Australian Archaeology - ResearchOnline@JCU

NUMBER 80 | JUNE 2015

Australian Archaeology, the official publication of the Australian Archaeological Association Inc., is a refereed journal published since 1974. It accepts original articles in all fields of archaeology and other subjects relevant to archaeological research and practice in Australia and nearby areas. Contributions are accepted in eight sections: Articles (5000–8000 words), Short Reports (1000–3000), Obituaries (500–2000), Thesis Abstracts (200–500), Book Reviews (500–2000), Forum (5000), Comment (1000) and Backfill (which includes letters, conference details, announcements and other material of interest to members). Australian Archaeology is published twice a year, in June and December. Notes to Contributors are available at: . Australian Archaeology is indexed in the Arts and Humanities, Social and Behavioural Sciences, and Social Sciences Citation Indices of the Thomson Reuters Web of Knowledge, SCOPUS, Australian Public Affairs Information Service (APAIS), and Anthropological Literature and Anthropological Index Online. Australian Archaeology is ranked as a tier A journal by the European Reference Index for the Humanities and French Agence d’Evaluation de la Recherche et de l’Enseignement Supérieur. Subscriptions are available to individuals through membership of the Australian Archaeological Association Inc. or to organisations through institutional subscription. Subscription application/renewal forms are available at . Australian Archaeology is available through Informit and JSTOR. Design and Print: Openbook Howden Front Cover: Studying a Nautilus shell during midden sorting (Annette Oertle, entered in the AAA 2014 Photography Competition).

Editors Heather Burke Flinders University Lynley Wallis Wallis Heritage Consulting

Editorial Advisory Board Brit Asmussen Queensland Museum Huw Barton Leicester University Noelene Cole James Cook University Penny Crook La Trobe University Ines Domingo Sanz University of Barcelona Judith Field University of New South Wales Joe Flatman University College London Richard Fullagar University of Wollongong Tracy Ireland University of Canberra Marlize Lombard University of Johannesburg Alex Mackay University of Wollongong Scott L’Oste-Brown Central Queensland Cultural Heritage Management Jo McDonald The University of Western Australia Patrick Moss The University of Queensland Tim Murray La Trobe University Jim O’Connell University of Utah Sven Ouzman The University of Western Australia Fiona Petchey University of Waikato Amy Roberts Flinders University Katherine Szabo University of Wollongong Nancy Tayles University of Otago Robin Torrence Australian Museum Peter Veth The University of Western Australia Alan Watchman Flinders University David Whitley ASM Affiliates Inc. Nathan Woolford Nathan Woolford Consultants

Short Report Editor Sean Winter The University of Western Australia

All correspondence and submissions should be addressed to: Australian Archaeology PO Box 10, Flinders University LPO Flinders University SA 5048 Email: [email protected] The views expressed in this journal are not necessarily those of the Australian Archaeological Association Inc. or the Editors. © Australian Archaeological Association Inc., 2015 ISSN 0312-2417

Book Review Editors Alice Gorman Flinders University Claire St George Ochre Imprints

Thesis Abstract Editor Tiina Manne The University of Queensland

Editorial Assistant Susan Arthure Flinders University

Commissioned Bloggers Jacqueline Matthews The University of Western Australia Carly Monks The University of Western Australia Michelle Langley The Australian National University Jordan Ralph Flinders University

Table of Contents Editorial | Heather Burke and Lynley A. Wallis

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Articles ‘Small, individually nondescript and easily overlooked’: Contact beads from northwest Arnhem Land in an Indigenous-Macassan-European hybrid economy | Daryl Wesley and Mirani Litster

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The palaeo-environmental history of Big Willum Swamp, Weipa: An environmental context for the archaeological record | Janelle Stevenson, Sally Brockwell, Cassandra Rowe, Ulrike Proske and Justin Shiner

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A multidisciplinary investigation of a rock coating at Ngaut Ngaut (Devon Downs), South Australia | Amy Roberts, Isobelle Campbell, Allan Pring, Graham Bell, Alan Watchman, Rachel S. Popelka-Filcoff, Claire E. Lenehan, Christopher T. Gibson, Natalie Franklin and the Mannum Aboriginal Community Association Inc. (MACAI)

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Thy Thylacoleo is a thylacine | David M. Welch

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A fine-grained analysis of the macropod motif in the rock art of the Sydney region, Australia | Alandra K. Tasire and Iain Davidson

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Investigating standardisation in the form of backed artefacts at two sites in the Hunter River valley, NSW, Australia | Marika A. Low

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Mapping a millstone: The dynamics of use-wear and residues on a Central Australian seed-grinding implement | Mike Smith, Elspeth Hayes and Birgitta Stephenson

