Bandung City, Indonesia

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Cities 50 (2016) 100–110

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City Profile

Bandung City, Indonesia Ari K.M. Tarigan a,b,⁎, Saut Sagala c, D. Ary A. Samsura d,b, Dika F. Fiisabiilillah b,c,e, Hendricus A. Simarmata f, Mangapul Nababan g,b a

Cofely Fabricom GDF Suez, Kanalsetta 3, 4033, Stavanger, Norway Resilience Development Initiative (RDI), Bandung, Indonesia School of Architecture, Planning and Policy Development, Institute of Technology Bandung, Bandung, Indonesia d Department of Geography, Planning, and Environment, Institute for Management Research, Radboud University, Nijmegen, the Netherlands e Spatial Planning, Landscape Architecture and Planning, Wageningen University, Wageningen, the Netherlands f Urban Studies Postgraduate Program, University of Indonesia, Jakarta, Indonesia g Ministry of Public Works, Jakarta, Indonesia b c

a r t i c l e

i n f o

Article history: Received 14 June 2015 Received in revised form 10 September 2015 Accepted 12 September 2015 Available online xxxx Keywords: Rapid population and economic growth Sustainable development Inter-local government conflicts

a b s t r a c t Bandung City has grown to become a very important centre in Indonesia, demonstrating a higher economic growth rate than the national average. It has experienced many challenges resulting from rapid urbanisation, including slums, basic infrastructures, and flooding. Despite such issues, a gradual improvement of urban development has occurred in recent years. This offers hope and confidence to the entire society living in Bandung for the urban future and its environmental sustainability. © 2015 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction With a total of 2.5 million registered residents, Bandung City is the third most populous city in Indonesia after Jakarta and Surabaya (BPS Kota Bandung, 2014). The city serves as the capital of the West Java Province and is located about 140 km from the country capital, Jakarta (see Fig. 1a). Located at 768 m above sea level, Bandung was originally developed as a resort city in the 1800s by the Dutch Indies government, partly due to its rich natural setting and comfortable climate (Voskuil, 2007). Nowadays, Bandung has become a large-scale city with an area of 168 km2 and is one of the most important centres for political, economic, and social activity in Indonesia. During recent decades, Bandung City has been successful in attracting both large domestic and foreign investments to develop various public infrastructures as well as generate local businesses such as tourism, manufacturing, textiles and apparel, pharmaceutical, financial, food, entertainment, and services (Firman, 2009a). The economic boost, rapid increase of the population, and urban expansion, which can be attributed to the tremendous growth in its commercial, industrial, and educational sectors, have brought many opportunities to Bandung. ⁎ Corresponding author at: Cofely Fabricom GDF Suez, Kanalsetta 3, 4033, Stavanger, Norway. Tel.: +47 953 65 314. E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected] (A.K.M. Tarigan).

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2015.09.005 0264-2751/© 2015 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

Bandung City is part of the Bandung metropolitan area (BMA), which consists of Bandung, Cimahi City, Bandung and West Bandung Regency with an area of 3392 km2 in 2005 and a total population of 8.2 million in 2014 (see Table 1 and Fig. 1b). The BMA is prepared to have functional linkages with integrated infrastructure services and possible cooperation for city-to-city and city-to-regency level, related to industrial, economic, and service sectors. The cooperative advantage is claimed to give significant influences to the BMA's economic growth that increased 7.83% over a 1 year period (2008– 2009). Despite these positive reports, the economic growth of the BMA has also offered huge challenges for Bandung City to deliver sustainable urban development and to maintain a high quality of life for its citizens. There have been also some challenges regarding coordination between Bandung City and other regions in the BMA. This profile attempts to highlight the history of Bandung's urban development and examines the key issues facing the city, especially to create a liveable and sustainable urban environment. The rest of this profile is structured as follows. In Section 2, a brief historical overview of the city is provided, followed by its spatial development and urban form in Section 3. Section 4 provides an explanation of the city's economic profile. In Section 5, some key challenges for the city to establish a sustainable urban development will be explained. Finally, the conclusion of this city profile is provided in Section 6.

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Fig. 1. a, Bandung City in West Java Province and Indonesia (based on various sources, under creative commons attribution licence, 2015). b, The position of Bandung City with its neighbouring cities and regencies (source: West Java Province, with authors' modification).

