fields, famers and crops, or house or khan; DGr, and baths; or even .... iitAb-al-JihAd, passim-, see C. E Bosworth, 'Byzantium and Arabs: war and peace', p. 9.
BYZANTIUM
AND ISLAM
(glh.
_Ioth.
centuries)
A HISTORICAL EVALUATION OF THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN BYZANTINE-MUSLIM
RELATIONS
by
AL-AMIN ABDEL-HAMEED ABOU-SEADA
A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
Centrefor Byzantine& OttomanandModemGreekStudies School of Historical Studies The University of Birmingham
June 2000
AGk4lý&Wleýýý
This work would have not seenthe light of day without the help of those who kindly supported and advisedme. I would like to expressdeepgratitude to professor John Haldon for his tireless support. It was his idea to embarkupon this topic. He has read the entire manuscriptand madevaluablecommentsand suggestions,but of course any blernishis certainly miýe. My deepand grateful appreciationgoes also to Dr. Ruth Macrides, who devoted much time and effort, reading and discussingthis work. For the staff of the Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman & Modem Greek StudiesI would like
to thankall of themfor their kind helpandsupport I am certainly under a great obligation to the Egyptian government & Tanta
Universitywho sponsoredmy scholarship,and also to the EgyptianEducational& CulturalBureauin London,the director,Prof MohammedE-Sharkawyandthe staff, for their continuous support and care during my stay in UK. I have been fortunate to
he meetDr. David ThomasvAthwhomI havehadsomefruitful discussions, and kindly allowedmeto usehis rich personallibrary. Therearemanyfriendsandcolleagues in Birmingham,to whomI amindebted: in particular, Dr. Mevliyar for her help with German,both Dr. Spiros Kamýinarisand
Evi Psarroufor their helpwith Modem Greek,andAnnaWilliamsandIrini Pougounia. Last,but not least,my deepappreciationgoesto my wife andmy family.
Name: ABOU-SEADA, AL-AMIN ABDEL-HAMEED Full title of thesis: BYZANTIUM
AND
ISLAM
(9th. _1oth. centuries):
A HISTORICAL
EVALUATION OF THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN BYZANTINE-MUSLIM RELATIONS. School/Department:
BYZANTIUM
AND ISLAM (843-1025): A HISTORICAL EVALUATION
THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN BYZANTINE-MUSLIM
OF
RELATIONS
Abstract The aim of this thesis is to examine and evaluatethe religious aspectsof Byzantine-Muslim relations from 843 to 1025AD. Chapter I is a general introduction to the early encountersbetween Islam and Christianity generally, and between Byzantium and Islam in particular. Chapter 2: provides a general survey of the religious themesof the Byzantine-Muslim relations, such as Jihad, the role of Muslim clerics in the Byzantine-Muslim struggle and the impact of religion on trade and diplomacy. Chapter 3: examinesthe fate of ethnic minorities betweenthe two powers. This includes the prisoners of war, who, in most cases,spent several years in the hands of their be Renegades and apostateswill enemies, as well as captive children and slave women. Byzantine historical is the Chapter 4: the evaluation of ethnic minorities. studied among a Byzantine individual Each is other anti-Islamic polemic. work examinedand comparedwith Chapter Muslim the together sources. sources with any repercussionsor cross-influenceson 5: is a review of all the Muslim polemical works which were related more or less to the Byzantine-Muslim struggle. There were a considerablenumber of Muslim theologians who were totally aware of the Byzantine polemic and the religious controversiesand paid special the Byzantine to the writings and to counter-attacking attention claims and refuting propagandaof the Byzantine theologians. Chapter 6: This chapter aims to elucidate and examine the main general themes of the Byzantine-Muslim polemic and to shedlight on its peculiar featureswithin the wider context of Christian-Muslim polemic.
Dedication
To Im5n, AJýmedand Hesham My family
Noteson transliteration I have chosen the method of the Encyclopaedia of Islam with a few alterations, accordingto the style appliedby most contemporaryBritish scholars'. That is J instead
of Pj for C, andQ insteadof 1ýfor J. j b
di
z
LM
S
t
LIU
sh
th
U.-O
Q
L3
k
L;
Ly
m
U.;m n
d
r
Short vowels
h
-A
a
w
A
aw ay
§
kh
Diphthongs
Long vowels
u
y
L; f
Of course,in the bibliographyandfootnotesI havereproducedthe exactformsusedby the editors,publishersor translatorsof the Arabicbooks. As for as concernsGreek namesI have employedthe forms used by the Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium.
1- Among those names,W. M. Watt, H. Kennedy, C. E. Bosworth Shaban. A. M. and I
Table of Contents Introduction
......................................................................... Analytical study of the sources ................................................... Chapter 1: Byzantium and Islam: An introduction ........................ The Qur'dn Islamic Challenge Christianity: the to .......... Mubammad Byzantium and .................................... Earliest Byzantine Islam contact with .......................... The military confrontation ....................................... Islam local in Christians Syria Egypt and and ................ The Islam church and ............................................. The Arabs John the the patriarch of and prince ............... The eighth century ................................................. John Damascus of ................................................. Theodore AbO Qurrah ............................................. Leo 'Umar III II and ............................................... Hdran Constantine VI al-Rash1d and ........................... Chapter 2: Religious themes of Byzantine-Muslim relations daily Border and zones contact .................................. Jihad holy the and war .............................................. Jihad Rum propaganda against .................................... importance Political Jihad the of ................................... Al-ThughUr borders Jihad Ribals: Muslim the the and on ......
9 15 52 56 61 65 67 68 75 78 86 87 91 96 98 101 101 107 109 III 114
Muslim Jihad Byzantium the clerics and against ..........
115
in Thughrjr Ijadi-th the ...............................................
119
Jihad and recruitment ............................................... Kburasani volunteers ............................................ Byzantine holy war ................................................. -
120
2
120 122
The religious symbolism.......................................... in diplomacy Islam Byzantine court and .........................
127
in Religion terms the treaties the of .............................. friendship The of possibility perpetual ........................... in The the treaties sacred places ................................... Privileges of envoys ................................................. Treatment of the sacred places.................................... Legendary Muslim tombs and their miracles .................... Religious relics ...................................................... facilities Merchants their and religious ........................... Religious trade restrictions on ..................................... Chapter 3: Religious minorities between Byzantium and Islam
130
130
132 133 135 140 143 143 147 149 153
-
Melkite church between Byzantium and Muslims .............
154
-
Patriarchs of the east and Byzantium ............................
155
Byzantine intervention on behalf of the Arab Christians ...... Arab Christians as ambassadorsto Byzantium ................. Byzantium and Christian Arabs: Old hostility or new
161
-
166 168
brotherhood?
-
...................................................... Effects of the Byzantine-Muslim struggle on the Christians
169
-
under the Muslim rule ....................................... The problem of al-Ijakim and Byzantine reaction
173
-
.............
Treatment of the civilian population ............................. The Muslim community in Constantinople ..................... The Constantinople mosque ....................................... Renegades and apostates .......................................... Prisoners of war between Byzantium and Islam ............... Treatment of prisoners of war .................................... The execution of prisoners of war ............................... The public parade of the prisoners of war .................... Religious pressures on prisoners of war ........................ Conversion of prisoners of war ...................................
3
177 181 182 184 188 190 198 200 201 204
-
Christian Arab prisonersin Byzantium .......................... Children as prisonersof war ...................................... Byzantine slave-women ........................................
Chapter 4: Byzantine polemic against Islam: A historical view -
-
Niketas of Byzantium ............................................ Polemical passageswithin historical works .................. Missions to Muslims: Photios and his mission to the Abbasid court ....................................................... Constantine (Apostle of the Slavs) ............................... Hagiography and apocalyptic texts .............................. Evode and the other text of the martyrs of Amorium .......... Arethas of Caesarea ................................................ Ritual abjuration of the convert former Muslims ............ Leo VIs Tactica ................................................... The emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus .................... The poem of the emperor Nikephoros Phokas against Islam
209 211 216 221 222 231 233
235 237 240 241 247 249 250 250
and Muslims ......................................................... -
-
Diplomatic polemic ................................................ Leo VI and Alexander and Aýmed b. Tulfin .................... Leo Choirosphaktes ................................................ The contribution of the Melkite Church in the Christian antiIslamic polemic ................................................ Qisla b. LOqa ........................................................ Eutychius, SaTd b. al-BaltTq ...................................... Yahyd b. Sa'Tdal-AnIald ..........................................
251 252 253 254
255 256 259 260
Sulayman al-Ghaii
................................................. Chapter 5: Islamic polemic against Byzantium: A historical evaluation The Muslim the growth polemic ................................ of 'Alial-TabarT.......................................................... Al-Mi? ............................................................... Al-Qd4f'Abd al-Jabbdr.............................................. A]-Baqillarff ............. ..............................................
4
264 264 271 275 277 281
Ab(i 'Isa al-Warraq -
292
Secular Al-Marwaii polemic: ...................................... Literature (poetry of war and polemic and speeches) ...........
292 294
The poem of al-Qaffa-Ial-ShashIl .................................... Ibn Ijazm .............................................................. Chapter 6: General themes in Byzantine-Muslim polemic
297
State sponsorshipof polemic........................................ Forms of polemic................................................ -
305
299 304
314
Aims of polemic................................................. its Polemic and readers............................................... -
315
Problem the of authenticity of the polemicalworks -
326
............. interpolations) Handling (rewritings the texts polemical ...... into Translation Qur'dn Greek the of .............................. in Warfare polemicalwritings ..................................... -
Old between Testament Christians Muslims and ................ icons The in the and relics polemic................................ in The Miracles polemic............................................ life in polemic............................................... -Moral Christian in councils polemic...................................... Monasticism .......................................................... Conclusion .......................................................................... Appendix ........................................................................... Bibliography .........................................................................
5
323
329 331 333 336 338 340 344 348 350 352 359 367
List of Abbreviations AB
AnalectaBollandiana
ABSA
Annual of the British School at Athens
AHR
American Historical Review
B
Byzantion
BASOR
Bulletin of the American School of the Oriental Research
BGA
Bibliotheca GeographorumArabicorum
BMGS
Byzantine and Modem Greek studies
BSOAS
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and Affican Studies
BS
Byzantinoslavica
BZ
ByzantinischeZeitschrift
CBHB
Corpus BruxellenseHistoriae Byzantinae
CE
Coptic Encyclopaedia
CISC
Corpus Islamo-Christianum
CRAI
Comptes-rendues des seances de I'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres
CSCO
Corpus Scriptorum ChristianorumOrientalium
DK
Der Katholik. Mainz
DOP
DumbartonOaksPapers
ECQ
EasternChurchQuarterly
EIs
Encyclopaedia of Islam(NewEdition)
EO
Echosd'Orient
GOTH
GreekOrthodoxtheologicalreview
HSR
Dialogos/HellenicStudiesReview
HTR
HarvardTheologicalReview
HUS
HarvardUkrainianStudies
ICMR JEH
IslamandChristian-Muslim relations TheJournalof Ecclesiastical History
JQR
JewishQuarterlyReview
JNES
Journalof the NearEasternStudies
JESHO
Journalof the EconomicandSocialHistory of the Orient 6
JSAI
Jerusalem Studiesin ArabicandIslam
is
JournalAsiatique
iss
Journalof Sen*ic Studies
MGH
MonumentaGermaniae Historica
PG
J.P. Migne,PatrologiaseriesGraeco-Latina
PL
J.P. Migne,PatrologiaseriesLatina
MW
MoslemWorld
d. n. or s.d.
No date
NTT
NederlandsTheologischTijdschrift
0C
OriensChristianus
OCA
OrientaliaChristianaAnalecta
OCP
OrientaliaChristianaPeriodica
ODB
OxfordDictionaryof Byzantium
PO
PatrologiaOrientalis
POC
Proche-OrientChretien
PBR
ThePatristicandByzantinereview
RAO REB
Recueild'archeologieorientale Revuedes6tudesbyzantines
RH
Revuehistorique
RHR
Revuede I'histoiredesreligions
RSBS
Rivistadi studibizantinie slavi
RSO
RivistadegliEtudesIslamiques
SA
StudiaArabica
si
StudiaIslamica
so
StudiaOrientalia
SPBS
Societyfor promotionof Byzantinestudies
SK
Sen-ýinarium Kondakaovinium
TM
Travauxet.M6moires
TZ
TheologischeZeitschrift
ZDMG
Zeitschrift der DeutschenMorgenländischenGesellschaft
ZMR
Zeitschrift für Missionwissenschaftund religionswissenschaft
ZRVI
ZbornikRadovaVizantolo'Skog Instituta
7
Introduction
In an Indian story, a father and a son were confronting each other in a long standingdispute. The father drew a number 9 in the sand, and askedhis son "Do you seewhat I drew now? You seeit as 6.,and I seeit as 9. From your placeyou will never perceivewhat I see, and neither will I ever perceivewhat you see", This simple story has a striking similarity to the Muslim-Christian dialogue through the centuries,when
foe's its its God judged the terms on religion eachsideworshipped on own and often basisof his own view and perception. Religion has played a crucial role in humanhistory, not only in the daily life of
but alsoin the relationsbetweendifferentstates peoplewithin their politicalboundaries, fighting, for It for the a and cultures. was, and remains, pretext war, a motive consolationin turmoil,,andthe meansof cheerat timesof victory. Soldiers,aswell as ordinarypeople,pray for supportandvictory. Sacredbooksandobjectsare a spiritual support in the baggageof many soldiers.In internationalrelations, ethnic minorities and
their treatmentstill attractoutsideinterventionor attention.Ethnicminoritiesare often the first to sufferin mostinternalandinternationalconflicts. In modem times, the historical misunderstandingbetween Muslims and Christiansover issuesof creedstill exists.Contradictionsbetweenreligionandpolitics lives impact deeply dangerous, leaving the of on remain problematic and often an
millions. Unfortunately,in the name of religion, some appallingcrimes of ethnic cleansingor terrorism still blindly batter innocentpeople in different placesof the Although the role of religion in political relationshasdeclinedcomparedwith world.
8
the middle ages,the medievalpatternsof polemic and propagandaare still widely employedand afortiori are taking advantageof the massmediarevolution of our times. Undoubtedly, religion deeply coloured life in the medieval world, and had a greater impact than now in all its aspects;accordingly its effects covered a wide range of the internal and external affairs of both Byzantium and caliphates.This thesisaimsto illustrate and examinethe role of religion in Byzantine-Muslim relations, and its effect on military-politico affairs. In other words, it will examinethe religious aspectsof these in but (843-1025), in texts through two also relations centuries not only the polemical
in between Muslim Byzantium the powers the east every aspectof relations and the Mediterranean.