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Compliance-based archaeological heritage management and place-based participatory mapping for negotiated outcomes | David R. Guilfoyle and Myles B. Mitchell 80 Attributes, preservation and management of dendroglyphs from the Wet Tropics rainforest of northeast Australia | Alice Buhrich, Åsa Ferrier and Gordon Grimwade 91

Short Reports

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Mid-Holocene exploitation of marine molluscs in the lower Mid West, Western Australia | Carly Monks, Bob Sheppard and Joe Dortch

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The archaeology of Bindjarran rockshelter in Manilikarr Country, Kakadu National Park, Northern Territory | Denis Shine, Melissa Marshall, Duncan Wright, Tim Denham, Peter Hiscock, Geraldine Jacobsen and Sean-Paul Stephens

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The Brremangurey pearl: A 2000 year old archaeological find from the coastal Kimberley, Western Australia | Katherine Szabo, Brent Koppel, Mark W. Moore, Iain Young, Matthew Tighe and Michael J. Morwood

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Backfill

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Obituary: James Semple Kerr (1932–2014) | Richard Mackay, AM

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Thesis Abstracts - Available online Rich Pickings: Abandoned Vessel Material Reuse on Rangitoto Island, New Zealand | Kurt Bennett The Law of the Sea: How Ratifying the UNESCO Convention Will Affect Underwater Cultural Heritage Management in Australia | Thomas Body

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Undressing the Past: A Study of the Correlation between Waistcoat Design and Broad Sociocultural Trends of Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century Australia | Jessica Megan Boman Socioeconomic Status in Nineteenth Century Diet at The Rocks, Sydney, Australia: The Effects of Government Regulation and Institutionalisation | Annabelle Brealey

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‘Inland’ Versus ‘Coastal’: An Analysis of Archaeological Shell Remains to Determine Habitat Exploitation Patterns at Edubu 2, South Coast of Papua New Guinea | Anna Garamszegi Who Were the People of Ancient Vilabouly? Exploring Origins and Relationships through the Study of Ge | Catherine Livingston Understanding Australia’s Cultural History through Archaeological Geophysics | Kelsey M. Lowe

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Communicating Cultural Complexity: The Interpretation of a Physically Impacted Aboriginal Shell Midden at Point Lookout, North Stradbroke Island, Queensland | Anna Nelson What You Lookin’ At?: An Archaeological Analysis of Graffiti and Inscription at Fremantle Prison, Western Australia | B’geella Romano A Woman’s Place … : An Historical Archaeological Investigation of Identity and Power on the Nineteenth Century Pastoral Landscape of Southeast Queensland | Linda Terry Understanding a Contested Heritage Place | Anna Weisse Assessing Mid- to Late Holocene Predation of Conomurex luhuanus and Tectus niloticus at Lizard Island, Northeastern Australia | Samantha Aird

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An Archaeobotanical Analysis of Macrobotanical Remains at Riwi Cave in the South-Central Kimberley Region, WA | India Ella Dilkes-Hall The Economic Impact of Convict Transportation on the WA Economy 1850–1900: An Archaeological Investigation | Alyce Haast An Analysis of the Risk Hypothesis and its Application to Hunter-Gatherer Toolkits Using an Australian Dataset | Emma Rehn Cultural Competition: A Darwinian View of Cultural Evolution as it Applies to the Early Development and Interaction Between Rome and Etruria | Matilda Vanessa Stevens

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Disembodied and Displaced: An Archaeological Enquiry into the Historical Colonial South Trade of Indigenous Human Remains and Artefacts, and the Contemporary Repatriation and Rehumanisation of Indigenous Australians from South Africa | Tahlia Stewart

Book Reviews - Available online First Footprints: The Epic Story of the First Australians by Scott Cane | Douglas Bird Historical Archaeologies of Cognition: Explorations into Faith, Hope and Charity edited by James Symonds, Anna Badcock and Jeff Oliver | Edwina Kay The Science of Human Origins by Claudio Tuniz, Giorgio Manzi and David Caramelli | Iain Davidson Australia’s Fossil Heritage: A Catalogue of Important Australian Fossil Sites by the Australian Heritage Council | Judith Field

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Art and Archaeology: Collaborations, Conversations, Criticisms edited by Ian Alden Russell and Andrew Cochrane | June Ross A Companion to Rock Art edited by Jo McDonald and Peter Veth | Ken Mulvaney Working With Rock Art: Recording, Presenting and Understanding Rock Art Using Indigenous Knowledge edited by Benjamin Smith, Knut Helskog and David Morris | Sven Ouzman The Death of Prehistory edited by Peter Schmidt and Stephen Mrozowski | John Giblin Archaeological Dimensions of World Heritage: From Prevention to Social Implications edited by Alicia Castillo | Ian Lilley