2. A brief history of Bandung According to archaeological evidence, the Bandung area is sitting on the basin area formed by a prehistoric lake (Fig. 2) that appeared after the eruption of Mount Sunda, which existed around 55,000 years ago, which then blocked the course of the Citarum River and created a natural dam (Dam, 1994). The area therefore contains highly fertile soil that positively supports agricultural activity. These conditions have since attracted people to come, grow their food, and then settle on a permanent basis. People have been living in the Bandung area for about 6000 years (Brahmantyo, Yulianto, & Sudjatmiko, 2001). However, the first report of human settlements in the area dates back to the 15th century when

it was part of the Sunda Kingdom1 which lasted until the late 16th century, when the area fell under the Sultanate of Mataram (Kunto, 1984). During the 17th and 18th centuries, the Dutch East Indies Companies (VOC), who occupied most of the modern Indonesia at that time,2 opened big plantations in the Bandung area. These triggered economic activity in the area and attracted more people to settle. For business and 1 The capital of the Sunda Kingdom was Pajajaran, which is believed to be in the area of present-day Bogor city, around 59 km from Jakarta to the south or around 180 km from Bandung to the north. As it was customary in that period that a kingdom was also called by the name of its capital city, Sunda Kingdom was therefore also known as the Pajajaran Kingdom. 2 The Dutch Indies was part of the Dutch government in Indonesia. It became modern Indonesia after World War II.

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Table 1 Administrative division between Bandung City and the neighbouring areas.

Administrative division

Area (km2) in 2005⁎

Population in 2014⁎⁎

Population density in 2010 (/km2)⁎⁎⁎

Bandung City Bandung Regency West Bandung Regency Cimahi City Bandung Metropolitan Area

167.27 1767.96 1305.77 39.27 3392.27

2,575,478 3,418,246 1,624,179 581,989 8,199,892

14,125 1801 1159 13,134 2325.65

⁎ Source: www.kemendagri.go.id ⁎⁎ Source: Badan Pusat Statistik (2014). ⁎⁎⁎ Source: Badan Pusat Statistik (2010).

military purposes, H. W. Daendels, the Governor General of the Dutch Indies from 1808 to 1811, ordered the construction of a regional road from Batavia (present-day Jakarta) to Bandung, which was part of a huge construction project called the Great Post Road (De Groote Postweg in Dutch) to connect the Java's West Coast (Anyer) and East Coast (Panarukan) over more than 1000 km (Toer, 2005). This road development had a significant impact on Bandung's development, because soon after the road was finished in 1810, Bandung became one of the most important onshore transportation hubs in the Java region. Also in the same year, Daendels ordered the administration of Bandung Regency, which at that time was under the leadership of R. A. Wiranatakusumah II, to move to Bandung from Krapyak, located in the present-day Dayeuhkolot district to the south of Bandung (Kunto, 1984). In 1894, the construction of the railway from Batavia to Bandung was completed, and afterwards, Bandung slowly gained a significant increase in population (Siregar, 1990). Together with the plantation landlords, many European expatriates—who found Bandung to be a pleasant resort—came and settled in Bandung (mostly in the northern part of the city, which offered a hilly vista with beautiful landscapes), while at the same time, people from the surrounding areas also poured

into the city and mostly settled in the southern area, which was relatively flat. This situation naturally created a social segregation among the residents based on the existing political power, wealth, and ethnicity (Siregar, 1990; Voskuil, 2007). After Bandung received its status as a municipality (gemeente) in 1906 from the Dutch Indies Governor General J. B. van Heutsz and separated from Bandung Regency, there was a further plan to replace Batavia with Bandung City as the new capital city (Kunto, 1984). This was mostly due to Bandung's fresh mountain climate and comfortable environment compared to Batavia, which was too crowded and unhealthy, with a very hot climate and vulnerability to disease. This idea, however, was not realised due to the financial problems as a result of the World War that had affected the Netherlands (Kunto, 1984). Nevertheless, Bandung was later chosen as the capital of the West Java Province when the Dutch government formed it in 1925 (Sekda Jabar, 2013). After Indonesia's independence in 1945, Bandung continued to hold an important position in the country. In 1955, Bandung was the host of the first Asian–African Conference, which was an important step toward the Non-Aligned Movement, an important force in world politics during the Cold War period. Bandung again held the conference in 2015, and as part of this last conference, 25 mayors from Asian and African cities signed the Declaration of the Smart City, which sealed the commitment to the development and construction of the sustainable smart cities models through a network of knowledge, technology, and investments among those cities. This declaration, which was initiated by the current mayor of Bandung, represents one of the Bandung municipality government's efforts to realize one of its latest visions to make Bandung an example of a smart city in Indonesia. 3. Spatial development and urban form The beginning of the modern Bandung City development was centred on the Great Post Road (today Asia–Afrika Road) and around

