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The genesis of Ismā'ili Da'wa activities in the Yemen Shainool Jiwa Published online: 24 Feb 2007.

To cite this article: Shainool Jiwa (1988) The genesis of Ismā'ili Da'wa activities in the Yemen, British Society for Middle Eastern Studies. Bulletin, 15:1-2, 50-63, DOI: 10.1080/13530198808705472 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13530198808705472

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THE GENESIS OF ISMĀ'ĪLĪ DA'WA ACTIVITIES IN THE YEMEN Shainool Jiwa This article is an edited and expanded version of a paper presented at the Seminar for Arabian Studies held at the University of Durham 28-30 July 1987.


i Introduction In the third/ninth century a number of regions in the Muslim world were the scene of flourishing activity on the part of promoters of the Ismaill mission (da'wa; literally 'summons'). One province in which the movement was able to establish itself successfully in the relatively early stages of its active existence was the Yemen. The Yemen was not merely responsive to the movement's activities; it also served as a training centre concerned to inculcate the doctrines and objectives of Isma'ilism in prospective emissaries, or missioners (du'ah; sing. dST). Upon completion of their training the dffis were despatched to different parts of the Islamic empire to disseminate their ideology and to win the populace over to their cause. It is the aim of the present paper to examine the genesis of Ismail! da'wa activities in the Yemen. In it an attempt will be made to assess such factors as may have been responsible for the choice of the Yemen as a suitable location for the propagation of Isma'ilism planned by the IsmaTlI headquarters, situated at that time in Salamiyya in Syria. The paper also aims at outlining the conversion to Isma'ilism of the two pioneering dffts of the Yemen, namely Ibn Hawshab and 'All b. Fadl, as well as the careers of the two men after their arrival in the Yemen in 268/881. Finally, factors responsible for the disintegration of the IsmaTlT cause there will be analysed; for, despite the movement's remarkable achievements in the first decades of its presence in the Yemen, weaknesses within as well as pressures from without caused it to suffer major reverses. For the period under consideration not only standard primary Sunni sources will be exploited; extensive use will be made of contemporary IsmaHI works—works which collectively constitute an as yet inadequately tapped source of information.1 ii The Historical Background: A Synopsis The Hamdanids,2 who were one of the two most numerous and powerful tribal groups of Yemen, were particularly well disposed to the Prophet's Family (ahl al-bayt) ever since they had been converted to Islam by 'AH b. Abi Talib, the 3 last of the four Caliphs who 'followed the right path' (al-Rashidun). Jafri, who has conducted an extensive study of pre-Islamic Arabian society as a way of fostering a better understanding of the events that occurred after the rise of Islam, points out that the 'Arabs in the South were ... accustomed to hereditary succession in leadership based on hereditary sanctity'.4 He further 50


asserts that there was a 'clear prominence of religious ideas' among them. Thus it may well be that the central doctrine of the Imamate (imamd) in Shi'ism, with its emphasis on hereditary religious leadership, had no small appeal to Yemeni sentiments. Throughout the Umayyad Caliphate (40-132/661-750), a number of revolts broke out in the Yemen, as elsewhere in the Islamic empire, in support of the 'Alid cause.5 A significant cause of unrest was that the majority of the Umayyad Caliphs pursued anti-Shi'ite policies. This was, of course, partly a reaction to the serious threat posed by the ShFa to the Umayyad leadership. With the Abbasid accession to political authority the proponents of Shi'ism thought they had triumphed. But, once the 'Abbasids had declared themselves heirs to the caliphate of the Umma, or Muslim community, the consequences of installing an Imam as Amir al-Mu'miriin, or Commander of the Faithful, did not elude them. To quote Shaban: Of course they knew that the general Shi'ite opinion was in favour of an Imam/Amir al-Mu'miriin, an all powerful leader who could bring justice to all. However, they also realized that by installing such a leader they would have to give up their own power. As they were not ready to accept this, they opted for an Amir al-Mu'miriin who would not be an Imam.6

Their hopes frustrated, the ShFa continued to oppose Abbasid rule and seek various means of overthrowing them, including frequent revolts. One of the most important methods employed by some of the Shfa groups—the Ismaills included—to seek support for their cause was the use of da'wa organizations.7 iii The Origins of the IsmailT Da'wa in the Yemen The earliest source of information on Ismaill da'wa activities in the Yemen prior to the arrival there of the dffis Ibn Hawshab and 'All b. al-Fadl is the acclaimed Fatimid jurist al-Qadi al-Nu'man's historical work Iftitah al-da'wa wa-ibtida" al-dawla.8 Al-Nu'man states, on the authority of Ibn Hawshab himself, that when the latter entered Adah La'a,9 a man called Ahmad b. Abd Allah b. KhalF (or, according to Halm, Khulay'), who 'possessed knowledge', was awaiting the arrival of Ibn Hawshab there. He [Ahmad] would say: 'In this year he will enter, and I will prepare arms for him'.10 The report also makes the point that information regarding Ahmad b. Abd Allah b. KhalF had reached Ibn Yu'fir—the Abbasid governor in control of parts of the Yemen at that time. Of the Yu'firid dynasty more will be said later. At this juncture it need only be said that Ibn Yu'fir had Ibn KhalF imprisoned, where he died some time later. If this report may be accepted as valid, then some interesting inferences can be drawn from it. To begin with, it is probable that members of the da'wa organization in the area were in contact with the central Ismaill da'wa authorities, even at this relatively early stage of their activities, for they were expecting the arrival of Ibn Hawshab, who was sent by the da'wa head51