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An Archaeology of Institutional Confinement. The Hyde Park Barracks, 1848–1886 by Peter Davies, Penny Crook and Tim Murray | Susan Piddock

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Attributes, preservation and management of dendroglyphs from the Wet Tropics rainforest of northeast Australia Alice Buhrich1, Åsa Ferrier2 and Gordon Grimwade3 1. College of Arts, Society and Education, James Cook University, PO Box 6811, Cairns Qld 4870, Australia 2. Department of Archaeology and History, La Trobe University, Bundoora Vic. 3086, Australia 3. Department of Archaeology, Flinders University, GPO Box 2100, Adelaide SA 5001, Australia

Abstract This paper describes the attributes, preservation and management of Aboriginal dendroglyphs in the Wet Tropics World Heritage Area of northeast Australia, the only known dendroglyphs recorded in a tropical rainforest environment worldwide. Our research identifies that dendroglyphs are usually single trees with abstract linear or figurative designs carved into their outer bark and are often associated with Aboriginal walking tracks and other cultural sites. Using existing historical field notes and records, including a fibreglass model of one carving made in 1991, we conclude that the dendroglyphs have changed little over 20 years. They appear to be more resilient to extreme climatic events than previously predicted, and the main threat to their preservation appears to be vulnerability from the effects of ageing, such as insect and fungal attack. Difficulties for traditional owners in accessing dendroglyphs within the Wet Tropics World Heritage Area highlight tensions between natural and cultural site management practices.

Introduction In December 2012, rainforest Aboriginal people celebrated National Heritage listing of the cultural values of the Wet Tropics World Heritage Area (WTWHA). The listing formally recognised the rainforest as a living Aboriginal cultural landscape, which contains significant social, economic and spiritual values that continue to be a source of cultural identity for rainforest Aboriginal people. The Aboriginal rainforest cultural landscape includes a variety of documented archaeological (e.g. Cosgrove et al. 2007; Ferrier and Cosgrove 2012; Horsfall 1990), ethnographic (e.g. Lumholtz 1889; Mjöberg 1918; Roth 1901–1910) and contemporary places, such as walking tracks, story places, bora (ceremonial) grounds, campsites, rock art and dendroglyphs. Despite the proliferation of studies on culturally modified trees worldwide and the ethnoecological significance of dendroglyphs, very little information is available on rainforest dendroglyphs in northeastern Australia (Grimwade 1992; Morwood and Fillery 1976; Turner et al. 2009). This paper documents the history, management and preservation of dendroglyphs of the central WTWHA to fill this knowledge gap. An aim was to understand major threats to the trees themselves, particularly in relation to extreme storm events, which were previously identified as major conservation threats (Grimwade 1990). Another

concern was with the state of preservation of individual carvings, which Forestry employees suggested had ‘faded’ between visits (Grimwade 1990). The project addresses one of the key aims of rainforest traditional owners: to conduct cultural mapping activities that may assist with a proposed relisting of the WTWHA for its cultural values. As such, the current research has received strong support from the Mamu and Jirrbal rainforest Aboriginal communities who were granted native title rights over the two study areas prior to the commencement of the research.

Indigenous Significance of Dendroglyphs Dendroglyphs are distinct from scarred trees, the former being decorative marks cut into the bark or heartwood of living trees, while the latter result from resource use, such as bark removal for making implements, obtaining native honey or hunting. A further distinction can be made between two types of dendroglyphs: Indigenous dendroglyphs and dendrograffiti. Indigenous dendroglyphs are a form of visual expression that reflects affiliation with the land and special cultural association with the landscape and its resources (e.g. Blackstock 2001; Richards 2007). Dendrograffiti are carvings made by land users, such as shepherds and pastoralists, and often display names, dates, symbols and images that mark boundaries, communications and light entertainment (e.g. Andersson et al. 2005; Lewis

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Attributes, preservation and management of dendroglyphs from the Wet Tropics rainforest of northeast Australia

2014; Mallea-Olaetxe 2001). Although dendrografitti do not encode the same level of cultural information, they can provide useful comparative information on the potential preservation of dendroglyphs.