Fig. 2. The area of Bandung Prehistoric Lake (source: http://blog.fitb.itb.ac.id/BBrahmantyo/wp-content/uploads/2010/09/Slide2.jpg, retrieved March 2015).

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Fig. 3. Alun-Alun Bandung with the Grand Mosque in the past and present time (source: Trope museum of the Royal Tropical Institute (KIT), under creative commons attribution licence and Observation, 2015).

the present-day site of Alun-alun or the main city square (see Fig. 3). The later was built under R. A. Wiranatakusumah II in the traditional design with the Grand Mosque (Masjid Agung) and public-official meeting place (Pendopo) surrounding Alun-alun (Kunto, 1984). The presence of Alun-alun was fundamental for old Bandung residentsbecause it was regularly used not only as a public space (the government used it to announce publical information and demonstrate military power to the public through parades and performances) but also as a meeting point for interactions among the local residents for trading goods, performing art, and holding other social events (Kunto, 1984). Bandung at that time only had an area of around 900 ha. Along with the idea to move the capital of the Dutch Indies to Bandung from Batavia, the municipality of Bandung initiated an expansion plan to the north by proposing the North Bandung Development Plan in 1917 (Raksadjaya, 2007). This plan was supported by the Town Planning Committee at that time, in which Thomas Karsten, a renowned Dutch Planner, was involved. In 1930, Thomas Karsten was invited again to prepare another expansion plan for Bandung City by the municipality. He established what is called as the bouwverorderning, which became the base of the neighbourhood design for Bandung City. One of Karsten's goals was to integrate the practice of the colonial urban environment with native elements (Siregar, 1990). As a result, buildings with a unique blend of European art-deco style and local tropical style flourished in Bandung, and the remnants still can be seen today (see Fig. 4). Bandung City in the Karsten Plan covered an area of 3305 ha. The next feature of Bandung's urban form was much modified during the 1950s, when Bandung City already had an area of 8098 ha. The spatial plan during this period was strongly influenced by the rise of new industrial enclaves in Bandung's suburbs. The concentric zone principle was adopted in the master plan by applying a series of rings to the urban form. The Alun-alun area, an open public plaza, was set as the centre of the rings. The residential areas and businesses were then placed at the second ring, while residential neighbourhoods for workers (as well as agricultural areas) are localised in the next rings (Evers, 2011). The latest expansion of the city territory took place in 1987, and its administrative territory remains until now. Fig. 5 shows the expansion of Bandung City over time, while Fig. 6 demonstrates the expansion of Bandung City due rapid developments of built-up activities. According to the latest Bandung City master plan (RTRW 20112031),3 in order to accommodate the city's future activities and developments, the spatial structure of the Bandung City is divided into three levels: city centres (Pusat Pelayanan Kota—PPK) which host the spatial activities on the city scale, city sub-centres (Sub-pusat Pelayanan Kota—SPK) which house the spatial activities under a particular centre,

3 Bandung City Masterplan 2011–2031 is established through the Regulation of the City of Bandung No. 18, Year 2011 (Perda Kota Bandung).

and local areas (Pusat Lingkungan—PK) which are the smallest unit of spatial activity on the district scale. Especially with regard to the city centres, the plan indicates that two locations have been prepared for Bandung City: Alun-alun and Gedebage (See Fig. 7). The plan to make Gedebage an additional city centre has emerged since 2006 in order to enhance the development in eastern part of Bandung and reduce the condensed activities in the centre of the city (Zulkaidi, Natalivan, Susiyanti, & Ananto, 2006). Currently, various large facilities and infrastructures have been developed in Gedebage to serve the community needs, such as a regional bus station, university, hospital, and a sport stadium.