These particular time boundaries(843-1025) delimit an important period in the history of the east Mediterranean,when the caliphatehad passedclimax and had begun to decline slowly and steadily. Henceforth, the balance of power turned to the
Byzantineside. At the sametime, Muslim and Christiantheologiansbecamemore in Arabic, The Bible the and available acquaintedwith creedsof eachother. was made in Greek Byzantium. This Qur'dn translation the a presumably of was available coincidedwith the climaxof Arabicphilosophy(Kalam).
This study begins by considering the early religious encounters between the Muslims and the Byzantines, and the religious and spiritual character of the whole
be between be Second, there the two an will relationship worlds will elucidated. analytical study of Byzantine anti-Islamic writings. As far as the Muslim texts are
feature bear the them, concemed,a selectedgroup of peculiar particularlythosewhich polemic,will be exan-dned. of Byzantine-Muslim 9
My main aim in this thesisis beyondthe scopeof a meretheologicalstudy; it is historical and I will focus on the religious characteristicsof Byzantinemainly Muslim relations, within the historical context, and in the light of the military and political relations. This will provide a means of eliciting Byzantine attitudes towards Islam in: Byzantine literature. liturgical Byzantine documents. diplomacy. Byzantine The Byzantine court. -
This will broadly connect between the two major contexts, Byzantium and
Muslimworld throughtheir relationsin the areaof religion,within two wider contexts, Byzantine-Muslim politico-military struggle on one side and the Muslim-Christian polemic on the other. One hasto limit one's discussionsto what has a direct connection with the Byzantine-Muslim relations, and what is the unique and genuine characterof their polemic. For instance,the issue of the Trinity was and still remain one of the main
themesof Muslim-Christianpolemic,andalmostendlessliteraturewas dedicatedto it. Ipsofacto Byzantine-Muslim theologianswere no exception. One may supposewithin
the scopeof this thesis,it would be almostpointlessto devotea large part to simply discussinga theologicalissue,when after all it is not peculiarto the context chosen here.Similarly,thereis no need,onemaythink, to re-examineanddiscussin detailall the nOtary clashesover the borders,as this would require a separatethesis,if not more. In sum, only the employmentsand effects of religion in these skirmishesare my
scopehere.
10
The mainmethodof this thesisis to traceasmanyeffectsaspossibleof religion in every aspect of the relations betweenByzantium and its Muslims neighbours,in the easternMediterranean,that is to say, to investigatethe military and political context in the light of the polen-k, and vice versa. This will require the examinationof a huge number of sources,in literature, history and theology, eachwith its own characterand
background.The wider view to be gainedstudyingall thesesharplydifferentsources, will, it is hoped,producea coherentstudyableto shedintensivelight on an old topic from a new window, and certainly within a new approach.
In fact, Byzantine-Muslimrelationshavebeenstudiedby severalscholars,but the religious scopeof theserelationsstill needfurther investigation.Somevaluable 2 have been contributions made, but there are still severalgaps to be filled, as the majority of these works stand on theological ground, and almost ignore the military
struggle,while otherslimit their efforts to one particularauthor or text. At the same time, someof the modemscholarsappearnot to havean accurateknowledgeof the Arabic language or of Islam; consequently they follow Byzantine writers in their
misunderstanding of someArabic words. Although someof them makeconsiderable effortsto correctthe Byzantinemistakesin the Arabiclanguage,thereis yet moreto be done. For example, in his book about St. John of Damascus on Islam, D. Sahas
translatesand commentson the text of Chapter 101, which is ascribedto John of Damascus.The author of the text, whetherhe was John of Damascusor not, made somesimpe mista es in the Arabic language,and misunderstoodsomebasicIslamic rites.In this text:
II
"These,then, were idolaters and they veneratedthe morning star and Aphrodite, whom notably they called Habar (Xapctp), which meansgreat 3.... This, then, which they call "stone", is the headof Aphrodite, whom they usedto venerateand whom they calledHaber4" 5 The author seemedto be confusedbetweenseveralArabic words, but suchgrave in the from hardly have been worked who someone expected mistakes could deep language in four Arabic Such create caliphs. simple n-dstakes the government of
doubtasto the authenticityof this work, andevengive supportto the possibilitythat it is a latter interpolation.The samecriteriacouldbe appliedto otherworks attributedto TheodoreAba Quffah.
Furthermore, someof the modem researcherson the Byzantine-Muslimpolemic Arabic in the Byzantine their of their misunderstanding sympathies or are more 6 languagethan the original ByzantineS.
2- For example,A. Khoury,D. Sahas,S.H. Griffith and A. Abel. SeeBibliography. 3 John Sahas, D. De haeresibus, on Damascus, PG 94, 769. English ofDamascus trans, cols. of -John ", (Lciden1972)Appendix1, pp. 132-141. Islam: The "Heresyof1shmaelites Glci 4 German trans. and haeresibus, De PG 94, 769, Damascus, parallel col. ed. with a of -John Khoury, JohannesDamaskenosund TheodoreAhii Qurrah, Schriftenzum Islam, CISC, Series Graeca3 (Wiirzburg1995)p. 78. Englishtrans. D. Sahas,John ofDamascus,p. 137. For a full discussionof this text seeinfra, pp. 88-92. 6 Therearc severalexamples.F. Nauin his commentson the dialoguebetweenthe patriarchJohnand du 'Un Nau, F M. fails Muslim colloque to emir absolutely showany academicneutrality. a certain English translation 225-279. I'dinir des Jean Agardens', 5 JS, He (1915) avec serie pp. patriarche in: N.A. Newman(ed.) Theearly Christian-Muslimdialogue:a collectionof documentsfromthe first three Islamic centuries(632-900),translationswith commentary,InterdisciplinaryBiblical ResearchInstitute(Hatfield,Pennsylvania,1993)pp.7-47.In particularp. 244(p. 21 of theEnglish West forfait dernier in he "On laver pas de qui translation) which says a voulu sa mdmoire ce his I'histoire dans de is l'islamisme". That "one memoryof such to to cleanse unique say, wanted abominablecrimes,which arenot uniquein the historyof Islam". Anotherexampleis whenMigne, J. Demetriadesand A. Khoury examinedthe text of Nikctasof Byzantium,in which the latter altersthe Qurd'nic verse(2: 186)to showthat the Muslimswere failed to dogs kind These either scholars to allowed eat any and wolves. modem of animals,even but by Niketas, did, ignored gave they the they referto the correctverse,or when alterationmade 12
More important some significant Arabic sourceshave not so far been used in this context. Though al-Jdýi?is well known by western scholarsand his treatiseagainst Christianity has been translated into English, his encyclopedia of zoology with its
importantallusionshasneverbeenutilized in Byzantine-Muslim His studies. colleague Mu'taziti-al-Wi 'Abd al-Jabbar,is lessfortunate,inasmuchashe hashadno attention from modem Byzantinsts, notwithstanding his extremely important allusions to some in Byzantine-Muslim the social and religious aspects of struggle the tenth century. Similarly, al-Baqilldrff, the only Muslim polemicist, to my knowledge, who visited
' Constantinople and debatedwith the Byzantineclergy,hasnot beenusedsufficiently. 11isalleged debate with the emperor Basil II on some religious issueshas never been
usedor translatedinto anymodemEuropeanlanguages.
Thisthesiswill be dividedasfollows: Therecentsectioncontains: Introduction. the study of researchsources. -Analytical This will be an examinationof the different sources,their nature,problemsand the importanceof eachof themin the schemeof this dissertation.
betweenIslamand Chapter I is a generalhistoricalintroductionto the earlyencounters Christianitygenerally,and betweenByzantiumand Islam in particular.Someof the
their readersthe impressionof translatingthe text correctly.Ironically,whenNiketasof Byzantium translatesaccurately,J. Demetriadesgivesthe text anotherand differentpurposeand completely altersthe meaning.Seeinfra, Chapter4, p. 229. 7 A. Khourydoesuseonly oneof his books. 13
earlypolemicaltexts will be examinedand someof the earlyfeaturesof the polemical texts will be traced.
Chapter 2: provides a general survey of the religious themesof the Byzantine-Muslim relations, such as Ahad, the role of Muslim clerics in the Byzantine-Muslimstruggleand the impact of religion on trade and diplomacy. Chapter 3: exarninesthe fate of ethnic rninorities between the two powers. This includesthe prisonersof war, who, in most cases,spent severalyearsin the handsof
their enernies,aswell as captivechildren,slavegirls andChristianArabs.Renegades be andapostates will studiedamongthe ethnicminorities. Chapter 4: is a historical evaluation of the Byzantine anti-lslanýc polen& Each
individualwork will be examinedand comparedwith other Byzantinesourcestighter with any repercussionsor cross-influenceson the Muslim sources.
Chapter 5: is a review of all the Muslim polemical works which were related
less to the Byzantine-Muslimstruggle.Althoughthe main streamof Muslim more or boundaries the polen-kwas only a part of the internalcontroversies of the realm within of Islam, there was a considerablenumberof Muslim theologianswho were totally aware of the Byzantine poletnic and the religious controversiesand paid special attention to refuting the Byzantine claims and to counter-attacking the writings and Byzantine the theologians. of propaganda
Chapter 6: This chapter aims to elucidateand examinethe main generalthemes
of the Byzantine-Muslimpolemicand to shedlight on its peculiarfeatureswithin the Christian-Muslim wider contextof polemic. 14
The appendixcontainsan English translationof extractsform Tathbil dalj'il alnubuwahof al-Qd4i-'Abdal-Jabbar.
15
The sources As has been stated, the aim of this thesisis to examineand evaluatethe religious have limited Byzantine-Muslim from AD. I 843 1025 to my of relations aspects
discussionsto the Orthodox Muslims (Sunni) and Orthodox Christians (i.e. Chalcedonianworks), with a limited survey of other Christian sources,Arabic, Armenian and Syrian. Religious issuesin this historical context involve an examination
historical, but texts the also polemical of a wider range of materials,not only hagiographical texts, as well as other literary material such as poetry and geographical
andsermons. With sucha rangeof materialone confrontsvariedproblems.Medievalwriters keen life identity, to the or practices of those of write about religious were not often other cultures. For the Byzantines,it was enoughfor them merely to refer to Muslims,
Hagar, barbarians In their to or sons consideration attention religion. of with no or as information it is impossible find in to the sourcesaboutpublicattitudes almost addition, toward Islam or Muslims.Hagiographyis a valuablesourceof religiouslife but, as Vasiliev pointed out, the hagiographers used to "internýngle reality with fantasy,
' fairy facts historical tales", which was a consequence of the main aim of the with ' his writer, that is to glorify saint. In any case, it is well known that, in both Byzantineand Islarnic history, by being shared,and often copied,sometimesverbatim, contemporarysourceswere
1 A. Vasiliev, 'The life of St. Theodoreof Edcssa',B 16 (1942-1943)p. 165. 2 See for instance the trip of Saint Constantine (Kiril), apostle of the Slavs, to Baghdad and his his in time. Muslim knowledge branches thinkers the the at to all of challenge
16
laterhistorians.In somecases,the historiansreferredto their sourcesandscarcelymade length, Mostly them. they on quote without referenceto their source. at any comment Someof the books were copied severaltimes, mostly with additionsor alterations
from the later copiers.Presumably, the polemicaltexts would be vulnerabletargetsto been have known At to the time, reproduced same other alteration. works are such severaltimes over the centuriesand were accompaniedby numerousamendmentsand alterations to the original text. Here, equally, the polemical texts seem especially distortion. In blatant become this they the target of more regard, and often vulnerablein books, Arab the their some of active authors modify own which meansthat addition,
thereare often severaldifferentcopiesof the book in existence.In the introductionto his book, YaýyZial-Antald shedsvaluablelight upon this particularproblemof the 3 different during his The time. versionsor copiesof concerning same warning sources the same work, even during the life of the author, was issued by al-Mas'Udi. Furthermore, some of the most important sourcesare no longer extant, while there are Arabic manuscriptsstill unpublished. many
3- "I hadfinishedthis book but later I foundsomenewnarratives,which I hadnot seenin my first ... Antioch in I book to that the then after moving again so wrote all and changed whole work, ... 405H. I changedpart of it I would like to cxpWn this, in casedifferentcopiesof this work ... ... d Antioch, French Sa'V found7' b. Sa'ld be Yabyd de Histoire Yhaya ibn ed. with al-Antakl, should translation,A. VasilicvandI. Kratchkovsky,PO 18,p. 708. 4- AI-Mas'fidl,al-tanbA wa al-ýshrj,if (Beirut 1993)p. 363. 5- Most of the early Islamic anti Christianity polen-dcwritings are still missing. E.g. the memoriesor records of al-Baqildnl of his trip to Constantinople, which would have provided some vital information on a direct polemical debatebetween Byzantine clerics and the Muslim theologian. There are more Muslim theologians whose works are lost, such as Pirar b. 'Amr al-Q54-1(d. 806AD./ 190H. ); Abu MUsa 'Isd al-Murdar (d. 840AD./ 225); Aba Haudhgyl al-'Alldf (d. circa 840AD./ 225H.) Uaf7, al-Far4 (IX century) al-Nas-i' al-Akbar, AW al-'Aaas 'Abd Allah b. Mubammad. Most of these previous writers are from the school of M'utzila. One can add also several works of al-Mas'adl, as he himself says in different pagesof his book al-Tanbih, seealMas'fidl, al-tanbA wa al-'ishrjWj,,passim, Caspar P, et al., 'Bibliographgie du dialogue IslamoClictien', Islamochristiana 1 (1975) pp. 142-152. It is noteworthy that some of these missing sourceshad came to light as fragments in the other works, such the polemical work of al-Kindil, Christian 'AdL Some b. in Christian the it Yabyd by of a refutation survive against written which polemical works are missing also, or still unpublished manuscripts, such as the polemical work, islamodu dialogue Yabya 'Bibliographie b. Sa'1d Gaspar is k to al-AntW. ct al., which attributed i02; der 2 Islamochristiana (1976) G. Graf, Geschichte christlichen crabischen p. chrdficn',
17
The Muslim historian al-Mas'Odi realisedthat the people of his time generally appreciatedthe earlier writers more than their own contemporaries.He reports that alJdýi?, the eminent Arab thinker, took this considerationseriously, and attributed some of his own writings to previous well-known writers and, surprisingly,they had a better
reception.In contrary,when someof his excellentworks appearedunderhis name,he 6This less tendency,presumably,pushedsomewriters to attribute appreciation. received their treatisesto already well-known writers. This is just one of many exampleswhich
in be in dealingwith the sourcesandthe contextof the cited respect of complexities can their production. Religious texts and polen&al texts in particular raisea totally different issueand
features have Polen&al texts careful exanýination. particular require with regardto their target reader,their aim and style and finally the way in which they havebeenhandled by later generations. used and The polemical texts are usually intractable sources,inasmuchas they are mainly dialogues hominem. Their grave lack of and arguments mostly ad apologies, chronological data deeply complicatedthe task of the modem researcherto identify the
date. is Furthermore, author or a unique piece of every polemicalwork missing literature;it hasits particularcharactersandreflectsthe author's(or the later copieror ideas interpolator's) andstyle.Onecanassumethat the polemicalworks aremore even likely to be the suspectof interpolationor modificationby later writers and copiers, becauseof their natureas defendersof belief It would seemthat a senseof religious duty impelledthoselate copiersto addtheir own modificationsto suchworks if these
Literatur, CittA del Vaticano, 5 vols, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Studi e Testi (1944-1953) 2, p. 51; J. H. Forsyth, The Byzantine-Arab chronicle (938-1034)of YapVvjb. Sa 'Id aI-Antjki , PhD. Thesis 2 vols, University of Nfichigan, (1977) a printed output of a microfilm by University Microfilms International, Odichigan, London 1979) 1, p. 21
18
could make them appear more effective. There are even some cases of complete invented works and attributed to well-known thinkers. polen-&al In the same way, it is safe to assumethat the texts of the dialoguesbetween different sidesare usually completely different from what the real dialoguesthemselves been. have One side wrote most of the text generally a certain time after the must dialogue took place. The dialogueswere mostly written by the interlocutor himself or later by his disciples. However, the personality, ability and answersof the interlocutor in the majority of thesedialoguesseemto be the target of the writer or the later copier.
