A
Figure 21: Codex Borbonicus, 26
The illustrations that are of same interests in the connection between war and drums appear on the right section of the page. It depicts a war dance performed in occasion to the feast dedicated to the rain god, Tlaloc, called Etzalqualiztli. The performers have been recognised as warriors due to the objet they hold, a spear thrower, and the presence of the huehuetl covered with the jaguar skin. The hide of the animal had militaristic connotations in Aztec society.
80
A) Huehuetl covered with jaguar skin. B) Medallion typical of Quetzalcoatl. C) Atlatl of Quetzalcoatl. D) Quetzalcoatl. E) Xolotl.
Figure 22: Codex Ixtlilxochitl, 103 recto It depicts the god Quetzalcoatl attired with his typical costume. The dancers shown in the preceding figure 21 are dressed in the same manner. The god holds an identical type of spear thrower gripped by those dancers. The costume and the weapon characterise the dance as a performance honouring the god Quetzalcoatl.
81
A
B
Figure 23: Codex Borbonicus, 28 It depicts a dance performed in occasion of the feast called Xocotl Uetzi, which was dedicated to dead warriors and kings. Through the recognition of the articles worn by the dancers and the jaguar hide covering the huehuetl, it is possible to identify them as members of the nobility/warrior class, performing a dance in honour of their valiant knights dead at the hand of the enemy. A) Butterfly headdress of Otontecuhtli. B) Huehuetl covered with jaguar skin.
82
C
A
B
Figure 24: Codex Magliabechiano, 72 recto
The commentary of this picture deals with the feast called Tititl, in honour of the mother goddess Ilamatecuhtli. Here the funeral rites of a great warrior are portrayed. The most important elements that helped us to identify it as a representation of funeral rites of a warrior are: A) maquahuitl, the Aztec sword; B) the dart on the headdress; and C) the articles worn by warriors. Moreover, the jaguar hide covering the huehuetl is a hint of the relationship of this illustration with the context of warfare. Furthermore, the face paintings depicted on the statue are very similar to those belonging to war deities. Compare D in Figure 12 and C in this figure. It is the same set of articles belonging to the military class.
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Figure 25: Codex Telleriano- Remensis, 02 recto It deals with the feast in honour of the mother goddess Ilamatecuhtli. The illustration depicts a mummy bundle with the mask of the goddess, characterised by red paintings on the upper side of the face, and a ring-shaped plaster on the cheek.
Figure 26: Codex Magliabechiano, 89 recto It depicts four deities: Tlaloc, Quetzalcoatl, Huitzilopochtli (Tezcatlipoca), and Xiuhtecuhtli. The latter presents the mouth and the chin painted red, the cheeks black, and the upper half of the face is yellow. It is the basic face paintings that characterised the colour patterns of the mask of the statue on Codex Magliabechiano, folio 72 recto.
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Figure 27: Codex Ixtlilxochitl, 106 recto
It depicts the Aztec king of Tezcoco, Netzahualcoyotl, attired with his royal military costume. Since the reign of Aztec king Axayacatl, Aztec rulers had worn this type of costume in battle. It corresponds to the second variation of the costume known as “the costume of the god Xipe Totec. The drum on his back was beaten in order signal retreat or attack.
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1 4 2
3
Figure 28: Durán, History, Chapter XXXVIII, plate 25 The illustration depicts the funeral rites of dead warriors. It is possible to distinguish different sections which correspond to different events following chronological order. They go from the right background, following a Ushape until the left upper corner. 1) After the battle, messengers met with the king to demand the funeral rites honouring the dead warriors. 2) During this rituals, drums were played, the widows and their sons danced, and a warrior stood holding the weapons of his dead complain. 3) After the ceremony, relatives spent a period of eighty days mourning the dead soldiers. 4) The last part of the funeral rites consisted of burying the filth gathered in papers, taken from the face of the widows, who had not washed themselves over the eighty-day period mentioned above.
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Figure 29: Durán, History, chapter LIV, pl. 39
It has been possible to demonstrate that this picture, previously thought to belong to chapter LIV of the History by Durán, illustrates the feast held in honour of warriors who had died during the war against Chalco. The knights belonging to the orders of the Jaguar and the Eagle are clearly associated with the context of warfare. The other two individuals hold the Aztec sword, and bound their hair with a red band. Red band has been shown to be an exclusive article used by warriors.
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Figure 30: Alvarado Tezozómoc, Crónica Mexicana, chapter 25, plate 17
This illustration depicts the dance of the areito performed in occasion of the funeral rites for warriors who had died during the war against Chalco. The stylistic rendering of the different part suggest that the designer was European, not Aztec. The image of the huehuetl shows that it is carved in the same manner as the huehuetl from Tenango.
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Figure 31: Sahagún, General History, Book VIII, picture 69
This illustration depicts warriors dancing after having accomplished their everyday duties. They are attired with a net mantel, their hairstyle is typical of the warrior class, and the head band their use present red filaments. Red head bands are articles worn by warriors only.
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