4. The economic profiles of Bandung City Bandung's economic growth has been the highest in the West Java Province, and it is even higher than the national growth rate (see Fig. 8). Commerce and industry are the main contributors to Bandung's total GDP per year (Table 2). Among the most visible activities in the commercial sector are the clothing factory outlets and boutique businesses that are attracting not only local people but also those from other parts of Indonesia, and even neighbouring countries such as Malaysia and Singapore (Suwarni, 2009). The outlets provide their own fashion-related products that follow the latest fashion styles, using textiles from the local factories in South Bandung. The industrial sector has long been known as the driver of Bandung's economy. Bandung has several centres of medium- and large-scale industries like electronics, furniture, and textiles. This sector is essential not only because it makes a large contribution to Bandung's GDP, but it can also absorb local labour and drive local economic activities (Sukirman, 2015). For example, since 2013, Bandung has launched new industrial centres in different districts, such as the Binongjati Knitting Industry, Cigondewah Textile Industry, Suci T-shirt and Clothes Industry, Cihampelas Jeans Industry, Cibaduyut Shoes Industry, Cibuntu Tofu and Tempeh Industry, and Sukamulya/Sukajadi Doll Industry. Although, as shown in Table 2, the contribution of the industrial sector to the economy of the city is still among the highest, it has been declining from year to year. It is, however, not a surprising phenomenon because since the late 1990s, the city has been trying to shift its economic policy toward the service sector—especially related to tourism, commercial, and education—due to environmental concern and its limited capacity to expand its industrial activities (Suganda, 2007). With regard to the education sector, it has played a significant role in Bandung's economic activity. Known as a city of education, there are now 78 colleges and universities that actively operate in Bandung City (BPS Kota Bandung, 2014). Among those universities are the most prestigious ones in Indonesia that exert a pull on many young and talented students from across the country to come and—for some—eventually stay in Bandung.

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Fig. 4. Remnants of European architectural buildings in Bandung City (based on various sources, under creative commons attribution licence, 2015).

Fig. 5. The expansion of Bandung City's territory (based on various sources, under creative commons attribution licence, 2015).

5. Key challenges and recent developments As one of the National Activity Centres (Pusat Kegiatan Nasional—PKN) in Indonesia, together with its surrounding regions that are included in Bandung Metropolitan Area,4 Bandung City demonstrates high population growth, reaching around 3.5% per year. Moreover, its rapid development and economic growth has made Bandung City become very attractive, not only to people from the surrounding area but also from other places in Indonesia. In 2031, the population

4 The confirmation of Bandung City together with Bandung Metropolitan Area as a National Activity Centre is established through Law (Undang-undang in Indonesian) no. 26, year 2007.

of Bandung City is projected to be 4.1 million, which is much more than its current capacity (RTRW 2011–2031). This situation certainly will cumulatively generate pressure and challenges to the city to establish sustainable urban development and maintain the quality of life of its citizens. The limitations of the public sector in serving the community and providing the infrastructure to support the growth of the activities in the area, as confirmed by the Secretary of the Bandung City's Development Planning Board (Sayuti, 2009), have made those challenges become more apparent. In addition, according to the latest survey on Bandung citizens' satisfaction regarding the service and development of the city, there are some issues that—according to most people—are still poorly handled by the municipalities (PSPK & eLSID, 2015). Among those issues are transportation, solid waste collection, and flood protection. Furthermore, we also raise other issues, namely, slum area management,

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estimated to become 193% by 2030 (Lubis, Isnaeni, & Nurjaya, 2003); the congestion is expected to worsen in the future. Until now, transportation development in Bandung has mostly focused on road development. A significant number of new road construction projects have been done in Bandung in the last 20 years (see Table 4), but by contrast, the poor maintenance quality of the existing roads is visible in various locations, particularly surrounding the suburbs. Nonetheless, the latest administration of Bandung City5 seems to bring a new approach in improving public transportation and promoting sustainable urban transportation, for example, by launching a project to attract more young commuters to use public transport, constructing monorail infrastructures for reducing auto dependency, providing a subsidy for students who use public transport, and promoting wider use of bicycles (Affan, 2014). 5.2. Solid waste collection

Fig. 6. The expansion of Bandung City's built-up area (source: RTRW Kota Bandung, 2011–2031).