knowledge In somecases,the interlocutoris portrayedas simple-minded, for anxious just to give the master ratherthan capableof challenge;he givestailor-madequestions, 7
more opportunitiesto refute them. However, in the texts of dialoguesthere is an interlocutor (or tendency to the put explicit even createone) in a high position, possibly the caliph himself or some distinguishedemir from the Muslim sidesor a patriarch or a 9 from Christian the certain scholar side, so as to make the future victory (in the
dialogue)look moredecisive. Biblical andQur'anicinterpretationsandquotationswereusedon both sides,in their writings, to defendtheir own belief and refute that of the other. Thesesacred bookswere the backboneat everystagein the polen&al writings in both sides;they fixed, holy the and untnistakablesourcesof every possiblequestion.On the were
6- AI-Mas'fidl, akanbP wa al-is-hrJf,pp. 82-83. 7 See for example the portrait of the Muslim interlocutor in the dialogues attributed to John of Damascus,in which the Muslim asksand replies like a studentanxious to learn, not a real foe. dialogues 'Arnr b. the dialogue Timothy the with al-'AAs, and with the caliph al-Mahdi, of -See which clearly seem to be a later interpolation or at least modified in several ways, for the authenticity of thesedialogues,seeInfra Chapter I. 9 -See Ibn Qayim al-Jawziyya, Hidjyat al-pyjra ft ajwibat al- Uhad wa-I-Naý&a, (The guide for the confusedin answering the Jewsand Christians) cd. A. al-Saqa,(Cairo 1979) p. 225. Here he says he had a discussionwith a very distinguished Christian 'alim (scholar) presumably the patriarch. Similarly, the story of a certain Muslim prisoner of war who had a discussionwith the patriarch of Constantinople. For this story, seeinfra Chapter 3, p. 102, note 230.
19
Muslim side,the Qur'dnsetthe guidelinesto Muslimthinkersto call,preach,challenge dogmas. and refute all other However, the Bible, of course, did not deal with Islam; henceit was a task for the Christian thinkers to find a Biblical exegesisfor the phenomenonof Islam and what important, find to aid from the Bible in refuting and challengingthe Muslim was more dogmas. Since Muslims were assured that the Bible had already foretold Mubammad,,"the Bible, particularly the Old Testament, became itself a polemical battlefield betweenthe two sides.However, thesesacredbooks are full of metaphorical in highly a complicated linguistic style, and require caution. Accordingly stories and they should be studiedwithin their context.
The Greek sources Anti-Islatnicpolemicwas evidentlybom and elaboratedin the East,whenthe Christian thinkers in the seventhcentury faced the early waves of Muslim conquestand tried to find a Biblical exegesisfor the phenomenonof Islam and Arabic victories, II "Sophronios in it. Jerusalem his than a polen-k against of some writing of rather
interpretation find Biblical Islam. He to the a of of phenomenon attempted saw sermons (of Christians for God's temporary) the their sins. turmoil course of this punishment as 12 first Christian Anastasios Islam. I-Usexplanationreflectsthe understanding of of Sinai (d. after 700) showeda moredirect approachandclearerunderstanding of Islam,with
10 -There are severalversesin the Bible, especiallythe Old Testament,which were used and interpretedby Muslim theologiansas propheciesfor their prophetMoammad: Isaiah,5: 26-30, 1Peter:4:17.SeeU. 9:24,21: 1-10.13-14,24:16-18,40:10-11;Genesis:6:2; John14:7,8,13,16,26; Rubin, Theeyeof the beholder.,Thelife ofMuhammadas viewedby the earlyMuslims:A textual analysis,(Studiesin lateantiquityandearlyIslam,5) (DarwinPress,Princeton1995)pp. 21-44. Islam, Christian A On R. Hoyland, Islam it. Seeing the about early works see survey others saw as Jewish Christian, and Zoroastrianwritingson earlyIslam, (NewJersey1997)in and evaluationof individual dealt he with each work. which 12 Sophroniosof Jerusalem,Sermones,PG 87, cols. 3201-364.SeeR. Hoyland,SeeingIslam as 67-73. it, pp. saw others
20
debates between Christians Muslims the to early and at the end of the allusions some 13 seventhcentury. Other early texts allude to Islam accidentally within the context of the Arabic 14which is written around 646/647, " is one the Jacobi Doctrina conquests. of early 9 texts IIIIP Vil
which
refers to
Islam
and Mubammad. The
explicit
expression
16
ýI(POIIS PETa Trpoq)TlTat Kal appaToS E"PXOVTat" lays the foundation of yap
the Christian attitudes towards Muýammad as a prophet and a statesman.The text Islam the the repercussions and echoes of of advance and the different reflects interpretations it receivedfrom Jewsand Byzantines.The chronicle of John of Nikiu (7 " bishop, Coptic Egyptian the gives a vivid portrait of the complex attitude of the local Egyptianstowards their new masters,the Arabs. Theophanes the Confessor (760-817) devotes a short passage in his its its Islam, to origin, presumablyusing some oriental sources. prophet and chronicle"
13 Haldon, 'The works of Anastasiusof Sinai: A key sourcefor the history of the seventhcentury -J. Conrad L. I. (eds. in A. Cameron ) The belief' Byzantine and Mediterranean and and society east, in literary First East. Problems Islamic Near in the the papers sources material, workshop on early late antiquity and early Islam, no. 1,1, pp. 107-147. 14 Jewsin North Africa. The main characterof between is dialogue text converted some newly a -The the text is Jacob,a recent convert, who becamea true Christian. Soon a new person, Justus,still a Jew, arrives from Palestine,and takes part in the dialogue; before long he delivers the news of a G. Dagron V. Ddroche haptizati, Jacobi 'Juifs et Doctrina in Arabia. and ed. nuper new prophet Chrdticns dans l'orient du We si6cle', TM 11(1991) Greek text and French trans. pp. 70-219; Hoyland, SeeingIslam it, Onthistext, 230-273. seeP, asotherssaw pp. 55-61. pp. commentary, 15 Jacobi, commentaire' TM 11 (1991) p. 247; R Hoyland, Seeing Islam as 'Doctrina Dagron, -G. 14,15. 58-59, it, pp. notes saw others 16 Doctrina Jacobi,p. 209. 17 life of John of Nikiu, who was an eyewitnessof the Arabic less is known the about -Unfortunately, is ffis Nikius Egypt. city now a tiny village in the Egyptian delta. He was a monk, then of conquest a patriarchal secretary for four Coptic patriarchs. lEs history survived only in an Ethiopian translation of an Arabic translation; both are from a missing Coptic or Greek text: 1.11. al-Maýrf, Qisat al-Kinýsahal-Ma§rA (the story of the Egyptian church) 5'hed., 2 (Cairo 1987)pp. 284-288. 18 Thcophancs,Chronographia, ed. C. De Boor, 2 vols. (Leipzig 1883-1885)reprinted (1-1ildesheim 1963) 1, pp. 33-336; English trans. The chronicle of Theophanesthe Confessor.,Byzantine and Near Eastern history, trans. C. Mango and R Scot (Oxford 1997)pp. 464-465, On Theophanesand his book, see G. Ostgorsky, 'Die Chronologie des Theophanesim 7. Und 8. Jahrhundert', BNJ 7 (1928/1929) pp. 1-56, H. Hunger, Bý7antinschesHandbuch, 1, pp. 334-339; C. Mango and K Scott's introduction to the English translation of the Chronicle of Thcophanes,pp. XLIII-C. On the issue of the authenticity of the work, see C. Mango, 'Who wrote the chronicle of Thcophanes',
21
These pages of Theophaneswere used several times by other Byzantine writers. Similarly George Monachos" dealswith Islam and Muýammadbriefly in his chronicle, in which he draws heavily on Theophanes,but his vehemenceand combativelanguage his characterise writings. Byzantine hagiographyprovides a rich and abundantsource of material for the dealing Byzantine Muslim life. In with warfare, there are quite a number of religious information, glimpses of especiallythe vitas and passionsof saints' vitas which give by been killed Arabs. had Yet theseworks mostly tend to exaggerateand the those who fantasy, but for historical the religious they events with source are still a valuable mingle 20 important The Byzantine-Muslim Byzantine the relations most work of affairs of .
hagiographyis attributedto Evodel (d. 883),aboutwhomwe know almostnothing;he fell into hands 42 Byzantine Muslim the and passions of prisoners vita who composed fall in Amorium. Iraq Later the they were offered the after several years of and stayed but Islam, to to when they refused,they were executedand performed chance convert
22 death. aftertheir rrýiracles
ZRV7 IS (1978) pp. 578-587;On Theophanes'sources,seeA. S. Proudroot,'The sourcesof Thcophanesfor the Heracliandynasty',B 44 (1974)pp 367-439;E.W Brooks,'The sourcesof Theophanes andthe Syiracchroniclers,BZ 15(1906)pp. 548- 587. Chronicon,ed. C. De Boor (Leipzig 1904).On Hamartolos,seeH. Hunger, Monachus, -Georgius ByzantinischesHandbuch,1, pp. 347-351;ODB, s.v. 'GeorgeHamartolos';C. Mango, 'The traditionof Byzantinechronography',HUK 12/13(1988-1989)pp. 370-371. 20-ThereareseveralVitas: Vita Euthymiipatriarchae,two differentversionsof passionsof 42 martyrs holy Byzantine St. Romanos, Vita the Amorium, new martyr, and women some vitas of of Holy Similarly Rice, Talbot Byzantium. by as someother nonwomen of publishedrecently Byzantinehagiography,such as Vita Constantine(Methodius),which 'was composedby the Bulgarianwriter Kliment Okhridski,shedssomelight on ByzantineattitudestowardsIslam. 21 'A. Khoury,Les Wologiens hjzantinset 17slam:textset auteursWe-AWeWcles (Louvain-Paris 164. 1969) p. forty 60ojuqpTrZv. (Passions two the d8Ar7aiy 22. Evode, 1916, of TEa0raPdKotTa, T6P ciriciP ý Kai 8871966) I (Brussels (Venice 1735) Sanctorum, Acta pp. Amorium) mars reprinted martyrs of 893, Latin trans. pp. 460-466.
22
-
Halkin published another vita of these 42 Byzantines, in a text considerably
23Halkin from Evode's. does not indicate any author for his text, which seems different to be anonymous.Evode composedother polemicalworks againstIslam, which are not 24
publishedyet. Niketas of Byzantium (c. 91. century)
The main Byzantine polemicist against Islam is Niketas of Byzantium.25 Unfortunately, Niiketasis one of the least known amongByzantine theological authors. There is no clear information about him in any contemporarysource.In his works there is almost no chronologicalindication, no namesand no dates,exceptfor his two letters
in answerto letterssentby Muslims,in whichhe saysthat theselettersweresentto the Theophilos. Nfichael, However, in Demetriades his son of thesishas argued emperor that thesetwo lettersarefictitious,or at leastbelongto a laterdate,possiblythe I 10'or 26 In spite of the importanceof Niketas' works, to my knowledge, he has Century. 12th. in been Byzantine any other mentioned source, and unfortunately never cared to never his life. personal about say anything Niketas's writings were a watershedin the Byzantine polemic againstIslam. It knowledge hence infer Islam, that a Greek comprehensive era of of an and may started
became Qur'dn in is Byzantium. It the translationof available no surprisethat more followed is Niketas; those these of an anonymous among accurateandelaborateworks
23-'F. Halkin, 'PassionindditedesQuarante-deux martyrsd'Amorium', no. 12 in idem,Hagiologie Byzantine,textesin6diteen grec et traduitsen Franýais,(Brussels1986)Greektext pp. 152-161; Frenchtranslation.162-169. 24. Chapitresde la fausseEcriturede Muhammad(MS - unpublished)Athos 1854.: Ms. unpublished byzantins,pp. 163-168;k (Escorial459) Cod.AthosLaurae1854;SeeA. Khoury,Lesth6ologiens ' p. 172. Casparct al., 'Bibliographgiedu dialogueIslamo-Clirctien, libri falsi 25 Confutatio PG 105, Arabs, 669Byzantium, Mohamedes quem cols. scripsit of -Niketas Nicetasof Byzantiumand his encounterwith Islam: a studyof the " 805. SeeJ. M. Demetriades, Anatrope" and the two "Epistles" to Islam, Ph.D. Thesis(The Hartford SeminaryFoundation II.
1972); A. Khoury. Les Wologiens byzantins, pp. 110- 127; H. Beck, Kirche und Theologische Literatur, P. 530.