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Indigenous dendroglyphs are found in eastern Australia, southwest Canada and the Chatham Islands (off New Zealand), where they continue to hold high cultural value to Koori, First Nation and Moriori communities, respectively (e.g. Barber et al. 2014; Blackstock 2001; Etheridge 1918; Everett 2010; Klahoose First Nation 2013; Purcell 2011; Richards 2007). Similar to rock art, attributes of dendroglyphs can express cultural identity and be used to convey meanings within and outside an Indigenous group (Coy 2009). They can hold multiple meanings and interpretations to different individuals. For example, in southwest Canada Gitxsan Elders provided five different explanations of the meaning of one dendroglyph (Blackstock 2001). Even where the specific meaning of individual carvings is no longer known, dendroglyphs continue to have special significance to Indigenous communities. Dendrografitti demonstrate the ability of carved trees to be preserved over a considerable length of time where land practices and human intervention have had less of an impact on the natural environment. In Sweden, carvings made by shepherds to mark grazing routes and claim grazing territory have survived since the 1750s, and the oldest reported tree scars on living trees are blazes on a section of walking trail made in the early 1500s (Andersson et al. 2005; Ericsson and Andersson 2003). Forestry practices and the life span of individual trees appear to have the greatest influence on the survival of living dendroglyphs.

Ethnobotany of the North Queensland Rainforest The ethnographic record demonstrates that rainforest Aboriginal people were highly dependent on botanical resources for food, shelter and material culture. Tree nut species identified in the archaeological record from the rainforest region of far north Queensland suggest that toxic nuts, such as the yellow and black walnut (Beilschmedia bancroftii and Endiandra palmerstonii), have been an important and consistent component of Aboriginal rainforest diets for at least 1000 years (Ferrier and Cosgrove 2012; Tuechler et al. 2014). Archaeological evidence also suggests that Aboriginal toxic plant processing is a late Holocene development that enabled permanent settlement of the rainforest environment (Cosgrove et al. 2007; Ferrier and Cosgrove 2012; Horsfall 1987). Of specific importance as a raw material in the manufacture of many organic artefacts was the lawyer cane (Calamus spp.), an important resource in Aboriginal rainforest adaptation and existence. Many items, including the miya ‘shelter’, baskets for sieving toxic nuts essential for rainforest existence, and climbing ropes used as an aid in collecting fruits and animals in treetops, were made entirely or partly of lawyer cane. Historical evidence suggests that Aboriginal rainforest people kept their campsites, bora grounds and rainforest tracks clear of vegetation using fire and by weeding and removing unwanted plants (Ritchie 1989:22). This pre-European system of land management allowed for a semi-sedentary rainforest way of life that was regulated by climate and resource availability, and for large intertribal ceremonial gatherings to take place within the rainforest (Mjöberg 1918:459).

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Despite this relatively good understanding of pre-European Aboriginal rainforest use, no historical information on Aboriginal rainforest dendroglyphs exists. No first-hand observations of their presence have been identified in the literature, and information about their symbolism and significance has not been passed on through oral history. In the early phase of Aboriginal-European contact on the Atherton Tablelands, Michael O’Leary, a prospector on the Culpa Goldfield south of Ravenshoe, documented many firsthand observations on Aboriginal rainforest life in the Culpa area (Coyyan 1918). He described the cultural significance of important ‘food’ trees to the local Aboriginal people (Jirrbal) with whom he worked and lived on the Upper Tully River: I have seen trees (food-bearing) that were handed down from father to son; and acknowledged by the tribe to be the bona fide property of an individual. But all the same, when the time came, and the fruit was eatable, one and all participated, and individualism had vanished (Coyyan 1918: March 28).

His observation suggests that some trees were the property of men who held a certain status in Aboriginal rainforest society, but O’Leary did not mention whether these trees were carved to distinguish ownership of one tree over another. Mjöberg (1918:507) travelled in this same country in 1913 and wrote: ‘As far as I have found, there are no cave paintings in Queensland; nor is there any known practice of painting on bark or carving figures in it or making drawings in the sand.’ Cave paintings have subsequently been recorded in the areas through which Mjöberg travelled, for example at Jiyer Cave on the Russell River, and in shelters on the North Johnstone River (Cosgrove 1999; Horsfall 1987; Savage and Broughton 1989). Perhaps certain aspects of Aboriginal rainforest traditions were purposely kept from early European explorers and settlers, suggesting either they held a special significance or, at the other extreme, were inconsequential. Mjöberg did document one observation relating to the practice of carving bark in the rainforest region, although it is unclear from whom he received the information or where the practice occurred. Nevertheless, it provides a possible explanation for what some of the carvings may represent: The female is subject to very rigorous rules. Any unfaithfulness committed by her will be punished, and in many different ways. Sometimes, a couple of days after the crime, she will be slandered in public by her husband and brothers. Another time, the contempt is shown by carving an image of her, upside down, on the bark of a tree, or a caricature is drawn on some object in order to ridicule her (Mjöberg 1918:390).