clean water provision, and inter-local government conflicts, which can also become major challenges for Bandung City to establish a sustainable urban environment. A brief observation on those issues is provided below. 5.1. Transportation As mass transport modes are still lacking in Bandung, paratransit and private vehicles are the primary modes of public transport (see Table 3) that provide everyday trips among the urban commuters (Tarigan, Susilo, & Joewono, 2014). Currently, Bandung has 1236.28 km roads to accommodate these trips, while only 54.25% of the roads are in good condition (BPS Kota Bandung, 2014). As urban mobility has rapidly evolved in the past few years, urban traffic in Bandung has suffered from heavy congestion. Following the growth of urban population, the number of trips per day has shown to increase 66% from 1995 to 2010, and it is

In 2013, Bandung City produced about 1600 t of solid waste, of which only 61% can be handled or collected by the services provided by the municipality (BPS Kota Bandung, 2014). At the moment, the municipality employed trucks that directly collect solid waste from households on an irregular basis, and a total of 202 temporary solid waste collection facilities are distributed to various locations in the city, and a final disposal site in Leuwigajah was located in the periurban area of Bandung City to run its services related to solid waste collection and management (Sembiring & Nitivattananon, 2010). With the waste production exceeding the capacity of waste collection services (see Muttaqien & Sugiyantoro, 2012), Bandung City is certainly in urgent need of new strategies and solutions to overcome its solid waste management problem. Those strategies should improve the existing way in collecting, delivering, and disposing the solid wastes as well as reducing solid waste production. At the moment, the authority imposes a charge for solid waste collection on the community but the amount is considered to be too low to cover the cost of the service (Saidani, 2013). According to Siyaranamual (2013), Bandung residents are actually willing to pay more to have a better collection service since they generally place higher priority on waste management problem than other environmental issues. Moreover, some residents already provide a communal waste collection services by themselves. Related to efforts to reduce solid waste production, the municipality has provided two city-scale solid waste composting facilities (Muttaqien & Sugiyantoro, 2012). Siyaranamual (2013) also found that Bandung residents do understand the importance and the benefit of having proper organic and non-organic waste services, which is important to support the efforts to compost solid waste, although their knowledge does not reflect the current situation found in the final dumping site. Furthermore, the current administration is also planning to install a number of biodigesters—a waste decomposition machine—that will be distributed to all districts (Aminudin, 2015). It is also important to mention that the successful process to reduce solid waste production in Bandung and other larger cities in Indonesia is supported by the presence of informal/independent waste pickers and collectors who collect certain useable materials from waste and sell them to the waste collectors to be used for home industries for further processing (Sasaki & Araki, 2013). Looking at all those options, the future development of solid waste management system for Bandung City can be improved with serious supports and actions from all stakeholders. 5.3. Floods Seasonal floods have proliferated in several areas of Bandung, especially in South Bandung. These events were much worse in the past few 5 The latest Bandung City administration is lead by Ridwan Kamil who was elected as the Bandung mayor in September 2013

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Fig. 7. The spatial structure of Bandung City (source: RTRW Kota Bandung 2011–2031, with authors' modification).

years due to the massive increase of built-up areas (Hudalah, Winarso, & Woltjer, 2010). Between 1990 and 2008, the housing and commercial construction has grown to about 50%, while in contrast, the catchment areas in the North Bandung upper region have decreased to below 60% of the original plan. The challenge is that some parts of built-up activities in North Bandung belong to the BMA but are outside of Bandung City administration. The fact that some of these developments obtained permits from the other municipalities (Hudalah et al., 2010) partly shows the lack of coordination for hazard mitigation plans among municipalities in the BMA. Moreover, Bandung faces the combination of strong intensity and volume of rain during the rainy season in particular between December and March. Due to the unbalanced topography, rain water usually flows from the northern to southern part of the city. The districts of Mandalajati, Arcamanik, and Astana Anyar are among the most vulnerable areas to floods, especially after rain. Poor attitudes of local residents who often dump solid garbage into drainage channels can be claimed to contribute to flood disaster as well, causing