23
ffh ' ) Contra MOhaMMed27 (10/11 C. In Euthymius Zygabenus? the treatise century (11-12 century) composedhis polemical work againstMuslims, in which he seemingly 29 Nicetas ByzantiUM. Similarly Bartholomew of Edessa draws on of Niketas 930and ChoniateS31wrote similar polemical treatises against Islam, in which they follow the lead of Niketas. Bartholomew in particular is similar to Niketas in severalrespects.He him a tendencyto very vehementand offensive languageagainstIslam and shareswith its 'prophet. Both men offer a very intensive and accurate knowledge of Islam, in their understandingof Islam and combined some with grave mistakes surprisingly
Muslim rites. Finally,the chronologicaland biographicaldetailsof both of them are light life, in their concrete evidence no as sheds any on obscure, either their works or
from anyothersource. However, there are severalother writers who offer some glimpses of Islam.32 While the previous works were written within the Byzantine borders, there is a letter
33 Muslim Arethas to Caesarea. to certain The en*, and attributed of addressed a
26 J. M. Demetriades,Nicetas ofB>Tantium,p. 140. 27 PG 104,1448 b- 1457b. 'S M. Jugie, 'Life and works of ZigabýneEuthyme', EO 15 (1912) p. 215life his see and works, -On 225; H. Beck, Kirche und 7heologischeLiteratur, p. 614-616. Adversus Saracenos,PG 130, cols. 1332-1360;see also: A. Khoury, Les Euthyrnius, -Zygabenus, thgologiensbý7antins,pp. 235-248; ODB, sx., 'Euthyn-dosZigabenos' 30, Bartholomew of Edessa,Elenchus et Confutatio Agareni, PG 104,1384-1458; ed with parallel German trans. Klaus-Pcter Todt, (Altenberge 1988). See A. Khoury, Les th6ologienshyzantins et 111slam, pp. 259-293; A. Abel, 'La refutation d'un Agarýne de Barthdldmy d'Edesse',S1(1973) 526; H. Beck, Kirche und TheologischeLiteratur, p. 531. 31 (Choniates), ThesaurusOrthodoxaeFidei, PG 140,105-121. SeeA. Khoury, Ac=dnatus -Niketas 248-258; bývrantins, F. Cavallera, Wologiens 'Le la de Trdsor de Foi Nicdtas Les pp. orthodoxe , Acominatos Choniate' Bulletin de Littirature eccl6siatique5 (1913) pp. 124-137. Ph-C. John Doxopatre 0 32 ) who wrote a missing treatise against Islam. SeeK. these works: -Among der 47antinische Literatur, 2 vols. (New York 1970) 1, p. 462. Also Geschichle Krumbachcr, , Nfichacl Pscllos on his De Omnifaria doctrina; Anna Conumena,A19xiad, ed. B. Leib, 11: 10, p. 208; Zonaras, loannis Zonarae historiarum libri A711 usque ad XP71, cd. Th., Bfittncr-Wobst (CSHB) (Bonn 1897) pp. 214-215 (PG. 134, cols. 1285-1288)and Theodore Balsamon, Canons, Muslim PG baptism 137,793-797). 84, the children, of on canon Caesarea,theologian and writer, flourished in the reign of Leo VI, died after 932. of -Archbishop '33 For full discussion ApOa his life KaicapElay S. 10 Kougeas, and works, see about Ka T a lpyop a0roCl (Athens 1913);P. Lemcrle, ByzantineHumanism: thefirst phase,notes and remarks from Byzantium H. Lindsay its English in 10 trans. to origins culture and century, on education
24
letter, however,survivesin onesingleGreekMS.
34 MOSCOW. in
Thebackgroundto this
letter is complex and it is internally contradictory, thus the authenticity and contentsare 35
still open to question.
Byzantine military texts provide good material concerningMuslims, the enemies For the most the main concern was confined to the battlefield, but others empire. of Muslims, with not only their military tactics, but also their religion were well acquainted and its connectionwith their warfare. Furthermore,they deal with someunique points, in for instance, treated the prisonersof war, the desertersand other sources, scarcely the importance of religion, not only in rising the morale of soldiers and seekingdivine in but for also propaganda and recruitment of more volunteers in the armies. support,
Luckily, there are severalmilitary treatiseswhich were compiledin the tenth and 36 imperial decrees texts of centuries, some which provide of some eleventh concerning Muslims who stayedin Byzantium.
- and A. Moffatt Byzantina Australiensia 3 (Canberra 1986). pp. 237-280; H. Beck, Kirche und TheologischeLiteratur, pp. 591-594; ODB, s.v., 'Arethas of Casarea',. 34 letter by Popov, Emperor Leo 1/7 the his the of was published princeps editio wise and reign (in -The Russian) (Moscow 1892) pp. 296-304. Later it was re-editcd with an English introduction by P. Karlin-Hayter, 'Arcthas' letter to the emir at Damascus',B 29-30 (1959-1960) pp. 293-302. Re. edited within collection of Arethas' works, Scripta minora, 2 vols, ed. L. G. Westerink (Leiping 1968n2). (rhe letter to the Muslim emir, pp. 233-245); French translation, A. Abel, 'La lettre A de I'Emir Damas' B, letter, d'Ardthas' 24, (1954), 343-370; this seeA Khoury, Les on poldmique th6ologiensbpantins, pp. 219-226; R. Jenkins, 'Leo Choerosphactes and SaracenVizier', no M in idem, Studies on Byzantine history. He attributed the letter to Leo Choerosphactesbut this %vas 'Arcthas Choirosphacates Karlin-Hayter by P. and the SaracenVizier', no. IX in idem, challenged Studies in Byzantine political history (London 1981); D. Sahas,'Arcthas' 'Letter to the Emir at Damascus': Official or popular views on Islam in the 10th century Byzantium? ', PBR 3 (1984) 6981. 35 Seeinfra Chapter4, pp. 241-247. 31, important texts, them Among the most of are published. several military are most works are -There the works of the emperor Nikcphoros Phokas,De velitatione/ Skirmishing, and Pracceptamiltaria. Similarly, Kckaumenosthe Byzantine general in the east and Nikcphoros Uranos both composed -- important military works. NikephorasPhokas,De velitatione, ed. and French trans. Le traiN sur la Nicephore Phocas Gilbert de 1'empereur Dagron (963-969) (De texte et etabli velitatione) guerilla Haralambie Mihaescu; traduction et commentaire G. Dagon. (Paris 1986) series: Le Monde byzantin; Nikcphoras Phokas, Parecepta militaria English trans., Eric McGeer, Sowing the Dragon's Teeth: Byzantine Warfare in the 10th Century, (Washington, DC; Dumbarton Oaks; 1995)pp. 3-59 (text) pp. 61-78.
25
Some Byzantine emperors had literary ability, and they produced some important treatises, mostly concerning state affairs, the army, or sermons. The Emperor Leo V1, (886 - 912) in his TaCtiCaValludednot only to the Muslims' tactics but also to their religion and its impact on the battlefield. The letters of the Byzantine emperors,patriarchs,and officials are a first-class information. Although letters deal these they often presenta personalview, source of by historians. Among documents, is letter these revealed seldom a of the with points (969Tzimiskes 976) John Ashot King III Armenia, to addressed of emperor 38 his Muslims, war against the albeit with some exaggeration and concerning boastfulness.The letter bearsan unmistakablecrusadingspirit againstthe Muslims. The
Christian holy in Significantly, Jerusalem. it the to retake places vows also emperor from his East. to tain the the many as o as possible of sacred aim relics reveals 39 Choerosphactes Leo was a Byzantine ambassadorto both the 'Abbasid and Bulgarian courts. He certainly had severalmeetingswith Arab emirs and thinkers in the
Abbasidcourt. Unfortunatelythe correspondence of Leo doesnot give manydetails in Baghdad. his experiences personal about
The Arabic sources The QurlAn is the Muslims' sacredbook. It was revealedin instalmentsto Mubammad through the ange G nel. During the life of the prophet, Muslims used to him. in Qur'dn Later they to the the were unveiled once was collected verses memorise
37
38
Leonis imperatoris tactica, PG 107, cols 672-1120; the allusions to Islam, cols 972 b-d, (VI) -Leo 976 c-d.
Edessa, is in: A Matthew letter to twetfth tenth the the of text centuries, menia and crusades, of -The English America, Press Edessa, A. E. Matthew Dostorian (University trans. of the chronicleof of Lanham,NewYork 1993)pp. 29-33.
26
4' is distributed Qur'Nn The Muslim then to the all partsof caliphate. one singlevolume, the main source for the Muslim creed as well as its polemic; it is the first Muslim for in Muslim the text, thinkers their challengesto Christian and master guide polemical
is in its It Qur'dn dealing deals Christians that the the noteworthy poletnics. with with that task gradually and in different stages,eachdifferent in tone, style and attitude. At the sametime, the Qur'dn gives a glimpse of the life of the Arabs before Islam and the " history. Muslim early years of The secondsourcefor the Islamic creedis Hadith. Hadith is every saying,piece
by Furthermore, it Muhammad. the guidance and given prophet of advice,command, he himself in his includes life, act or practice performed private every or public also dress by he he to the or eat, as as act performed well every others used which way even
42 Qur'an Unlike the there was no official poliCY41 or recommended. praised approved,
".,
Lgon Choerosphact6 magistre, proconsul et patrice: BiographieChoerosphactes, -Leo Traduction) (Athens Tcxte 1939) Forschungen (texte et und zur Byzantinisch. correspondance , NeugriechischenPhilologie. N. 3 1. , -40 if ft ri
Qur' du Muslim Ie there the to the narratives, some were writers n the of ng several of -According
prophet, but obviously the work was not completed at this early stage, and the main way of Muslims. in A few Moammad's it the death, the memory of early after years was preserving during the reign of Mid Bakr, the first Muslim caliph, 'Umar b. al-ýKhatab,the future second Muslim caliph realisedthat most of thosewho had memoriscdthe Qur'dn directly from the prophet had killed in the war against the renegadeArab tribes. 'Umar was obsessedabout the fate of the Qur'M so he advisedthe caliph to write down the text from the memory of all thosewho were still alive. Abd Bakr soon issue the order to collect confirm and write down a master copy of the Qur'An, which was kept in his house,and later movedto the houseof his successor'Umar I. In the Muslim Islaniic beyond from Iran 'Uthman, the third the till the caliph, empire expanded reign of fragments Qur'an. 'Uthman Spain, Africa there the several were copies and or and of recalled north the master copy from 'Umar's houseand had severalcopies madefrom it, then distributed them to all parts of the state,with definite orders to destroyany other copies. SeeIbn al-Nadim, al-Fihrist, pp. 24-25. The Qur'dn has been translatedand published in almost all modem languages.It is agreedin the modem Islamic world that the most authorisedEnglish translation is that of 'Abudllah Yfisuf 'All, The meaning of the illustrious Qur'ki, (Lahore 1971). However,there are innumerablewritings on the Qur'An in almost all the modem European languages.See in particular the works of W. M. Watt. For a bibliography of the recent works seeM. A. Usmani, Literature on Quran in English language: a bibliography, (Karachi, Pakistann.d.) 41 On the Qur'dn as a historical source,seeA. Siddiqi, The Qur'jnic concept of history (Islamabad 1993). 42 On the problem of definition of the tlad-ith, SeeI. FawZ71, Documentation (The Tadwh of al-Sunnah ., Suannh,Hadith) (London 1994)pp. 29-36.
27
it Hadith, the the the examining authenticity and of of narratives and was of collecting kept alive in the memory of Muslims, till they developeda systematicway of collecting it. and confimung
In the third century pioneer works beganto collect and exatnine
thousands of narratives attributed to the prophet. By the end of the third Muslim list there of standardHadi-thcollectiones was a century
At the sametime, a largenumberof narrativeswere attributedto the prophet for political and religious or other reasons 46However, Hadf-th can be considered as a .
The life Muslim text. polemical personal of the prophet was the material of the second Christian the polemical texts. Hadf-th collections are a first-class historical most of daily life Muslim the of society. explicitly early reflecting source,
As far asByzantiumis concerned, therearesomeapocalypticIjadfthsattributed to Mubammad,in which he prophesisedthat Muslims would take control of Constantinople. These Hadiths, as Canard pointed out, were used to encouragethe 47
in Byzantium. In TarsUs the tenth the war against century when soldiers playeda in Muslim-Byzantine warfare, severaltraditions appearedwhich praise the role crucial
43 This could be explainedin the light of someHadiths attributedto the prophetin which he reconu-nended writing only the Qur'dn from him. "Do not write anythingfrom me exceptthe Qur'AW'Ibn t1anbal,al-Musnad,111,12. is Had7ith Muslim Isnad, of confirmation called consistsof a chain of method of which -The '44 narrators,beginningwith the personwho sawor heardthe prophet,and transferredthe accountof this 1jadith to others.The creditabilityof the first witnessand, subsequently of eachone in the wholechýý is the evidenceof confirmationof thewholeIjadith. The samechainwasusedfirst in the earlyhistoricalworks,but graduallyMuslim historianshaveomittcdit. 45
Hadith books: 6 AR/ Sahih (d. 870 256 A. H); these main collections arc of of al-Bukh -The Sahlý of Muslim, (d. 875A. D/ 26 1A. H. ); Sunan of Abd Dawad, (d. 890A. D. / 276 A. H. ); Sunan of Ibn Mijah: (d. 887A. D. /273 A. H. ); Jami' of al-TirmiLhr, (d. 893 AR/ 279 A. H. ); Sunin of alNisd'f, (d. 916 A. D. /303 A. H). For a full bibliography on the Ijadith literature, see M. Anees et. al., A Guide to Sira and Hadith literature in western languages, (London 1986) pp. 205-295. On the beginnings of writing the Ijadith., see I. Fawwzl, Tadwin al-Sunnah, (The Documentation of Suannh, Hadtih) pp. 145-169. 46 best fictitious Hadith these is of example to the which was a narratives attributed prophet -The circulated in the reign of al-M'utýim that the prophet explained the verse "the cursed tree in the Qur'an" 17:60, as the Umayyad family. Al-Suyfij, TjriLh al-khulafj', (history of the caliphs) p. 271. 47 M. Canard, 'Les expdditions des Arabes contre Constantinople dans I'histoire et dans;la ldgcnde', JS 208, (1926) pp. 105-112, reprinted in idern, Byzance et les musulmans du Proche Orient.