quarters. When Ibn Hawshab arrived at Adan Abyan1 * in the south of the Yemen, he encountered some elements of the Banii Musa12 who had Shi'ite inclinations and were in close contact with the ShFa from Adan La'a, situated in the north of the country. Thus sympathizers, if not followers of Isma'ilism, were already resident in different parts of the country. Furthermore, the fact that the ruling authority in the Yemen at the time felt the need to imprison the Ismail! dST Ahmad b. KhalF and thereby attempt to curb his activities may well indicate that it regarded both him and his movements as sufficiently threatening to call for action to subdue them. iv Ibn Hawshab and Allb. al-Fadl: Origins and Conversion to Isma'ilism Al-Nu'man reports at great length the conversion of Ibn Hawshab to Isma'ilism.13 As regards the man's origins, Abu al-Qasim al-Hasan b. Farah b. Hawshab b. Zadan al-Kuff belonged to a Shi'ite Ithna Ashari family in Kiifa. Ibn Malik states that he was a descendant of Muslim b. Aqfl b. Abl Talib.15 According to Ibn Hawshab's companions, the dST had a thorough knowledge of the Qur'an and was also well versed in hadith (Tradition) and fiqh (jurisprudence).16 Converted to Isma'ilism by the Imam of the time and his companion, Ibn Hawshab states that it was on one of these visits to the banks of the Euphrates river that he had become acquainted with them. He also remarks that it was the Imam himself who imparted the knowledge of the Ismaill faith to him.17 It is quite evident from al-Nu'man's report18 that the Imam was personally involved in the organization of the da'wa structure and was the deciding factor in despatching da'Ts to the various parts of the Islamic empire. And so it was that he advised Ibn Hawshab that he was awaiting the arrival of a man called Ibn al-Fadl, in whose company the Imam wished Ibn Hawshab to proceed to the Yemen. For his part, Abu al-Hasan AIT b. al-Fadl belonged to a Shi'ite Ithna Ashari family from Jayshan.19 He had left his home town in the company of some Yemenis in 266/879-80 to perform the pilgrimage. After completing the pilgrimage, he proceeded to the tomb of Imam al-Husayn at Kufa. One of the Ismail! da'Ts present at the tomb was so impressed by the earnestness with which Ibn al-Fadl was mourning the death of Imam al-Husayn that he struck up an acquaintance with Ibn al-Fadl and subsequently pursuaded him to join the Ismail! fold. The dST then arranged for All to meet the Imam. The latter enquired about conditions prevailing in the Yemen with reference to the country's suitability for the propagation of Isma'uT doctrines. AH reassured the Imam that the IsmaTlI cause would be successful in the Yemen, since large .sections of Yemeni society were inclined towards Shi'ism.20 v The Departure of the Two Da'Ts for the Yemen Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl left al-Qadisiyya21 and headed towards Mecca during the pilgrimage season. Before their departure the Imam is reported to have advised them on the manner in which they were to conduct the da'wa 52


activities. He met with each of them individually and recommended them to coordinate their work, even though they were to operate in separate regions. Furthermore, he asked Ibn Hawshab to take good care of Ibn al-Fadl, for 'he is a man with an intimate knowledge of the matter, so watch how you conduct his affair'.22 Ibn Malik adds that the Imam instructed Ibn Fadl: he was young, and the Imam was uncertain of his loyalty to the Ismaill cause. In the course of conversation with Ibn al-Fadl the Imam spoke of Ibn Hawshab in the following terms: 'This man whom we are sending with you is a sea of knowledge, so watch how you accompany him'.23 According to Ibn Malik's report, the Imam also urged Ibn al-Fadl to accord Ibn Hawshab respect and to obey him, for if he were to disobey Ibn Hawshab, he would be doomed to failure. This additional information reported by Ibn Malik is suspect, and appears to have its roots in judgment with hindsight, for subsequent events demonstrate that Ibn al-Fadl declared himself independent from the Fatimid da'wa once he had established a secure military and political base for himself in the Yemen. vi Why the Yemen? At this juncture it is, perhaps, appropriate to consider the factors that the central Ismaiff da'wa may have considered in its selection of the Yemen as one of the areas for its activities. They may be listed as follows: 1. Distance. One important factor that immediately comes to mind is the geographical location of the Yemen. Here was a country situated at a considerable distance from the central authorities at Baghdad. Furthermore, it was fairly inaccessible because of its numerous mountains and deserts. In short, geography afforded it natural means of defence against external attack, such as might come from the 'Abbasid army, for instance. 2. Political fragmentation. Since the 'Abbasid Caliphs could not make a show of direct military supremacy in the Yemen, they sought to maintain political domination of the area by appointing governors to act on their behalf. Their interests in the Yemen in the ninth and tenth centuries were represented by two separate dynasties: the Ziyadids (Ziyadls) (204-409/819-1018),24 whose capital was at Zabld, and the Yu'firids25 (247-345/861-956), who were the rulers of San'a' and al-Janad. With the passage of time these governors made themselves politically independent of 'Abbasid control. They continued, however, to accept the nominal suzerainty of the 'Abbasids, for the latter were the source of these governors' religious legitimation. Both the Ziyadids and the Yu'firids suffered from internal dissensions over authority, which thus led to a weakening of their political supremacy in their own territories. Meanwhile the Zaydis (Zaydls) 2(S were also seeking to establish a political base in the Yemen. They became a political force to be reckoned with particularly after the zuhwr ('emergence') of their Imam Yahya b. al-Husayn al-Hadl ila al-Haqq in 280/893. The Zaydis were active in the northern highlands of the Yemen and had their headquarters at Sa'da. Thus the Yemen was, as H. Hamdani describes it, 'a special political unit which fused together 53