However, recorded dendroglyphs are rarely anthropomorphic and no females or inverted figures have been identified. Their association with cultural sites, such as camps and walking tracks, and with stone artefacts suggests that they were an important component in pre-European Aboriginal rainforest occupation and society. The late Jirrbal elder Maisie Barlow referred to a carved tree located at the Jambilan campsite near the Tully River, saying it marked the location of the ‘old people’s campground’, but could not provide any further explanation in terms of its traditional meaning. The tree is located in an area that contains a large number of walnut trees and is adjacent to a permanent creek and a pre-European walking track. Jirrbal people would travel to the Tully River on a seasonal basis to fish for valued eel, and continue on to the coast to participate in ceremonial

Alice Buhrich, Åsa Ferrier and Gordon Grimwade

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festivities. Another Jirrbal elder, Ernie Grant (pers. comm. 2014), described the symbols carved into trees as clan designs similar to those used on rainforest shields. A third Jirrbal informant identified similarities between symbols used in dendroglyphs and rock art in the Jirrbal cultural estate (Brad Go Sam pers. comm. 2013). Like other aspects of rainforest people’s material culture, dendroglyph designs reflected the cosmological and ancestral connections of Aboriginal people to the cultural landscape (Aaberge et al. 2014:63).

Management of North Queensland Rainforest Dendroglyphs All recorded rainforest dendroglyphs discussed in this paper are from two areas: Upper Charappa via Millaa Millaa and Culpa via Ravenshoe (Figure 1). This is not a reflection of the original distribution of dendroglyphs; rather, these particular trees have survived because of their remoteness and the history of forestry management in these particular areas. Those rainforests that were accessible by coastal shipping or by animal-drawn wagons were the first areas targeted for logging and land clearing in the 1880s (e.g. Birtles 1982). The poor soils, steep gradients and relative isolation of Upper Charappa and Culpa meant that these areas were not logged until a professional forestry management service was introduced in the 1930s (Frawley 1983). Upper Charappa and Culpa were only ever selectively logged for their most valuable timbers, and logging activities were highly regulated by the Forestry Department. In Upper Charappa, an area managed as part of the Malaan forestry region, areas of Aboriginal significance (such as dendroglyphs and bora grounds) were marked as no-go zones on Forestry planning maps. In 1988, the WTWHA was declared to protect the natural values of the rainforest environment. All of the recorded rainforest dendroglyphs are within the WTWHA. Local individuals such as Chris Mansfield and Reg Lockyer contributed to the protection of the dendroglyphs on the Mamu estate. Mansfield was a Millaa Millaa forestry manager who knew the Upper Charappa trees intimately and recognised the special value these dendroglyphs would have to the local Mamu rainforest people (Steve Purcell pers. comm.). Mansfield had the foresight to identify buffer zones around the dendroglyphs and shared his valuable knowledge of the trees with younger generations of Dugulbarra clan members. Although sections of Malaan were eventually ‘opened up’ for dairy farming, most of the area, including Upper Charappa, remained uncleared. Culpa became part of a reserve for the Koombooloomba Dam catchment in 1955 (Frawley 1983). Retired timber-cutter Reg Lockyer logged rainforests around the Culpa and Koombooloomba area up until the time it was declared part of the WTWHA. He identified several rainforest trees with dendroglyphs at Culpa and Echo Creek, carefully recording their location and taking photographs of them (Reg Lockyer pers. comm.).

Attributes of North Queensland Rainforest Dendroglyphs Rainforest dendroglyphs are generally found on or near known Aboriginal walking tracks and associated with a variety of Aboriginal heritage sites. This is unsurprising considering the importance of walking tracks in connecting

Figure 1 The study area.

pre-European campsites, bora grounds, food resources, story places and neighbouring estates in the WTWHA (McCracken 1989). The dendroglyphs discussed here are associated with stone artefacts, campsites, story places and bora grounds. Fifteen of the 23 dendroglyphs recorded in 1989–1990 were found on single trees, with the remaining trees recorded in two clusters, both located in Upper Charappa, less than 5 km apart. Only one of the clusters was visited by Grimwade’s team in 1989, as access to the second cluster was not possible due to extensive fallen trees and vine growth. The second cluster was estimated to hold two or more carved trees and is the focus of a separate research collaboration between Mamu and AB. Dendroglyphs were found on black walnut (E. palmerstonii), yellow walnut (B. bancroftii) and McIntyre boxwood (Xanthophyllum octandrum). This may reflect a preference for these tree species, but it may also be that the carvings preserve best on these trees. Motifs were diverse, with abstract, zoomorphic and anthropomorphic designs on trees in the Jirrbal estate, and geometric designs including an oval, parallel lines and chevrons on trees in the Mamu estate. Dendroglyphs are typically located between 0.8 and 1.5 m above ground level (agl), although there are reports of two notable exceptions. An anthropormorph is depicted 4 m agl on a tree in the remote Windsor Tableland, located at the northwest boundary of the Wet Tropics Bioregion. Access to the tree is via a locked gate controlled by Qld Parks and Wildlife Service and an unmaintained 4WD track. It was viewed over 20 years ago by one of the authors (GG), who identified it as being in the ‘Quinkan’ style of rock art (found in the Laura region 70 km to the northwest). Another figure, a cassowary, was reportedly carved 4 m agl into a tree at a bora ground recorded in the 1950s (Seaton 1952); June 2015, Volume 80:91–98

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subsequent attempts to relocate this tree were unsuccessful and it is unlikely to have survived (Grimwade 1992).