drainage channels to fail to discharge runoff. During the worst events, water can be stagnant from 2 to 4 weeks, thus forcing the affected residents to temporarily evacuate to safer places. To handle the flood disaster in Bandung, the authority has been issuing certain programmes, such as making multiple culverts, small lakes, infiltration wells, water recycling, and lastly, the biophore programme, a flood mitigation effort to reduce disaster risk by seeking water infiltration, thereby diminishing runoff and thus reducing floods (Rianawati & Sagala, 2014). The biophore programme has recently gained serious attention by the government because of its low cost, simplicity, and involvement of the local community in the action. The main idea is to enhance the capacity of soil to absorb water by making holes on the ground in some neighbourhoods and filling them with organic waste to produce compost. The organic waste in the holes would feed the soil fauna, which is very capable of creating pores in the soil, thus increasing the absorption capacity of the soil. Biophore is proven to be able to enhance the absorption of water by the soil on the neighbourhood level, particularly during flood events and thus reduce the risk of flooding (Rianawati & Sagala, 2014). A total of 350 biophore holes have been made in Bandung, while the last target is about 1 million holes with the strong support of local residents. This plan seems to be promising as the role of community resilience

Table 2 GDP per sector in Bandung from 2006 to 2012. Sector

Fig. 8. Economic growth in Bandung, West Java, and Indonesia (source: RTRW Kota Bandung 2011–2031).

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

Agriculture 0.30 0.28 0.26 0.24 0.20 0.20 0.21 Industry 27.80 26.52 25.72 24.49 24.38 23.51 22.55 Electric, gas, and clean water 2.22 2.35 2.26 2.30 2.31 2.30 2.35 Building and construction 4.42 4.56 4.31 4.59 4.67 4.65 4.86 Commerce and tourism 39.52 39.73 40.09 40.95 40.61 41.25 41.67 Logistics and telecom 11.22 11.73 11.70 11.77 11.97 12.38 12.47 Finance, rent and services 6.56 6.32 6.41 6.26 6.23 6.37 6.64 Others 7.97 8.52 9.22 9.40 9.64 9.35 9.25 Source: Bandung dalam angka (2014).

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Table 3 Type of public transport modes in the city of Bandung. City Mode Mode with fixed route Minibus public transport/Angkot (12–16 seats) Midibus 26 seats Bus (Damri) Total Mode with unfixed route Taxi Rickshaw (Becak) Horsedrawn (Delman) Motorcycle taxi (Ojek)

Municipal (Kabupaten)

Inter city within province (AKDP)

Number of units

Number of routes

Number of units

Number of routes

Number of units

Number of routes

5436 12 97

38 1 7 46

9250 NA 0

46 NA 0 46

6175 NA 56

53 NA 4 57

914 7800 50# 5000–10,000#

283 5716 5747 5000#

Source: Menkimpraswil (2002), # Estimation.

is a key in responding to various natural hazards, including flood disasters (Wilhelm, 2011).

similar approach might be taken into consideration for the future improvements of Bandung slum areas.

5.4. Slums

5.5. Clean water

Currently, Bandung is the second largest city in Indonesia after Jakarta in terms of the total population living in slum areas (see Table 5). At least 26,000 dwelling units have been dispersed in various slum spots within the city, concentrated into densely populated neighbourhoods (see Fig. 9). Bandung's slum settlements have suffered from limited sanitation, poor drinking water, and mediocre solid waste management (Tunas & Peresthu, 2010). The dwellings are mostly semi-permanent, improper, and vulnerable to flood events, because some locations are along the Cikapundung Riverbank that flows through the city. The government, with the substantial support of international donors, has intensively funded various slum upgrading projects not only to improve the physical conditions of the dwellings but also the living condition of the dwellers, for instance, by giving financial grants for the daily expenses of slum residents and practical trainings to develop the skills of the community members; hence, they can have better opportunities to find or create jobs (Winayanti & Lang, 2004). Despite the abovementioned efforts, little reduction to the slum areas has been detected in Bandung. As indicated in Fig. 10, more than 50% of the districts in Bandung still contain slum areas. The main reason behind this situation is the difficulty in controlling the migration flow of unemployed individuals to Bandung. Individuals who have left slum areas are often replaced by newcomers from the neighbouring municipalities searching for better opportunities in the city, leaving the number of slum residents and areas unchanged. Studies such as Minnery et al. (2013) argued that a legalised form of slum neighbourhoods may provide a sense of belonging and security among the residents. It might afterwards help this society to settle in their neighbourhood and enable them to improve the area and their living conditions by themselves. With certain modification that fits to the local context, a