all the different states weakened by internal opposition and sectarian differences...'27 3. Responsiveness to ShCism. As has been noted earlier, Shi'ite ideas appear to have had firm roots in certain tribes of the Yemen. Taking advantage of these sentiments, the Zaydis were well entrenched in the country by the third/ninth century and were competing not only with the 'Abbasids for religious supremacy but also with the local forces for political domination. 4. The economic position of the Yemen. From pre-Islamic times the Yemen seems to have enjoyed a flourishing economy deriving from a climate favourable to agriculture, advanced methods of irrigation, mineral wealth, weaving industries and the manufacture of leather goods and weaponry.28 Moreover, the country was located at a strategic point on the trade route to India. It therefore enjoyed a favourable position as a centre of trade for Indian products. This economically advantageous position may have been a factor in the choice of the Yemen as a centre for IsmaHI da'wa activity, for, combined with political independence from the 'Abbasid Caliphate, the Yemen appears to have been a wealthy enough province of the Islamic empire not to be financially dependent on the central treasury to meet its deficits. Furthermore, Yemen's strategic position on the trade routes would have certainly assisted in the spreading of the IsmaHI da'wa activities in other regions. It is well known from al-Nu'man's work29 that Ibn Hawshab dispatched IsmailT da'Ts from the Yemen to Sind, Hind, Yamama, Bahrain, Egypt and the Maghrib. Although the means by which these da'Ts travelled to such destinations are not indicated, trade caravans would certainly appear to have been a suitable means of reaching them. vii The Arrival of Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl in the Yemen The two da'Ts travelled together with pilgrims from the Yemen until they reached al-Ghulafiqa30 in 268/881. They then parted company after agreeing to keep each other informed of their activities. Ibn Hawshab went to al-Janad, where he sought information on 'Adan La'a, the place where he was to commence his da'wa activities, according to the instructions of the Imam.31 As he was unable to obtain any information on Adan La'a, he went instead to Adan Abyan.32 He entered the town as a cotton merchant and began selling cotton in its market. A few days later he came into contact with the Band Musa, who eventually disclosed to him that they were Shi'ites and were awaiting the arrival of a dST from the Ismail! Imam. Since the Banu Musa were in close contact with the ShFa from Adan La'a,32 Ibn Hawshab travelled to the place in their company. Taking up residence there in one of the houses of the previous dSi, Ahmad b. KhalF, he married his daughter.34 As for Ibn al-Fadl, there is disagreement among the sources regarding his destination after he had parted company with Ibn Hawshab.35 He appears to have settled either at 'Adan Abyan or in the neighbouring highlands of Yafi'. Thus, Ibn Hawshab set up quarters in the north of Yemen, while his counterpart, Ibn al-Fadl, established himself in the south of the country. The 54

sources unanimously report that both these dffts practised asceticism and were accepted as models of good Muslims by the inhabitants of their respective areas. They were thus successful in rallying them to the cause of Isma'ilism as well as in enlisting their political support. Within two years of their arrival in the country i.e. by 270/883, the two dcTis were in a position to declare openly that they were preaching on behalf of the IsmaTH Imam.


viii The Conquests of Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl: A Synopsis As Heinz Halm36 has given a detailed account of the military activities of the two IsmaTIT da"is, no more than an outline of the military operations of the two men need be given here. Once Ibn Hawshab had secured sufficient manpower and resources, he embarked on a programme of conquests. Accordingly, he set out conquering territories around the Jabal Maswar in the province of Hajja.37 He decreed that a fortress located at the foot of the Jabal, called variously in the sources *Ayn Muharram, 'Abar Muharram, or 'Athar Muharram, was to be the ddr al-hijra, or, loosely, 'place of refuge', of the IsmaTlIs and took up residence there with his followers in 272/885-6. This ddr al-hijra served not only as a military, religious and administrative centre of the community but also as a site of the new beginning—the centre of a new umma.38

As was to be expected, Ibn Hawshab was challenged in his endeavours by the Yu'firids—directly when they could, or indirectly through their supplying resources and ammunition to the tribal chiefs to oppose the dd'T. Nevertheless, because of Yu'firid weaknesses and the rising power of Ibn Hawshab, the latter was able to extend his conquests to cover the territories west of the Tukhla massif to what Halm refers to as the 'mikhlaf of the West'.39 He then attempted to challenge the Yu'firids at the very nerve centre of their power, namely the area of Shibam. Although the dd'T achieved initial success, he had to withdraw some time later. However, by 293/905 Ibn Hawshab was in control of the whole of northern Yemen with the exception of the Zaydl stronghold of the city of Sa'da and its environs. Whilst Ibn Hawshab was occupied in pacifying the northern half of the Yemen, his counterpart, Ibn al-Fadl, was extremely successful in subduing the southern half of the country. Ibn al-Fadl had eventually settled in the Yafi' area to the north-east of 'Adan Abyan. After securing tribal support, he too embarked on a wave of military conquests. His first targets were Lahaj and 'Adan Abyan.*0 He continued to extend his authority until, with the takeover of al-Mudhaykhira in 292/904,41 he had 'obtained virtual mastery over most of southern Yemen'.42 He ruled over the vast territories he had conquered from the fortress of al-Mudhaykhira—his ddr al-hijra. After his military successes in the south, Ibn al-Fadl aimed at conquering the capital city of San'a', which was still under Yu'firid control. Accordingly, he made preparations for a major confrontation with As'ad b. Yu'fir. He marched via Dhamar and Hirran. At the approach of Ibn al-Fadl's forces, the Yu'firid governor abandoned the city. Thus, by 293/905, Ibn al-Fadl had 55

succeeded in conquering the most prized possession of any ruling authority in the country.*3 It was at this high watermark of the careers of each of them that the two da'Ts arranged to meet.