28
if it, dedicating fighters, its Muslims themselves to andencouraged support not city and to saving sucha God-protectedcity. The correspondencesbetween Leo M and 'Umar H On both sides,'Umar II b. 'Abd al-'Aziz and Leo III, were pious refonners. As for 'Umar II, he was unusual phenomenonamong the Umayyad caliphs, who lived a luxurious and worldly life. At the same time, he was keen to restore the supposed humility and piety of the Muslim caliph. 'Umar II and Leo III exchangedpolemical letters in which both refute the defend faith. While their some sources confirm such a and own other's arguments
48 between the texts the two the of surviving authenticity of the rulerS, correspondence letters, though they are published several times in several versions, is still under
discussionamongmodemscholarswho tend to considerthem as a later interpolation 49 The be date the the texts them available of century. current around end ninth may and follows: as summarised '` An Armeniantext insertedby Ghevondthe Armenianhistorianin his history.The text consistsof a drasticallyabbreviatedcopy of 'Umar's letter (2 pages),and a 50 51 52 (50) While letter Beck Jeffery Leo lengthy pages. and assumethat there was of
II, there are allusions to correspondencesbetween 'Umar and Leo biography 'Umar In the of Spat h. Muslim 'Umar 'Abd Ibn the certain al-tlakam, of a prisoner condition of war. concerning Abd al-Az. &, (Biography of 'Umar II b. 'Abd al-'A2:i-z, ed. A. 'Abld, (Cairo 1927) p. 175; Similarly, Moammad b. al-Mubarad (the Arab grammarian d. 898 A. D/ 285 A. H) in his linguistic book al-Kamil, confirms the exchangeof messagesbetweenthe two men. Al-Mubaffad, al-kknil, ed. W. Wright (Leipzig 1864) pp. 295-296. The explicit referenceto the polemical nature of the letters is mentioned by Agabius, the Arab Melkite writer. Agabius, KUM al-'Unw5n (Histoire Universcllc) cd. and trans. A. Vasilicv. PO 8 (Paris 1909)p. 503.
49 Gaudcul, 'The Correspondence Theologishce Kirche between 'Umar'; G. Bcck, Leo H. und and -M. Literatur, p. 338; S. Gcro,By7antineiconoclasmduring the reign of Leo 111,pp. 4448,153-172; bjzantins,pp.200-218;P, Hoyland,SeeingIslam,pp. 490-501. A. Khoury,Lesth6ologienes 51 Ghcvond,Histoire desguerreset desconqu&esdesArab enArmenle,trans.G.V. Chalmazarian, (Paris 1856).pp. 40-97;Englishtrans.,A. Jcffery,'Ghevond'stext: The lettersof 'Umar to Lco' HTR37 (1944)pp. 277-332 11 H. Beck, 'Vorsehung und Vorherbestimmungin der theologischenLiteratur der Byzatiner' OCA 114 (1937) p. 44.
29
Annenian by Greek this text, their theory of original was challenged an existing Gero, who presumesthat the text was originally written in Armenian. A Latin text.,53wc
Gaudeul convincingly argues is a rather "simple draft drawn up
54 in it implies later filioque. Latin the probably westernmilieu" since much partial Arabic anonymous version, considered by some modem scholars as
-IA
" 'Umar's reply. in Arabic script but using Romancedialect, which is a version of Aliamiado An text .7,,, 'Umar's reply found among other polemical works within a manuscript in the (BNM. library Madrid N. 4944) and translated into French in a Ph.D of national , 56
thesisin Montpellier.
Finally, a re-constructedartificial copy of the missing letter of 'Umar's, the text of
both Gaudeul tried to the anonymousArabic versionand reconstruct using which the Aliamiddo text, conjecturing with the quotations in Leo's letter of the original 57
'Muslim letter, now missing. -The
,ý
letter of caliph HArfin al-Rashid to the emperor Constantine VI
52 A. Jeffery,' Ghevond'stext', p. 274. -
disciplina Philolosophia Medicina, Theologia Simphoriani de triplici cuius partes sunt: naturalis, -" Gcro, 1508); PG S. Byzantine (Lyons 107, See Philosophia, 315-324. reprinted, cols. moralis, 4conoclasm during the reign of Leo Iff, with particular attention to the oriental sources, CSCO 346, Subsida,41 (Louvain 1973) pp. 154-161. He arguesthat the whole Latin text is a genuine late (e. filioquc) be, tradition the the g. western and at any rate, a representing could not work translation of an original letter. 54 between Leo and 'Umar: 'Umar's letter rc-discovcred' Correspondence Gaudcul, 'The -M. Islamochristiana 10 (1984) p. 116. (Filiquc lit. "and - from- the son". It is an expressionwas added by the Latin Church in the third Council of Toledo in 589, to rcfcr to the processionof the Holy Spirit from the Father and the Son as well. ODB, S-V. filiquc. D. Sourdcl, 'Un pamphlet musulman anonymc d'dpoquc 'Abbasidc contrc Ics clirdticns, cd. and French trans. REI 34 (1966) p. 29, partial English trans. M. Gaudeul,Encounters& clashes:Islam and Christianity, pp.40-53
56 du la Bibliothj de 4944 Cardalliac, La pol9miqueanti-Chr9tienne manuscritaljamiadon. 11 , -D. - NationaledeMadrid (Ph.D. Thesis2 vols,UniversitddePaulValdry(Montpellier1972) betweenLeo and 'Umar: 'Umar's letter re-discovered' 57.M. Gaudeul, 'The Correspondence , Islamochristiana,10(1984)pp. 109-157.
30
This documenthashad scantattentionfrom modemscholars.It waspublished in Egypt in the Arabic language severaltimes, and published recently with a French " translation. The letter is the first fully authentic encounter between Muslims and
Byzantines in the religious context. The author tries to argue with the emperor and Christian from the the Bible, but overall, his knowledge creeds using quotations refute book is Christian the not comparable to that of the late Muslim theologians. of However, the letter rejects and refutes some of the early Christian objections against Islam.
Islamic polemic 59
Al-Tabari, 'Al-i b. Rabban (c. 855A.D.) He is a newly converted Muslim doctor. There is some confusion about the
" father. his 'All al-Tabariwas one of the membersof the 'Abbasidcourt nameof duringthe reignof al-Mu'taýimandal-Mutawakil.Thebook of 'All al-Tabaffwaspart himself He the the new anti-Christian policy of caliph, al-Mutawakil. of states this 61Although, his argumentsare far from the in his introduction. rational style of clearly
is in Muslim Mu'tazilah School Iraq, and other Muslim thinkers, that the other
Ibn Abi al-Laith,Lettre du CalifeHdr4n al-Ras[dh 1empereurConstantineP71,(Arabictext and Frenchtranslation)trans.HadiEid (Paris1992). 1-dawlaftithbit KitAb book Mupammad (The al-Tabarl, wa al-dh of religion nubuwwat al-nabi -'All and empirein the confirmationof the prophcthoodof the prophetMuýammad)cd. A. Mingana, (Cairo 1923),English trans. A. Mingana(Manchester,1922)reprintedin N. Newman(cd.) The from thefirst threeIslamic centuries early Christian-Muslimdialogue:A collectionof documents (632-900AD) translationswith commentary, Institute,(Hatfield, InterdisciplinaryBiblical Research 1993)pp. 547-684. Pennsylvania, 60 Ibn al-Nadlin saysabouthim "Abil al-Hasan'All b. Sahlal-Tabarl,wasa writer of al-Maziarb. itl-Mu'taýim, he Karin. When convertedto Islam by the latter bestowedhim a high position.AlMutawakil madehim one of his confidants"Ibn al-Nadiim,al-f1hrist,p. 296; Ibn AbTUýaybi'a, A4mcdb. al-Qasim(d. 1270/668),'UyCnal-anbVftfabaqj al-apbbj',cd. N. Riqd,(Dar Maktabit A. by introduction d. Beirut, ) See 414; 1283; the Tj`rjLh, 111,2, n. also p. al-Ijayah, al-Tabaff, p. Minganato thebookof 'All al-Tabari;EIs (newedition)art 'All al-Tabarr,'All b. Rabban', 'All al-Tabarl,KitJb at-dh wa 1-dawla,p. 8. 31
his theologianswho contributedeffectivelyto Muslim-Christianpolemic,nevertheless, is inasmuch Muslim he his knowledge to polemic substantial, as used as a contribution former Christianto introduce the Bible in detail to the Muslim reader. Al-JAbiZ
(the
Aba 'Uthm5n 'Amr b. Babr (d. 869
exophthalmic),
A. D./ 255H.) He is one of the leadingArab thinkers of all time. He wrote severalworks different he has "to topics; a unique ability write any thing about any on various 62 ). topie,
Al-Mas'Eidi criticised him bitterly and accused him of writing in several
63 64 directions, his belief School. Mu'tazilah evenagainst as a thinker of contradictory Al-Jahiz, a prolific writer, composed various workS,65 of which two merit
66 is his important One Christians. treatise short andextremely against specialattention. It was a part of the state propagandaunder the caliph al-Mutawakil, but at the same
time, reflectsthe moderateattitudeof the manandhis school,al-Mu'tazilah,towards
11 J. Fenkel, Introduction, reprinted N. Newman, The early Christian- Muslim dialogue, p. 693. 63 Al-Mu'tazilah is an Arabic word meaning 'withdrawers'. The Arabic sourcesnarrate a story of the in They the that, this this school and origin of say epithet. a class of Imam al. of establishment klassan al-BAýrr, a leading Muslim thinker, a question was asked about the salvation of a grave sinner. Soon, a quarrel occurred between the teacher and one of his pupils, WAýil b. 'Ata'. The from Imam " has Waýil disciple the aside, and said withdrawn moved us". Whatever die angry formed doctrine the an essential part of Muslim new story, and such appeared of authenticity in Baýra flourished (southern The Iraq) and school was established and mainly new active culture. Baghdad. It gave the Muslim world a large number of great thinkers. The main teachings of this school could be surnmariscdunder five main points (al-Uýfil al-khamsah). l- The onenessof God is human him. He denying the eternal and the oldest, and to the of any adjectives attribution and The (including Qur'dn Jesus). 2is the promise and threat that created and and whatever else new God will fulfil his promise and threat, and will not forgive the sinner unless he, viz. the sinner deeds. is God human That Oustice), being but Al-'adI 3their to say, every that creates not regrets. human is able to decide what to do by his free will, not according to his predestination. 4- The he is be Muslim 5just, the enjoying and will neither non-Muslims. what sinner, nor of salvation 'Abd 'Abd Sharp forbidding alwJabar cd. acts. al-Qadi, al-Kati-m, al-khamsah, evil al-aýw and (Cairo 1956); al-Mas'fldi, Murg alwdhahab, 3, pp. 210-214; see M. A. Mir Valiuddin, 'Mu'tazlism' in: M. M. Sharif, (ed.) A history ofMuslim philosophy, pp. 199-220. 64 AI-Mas'fidi, Murq al-dhahab, 3, p. 226. 63 MwJoi?, in his introduction to his great cncyclopacdiaof zeology al-gayawin, listed his various ffayawin (The (Cairo 1, 4-6. 1905) animal), al-, pp. see al-J#iZ, writings; I- AlwJa4iz,ThalNh rasj'il li A br 'Uthmin al-JApiz: al-radd 'ali al-Naý&A ed. J. Finkel, 2 nd. cd. (Cairo 1963) English translation of his treatiseagainst Christianity, J. Finkel, A risala of al-JApiz On 685-719. ) The Christian-Muslim (ed. dialogue, N. A Newman, al-Ja4iz, see pp. early reprinted C. PcIlat, 'Christologie AWzicime' S1,31 (1970) pp. 219-232, reprinted in idem: Etudes Sur I 'histoire socio-culturelle de l7slam (P77e-XVe);Idem, al-GAhiz, les nations civilis6es et les Varionim (London 1976) religieuses. croyances
32
Christiansandexplicitlyindicatesthe spiritualdisharmonyof the Muslim empirein his time. The other work of interest is his great encyclopedia about animals,in which he knowledge book he discusses Arabs. In the this the the zoological of summarised Byzantines then to the of animals, moves subject and accuses of of eunuchs, castration being ruthless and kidnapping Muslim children in order to castrate them. I-Es wide interests cover severalaspectsof his society; he was interestedin animals,slave girls, the singular odd groups in society, such as eunuchs and misers, and anti-Arab jinn knowledge him Arabic This as as well and ranging of puts myths. wide movements in the elite amongthe Arabic writers and thinkers of all times. Al-MAturidi, (d. 944-333H.) He is the thinker of Ahl al-Sunnah,the Orthodox Muslims. He and his school, which was named after him, contributed to the
in his devoted He between different Muslim time. the sects a smallpart of controversies his works to the anti-Christianpolemic." On the contrary,'Abd al-JabbAr al-Qii4i Abfi al-Hassan al-Hamadhan! (d. 1025/ 415) was the master of the famous school of 68 In them, he paid and composed several philosophical religious works. al-Mu'tazi1a in impact Byzantine tenth to the the their century and victories close attention on
"' Christian-Muslim polemic.
67 On his life d book kitib (The (Beirut 1970). Kholif F. the and of al-Tawý! oneness) ed. -Al-Maturidl, 'Abd introduction Manýrir alKholif Thomas, D. book, 1-21; to the see s previous works, pp. Maturidr on the divinity of JesusChrist', Islamochristiana,23 (1997)pp. 43-64;H. Ozcan,'Abfl Manýffral-MAturldlreligiouspluralism',Islamochristiana, 23 (1997)pp. 65-80. 68 1-mughnrftabwjb al-tawprdwa al-'adl, 20 vols, only 14 of which werefoundandpublishedby -A r7 severalEgyptianscholarsunderthe supervionof the late TahdIjusayn(Cairo 1957-1962);Ta_thb dalj'il al-nubuwah,(confirmationof prophethood),2 vols. ed. 'Abd al-Karim, (Beirut 1966); in Gospels English from S. 'Quotations translation Stem, M apocryphal with comments, partial 'Abd al-Jabbar',JTS 18 (1967) pp. 34-57; idem I'Abd al-Jabbar'saccountof how Christ's , his On 128-185. (1968) falsified by 19 JTS Roman the adoptionof pp. religion was customs', 'Abd in free teachings the R. M. Frank, human of 'The agent will, see attitudeto autonomyof the al-6abbar',Le Mus6on95 (1982)pp. 323-355. 69 This will be discussed in detail in Chapter 4. 33
Al-Qaffa-I al-Shish! Muýammadb. 'All (d. 975-976/ 365 H).