Preservation of Wet Tropics Rainforest Dendroglyphs

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Dendroglyphs in different regions face a variety of challenges to their long-term preservation. The survival of a dendroglyph is not only dependent on the life span of the tree, but also the health of the surrounding landscape. Once the surrounding environment is impacted, carved trees can be exposed to damaging winds. On the Chatham Islands fewer than 200 of 600 Moriori carved trees recorded in the mid-twentieth century remain, largely due to pastoral clearing and wind exposure (Barber et al. 2014). Similarly, of 600 dendroglyphs recorded in New South Wales (NSW), there are now fewer than 100 living trees, due in part to the over enthusiasm of collectors (Purcell 2011). North Queensland rainforest dendroglyphs are vulnerable to extreme weather events. Cyclonic winds can exceed 300 km an hour and have the potential to destroy individual trees and degrade the health of surrounding landscapes. A second issue is bark regrowth. Tree carving is thought to have ceased at least 130 years ago, during which time the outer bark could be expected to have regrown over individual dendroglyphs. This research therefore addresses two significant questions: do trees preserve in the face of extreme climatic events, and how has bark regrowth affected individual dendroglyphs through time.

The cluster of dendroglyphs at Upper Charappa was relocated using Grimwade’s field notes. Their preservation was measured by comparing written records and photographs made by Grimwade’s field team between 1989–1991 with the trees today. During Grimwade’s fieldwork in 1989 the Upper Charappa area was recovering from Cyclone Winifred, which had crossed the adjacent coast four years prior, causing significant damage. Forestry had found a cluster of seven trees at this site in 1969. Four of the seven dendroglyphs were relocated in 1989 and it was assumed that Cyclone Winifred had destroyed the others (Grimwade 1990). In 2005 and 2011, Upper Charappa bore the brunt of Cyclones Larry and Yasi, causing widespread damage. As a result, the Upper Charappa cluster was considered to be an excellent site to investigate our first research question, i.e. what are the impacts of extreme climatic events on carved trees. A compass and tape map made by Forestry in the 1960s and stored in Grimwade’s field notes was used to relocate the access route into the cluster site. The fibreglass casts made by Grimwade and the Qld Museum of the Culpa dendroglyph provided an excellent opportunity to investigate our second research question—how does the bark regrow over time? To assess preservation of individual carvings, one fibreglass replica was taken from its display in the Ravenshoe Visitor Centre and transported to the site of the original living tree. The fibreglass replica was placed adjacent to the living dendroglyph. Using digital callipers, measurements were taken of the width of the carving from the same positions on the replica and the actual dendroglyph, supervised by senior Jirrbal representatives (Figure 2).

Methods This project builds on research completed by Grimwade over 25 years ago. In 1989, Grimwade led a project to record dendroglyphs in the then newly formed WTWHA. Working with representatives of the local Forestry Department, 14 dendroglyph sites were identified, seven of which were recorded (Grimwade 1990) and two subsequently selected for latex castings (Grimwade et al. 1992). The information previously gathered by Grimwade and his team provided excellent baseline data for the current project against which to compare preservation of the dendroglyphs and the living trees over a 25 year period. Fieldwork was co-ordinated by AB with the consent and assistance of Jirrbal and Mamu traditional owners. Fieldwork took place over two days with the assistance of three generations of the Dugulbarra clan group of the Mamu tribe, representatives of the neighbouring Waribarra clan group, an ex-Forestry employee and volunteers. Two specific locations, Upper Charappa via Millaa Millaa, within the Mamu estate, and Culpa via Ravenshoe, within the Jirrbal estate, were chosen to address the research questions. The sites were chosen because of their accessibility, both being within 300 m of maintained roads. Both sites are also relatively well documented in comparison to other dendroglyphs. The Upper Charappa site was recorded by Forestry in 1969 and again by Grimwade’s team in 1989, which provided an opportunity to examine preservation at 20–25 year intervals. The single Culpa dendroglyph was made into a fibreglass cast in 1991, and the cast provided an excellent opportunity to measure changes to individual carvings over time. It was planned to revisit a second Jirrbal dendroglyph, also made into a cast in 1991, but this was not possible due to road closures.