ix The Meeting of Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl It is interesting that in the twenty-five years of their activities in the Yemen the two da'Ts had not met even once. Their first meeting after all these intervening years took place at Shibam Kawkaban.** Militarily, the two men were by this time operating in the same area. This could only cause damage to the Ismail! cause in the country. Both Ibn Malik*5 and al-KhazrajT46 report that Ibn Hawshab attempted to convince Ibn al-Fadl of the need to halt the conquests until they had consolidated their authority in the territories that they had recently conquered, so as to 'form a more cohesive state in which the IsmailT da'wa would be supreme'.*7 If this was not done, warned Ibn Hawshab, then the territories that were already under their control would slip away at the expense of further expansion. Although Ibn al-Fadl showed outward deference to Ibn Hawshab, he rejected the latter's policy and stated, on the contrary, that it was essential for him to engage in further conquests.*8 x Ibn al-Fadl's Expansion Policy and Subsequent Apostasy In accordance with his policy of further expansion, Ibn al-Fadl set out for the Tihama in 293/905. He was, however, encircled by the local forces there. Ibn Hawshab rescued him with a large, well-equipped army. Thus Ibn al-Fadl was able to leave the region and return to San'a '.*9 But this initial setback did not deter the dST; he undertook a series of military operations in which he conquered the mountain of Hadur as well as Haraz and its environs. In 293/905-6 he even seized control of Zabld, the seat of ZiyadI authority.50 Meanwhile, during Ibn al-Fadl's absence from San'a' his authority there was challenged by both the Zaydis and the Yu'firids.51 For the next six years his control of San'a' was hotly contested by both parties. It was not until 299/911, in a major confrontation with As'ad b. Yu'fir, that Ibn al-Fadl was able to secure a firm hold of the place.52 With the reconquest of San'a' he now became, in Geddes's words, 'the master of most of southern and western Yemen and without doubt the most powerful man within the entire country'.53 After a brilliant career as an IsmailT dSl for almost three decades m the Yemen Ibn al-Fadl repudiated his allegiance to the IsmailT Imam al-Mahdl and declared himself independent in 297/909.5* Ibn Hawshab is reported to have reminded him of the oath of allegiance to the Imam that they had both taken at the outset of their careers as da'Ts, whereupon Ibn al-Fadl commented that he found in Abu Said al-Jannabi55 a perfect model of an IsmailT dST. Abu Said had renounced his loyalty to al-Mahdi and was instead conducting the da'wa for himself. Geddes is of the opinion that Ibn al-Fadl not only repudiated the IsmailT cause but 'apostasized from Islam as well',56 for he is 56


reported to have made public pronouncements which included the denial of the Prophet and his Shari'a as well as the declaration that he himself was the lord and master of the world.57 But, as Serjeant has explained at great length, Islam sat very lightly on many of the Yemeni tribes years after they had become Muslims.58 One of the major accusations levelled against Ibn al-Fadl in our sources is that he encouraged 'promiscuity'. Yet, as Serjeant has pointed out, actions that would be termed promiscuous according to the Shari'a are very much the norm of the tribal culture. It must be borne in mind that Ibn al-Fadl was a Yemeni and may therefore have reverted to his tribal customs, especially since he seems to have been extremely proud of being a Yemeni.59 xi Ibn al-Fadl's Apostasy: Possible Causes Geddes suggests four possible causes for Ibn al-Fadl's apostasy. First, there were precedents for the apostasy of dd'Ts from the Ismail! da'wa organization about whom Ibn al-Fadl could have had some knowledge (Hamdan, 'Abdan, Firuz and others). Secondly, Ibn al-Fadl had to his credit many more military successes than Ibn Hawshab; therefore, 'why should his extraordinary efforts over a quarter of a century redound to one less able than himself who would thereby gain his glory?' Geddes hereby seems to imply that, once the military conquest of the Yemen had been accomplished, Ibn Hawshab was meant to take over rulership of the new state, leaving no authority in the hands of Ibn al-Fadl. But, as the Ismail! state had not been established in the Yemen at that time, it is difficult to speculate just how Ibn Hawshab would have handled the situation if such had been the case. Nevertheless, reports of his previous dealings with Ibn al-Fadl do not convey the impression that Ibn Hawshab expected the latter to hand over all authority to him, thereby requiring him to remain his mere subordinate. In making his third suggestion Geddes writes as follows: .. .it is known that by 293/906 'Ubayd Allah ['Abd Allah], the Ismail! Imam, had reached the Maghrib and, furthermore, was either in prison or under house arrest... To Ibn al-Fadl certainly it would appear that it was most unlikely that the Imam, or his descendants, would ever be willing or able to assume political and spiritual authority in person over the territories which he himself had conquered. Rather than place these dominions under the suzerainty of a ruler so far distant, and apparently in disgrace, why should he not claim them for himself?40 It seems a little presumptuous of Geddes to make these remarks; for, if the Ismail! Imam could change his mind about the actual location of the establishment of the Fatimid Caliphate, he—or, for that matter, his descendants—could, in all probability, have decided to come to the Yemen and rule, had they felt it favourable for them to do so. Moreover, it is a well-known fact—and Geddes himself accepts it—that Ibn al-Fadl did not declare his apostasy until 297/909. By this time the Ismail! Imam al-Mahd! had been declared the first Fatimid Caliph at Raqqada, hardly a matter of'disgrace'. 57