The city's clean water supplier is a municipality-owned company called Perusahaan Daerah Air Minum (PDAM) Bandung, which is responsible for clean water distribution to households and industries. In 2012, PDAM Bandung distributed to around 1.6 million people of Bandung, which means that almost half of the population still does not have access or at least a piped connection to clean water (Andani, 2014). Moreover, for households who already have a piped connection to clean water, the continuity of the supply is still frequently interrupted. The clean water pressure for certain locations is often unstable, which sometimes causes the flow to stop completely. Another issue is related to water loss due to cracks and rusty pipes that support water distribution as well as manipulation of water gauges and piped water larceny, not only by costumers but also by some irresponsible officers of PDAM themselves (Pratiwi, 2013). The limited supply of clean water and high level of water loss while water consumption keeps increasing causes a huge gap between supply and demand; this has presented an important issue in Bandung City as well as in many other parts of Indonesia (Komarulzaman, 2013). According to Andani (2014), there are at least four scenarios that can be applied to improve the provision of clean water in Bandung. First is the improvement of the management and control system for the utilisation of green space in Bandung basin area, which is the main water supply source for Bandung City. Second is the decrease in the rate of water loss by imposing legal action against the perpetrators of water larceny as well as improving the inspection and controlling system of water gauges. Third is the increase in water tariffs using the full cost recovery principles, and the fourth is the combination of those three scenarios. The first scenario can only be achieved if there is mutual cooperation among neighbouring regions in the Bandung basin area, which also shares ownership of its natural sources. More detail on this issue will be provided in the next section.

Table 4 Recent road constructions and development plans in Bandung City.

5.6. Inter-local government conflicts

Road construction

Project name

Length Construction (km) period

Padalarang–Cileunyi expressway Cikampek–Purwakarta–Padalarang expressway Fly over Pasupati road Soreang–Pasirkoja expressway Cileunyi–Sumedang–Dawuan expressway Bandung Intra Urban Toll Road (BIUTR) South ring road: Kopo, Buah Batu and Kiara Condong

Padaleunyi Cipularang

33.4 52.0

Source: Authors' compilation.

Pasupati 2.8 Soroja Cisumdawu 60.0 BIUTR 27.3 Unknown 0.8

1995–1999 2003–2005 2004–2005 2015–present 2011–2016 Unknown Unknown

The adoption of the Indonesian Decentralisation Act 22/1999 and Act 32/2004 in the Indonesia governance system has provided a wide space for local city and regency to be more flexible in controlling resources and having greater autonomy regarding urban policy making and urban development. The political reason behind those acts traces back to the governance reform in 1999, when there was strong interest in the grass-roots Indonesian community to shift the authoritarian era under the Soeharto regime, in which the central and provincial government had top-down control over public policies of local governments (Firman, 2009b). The motivation of the acts, in general, was to offer

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Table 5 Urban slum in Indonesia (2008). City

Size of slum Total slum Total household neighbourhoods dwelling living in slums (ha)

Total population living in slums

Bandung Denpasar West Jakarta Central Jakarta South Jakarta East Jakarta North Jakarta Makassar Medan Palembang Semarang Surabaya

202 24 449 169 277 282 407 323 31 15 40 59

121,124 5032 148,168 90,464 73,228 93,345 165,142 69,112 63,708 83,712 32,956 27,832

26,264 943,000 20,498 10,505 19,748 22,184 31,879 11,629 14,101 14,243 7365 6158

30,281 1258 36,518 23,162 18,658 25,162 42,084 17,278 15,927 20,928 8239 6958

Source: Departemen Pekerjaan Umum.