70
When the Abbasid caliphatewas on the wane and unable to maintain or even Rhad the against Byzantium, public feeling in the Islamic world was still in support favour of the idea of Rhad.Far away from Baghdad,a city of wealth and corruption in the tenth century, the voluntaries in Khurasdncamealong to take part in the struggle. Al-Qaff-alal-Shdshlwas a religious man who playeda significantrole in this Khurasanite " He "advocator by the the sword and pen". was simply movement. of the religion Among his severalworks is a long polemicalpoemwhich he wrote while he was in Asia is extremely Minor fighting vath Muslim armies. The poem, consisting of 74 verseS72 important. One can say that every verse in this unique poem reflects historical and religious aspectsof the context of Byzantine-Muslim relations. It deals with a wide
issues. rangeof polenucalandpolitical AI-BAqiIIAnI, AbU Bakr Muýarnrnad b. al-Tayyib (d. 1013/403) is the only Muslim apologist to have faced a Byzantine emperorin Constantinople.7' As a member
(the large-scale Ash'arih he Muslims), the to sect orthodox contributed of religious debates.He wasa prolific writer; mostof his writingsweredirectedin defenceof Islam book is (ahl first Kilab Orthodox Muslim I-Es the sect al-Sunnah). al-l-amhjd(the and
70 Moammad b. 'All b. 'IsmaT al-Qafftl al-Shaýshhis family nameal-Qatl-alis an Arabic word . meaninglock-maker.Apparently,mostof his family werespecialistsin this work. He wasoneof Al-Subld,sayshe wasa Mu'tzilite, thenreturnedto the Orthodox the Muslim leadersin K_hordsan. Muslims,andbecameoneof the Shaflites.His dateof deathmaybe oneof two dates336H. or 365 A. H. Seeal-SubkT,TabaqXal-1ha YVT"vh al-kubri (rhe grandclassesof Shaflitism)6 vols. in 3 parts (Cairo- n.d.) 2, p. 178;In Tagha-Bardi, al-Nujan aI-zjhirahjj-muIakmiýr wa al-Qjhirah (thebright starson the kings of Egyptand Cairo) 16 partsin 9 vols. (Cairo 1963)3, p. 296;4, p. 265. 71 Tabaqjt fl'I"uh, 2, p. 176. al-Lhar -Al-Subkr, 72 in Arabic Ms from German Grfinebaum V G. by poem translation was published an with a -The 'Eine Vienna,while a slightly differentversionwas preservedby al-SubkT.Ct G. GrOnebaum, 181-184. '. T pp. poetischePolernk pp. 50- 53; al-Subld,Tabaqjtal-Lha yjuh, yfl
73 Around 982 he was sent by 'A4ad al-Dawlali (the Daylamite Bayids de facto ruler in Baghdad)on force to Basil tried II. AI-Khatib the to the that emperor emperor an embassy al_BghdAdInarrates the Muslim scholar to kiss the ground, or at least kneel before him, but the Muslim c1cricrefused.
34
introduction),in which he devotesa part to refutin& Christian dogmas,and the 74 is Bible It the that the noteworthy main obsession of al-Baqilldtff authenticityof was . defending the Qur'dn and confirming its authenticity, which generally put him in the
defending Qur'dn the of againstthe polemicsof non-Muslimsas well as the situation heretical free Muslim thinkers.I-Estwelve known works are devotedmostly of so-called 75
to this aim.
Ibn Ijazm, Mubammad (348/7 H. / 994- 418 H. / 1027?) Ibn Ijazm was born and lived in the cultural milieu of Spain (al-Andalus); he is one of the Muslim theologians who devoted most of his writings to defending Islam and
Ibn Ijazm non-Muslim polemic. was a prolific writer, coveringa wide areaof refuting 76in which Islamic culture, but his masterpieceis an encyclopaediaof religions and sectS,
he displaysand refutesmost of the known non-Islamicdogmas.He examinesall the he be heretical (or hence least, to considers which non-pure and sects at which stray from Orthodox Islam) and refutes their teachings, using logical discussion and 77
from Qur'dn. the quotations
for he Christianity, A, knowledge Christian dogma. the shows a good and solid of .L At the sametime, he tried to uselogicalmeansandavoidsfrequentquotationsfrom the
A17KIiatlib al-Bglidddl,TArilh madhat Baghdid (historyof the city of Baghdad)12 vols. (Cairo 1931)5,p. 379.
74 See A. Abel, 'le K le Kitih J. McCarthy, 1957). (Beirut ed. chapitre sur al-Tknhrd, -Al-Baqillanr, ttudes le"Tdmlffd" dans d'al-Baqilanl' d'orientalism dddidesa la mdmoire de Ldvichristianisme Provengal, I (Paris 1962) pp. 1-11; A. Bouamama,La fitt6rature pol6mique musulmanisme,pp. 106-107 7-1 1i 7nti§jr (Justice Qur'an) the to the alof manuscript with an al-Qur'jn a photocopy -Al-BdqillW, introduction. F. Sezgin, publications of the Institute for the history of Arabic-Islamic Science (Frankfurt 1986). On aI-BAqillW1 and list of his works, seeF. Sezgin, GeschichtedesArabischen Schrifitums, 9 Vols. (Leiden 1967). 1, pp. 608-610; A. Bouamama, La litt6rature pol6mique musulmanecontre le christianisme depuis ses originesjusquau XWe siecle, (Algeria 1988) pp. 106-108. Ibn Ijazm, al-fi§alftal-milal wa-l-ahwj'wa-l-niýal (The final word on religions, inclinations and sects)5 parts, in 3 vols. (Cairo 1899- 1904). 71.This attitude of coursemade him vulnerable to a bitter attack from someMuslim thinkers, who did 43. 2, See for his Tabaqjt p. vh, example, al-Subkr, a1-Lh_qfVTy), not accept views.
35
Qur'dn. He devotesthe secondvolumeof his book to an intensivediscussionof the Bible, mainly the New Testament78The other work of Ibn tIazm, which is related . directly to the Byzantine-Muslimpolemic, is his long poem refuting the one sentby the '9 Nikephoros Phokas. Ibn Hazm's reply is one of two Islamic poemswritten to emperor challengethe Byzantine threat. Both poemsare slightly different in severalrespects.In chapter 5 of this thesis I discussthese poems in the full context of Byzantine-Muslim polemic. TheseselectedMuslim polemicalworks havebeenchoseninasmuchas they are in related one way or another,to the Muslim-Byzantinecontext. At the sametime there is an enormousnumber of other works," which lie beyond the scope of this current but be nevertheless work, will consultedwheneverappropriate. Arabic
istoriography In the ninth century Arabic historical writings reacheda climax. Yet the oral
tradition, mainly poetry, and the traditional IsnW, was still widely practised. Several
historicawritten works beganto appearfollowingthe pioneerwork of MuhammadIbn Istaq (d. 150 H. / 767 A. D.)glof a biography of the prophet.82The vivid and rich historica materialson Byzantine-Muslimrelations provided by Muslim historiansseem
to be disappointingly reducedwhendealingwith questionsof religionandpolemic.
78
llazm, 2 59-66; Ibn Hazm and his works, see A. Bouamama,La liWrature pp. al-fqal, on -Ibn pol6mique musulmane,pp. 52-106. 79 Al-Subli, Tabaq.#t aIýshqfiVjy)vh, 2, pp. 184-189; Ibn KaLhIr, al-Bidjyah wa al-nihiya, 11,247252. so For a fidl list of the Muslim polemical works against Christianity, see K Caspar et al., 'Bibliographie du dialogue Islamo-Chrdtien', pp. 142-152;2 (1976) pp. 190-194. 'Abd Allah Mubammad Ibn Is4aq, was one of the secondgeneration after the death of the -Aba prophet. He lived in Medina. He wrote severalworks, but the main one is the life of the prophet. However Ibn al-Nadim, a late Muslim writer criticises him bitterly and accuseshim of quoting from Christian and Jewish sources,of admiring them as the first people of science. Furthermore he suspects the authenticity of Ibn Is4aq's sources and his witnesses, especially in poetry and genealogy.Ibn al-Na&m, al-Fihrist, p. 92. Skat Isli5q, Allah (rhe life University Press, Guillaume A. (0 Muhammad) rasal trans. of ord xf -Ibn 1990).
36
Al-Bahifturi,
Abmad b. Yaýyd (d. 892 AD/ 279 H. ) composeda work on the
" Muslim conquests; significantly he omitted someof the long chainsof authorities.He offers someuseful glimpseson the first stagesof the relations betweenMuslim armies in Christian Syria Egypt. (d. AI-Yalqobi, Aýmad b. Isbfiq 292 the population and and H.? / 905 Ad )84 composed an annual chronicle, which ended in the year 872.85His .
is kitAh in he the al-Buldki, which dealsbriefly with the Byzantine army and other work 86 borders. Byzantine-Muslim However, he mentionsthat he has devoted a special the book to Byzantium,its lands,army and men,which is missing." Al-Tabari, Abfi Jalfar Mubammad b. Jadr (225-310 H. / 840-922 AD. ). 88
Al-Tabaffsimplyis the masterof all the Muslim historians;his works extendfrom the historical I-Iis Tj'rAh to topics. great chronicle al-rusul wa al-mulfik"covers religious the beginningof creation until 915 AD / 303 H. I-Esother main work is his great Tafsk 9' (explanation Qurdn is Qur'dn). There the the of also a relatively unknown short of treatise on the family of Muhammad and his early disciples.It is called al-Muntakhab 91 dhayl kit. in #h t&Ah Tu, al-mudhayl min al-ýahahah wa al-tabi', min which he deals
193 Futah lil-Imim Abi R. M. Radwan (Beirut al-buldin ed. al-Hasan al-Baljdhuri, -Al-BaIALhurf, 1991) English trans. The origins of the Islamic state, P. Hitti (Beirut 1966). 84 intensive his life Y. the see study and writings, of al-Ja'fari, at-Ya'qabral-Mu'rikh wa al-On Jughri,y'j(al-Ya'qflb!, the historian and geographical),(Baghdad 1980).He pays specialattention to a comparisonbetweenal-Ya'qia-bi'scontribution to Arabic geographicalknowledgeand most of the other writers. 85 Al-Ya'qflbT, TjrPh, ed. T. Houtsma,2 vols (Leiden 1883) 86 Al-Ya'qubl, kitib al-Buldki, ed. De. Goeje,BGA V11(Leiden 1892). "' Al-Ya'qiibl, kitib al-Buldin, p. 323. 88 -Abd Ja'far Moammad b. Jazir al-Tabarl, born in Amel in 839 AD /224 or 225 H., travelled around the Muslim lands seeking knowledge. He studied the Arabic language, the Qur'An, and poetry. On the life and works of al-Tabari, seeIbn al-Ath1r, al-Kamilfi-al-tirkh (The perfect in the history) 10 vols. (Beirut 1980-1981)6, pp. 170-171; Ibn al-Nadim, al-Fihrist, pp. 234-235. SeeF Rosenthal, The life and the works of al-Tabarl, in vol. 1, of his translation of, The history of alTabar.T,1, pp. 5- 134 (StateUniversity of New York Press,1989) Al-Tabarf, Ta'rlh al-rusul wa al-mulck (History of the prophetsand the kings) cd. M. J. de Goeje, 15 vols. (Leiden 1879-1901) 6 (1980) ', Islamochristiana A. Charfl, 'Christianity in CX Qur'An the commentaryof al-Tabar! pp. 105- 148. 91 Ed. De Goeje,as a continuation of al-Tabarr great history (Leiden 1890) -
37
b. former Muhammad Zaynab Jahsh the the marriage controversial of with wife of with his adopted son, Zayd b. Hdrithah. Surprisingly, al-Tabari seemsto be totally unaware Christian honestly He this polemic against any particular marriage. simply and of
records the narrativesand views of the Muslim authorities,with few personal he In a word, offers more abundant materials on the Byzantine-Muslim comments. his but nevertheless approachto the religious aspectsof this conflict is rather conflict vague and cursory. Abo
'Amr
'Uthman
al-TarsasI1.92 Although being a local historian, his
his TarsCis important to the study of the Byzantinecity of are extremely memories
Muslim relations in the tenth century. He offers first-hand information and an its fortifications, important the account of city, walls, population and more eyewitness
the local nulitaryreligiousorganizations of the city andtheir connectionwith the city's lively in detail His the nature of the life of the and mosque. account records clerics Muslim volunteers, their original cities, and their clerics; furthermore he alludesto the Greek and Armenianpopulationsnear the city andtheir uniquely peacefulrelationswith
this Muslimmilitarybase. Significantly, he records honestly several narratives attributed to the prophet
its (manaqib). Muslim Tars(is the authorities, on and virtues city of and other early Thesetraditions seemto be introducedspeciallyto promotethe Muslim jihad in the formal from book is incompetent his Although the of efforts as a whole caliphs. absence fragments importance. by 'Abbas I. the published missing, surviving arestill of great
92 1. 'Abbas, (ed.) Lhadharx min kutub mafqWah fit al-tirith-, (Beirut 1988) pp. 3748,437459; Siyar C. E. English Bosworth, ' 'Amr Aba 'Uthman trans, al-Thughfir and the al-Tarsia-s-I's partial last years of the Arab rule in Tarsus (Fourth/Tenth century)', no. XV in idem, The Arabs, Byzantium and Iran.
38
AI-Mas'fid! (d. 345or 346 / 956) is a prolific Arab writer, who made wide 93 known branches knowledge in his to time. In his thirty books, he of contributions all from topics astrology, geography and religion to the history of his covers various 94 time. He divided his material between his books, and frequently refers his reader (often confusingly)to more information in this book or that. Unfortunately most of his books are lost but the surviving ones are still of great value for studying ByzantineMuslim relations.
He wasinterestedin religionsandreligiousdebates; we know that he composed 95which books is Muraj least His three on surviving religions, main work at are missing.
items in he large of of news, iva ma'jdin collection al-Jenthar, which put a al-dhahab from topics astrology, philosophy, accounts and scientific some stories, geographical his He the time, knew several of events religion and medicine. was well acquaintedwith languagesand had travelled for several years. He had also read most of the Arab
Christianwriters,especiallythe historians,suchas al-Manbaj'iandIbn al-Balaq,andhe 5" in in Christian in Iraq. thinkers,even the churches with engaged severalarguments Ibn Miskawayh, 97(d. 1030/ 421 H) presents a new series of local chronicles.
I-Esposition Ibn Miskawayhwassecretaryandlibrarianin theDaylamiteadministrýtion.
93
Bardl, Shboul, Taghrl A. Ibn 315-316; 3, see al-nujC&n al-zjhirah, alal-Mas'odl, pp. -About Afasudi & his world.,A Muslim humanistand his interest in non-Muslims,(Ithaca Press1979). 94 1989). 4 (Beirut A. K. wa pp. maJdin al-Jawhr, vols. al-RM'i, al-dhahab ed. -AI-Mas'adjAfur4f 12-13. 95 (A frequently his The first ff he "al-mqaldt to works. al-diyanar others ausfil refcrs work called -He treatiseon the origins of religion). The second,"sir al-ljyat" (the secretof life), and the third called "al-'ibanah 11aqal al-dyaW (the explanation of the origins of rcli gions). Al -Mas' fidi al-tanbiih wa al-iýshrJ,p. 322, passim. 96 Al-Mas'fidr, at-tanb1i wa a1-ijhrJ!f, p. 148. 97 -Ibn Nliska=yh, Abd 'All Abmed b. Moammad, a writer in the serviceof the Daylamite Bdids, the Shiitc powerful family in Baghdad.Ibn KhilikAn describedhim "a poor man among rich and a rich man among prophets", that becausehe spent his life at court and in adiriinistration and he was keen to learn chemistry, not the religious studiesas most of the learnedmen were in his time. J. H. Fors)1h,The Byzantine-Arabchronicle, 1, pp. 43-69 (He paysparticular attention to comparingIbn Nfiskawayhwith YahYAal-Anjakt); D. S. Margoliuth, Lectures on Arabic Historians (UniversitYof Calcutta 1930)pp. 130-131; M. Arkoun, "Ibn Nfiskawayh" El.