Fourthly and finally, Geddes is on much firmer ground in observing that Ibn al-Fadl enjoyed the total obedience of his soldiers and that he rarely met with defeat. Both factors must have made Ibn al-Fadl appear 'more than human ... to some of the uneducated tribesmen, upon whom Islam sat very lightly...'.61 Halm62 links the apostasy of Ibn al-Fadl with the change of doctrine concerning the role of the Mahdi that the Ismail! Imam 'Abd Allah al-Mahdl formulated in a letter he sent to the Yemen. According to this letter,63 al-Mahdl is reported to have stated that, contrary to the Ismail! belief at the time that the Mahdi would bring the cycle of the Ismail! Imams to a close, that cycle was to last as long as God decreed, and the task of the Mahdi to bring justice where injustice prevailed was not to be confined just to the one Imam, that is to say al-Mahdl himself, but was to be performed also by the Imams that succeeded him. The other major change that the letter of al-Mahdl advocates is that the true Ismail! Imams were to be the progeny of 'Abd Allah b. Ja'far al-Sadiq rather than his son Ismail. As Halm explicitly states, however, 300/912 would have been the earliest year in which the letter would have been sent to the Yemen.64 Yet the sources are unanimous in reporting that Ibn al-Fadl's defection took place in 297/909. Thus Halm's assertion that Ibn al-Fadl apostasized in reaction to al-Mahdfs reformation of Ismail! doctrine as espoused by the latter in his communication to the Yemen is not beyond question, particularly since Halm himself admits that the sources, 'offer nothing concrete regarding his motives'.65 What was inevitable, however, was that, because of a clash of interests and policies as between the two da"is of the Yemen—Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl—the two men would be compelled to confront each other militarily.

xn The Breakdown of Relations between Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl After Ibn al-Fadl had declared his independence, he demanded that Ibn Hawshab submit to him, otherwise he would attack him. Ibn Hawshab thus began to fortify himself at Jabal Maswar. True to his word, Ibn al-Fadl marched on Ibn Hawshab and, after a number of battles against the latter, managed to besiege him at Jabal Maswar for eight months. As he was unable to gain a decisive victory over Ibn Hawshab, Ibn al-Fadl eventually agreed to withdraw on condition that a son of Ibn Hawshab be placed in his custody. Ibn Hawshab agreed to Ibn al-Fadl's terms, whereupon the latter returned to al-Mudhaykhira.66 The sources yield little information on Ibn al-Fadl's activities after this event. As neither Ibn Hawshab nor Ibn al-Fadl trusted each other, hostilities continued between them.67 Ibn Hawshab appears to have remained at La'a after his confrontation with Ibn al-Fadl. He died in 302/914.68 It is interesting, as Hamdani has pointed out, that in non-Ismail! sources the 'privilege' of killing Ibn al-Fadl is bestowed upon the 'Abbasid authorities, whereas, in Ismail! sources, it is the 58

Fatimids who are credited with this 'noble' deed.69 The STrat al-Hadi, however, avers that Ibn al-Fadl died of an abdominal malady.70


xiii The Impact of the Da"is' Activities on the IsmailT Da'wa Movement in the Yemen The remarkable success achieved by the two IsmaTil da'Ts in the eighth and ninth centuries in the Yemen bears testimony to the wise choice made at the IsmaTIT da'wa headquarters in singling out the Yemen as one of the first places for active and open propagation of IsmaTIT doctrines. These two pioneering da'Ts—Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl—came very close to establishing a political state for the IsmaTIT Imam al-MahdT. The manner in which the two IsmaTIT da'Ts operated in the Yemen, overwhelming all the forces that were in opposition to them and winning the populace to their cause, reflects the high calibre and capabilities of the men. Undoubtedly, however, the defection of Ibn al-Fadl from Isma'ilism dealt a severe blow to the IsmaTIT cause in the country and to the objectives of its da'wa. Nevertheless, the foundation laid by the two da'Ts stood the movement in good stead and helped it to flourish under the Sulayhids in the fifth/eleventh century. Notes 1. For a succinct survey of Ismail! and non-Ismail! sources for the history of the Ismail! da'wa in the Yemen at this period see S. Jiwa, 'The Initial Destination of the Fatimid Caliphate: The Yemen or the Maghrib?* in BRISMES Bulletin, 13 (1986), pp. 16-18. 2. On the Hamdanids and their fervent support for 'All b. Abi Talib and his progeny see W.M. Watt, 'Hamdan', EP, III, p. 123; C.L. Geddes, 'Hamdanids', EP, III, pp. 125 f.; H.C. Kay, Yaman: Its Early Mediaeval History (London, 1892), p. 218, n. 3. 3. On 'AI! b. Abi Talib's conversion of the Banu Hamdan see C. Huart, 'AIT b. Abi Taiib', Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam, ed. H.A.R. Gibb and J.H. Kramers (Leiden and London, 1961), p. 30; S.M.H. Jafri, The Origins and Early Development ofShta Islam (Qum, 1980-2), p. 12. 4. Jafri, Origins, pp. 1-13; M. Watt, 'ShTism under the Umayyads\./iL4S (1960), pp. 158-72. 5. I.K. Poonawala, 'Ismail! Sources for the History of South-West Arabia', in Studies in the History of Arabia, I, pt. 1 (Riyadh, 1979), p. 151; G. Rentz, 'Djazlrat al-'Arab', EP, I, pp. 550 f. 6. M.A. Shaban, Islamic History: A New Interpretation, II, (Cambridge, 1976), p. 2. Shaban seems to be contradicting himself, for at this point in the work he seems to assert that the 'Abbasid Caliphs did not wish to lose their recently acquired authority and therefore they chose to reject the Shi'ite model of leadership. Later in the text (p. 127), however, he states that 'the collective will of the Muslim community to preserve its unity had been so strong that it forced the 'Abbasids to set themselves apart from Shi'ite sectarianism', giving the impression that the Abbasid rulers did not really have much choice in the matter. B. Lewis, "Abbasids', EP, I, p. 17, expounds a view similar to the one propounded later by Shaban. 7. For an overview of the inception and development of da'wa organizations see M. Canard, 'Da'wa', EP, II, pp. 168-70. On IsmaTH da'wa activities see A. Esmail and A. Nanji, "The Ismaifis in History', in IsmSTti Contributions to Islamic Culture, ed. S.H. Nasr (Tehran, 1977), p. 232. This work also presents an account of the rigorous training that the Ismail! dd'is underwent and their role in society as portrayed in Ismail! sources. 8. On al-Qadl al-Nu'man see I.K. Poonawala, Biobibliography of Ismff TIT Literature (California, 1977), pp. 58-60, where he cites primary and secondary sources on the Qadi. The Iftitah al-da'wa has been acclaimed by esteemed present-day historians such as W. Ivanow and S.M. Stern as the earliest extant source on the Ismail! da'wa activities. Though compiled by an Ismail! jurist and scholar, the Iftitah is 'almost free from religious adjustment of facts' and