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Figure 2 Alice Buhrich taking measurements of the Culpa dendroglyph (right) and the fibreglass model (left) (photograph by Gordon Grimwade).

Relocating dendroglyphs within the dense rainforest environment proved extremely difficult, even with the benefit of geo-referenced maps and local knowledge. Many of the sites have not been visited since Grimwade’s fieldwork in 1989 and walking tracks do not exist. Access roads and bridges have ceased being maintained in the Koombooloomba area, and regrowth and tree falls obscured landmarks noted in previous recordings. As an example of the difficulty in accessing the sites, five hours were spent cutting an access track 320 m into one site, with a second day spent relocating seven trees within a 50 square metre patch of forest. Originally, the fieldwork aimed to locate a greater number of trees on the Jirrbal estate, but it soon became clear that this was not going to be possible because of access difficulties.


Results Upper Charappa Dendroglyphs

Seven of the dendroglyphs appear to be in good or very good condition. Three are very shallow and hard to find and one tree is badly affected by insect damage (Figure 5). Only the dendroglyphs that were found to be in good condition in 2013 had been located in the 1989 survey. Forestry records from the 1960s did not indicate the condition of individual dendroglyphs, so it was not possible to compare the condition of these carvings between the 1960s and the present. However, our research suggests that cyclones, fire and visitation are not having any substantial impacts on the condition of the Upper Charappa dendroglyphs or the trees on which the dendroglyphs are carved.

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All seven trees in the Upper Charappa cluster were located in 2013, including those not found in 1989. Thirteen individual dendroglyphs are present on the seven trees. Designs include a cassowary footprint, chevrons, parallel lines and arcs (Figures 3 and 4).

Figure 3 Mamu custodians (from left) Pat Dulvarie, Glen Sells and Alf Joyce inspecting tree with chevron dendroglyph, Upper Charappa (photograph by Alice Buhrich).

Culpa Dendroglyph The Culpa dendroglyph is a single abstract design on a mature rainforest tree in the Jirrbal estate. It is close to an Aboriginal walking track and a Jirrbal campsite. At least five dendroglyphs on single trees within the Jirrbal estate were recorded by Grimwade, with the assistance of exForestry employees, between 1989 and 1990. Casts were made of two of the Jirrbal dendroglyphs, although due to remote locations and the closure of Forestry tracks, the Culpa tree is the only dendroglyph within the Jirrbal estate that is easily accessible. The Culpa dendroglyph is on a black walnut, estimated to be 30 m high with a diameter at breast height of over 2 m, and significant buttress roots that are approximately 2 m high. An abstract design is carved into one of the buttress roots. In 1989, Forestry workers noted that the Jirrbal carving appeared to be ‘fading’ and had regrown significantly since their last visit five years earlier (Grimwade 1990). However, our comparison of bark regrowth demonstrates the Culpa carving has changed very little since the fibreglass model was made in 1991. Change between the measurements taken of the 1991 cast and the carving in 2013 were almost imperceptible. Table 1 shows the difference in millimetres between the widths of the carving on the living tree and the widths of the carving on the fibreglass model. Tree (mm)

Cast (mm)

Figure 4 Senior Dugulbarra clan leader Steve Purcell and dendroglyph of parallel lines, Upper Charappa (photograph by Alice Buhrich).

Difference (mm)

71.89

71.89

0

37.36

37.36

0

30.46

30.46

0

54.66

54.67

0.01

39.00

39.00

0

44.61

44.8

0.19

31.09

31.09

0

31.95

29.57

-2.38

17.49

17.49

0

Table 1 Comparison of the width of the Culpa dendroglyph from measurements made on the living tree (2013) versus those made on the fibreglass model (made in 1991).

Figure 5 Insect damage on arc dendroglyph, Upper Charappa (photograph by Alice Buhrich).

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A botanist assessed the tree to determine processes that might threaten the preservation of the dendroglyph (Hill 2013). It was concluded that: •

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•

No visible limbs have fallen recently, although a number of other trees in the area have lost limbs as a result of cyclone damage; and, Bark defoliation is present approximately 1 m above the convergence point of the buttresses. This process often occurs as a result of old age, and indicates vulnerability of the stem cavity.

The patch of defoliating bark was noted on earlier visits (Grimwade 1990) and has grown significantly over the last 20 years. Ageing trees incur greater cavitation within mid-stem xylem tissues. Consequently, the mid-stem is susceptible to fungal and pathogen attack, which gradually reduces the structural stability of the tree (Hill 2013). Thus, vulnerability from old age and defoliation appear to pose the greatest threats to the Culpa dendroglyph.