39
local in in him 'Abbasid the of events caliphate the tenthcentury. makes an eyewitness The main work of Ibn Miskawayh is his history Kilib lajirib al-umani98which is the in for the events Iraq, as well as the struggle between the Hamdanids main source he Whfle he Byzantium. from quotes against verbatim whom al-Tabaff and al-TanfilLhFi, his is from for historians late times, the to work copied several main source who refers
him? The book of Ibn Mskawayh was supplementedby al-Rudhriiwaa, AbG5huja' Muhammad b. al-Ijusayn (d. 972 / 361), who was a vizier and writer in the later
'Abbasidera. As a religiousman,in his vizieratehe renewedthe harshtreatmentof 100 in is for Iraq Syria (al-dhimma). book"' FEs the events and mainsource non-Muslims duringthetenthcentury. Al-Khalib al-BaghdAdi, al-I.Ii! GZ AbO Bakr Abmad b. 'Alli (d. 1071/ 463 H) 102composed a biographical encyclopwdia.TArIkh madhiat Baghdad devoted to it. focuses in He individual had lived Baghdad mainly on or visited who every notable
his book providessome important the authoritiesof the Iladith, but nevertheless, evidencesof Byzantine-Muslimrelations.
) is the mainArab historianand eyewitnessof Ibn al-QalAnisT(d 1169/555H. local history its devotes his book... He Crusade to the First the of and eve. eventsof
Jbn Mskaiiayh, Kitib tajjrib al-umam(Bookof the experiences of the Nations)vols. 5-6, cd.H.F. Amcdroz (Cairo 1915)ed. H.F. Amedrozand D. S. Margoliuth, The Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate,1-11,trans.III-IV (Oxford 1920-1921). It is noteworthythat he hadanotherbookabout importance, (The historical less Ibn Nfiskawayh, Tah±hj-b refinement of al-akhljq, morals, with see of Character)cd. C.K. Zurayk,(TheAmericanUniversity,Beirut 1967) 99 Onecanlist namesof Sabtibn Ja0zi,Ibn al-'Adi-m,andIbn al-Atlffr. 100 Al-Dhahabr,TjrLh al-'Islkn, p. 284. 101Al-Roudhraii-aff. DhaYl 1-itibtajjrib al-umam(continuationof thebook:tajjrib al-umam)cd.H. F. Amedroz, (Cairo 1916).English translationas vol. VI of the Eclipseof the AbbasidCaliphate, Trans.H. F. AmedrozandD. S. Margoliouth,(Oxford1921). Me 102 'abnj' life his Ibn 'anbj' KhlikAn, Ifafilit al-a7in wa al-zamgn and works, cS. -On biographicaldictionary)cd. 1.'Abbas,8 vols (Beirut 1977)1,pp. 92-93. 103Jbn al-Qalanisl,Lh-ayl tJrA--hDimaLhq,cd. H. F. Amcdroz(Beirut 1908)reprintedin Cairo, a copyof Amdcroz'soriginaledition. presumably
40
the city of Damascusfrom 974 /363 H. His book gives a vivid account of the interwoven conflict around his city between the Fatimids and other Muslim powers. Also he dealt with the relations between the FatinUs and Byzantinesin the reign of Basil Il, as well as internal history of Egypt in the Fatimid era focusing on the period of intolerant his policy towards non-Muslims. al-Ijakirn and Ibn al-Athjr, IAR b. Mubarnmad'" (d. 1234) wrote a universalhistory from the creation to his own time. He followed a strict annual sequencebut without the
chainsof authorities.Like most of the Muslim historians,he quotedverbatimfrom his does Ibn historian, them. without naming al-Athlr writes as a and predecessors not
botherto commenton any religiousissue.It is noteworthythat he focusesmainlyon eventsin Iraq and Persia,with some attention to ByzantineMuslim relations. A Sunni, he was biasedagainstthe Fatimids,evenomitting or mostly abridgingtheir history. Ibn al-'Adim, Kamll al-D-inAbri al-Qasim'Umar b. Abmad (d. 1261) composeda history, arrangedin alphabeticalorder, of his city Aleppo.105From this long history, he
"' in history the city, a moderatetone,usinga mixtureof the traditional condensed a of for Although Ibn al-'Adi-m treatment each ruler. strict annual sequencesand-separate
dependedon earlierworks, suchas Ibn al-AtVr, Ibn Miskawayh,andothers,he is the only historianwho givesthe completetext of the treaty betweenByzantiumand the I.Iamdanidsin Aleppo."' He doesnot mentionhis sources,but they seemto be some documentspreservedin the city to whichhe hadaccess.
104 Ibn al-ALthir,al-K&WIftal-WrAh (rhe perfectin history)cd. C. I Tornberg(Leiden1867-1876) 105 Sauvaget, See Bughyat JT 1988)). galab, S. ZakAr (Beirut tarA-h al-'AdIm, al-falab cd. -Ibn
Extraits du Bugyat al-talab d'Ibn al-'Adim (d'apr6s le Ms de Constantinople)',REI 3 (1933) pp. 393490; A. Vasilicv, ByTanceet lesArabes, 11,2, p. 177. 116 Aleppo), Zubdat history from t1alab tarA-h (The the of al-'AdIm, al-ýalab min quintessence -Ibn (Beirut. 1966). 107 H. Safar A. Zubdat ' The 95-98; Farag, truce English W. of al-ýalab, al-'Adim, pp. translation, -Ibn 359- December- January969-970', (Birmingham 1977).
41
Therewere someother notablehistoriansandwritersin the tenth andeleventh Among them are HilAl al-ýAbi'108 (d. 1056AD. / 448 H. ), al-$fili'09 (d. 946centuries.
335). The main historian of this period Thiibit b. Sin5n (d. 976 A. D. /365 H.), 110and his Nstory is the main source for most of the later historians, who copied it almost
verbatim. Late Muslim historians,though they copied almostverbatim from earlierworks, by thesemeansthey preservedtracesof severallost works. Among the huge numberof these later historiansare al-Dhahab-i (d. 1348 A. D./ 748H)"' and al-Maqrii-i, Taqt-alMin A.ýmecl b. 'Alf (d. 1422 A-D./ 825 H.), who was a leading historian, with many
interests.Although he lived considerablylater, his works are still valuablein some respects.He composedseveralbooks; amongthem his book on the history of the 112
Fatimid era bearsa specialimportance.
log
from epithet al-$Abi' came a sect called al-$Abi'ak whose practice was a mixture drived from -This older Persian sects. However the Arabic biographers confuse Aba Ishaq IbrMm b. I-Elal al-$abil (died in 990 / 380 M with his grandson Hilal b. al-Nlabssin b. Aba IshýaqIbrdMm who died in 1090 / 483. He (the grandson) w-asan eloquent writer who composed several books, his correspondences contained in a large book, a book about the history of the Bayids, and a vivid discription of the protocol of the 'Abbasid court. From the introduction to his book "The history of the viziers" he seems to be still affected by some Persian ideas, and beliefs such as the transmigration of souls. Sadly his history is lost and surviving fragments cover only three years (999-1003 A. D. / 389-393 A. H. ). Even so it still a great source for the 'Abbasid history. Al-Sabi', Tuffit al-amrj'fjtjrPh a/wuzira' (The history of the viziers), ed. H. F. Amedroz, (Beirut, 1904) p. 2.; on his life, see Ibn alNadim, al-Fihrist, p. 134; Ibn KhWn, Waftit al-a Un, I, pp. 52-53. See for analysis of the sources of 'Abbasid history H. Kennedy, The prophet and the age of the caliphates. - the Islamic near east from the sixth to the eleventh century (New York 1992) pp. 364-388. On al-$Abi', p. 368. 109 b. Yahya b.
al-'AbbAs al-$fili, Nvasthe teacherof the caliph al-Ra4-i,and one of the -Mubammad distinguished men in the 'Abbasid court during the reigns of al-RA4!,al-MuqW-i and al-Muqtadir. He composedseveral books, one of them called: al- A wjrq J7 tarikh al-khuýfa' (the papersin the history of the caliphs). Ibn al-Nad1mal-f1hrist, pp. 150-151;al-Sabi', TuFfit al-'amra, p. 2. 110 For more about SinAnb. Thabit, seeal-DhahabT,TjrAh al-'Islom, p. 304; Bar Hebracus,1, p. 159. TJrA-h al-'Isl&n, ed. U A. Tadmur! (Beirut 1989). The edition which I have used -Al-DhahabL appears in 41 volumes, but without individual numbers for each volume, instead the editor has allocated each volume for number of years. So I will refer to the year and page of the quotations, regardlessof the volume number.
42
Geographical sources. Arabic geographersoffer rich and important materialson Islamic history as well as Muslim-Byzantinerelations.Among the early works is Ibn Khurd5dhabih, 113who set the basefor the following writers, who often utilised his book. Qudamah b. Jalfar (d. 948 / 337 H). Qudamahconverted to Islam during the reign of al-Muqtafi. He wrote 114 kharaj (the tax system). Ibn Ijawqal (X century) some works on geography,and wrote about the Byzantine Empire and the frontier area between Byzantium and 115 Muslims. Al-l%luqaddas-i,Shams al-din Mubammad (tenth century) composeda book entitled Alsait al-laq&, Pnfl- marifat alýaqjlin, 116in which he surnmarisesthe
knowledge,andaddsotherfactswhicharehardto find elsewhere. Arab's geographical Ibn Rustah preservedthe narrative of HarOnIn Yabya, a Muslim former prisoner of 117
in war Byzantium.
112 A]-Maqrrzr, 'Itti4 1973).
al-punafjfi
akhbir al-aimah al-Fafimyh al-khulafa, 3 vols. (Cairo, 1967-
113 Ibn KhurdadhabikKitib al-AfasAfikwa al-mamilik,ed.M. J. De Goeije,BGA VI (Leiden1889). 114 LharV, b. kitib (a 11), M. Ja'afar, book from J. De the ed. portion chapter of starting -Qudamah Goeije,BCL4VI, pp. 184-292,(Leiden1889).On Qudamah,seeIbn al-Nad1m,al-Firhrist, p. 130; On Qudamahand Byzantium, see J. Haldon, 'Kdamah b. Pja'afar and the garrison of Constantinople'. B 48 (1978)pp. 78-90. 115 Ibn I*Iawqal,Kitib prat al-'arad (Thebookof imageof theearth)ed.J. Kramcrs,BGA Il (Leiden 1938).In the sameeditiontherearesomeadditions,which seemto be later interpolations;theyarc mainlycommentson the changingcontroloverthecitiesbetweenByzantiumandtheMuslims.The editor, however,rcalised this and singled them out. There is a French translationof some fragments,seeVasilicv,ByTanceet lesArabs,11,and2, pp. 411-421. 116 Al-Muqaddasi, APsan al-taq&hn ft mu'rift al-aqjlim, ed Xf De Goeje, BGA, III; English
translation, The best &visions for the Imowledge of the regions, trans. B. Collins, (Centre for Muslim contribution to civilization, Reading 1994). Partial French trans. Al-Muqaddasi, Descripion de Voccidentkfusulmane du IVe=Xe, tcxte arabcet trad. C. Fcllat (Alger 1950). 117 Ibn Rustah, al-a'ljq al-nafA'Yah Hdrdn (Leiden 1891) 119-123. English of translation story of pp. ibn Ya4ya, A. Vasilicv, Uirdn ibn Ya4yft and his descriptionof Constantinople',SK 5 (1932) 14963.
43
Arab encyclopaedists Among the legacy of the Arab civilisation, there are considerablenumbersof 1s These works cover large-scale encyclopaedias. a wide range of knowledge, biographical dictionaries or geographical dictionaries of cities' names, and other branchesof knowledge. AI-Qalqashand! (d. 1418 ADJ 821 H) a late Egyptian writer 119 composeda unique encyclopaedia, in which he includesa comprehensiveguidebook for writing different categoriesof diplomatic letters and treaties.In his instructionsfor he documents Islamic throughout the gives some authentic new writers, examplesof history. Thesedocumentssaw the light only through his book, and they cover all sides
directly Islamic Significantly, them the some of are civilisation as a of whole whole. 120 is Byzantium. Ibn to a unique and extremely al-Nadim's work al-Rhrist related is in Arabic, It the and their authors. a survey of all compilations useful encyclopaedia. Needlessto say,through such a book, we can trace earlierversionsof the historical and
helps indicate to the authenticityof suspectworks, as polernicalworks, whichcertainly well asindicatingsomelost ones. Other Arabic sources: Poetry and oratory
Poetryis the art of the Arabs;theyuseit to maintaintheirtraditionsandpasson legacy in form. Arabs The the to of their were very enthusiastic preserve news poetic
11g
de Ic Phistoire Tcs dans PcIlat, XVIII, Etudes socio-culturelle cncyclopddics monde arabc' sur -C. lIslam (1,71e-XVe)Variorurn (London 1976). 119 Yubp in dawn for (The the J7 the skills of al-a'sha night-blind sinj'it al-'insha -AI-Qalqashandr, composition) 14 vols (Cairo 1913-1922).On the author and his life, seethe introduction to vol. 14, pp. 14-20. 120 Et includes documents Yd, letter from the Moammad of gyp governor some such as a al-'QLhs -This . to the cmpcror Romanus Lccapcnus, a treaty between the Byzantine rebel Bardas ScIcurs and ýim§drn al-Ddwlak the cmir of the Daylan-titeBayids in Baghdad;and from later periods, the text Mamlukids between Michael the the VIII Palcologous, treatises two two the of emperor of and Sultans in Egypt in the 13th.century. Furthermore, he savedother local Muslim documentswhich are of great importance,such as the texts of the decreesfrom the caliphs to the Christian patriarch, which shedlight on the relations betweenthe Muslim authorities and their non-Muslim subjects.