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9.

10.

11. 12. 13. 14.

15. 16.

17.

18. 19. 20.

does not attempt to 'write a laudatory account of the events ... round the subject of his glorification ... [as was] the habit of a great majority of Islamic historians [of the time]'. W. Ivanow, Ismaili Tradition concerning the Rise of the Fatimids (London, 1942), pp. 6 f. S.M. Stern, 'Abu 'Abd Allah al-ShIT, EP, I, p. 104. The If Utah has been edited twice: by W. al-Qadl (Beirut, 1970) and F. Dachraoui (Tunis, 1975). The latter also gives content analysis of the text. In this paper W. al-Qadrs edition has been used. In recent years a number of studies have been based on the Iftilah. See M. Canard, 'L'autobiographie d'un chambellan du Mahdr, Hesperis 32 (1952), pp. 324-8; T. Nagel, Fruhe Ismailiya und Fatimiden im Lichte der Risalat Iftitah ad-da'wa: eine religions-geschichtliche Studie (Bonn, 1972). Cf. Poonawala Biobibliography, pp. 58-60. Cf. also W. Madelung's review of the Iftitah in Der Islam 48 (1971-2), pp. 345f. See Kay, Yaman, .pp. 232f., n. 11, for the exact location of the town. It is apparent from his research that it was located somewhere to the north-west of San'a' in WadT La'a, and north of Mount Haraz. W. al-Qadl, Iftitah, p. 41, states that La'a is a town on Mount $abr in the region of San'a' and beside it is the beautiful village of 'Adan La'a. However, S. Zakkar in his edition of Kashf asrar al-Batiniyya in his Akhbdr al-Qaramita ft alAhsa"—al-Sham—al-'Irdq—al- Yaman (Damascus, 1980), p. 220, mentions that 'Adan La'a is in ruins today. He further states that it is a distance of three days from San'a', but does not put this information in relation to the means of transport used. Iftitah, p. 45. Besides the Iftitah, the first of the other two earliest extant sources for the history of the Yemen in this period is a Zaydl work: STrat al-Hadi US al-Haqq Yahya b. al-Husayn. This work was edited by S. Zakkar (Beirut, 1972). Segments of the Sira that are pertinent to this paper are also to be found in Zakkar's Akhbar al-Qaramifa, pp. 87-110. Consequently, due to the unavailability of the earlier work, the latter has been referred to in this paper. The second work is Muhammad b. Malik al-Hamadfs Kashf asrar al-Batiniyya, ed. Zakkar, Akhbar al-Qaramita, pp. 203-51. However, neither STrat al-Hadinor Kashf offers any information on Ahmad b. KhalT. 'Adan Abyan is the same place as the modern city of Aden. Cf. Kay, Yaman, p. 232, n. 11. Iftitah, p. 44. In Kashf they are referred to as the Banu al-Wazzan (p. 221). Iftitah, pp. 35-8. Kashf mentions Ibn Hawshab's origin and conversion only in passing, while the STrat al-Hadi is totally silent on the matter. Iftitah, p. 32; Kashf, p. 218 refers to him as al-Mansur al-Hasan b. Zadhan. For variations on his name by Ibn Khaldun, Ibn al-Athlr and al-MaqrizI see W. al-QadT, Iftitah, p. 32. Ibn Hawshab was granted the title al-Mansur bi-1-Yaman after achieving success in his da'wa activities in the Yemen. Kashf,p.2\%. Iftitah, p. 33. A son of Ibn Hawshab wrote a Sira of his father, where he extensively reported ' from Ibn Hawshab and his companions. Although this Sira is not extant, H. Halm has reconstructed it from a number of available sources in an article entitled 'Die Slrat Ibn Hawshab: die ismailitische Da'wa im Jemen und die Fatimiden*, Die Welt des Orients, XII (1981), pp. 107-37. Iftitah, pp. 35f. Al-Nu'man does not give the name of the Imam before al-Mahdl. It appears to have been his general policy not to reveal the names of the Imams of dawr al-satr ('occultation'). Ibn Malik, Kashf, p. 128, refers to the Imam as al-Maymun. It is now well known that this could not be an allusion to Maymun al-Qaddah, who died in the early second/eighth century. An interesting possibility is that Maymun was a cover-name used by the Imam just as Mubarak and Said were apparently cover-names also. Cf. H. Hamdani, On the Genealogy of the Fatimid Caliphs (Cairo, 1952), p. 12; S.M. Stem, 'Heterodox IsmaTITsm at the time of al-Mu'izz', BSOAS XVII (1955), pp. 10-33. Iftitah, p. 38. Kashf, pp. 216f. W. al-QadT, Iftitah, p. 38, describes Jayshan as a place and a province. Its province includes Hajr, Badr, Sawr, etc. In STrat al-Hadi it is stated that Ibn al-Fadl was born in Janad but his family was originally from al-Rahba (p. 90). Iftitah, p. 38. Ibn Malik adds that the Yemenis will accept the IsmaTH da'wa as they have feeble minds and possess little knowledge of the Shari'a (Kashf, p. 218). The first statement— attributed to Ibn al-Fadl, of course—appears highly unlikely as the latter seems to have been extremely proud of being a Yemeni, as will be seen later. However, the second statement, also attributed to him, may perhaps be significant, as will be explained later; cf. 'AE b. al-Hasan al-Khazrajt, al-'Asjad al-masbukfiman waliya al-Yaman min al-muluk. Relevant sections of the work have been edited by Zakkar, Akhbar al-Qaramita, pp. 411-31, cf. pp. 413-4; H.