Discussion Our research found the overall preservation of rainforest dendroglyphs to be far better than originally predicted. It was previously assumed that rainforest dendroglyphs were deteriorating rapidly due to cyclone damage, natural decay, bark regrowth, insect attack and land clearing (Grimwade 1990). Contrary to these assumptions, mature rainforest trees visited in the course of this research were found to be fairly resilient to extreme climatic events and the carvings themselves appeared to have changed very little through time. The trees on which the Upper Charappa dendroglyphs have been carved have survived at least two major cyclonic events, and extreme weather events do not appear to have affected the preservation of the dendroglyphs. Our second research question examined bark regrowth over dendroglyphs, but found virtually no change on the Culpa dendroglyph since 1991. The main threats to surviving rainforest dendroglyphs appear to be ageing and the trees’ consequent increased susceptibility to insect attack and fungal growth, although a larger sample size is needed to determine the effect of different tree species on preservation. Managing Natural vs Cultural Values All recorded rainforest dendroglyphs are within the WTWHA, an area recognised for its internationally significant natural values and nationally significant cultural values. As living trees, dendroglyphs embody both natural and cultural values, but the structure and history of management in the WTWHA prioritises the former over the latter. The ability of Aboriginal people to visit and care for rainforest dendroglyphs as part of a living cultural landscape competes with management of the natural ecosystem. Clearings associated with power lines, highways and roads place increased pressures through ‘edge effects’ on the rainforest environment (Laurance and Goosem 2008). The WTWHA is considered highly vulnerable to such effects— even small forestry roads can have significant impacts by facilitating movement of exotic weeds and feral animals, changing the microclimate and vegetation structure, and increasing erosion (Laurance and Goosem 2008; Stork et al. 2008). Closure and revegetation of lineal clearings is considered the most effective way to reduce such risks (Laurance and Goosem 2008). A strong association between

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roads and forestry tracks and the spread of Phytophera cinnamomi, a root fungus known to cause forest dieback, has been noted in the Koombooloomba area (Stork et al. 2008). These tracks also provide access to dendroglyphs on the Jirrbal estate. Our field work in this area was curtailed by the closure of Culpa Road to conventional vehicles. As a management tool, ‘locking the gate’ may be successful in restricting humanly caused impacts on the flora and fauna of the WTWHA; however, it undermines the management aspirations of Aboriginal people. The Burra Charter, Australia’s primary guidelines for the management and conservation of cultural heritage, places great importance on the associations between a significant heritage place and the people who value it. The Burra Charter encourages associations between people and place to be retained, and recommends opportunities for continuation or revival of significant associations (Australia ICOMOS 2013 Articles 24.1 and 24.2). Rainforest Aboriginal people have raised concerns about ‘increasing access restrictions to land, and therefore culture’ since the WTWHA was first proposed (Review Steering Committee 1998:13). While recognising that the diverse rainforest Aboriginal communities may have different approaches to managing Country, rainforest Aboriginal people have consistently voiced aspirations to protect cultural places through on ground management and clan-based cultural mapping (McIntyre-Tamwoy et al. 2010; Review Steering Committee 1998; Wet Tropics Aboriginal Cultural and Natural Plan Project Team 2005). For cultural sites such as the dendroglyphs in the Jirrbal estate, monitoring is virtually impossible due to their inaccessibility. Unlike dendroglyphs in Canada and the Chatham Islands, surviving Australian rainforest dendroglyphs are not threatened by land clearing and wind exposure. However, in the WTWHA, the international recognition of the region’s natural values comes at the expense of the nationally recognised Aboriginal cultural values. Restricting visitor access to areas for the preservation of significant rainforest flora and fauna has resulted in some areas containing dendroglyphs (as well as other culturally significant places) becoming extremely difficult for both Aboriginal people and conservation experts to visit. This highlights the tension that exists between natural and cultural site management in the WTWHA. The challenge for land managers is to balance these competing interests. Aboriginal access to significant cultural sites should be encouraged and facilitated, while still maintaining the highest protection for the natural ecosystems.

Acknowledgements We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Dugulbarra and Waribarra traditional owners Steve Purcell, Alf Joyce, Ben Purcell, Dean Purcell, and Jirrbal traditional owners Betty Cashmere, Marita Budden and Cedric Cashmere. Wabubadda Aboriginal Corporation and Mamu Aboriginal Corporation supported the research and identified relevant traditional owners. Shane Collins, Anne Duke, Allison Darroch and Karen Mickan made significant contributions to the documentation work of the 1980/90s. We thank Josara de Lange for much appreciated assistance with the map. The Tablelands Shire Council gave permission to use the dendroglyph stored in Ravenshoe Visitors Centre. The paper was improved from editorial advice provided by Lynley


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