local governments the opportunity to plan and develop land use, natural resources, infrastructure, and master plan by themselves based on their needs and resources. The acts may induce pressure for local governments to innovate in determining their policies to fit to their local contexts. However, the acts have also provoked and increased conflicts among local governments in utilising their own resources which lead to fragmented and divergent policies at the regional level. For Bandung, the best known case regarding this issue is related to the management of North Bandung Area—which administratively belongs to Bandung Regency, West Bandung Regency, Bandung City, and Cimahi City—with a total size of about 38,543 ha (Hudalah et al., 2010). As indicated earlier, according to the West Java Province, the area should be categorised as a buffer zone and its ecological function, especially as a water reservoir, must be preserved and protected. However, land conversion—mainly due to massive real estate developments—has been going on for a long time. The uncontrolled land conversion in the area may prove to increase the magnitudes and intensity of floods during rainy periods in the Bandung area (Hudalah

et al., 2010). A lack of coordination among the local authorities to control the development activities in the area will therefore only contribute to the greater risks of environmental damages. Another example of inter-government conflict is related to the challenge to establish cooperation in solid waste management between Bandung City and other municipalities in the region. Due to the urgent need for additional spaces for open dumping treatment of solid waste, Bandung City has tried to rent vacant lands in the neighbouring municipalities for this purpose, but the negotiations were evidently not easy. Consequently, Bandung City has faced huge challenges in dealing with its solid waste problem. Kombaitan (1999) had also shown that the lack of inter-local government coordination between Bandung City and its neighbouring areas has long been stimulating a random development of new trip origin and destination zones, which has led to the so-called location mismatch. This phenomenon has evidently contributed to an inefficient urban structure and a costly mobility pattern (Kain, 2004). As argued by Firman (2009b), the decentralisation of the governance system in Indonesia has evidently stimulated more competition among local interests rather than cooperation and collaboration. The trend is obvious: each local government tends to focus on the specific aims that associate only with their local needs, leading to a competition that produces partial policies among local governments and, in some cases, neglects cross-border issues. These situations often lead to greater conflicts such as land-use management and a fragmented transportation planning scheme at the multi-city level.

6. Conclusions Bandung has significantly evolved from a small-sized city to a large and populous city over the course of 200 years. The urban economic activities have expanded as well. To meet the basic needs of the residents, development of residential areas, businesses, and basic infrastructures has been carried out. Nevertheless, the city is still facing some challenges related to public service and infrastructure developments.

Fig. 9. Bandung slums in northern part of Bandung (source: Wahyu Lubis, 2015).

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Fig. 10. Slum area distribution in Bandung City (source: Departemen Pekerjaan Umum/PU Cipta Karya).

This study further reports a few critical urban issues in Bandung, including the poor performance of urban transportation developments, solid waste collection systems, flooding management, slum area improvements, clean water provisions, and inter-government cooperation, which could undermine or hamper the efforts to create a liveable and sustainable urban environment. Challenges and opportunities regarding city-to-city and city-to-regency cooperation within the BMA are quite problematic; thereby, these aspects could be carried out as the next research avenue. Due to the rapid growth of Bandung City as well as its neighbouring cities and regions, the improvement of urban infrastructures could be less effective without considering the involvement of the community at large as well as inter-governmental coordination and cooperation. In this regard, Bandung needs to involve its community and neighbouring authorities, in order to address some of its key development challenges by, for instance, improving the management system related to the share of resources, powers, and task forces to establish a liveable and sustainable urban environment. Acknowledgments This research was partly supported by ITB Research Grant: 31/SP3/ I1.C10/PL/2013. The authors are thankful to Nurrohman Wijaya for the constructive comments to the earlier version of this paper. Opinions and views demonstrated in this study are those of the authors alone and do not represent those of any other affiliation. Reference Affan, H. (2014, July 14). Ridwan Kamil berinovasi setiap hari [(Ridwan Kamil does innovation on daily basis)]. BBC Indonesia. (http://www.bbc.co.uk/indonesia. (Retrieved 10 May 2015). Aminudin (2015, February 21). Cara Kota Ridwan Kamil kelola sampah [(How Ridwan Kamil maintains solid waste)]. Majalah Tempo Online. (http://nasional.tempo.co (Retrieved 4 June 2015)). Andani, I. G. A. (2014). Peningkatan penyediaan air bersih perpipaan Kota Bandung dengan pendekatan pemodelan dinamika sistem [(Water supply and pipeline improvement in Bandung City using dynamic system model)]. Jurnal Perncanaan Wilayah dan Kota, 1(1), 69–78. Brahmantyo, B., Yulianto, E., & Sudjatmiko, E. (2001). On the geomorphological development of Pawon Cave, west of Bandung, and the evidence finding of prehistoric dwelling cave. (bhttp://web.archive.org/web/20080408111619/http:/www.geocities. com/ekoy001/PawonN. Retrieved 31 May 2015).

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