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HamdanT, al-Sulayhiyyun wa-l-haraka al-Fatimiyyali-l-Yaman (Cairo, 1955), pp. 29-30. 21. Iftitah, p. 42. H. HamdanT states, however, that the two d&Ts left in 267 A.H. from Kufa for al-Qadisiyya (Sulayhiyyun, p. 32). 22. Iftitah, pp. 41f. 23. Kashf p. 219. 24. On the Ziyadids see R. Strothmann, 'ZiyadF, EP, IV, p. 1233; 'Umara, Kitab ta 'rikh al- Yaman, ed. and trans, in Kay, Yaman, pp. 3-5; Ibn Khaldun, Kitab al-'ibar, partially ed. and trans, in Kay, Yaman, p. 218. 25. On the Yu'firids see R. Strothmann, 'Ya'fur', EP, IV, p. 1145; Kay, Yaman, pp. 223-30; C.L. Geddes, 'The Yu'firid Dynasty of San'a'', unpublished PhD. thesis, University of London, 1959; Iftitah, pp. 42-4. 26. On the Zaydis see R.Strothmann, 'al-Zaidlya', EP, IV, pp. 1196-8; Sirat al-Hadi, pp. 85-110 reports at length on the activities of the Zaydis at this time; Kay, Yaman, 226-9. 314-7; R.B. Serjeant, 'The Zaydis' in Religion in the Middle East, ed. A.J. Arberry (Cambridge, 1969), II, pp. 285-301. D.T. Gochenhour, 'The Penetration of ZaydT Islam into Early Medieval Yemen", Harvard University Ph.D. thesis, 1984. 27. H. HamdanT, Sulayhiyyun, pp. 27f. 28. A. Grohmann, 'Yaman', EP, IV, p. 1156. 29. Iftitah, pp. 45,47. 30. Al-Ghulafiqa is on the Red Sea coast. It is a port of ZabTd and is situated fifteen miles away from the latter. Cf. Zakkar, Akhbar al-Qaramita, pp. 220,416; Kay, Yaman, p. 221. 31. Iftitah, p. 41; Kashf, p. 220; al-JanadT, Suluk, p. 194; al-KhazrajT, 'Asjad, p. 416. It is interesting that all the sources on this period are in agreement that the Imam had personally assigned Ibn Hawshab to commence da'wa activities at La'a. It reflects the fact that the Imam was to the forefront in directing the da'wa organization. 32. Iftitah, pp. 44-45. Al-Nu'man reports at some length on Ibn Hawshab's entry into 'Adan Abyan, his meeting with the Banu Musa and his arrival at Adan La'a. 33. It is interesting to note that Shi'ism was not restricted to a particular geographical region of the Yemen but appears to have spread throughout the country, and there were communication links between them. This is illustrated by Ibn Hawshab's receiving of information on the Shi'a of 'Adan La'a, which is located in the extreme north of the country, from the Shi'a of 'Adan Abyan which is situated in the extreme south of the country. Ibn Malik reports that Ibn Hawshab informed the Shi'ites from 'Adan La'a that he was a man of learning, whereupon they gladly invited him to accompany them, for they said that they were in dire need of someone to teach them matters of religion (Kashf, p. 221). Some years later, in 280/893, when the IsmaTH dSi al-Shfl accompanied the Berber pilgrims to the Maghrib, he too adopted the role of a religious instructor and gained quick acceptance among some of the Berber tribes. 34. It is a well-known fact that in tribal societies effective links are forged among the different tribes by intermarriages among them. This appears to have been the purpose of the Prophet's marrying into the various tribes with which he had formed alliances. In the case of Ibn Hawshab, this could have been a factor in his marrying Ahmad b. KhalT's daughter. 35. Ibn Malik states that Ibn al-Fadl departed in the direction of Jayshan from where he eventually headed for Yafi' territory (Kashf, p. 220). Al-JanadT reports that Ibn al-Fadl proceeded to 'Adan Abyan via al-Janad (p. 197). According to this report, though, it would appear that both Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl took the same route. Al-KhazrajT mentions that Ibn al-Fadl set out for the highlands of Yafi"(p. 416). Geddes asserts that, 'Instead of returning to his home in Jayshan as ordered by the Imam in Kufa he ['AIT] remained in Aden where they [Ibn Hawshab and Ibn al-Fadl] had first both gone' ('The Apostasy of AIT b. al-Fadl', Arabian and Islamic Studies: Articles presented to R.B. Serjeant, ed. R.L. Bidwell & G.R. Smith (London & New York, 1983), p. 81). 36. Halm, 'Die Sirat Ibn Hawshab', pp. 115-123. 37. On Maswar (or, less correctly, Miswar) see D.T. Gochenhour, 'Miswar and its Human Geography: A Historical View', Die Welt des Orients, XIII (1982), pp. 79-94. 38. Kashf, pp. 221 f.; 'Asjad, p. 416; Sulayhiyyun, p. 36. 39. Halm, op. cit., p. 115. 40. Ibid., pp. 110; Kashf pp. 222-5; 'Asjad, pp. 417 f.; Sulayhiyyun, pp. 34 f. 41. Kashf, pp. 227-31; 'Asjad, pp. 419-21; Sulayhiyyun, p. 36; Kay, Yaman, p. 222. On the petty dynasty of Ja'far al-ManakhT, the rulers of parts of southern Yemen at this time, see Kay, Yaman, pp. 221 f., n. 99.

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42. Geddes, 'Apostasy', p. 81. According to Geddes, Ibn al-Fadl had control over most of southern Yemen by 291/904. However, in 'Asjad the conquest of al-Mudhaykhira by Ibn al-Fadl is placed in 292 A.H. (p. 420). 43. Kashf, p. 231; 'Asjad, p. 421; Tabari, III, p. 2256 and Ibn al-AthTr, VII, p. 378 (as cited by Kay, Yaman, p. 326). Geddes, op. cit., p. 82 gives the date of the conquest of San'a' by Ibn al-Fadl as 15 Muharram 292/16 November 905. 44. Kashf, pp. 231 f. Shibam Kawkaban was occupied by the Yu'firids before Ibn Hawshab conquered it. 45. Ibid. 46. 'Asjad, p. 422. 47. Geddes, op. cit., p. 82. 48. Kashf,pp.2i\;'Asjad,pA22. 49. Kashf, p. 232; 'Asjad, pp. 422 f.; Sutuk, p. 200. 50. 'Asjad,p. 423; Suluk, p. 200; in KashfIt is stated that the ruler of Zabid during that period was al-Mu?affar b. Hajj, the governor of the 'Abbasid Caliph al-Muktafl (pp. 232 f.). 51. 'Asjad, pp. 423-5; STrat al-Hadi, pp. 92-102. Al-KhazrajT reports at length on the various attempts made by As'ad b. Yu'fir, Ibn al-Fadl and the Zaydl Imam al-Hadl in gaining possession of San'a * from Ibn al-Fadl. 52. As'ad b. Yu'fir was unable to regain possession of San'a' until Ibn al-Fadl's death in 303/915. He reasserted his control over the city after 303/915 and ruled it until his death in 332/943. Cf. Kay, Yaman, p. 226. 53. Geddes, 'Apostasy', p. 82. 54. Kashf, pp. 233 f.; 'Asjad, p. 425; Suluk, pp. 201 f. 55. Abu Said al-Jannabl was sent as a da'Tto Bahrain in 273/886-7 by Hamdan and 'Abdan. When the latter two dSXs split from the central Ismail! da'wa, Abu Said sided with them. A few years later he declared that he represented the Mahdi. According to QadI 'Abd al-Jabbar, the Mahdi that Abu Said was awaiting was Muhammad b. 'Abd Allah b. Muhammad b. al-Hanafiyya, who, Abu Said declared, would appear in 300/912. According to some sources, he is believed to have declared himself to be the Mahdi; this is what Ibn al-Fadl's understanding of Abu Said's position appears to be. Abu Said died in 301/913. Cf. Madelung, 'KarmatF, EP, IV, p. 661; B. Carra de Vaux (M.G.S. Hodgson), 'Abu SaTd al-Diannabl", EP, I, p. 452. 56. Geddes, 'Apostasy', pp. 82 f. 57. An example of the esteem in which Ibn al-Fadl held himself is apparent in a letter which he is supposed to have sent to As'ad b. Yu'fir. He writes: 'From him who hath spread out the plains of the earth and extended them as a carpet, who maketh the mountains to shake and who hath firmly rooted them, 'Aly ibn Fadl, unto his slave As'ad.' Cf. Suluk, trans, by Kay, Yaman, p. 204. 58. Serjeant,'The Zaydis', p. 291. 59. H. Hamdani, ($ulayhiyyun, p. 43) views the apostasy of Ibn al-Fadl as an extreme kind of nationalism. He states that Ibn al-Fadl was too proud of being Qahtam and a Yemeni to be a good Muslim. 60. Geddes, 'Apostasy', p. 83. 61. Ibid. 62. Halm,'SIrat\p. 127. 63. This letter of al-Mahdl was originally published by H. Hamdani, On the Genealogy of the Fatimid Caliphs (Cairo, 1952). It was recently reinterpreted by A. Hamdani and F. de Blois, 'A Re-examination of al-Mahdfs letter to the Yemenites on the Genealogy of the Fatimid Caliphs', 7&4S (1983), pp. 173-207. 64. Halm,'STraf, pp. 127f. 65. Ibid, pp. 128f. W. Madelung has suggested that Ja'far b. Mansur al-Yaman! may have been mistaken in his dating of the letter which may, in fact, have been written soon after al-Mahdfs triumphal entry into Raqqada in 297/910 ('Das Imamat in der friihenismailitischen Lehre', Der Islam XXXVII (1961), p. 81, n. 197). 66. Kashf, pp. 237 f.; 'Asjad, pp. 425 f.; Suluk, pp. 202 f. Ibn Malik reports that Ibn Hawshab's son was permitted to return to his father after a year. 67. Kashf, p. 238; 'Asjad, p. 426; Suluk, pp. 203f. 68. Kashf, p. 243; 'Asjad, p. 429; Suluk, p. 208. 69. Sulayhiyyun, p. 47. 70. Halm,'STraf, p. 137.

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Postscript: I am grateful to Dr Carole Hillenbrand, University of Edinburgh, as well as my former supervisor, Dr Mohammed Alibhai, formerly of McGill University, Montreal, for their valuable advice and comments on this paper.

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