44
Arabs, Undoubtedly, the that the one can assume poetrywas massmediaof ancestors. their way of spreadingnews, panegyric,criticism, rumours and propaganda. In the Byzantine-Muslim struggle, the poetry plays a significant role. The Arab heroes the of the Rhad, and arousedmento take part in it. Although their poets chanted in main purpose eulogising their benefactors,the emirs and caliphs,was unequivocally the rich rewards which those emirs would gave, but their poetry was a kind of medium to transmit news, glorify the heroesof the war, and spreadanti-Byzantiumpropaganda
in Muslimlands. The most brilliant names among those poets who chanted the Arab heroes 121 ), / (847 A. D. 233H. al-Bubutri whom one can mention are those of AbFj Tammim (d. 897 A. D./ 284H.) and al-Mutanabbi 122(d. 955A.D/ 343 H. ). Abfi Fidis, al-Had-th b. Sa'Tdb. Ijamdan (d. 968/ 357)23 a prince and poet who has a specialplace among these poets; he was half-Byzantine, though nothing is known about his Byzantine in by Ahad He Muslim Byzantium, took the the captured part and was against mother. 124 Byzantine armies. In his captivity he wrote long, bitter and dispirited poems 125 his fatherland. family his homesickness his his longing describing to return and and 126 in border (d. lived /374H) 984 NabAtah Ibn the al-SaId! was an orator cleric and
121 Vasiliev, B)zance et les.4rabes, 11,2, English translation, S.P. Stetkevych,,4ba Tammam,pp. -A. 187-196. 122 340-34; 3, life his his Taghr! Ibn Bardf, p. aland al-zjhirah, about poetry, see al-nujan -For more ahahabl, TArAh al-'Islkn, pp. 102-108.SeeM. Canard, 'Mutanabbi ct la guerre byzantino-arabe: Intdr6t historique des podsies', in idem, Byzance et les Musulmans du proche Orient, Variorum (London 1973); A. Vasilicv, Byzanceet les Arabes, 11,2, pp. 305-348 123 On Abfa-Firas, see Ibn Khilikan, 2, pp. 58-64; 0. Petit and W. Visin, Ab 17Firas al-Hamdani: Chevalier poJte, chois de poýmes(Paris 1990). 124 YabyAal-AntMd, PO 18, p. 784. " Ab-I Firas A. (Beirut 1983). al-Hamdani, ed. al-Sater -Diwan 126 'Abd al-RAbIm b. 'Isma'111b. Nabatah, who was bom and died in the city of Yahya -Abra h-rrBardf, al-nujan al-zjhirah, 4, p. 146; A. Vasilicv, Byzanceet ksArabes, Mayyafarq-in.Ibn Tag,. 11,2, pp. 292-294. His speecheswere collected and published, Ibn NabAtah,Diwin khufab Ibn Nabitah, (Beirut 1894); someare reprinted in M. Canard,SayfA I Dauld, Recueil de texts relatifis h I'Mir Sayf al Daula le Hamadanide avec annotations, (Alger 1934). (Arabic texts with some French annotations)passim.
45
inflammatory Sayf His al-dwalah's of retinue. one speeches werethe mainmedium area, of anti-Byzantinepropaganda,as well as an effectiveway to recruit new volunteers.
Arabic Christian sources It is noteworthy that the early Arab Christian thinkers were fully acquainted language, Greek least during the the decadesafter Islan-ýcconquests.This at with in them the administrationof the newly establishedArabic states. secured a role ability At the same time, when the 'Abbasid caliphs, especially al-Ma'm5n, were keen to translateand transfer the Greek knowledge,theseChristianArabs were the backboneof the movementof translation and one of their leadingscholars,was Harffnb. Ishdq.127
In sum,the ChristianArab writers merelyfill the gapleft betweenthe Muslims Byzantine sources.From the Muslims, they quoted valuablematerial, while and omittingtheir complexandamplestyle.A few of themwereacquainted with the events in Byzantium,but they give detailednarrativeson the life of the Christiancommunities Muslim realm. Obviously, most of these writings, however, are simple, and within crude, as most of the texts show. One may hypothesisethat they were destitute of the
learning of Arabic,whichwasusuallyassociated adequate with the Qur'dnat this time.
John of Damascus,Manýlir b. Sidrin b. Manýrjr,the father and pioneerof ByzantinepolemýcagainstIslam, a ChristianArab and a writer at the court of four 128
129
Muslim caliphs. Among his many works,
is his masterpieceYhefountain of
117 b. Islýaq in (d. Safar He Christian doctor, 873/260) thinker translator. al-"AbAdl, came and a -Ijanin from an Arab tribe around Ijira. H. He was eloquent in Arabic, Syrian, and Greek, and travelled to acquire books and knowledgebetweenMuslim and Byzantine lands. As a doctor most of his works and translations were mainly on medicine, Ibn al-Nad-im,al-Fihrist, pp. 294-295. 128 Al-Masfi&, al-tanbA wa al-Ishraif, pp. 277,281,285,289. 129 Damascus John See John Islam times. of of against studied works and several were published -The de Haeresibus Liber (ch. 101) PG 94, cols. 764-773; Recently re-cdited with a Damascus, of Qurrah, Glei Theodore Aba Translation, Johannes German Khoury, Damask-enos and und parallal
46
Knowledge, in which he devotes chapter 100/101 to argumentsagainst Islam, 130 it Christian Arian heresy. Theworks of Johnof Damascus againstIslam considering a by his disciple, the Melkite writer Theodore Abfi Qurrah, who supplemented were (820life few ). details known, died A. 825 D. In Melkite of whose circa writer are was the introduction to AbU Qurrah's book, Maymar fl- wujad al-khgiq wa al-dh aldifferent find his Dick Muslim Christian to traces studies and any sources of qawim,
13 1 intensive in his However, possible similar work, thereare names. spiteof nameor any long list his life Abi! Qurrah, the of works and some unanswered questions about still 132
him. to attfibuted
133It is noteworthy He composedseveralworks on differenttheologicalissues. have been in into Arabic his Greek, them translated that works are and some of while
Schriften zum Islam, pp. 77-83; B. Kotter, Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos, Opera polemica, (Berlin/ New York 1981) 4, Liber de Haeresibus, pp. 11-59, English translation, D. Sahas,John ofDamascus on Islam, pp. 132-141. On John of Damascusand his works, seeA. Abel, 'Le chapitre Cl du livrc desHeresiesde JeanDamascene;son inauthcnticite ' S1 (1963) pp. 5-25; H. Beck, Kirche und TheologischeLiteratur, pp. 476-486; A. Khoury, Les th6ologiens byzantins, pp. 47-82; W. Voorhis, 'John of Damascuson the Moslem hcresy',.Nff 24 (1934) 390-398; P. Khoury, 'Jean Damascýncct l'Islam' POC 7 (1957) pp. 44 - 63; 8 (1958) pp. 313 - 39; P, Hoyland, Seeing Islam as others saw it, pp. 480- 889. On die life of John of Damascus,see C. Basha, Biographie de St. Jean DamascMe, texte original arabe, (Harissa -Lebanon 1912); J. Nasrallah, Saint Jean de Damas: son dpoque, sa vie, son oeuvre, (Harisa Lebanon 1950); republished in Arabic, J. Nasrallah, Mansur ibn Sarjun, al-maruf bi al-Qidis Yýanna al-Dimashaqi: 'asruhu,Payatuhu,mu'ullafatuhu, (Beirut 1992).
130.Seediscussionof this text in chapterI.
131 de 1existencedu createur et de Qurra, Maymarfitwujad (Traite al-khjliq wa al-dh al-qawiin -Abd la varie religion) ed. I. Dick (Beirut 1982). 132 Actually the surviving fragments about Abi! fall in the short of sources contemporary -Quffah Ibn his life. Among Muslim the alonly al-Joi? and sources, a complete of portrait providing Nadlm allude to him, but both merely hint at someonewith a similar name as a translator or the bishop of Hiran. Al-Joi? mentions a certain Christian translator called Ibn Qurrah, wl-dleIbn alNadlm speaksabout someonecalled Aba-`Aza. The anonymousSyrian writer standsalone with a narrative about a dialogue betweenAbu-Qurrah and the caliph al-Ma'man. Other Christian sources give fragments about Abfi-Qurrah. See Ibn al-Nadim, al-Fihrist, p. 24; al-JoiZ, al-Ilayawin, p. 325; Anonymi auctoris chronicon, ed. A. C. Pertincris, trans. A. Abouna, CSCO 345; Syriac, t. 154 (Louvain 1974) p. 16. C.f. the introduction of I. Dick, Aba Qurra, Maymarftwujad al-khXiq, pp. 24-39. 133See S. Griffith, The controversial theology of Theodore Abu Qurrah (c. 750-820 A.D.) a Catholic The D. Ph. Christian thesis; Arabic literature, in methodological comparative study University of America, (Washington DC, 1978); Idem, 'The view of Islam from the monasteriesof Palestinein the Early Abbasid period: TheodoreAba Qurrah and the SurnmaTheologiaeArabica', Qurrah's AbU 'Theodore 83-105; A. Khoury, Les byzantins, 9-28; th6ologiens ICA,M 7 (1996) pp.
47
134 his in Greek. He was Georgian.Remarkably, works againstIslamarepreservedonly hostile from in Muslim the to of reaction afraid authorities such a work Arabic. perhaps Yet,, one of his Arabic works is a lengthy treatise about the existenceof God and what is the right religion,135in which he writes only hints against Islam. Like John of Damascushe was a defenderof icons, and composeda lengthy treatiseon this. "' Christian Arab historians composed several chronicles which are of extreme importance.Unlike the Muslim historians,they paid specialattention to the life of the
Christianminoritieswithin the Muslim world, their life and their relationswith the Muslims. 137He is an EgyptianCoptic Severusof Alexandria (Ibn al-Muqaffa'c.10'hCentury). in took part somereligiousdebateswith writer, who
MuSliMS.
138
His annals,however,
by differenthands,eachspeakingas an eyewitness. collections of works, written are Obviously,he copied verbatimfrom other Coptic manuscriptswithout any editorial "9 additions. The books gives a close look at the internal affairs of the Christiansliving
on the veneration of the holy icons: Orthodoxy in the world of Islam' SacredArt Journal, 13 (1992) 3-19. Qurrah's include Islam discuss treatises; them some concerning small of works several -Abd general theological issues,while only three are directed against Islam and aimed at refuting the prophecy of Moammad. Aba Qurrah, Contra Haereticos, Judaeos et Saracenosvaria opuscula PG 97, cols. 1461-1596, cd with parallel German translation, Opuscula Islamica, K Glei . (Altenberge 1993). 135 Quffa les Quffah, jjd'Abfl Maymar I. Dick, Ta discussion avec uldmas wujCd al-Khjliq; -Abfl musulmansdevant le calife al.-Ma'iulý, Parole de l'Orient 5-6 (1990-1991)pp. 107-113. 136 Quffa, Maymarjj'wujW Arabe) 1986). (texte (Rome 1. Dick al-KhJliq cd. -Abil 137. Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Historia Patriarcharum Alexandrinorum, cd C. F. Seybold tomus 1: 1, CSCO 52, Scrip. Arab. 8, t. 1:2 CSCO 59, Scrip. Arab. 9 (Louvain 1910,1962); re-publishedas TArAh btiriqat al-kanisah al-MaXiah, al-ma'rfif brsayr al-bayah al-muqdasah (History of the Patriarchs of Egyptian church, an Arah text with an English translation) ed. A. S. Atyia ct al., (Cairo 1943-1974).1 have used the first volume (2 parts) editedby Sebold,then usedthe edition of A. Atyia for the other parts, and reffered to all as Tjr. 1-h. On the author and his work, seeF. R. Farag, 'The technique of researchof a tenth-century Christian Arab writer: Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Le Mus&n 86 (1973) pp. 37-66; CE, s.v. 1-fistory of the Patriarchs of Alexandria'; CE, s-v 'SawTrusibn al-Muqaffa",. T&M, 11:2, p. 92. b. Severus al-Muqaffa', 131 instance, the the cleric certain of a reign was part author which coincided al-IjMdm's with -For b. Severus bishop Damiatta). later Tannis (Northern Egypt, Michael, the al-Muqffa', of near called Tirgh, 11:2, pp. 133,147.
48
in Egypt, but makessomeclear historicalmistakes,once his narrativegoesbeyond 140 borders. His language is elegant and tends to be simple, using some Egyptian Egyptian words. colloquial
The Melkite sectproducedsomegood writers and historians,whoseposition between lives Muslim importance in Byzantium, them the and gave and a special 141 Byzantine-Muslim (877the Eutychius, Salid b. BalCiq religious scopeof relations. 940 ADJ 263- 328H.) the Melkite patriarch of Alexandria, composed a chronicle,
Melkite in twords the tenth century,as the reflects views and attitudes events which his in he Constantinople. In theology as utter unfamiliarity with affairs composeda well 142 directed Sa'Id (d. b. Jews. YabyA work mainly against al-Anjala polemical 1066AD./ 458H.). 143A Melkite, and a relative of Eutychius; he was a Byzantine in his
belief More important,he paysattentionto the Melkite churchin Egypt andhis book revealsmore specificand eyewitnessdetailsof this Christianminority, who had been ignored by Muslim lived Christian historians. Yatyd in Egypt for and other relatively the first part of his life, in which he witnessedthe reign of al-Ijdkim. Later in 405 H. he
"' Antioch. to en-ýigrated
140 narratesthat the caliph al-AmIn fought against his father HWn al-RasliTidand even killd himl -He In addition he is conftisedabout their namesas well. Severusb. al-Muqaffh, Tjrff,,.h, 1: 2, pp. 248, p. 279. 141 b. Kitib (Eutychius) (Annales) al-Bataq ed. al-tirAh wa al-ta4iq al-majina'ala akaýqiq -Sa'Id L. Cheikho et al., CSCO, Scr. Arab. 6,7 (Paris 1905). On Sa'Id b. al-Bataq, see the comprehensivestudy of M. Brcydry, Etudes sur SaW ibn BNrA et sessources,CSCO,Subsidia;69 (Louvain 1983). On his information on Byzantium, seeS. Griffith, 'Eutychius of Alexandria on the emperorTheophilus and Iconoclasmin Byzantium: a tenth century moment in Christian apologyin Arabic' B 52 (1982) 154-90. 142 Sa'Id b. Scrip. 20-23, Arab. Kitib CSCO, 192-193; P. Cachia, al-Batriq, cd. al-Burhjn, -Eutychius, (Louvain 1960-1961) 143.A Christian Melkite historian born circa 970, and died around 1066 ADJ 458 H. He was a doctor. The life and work of YabyA have been studied in detail. See J. H. Forsyth, The Byzantine-Arab Yahyd b. SaW (938-1034) of al-AntakL chronicle 144 Yahya al-Antald, PO 18, p. 708. -
49
His work is a supplement(Dha,vo 145to the history of his ancestorand relative
146yahyd information, had first-hand Sa'Idb. al-Bataq. wasan eyewitness and especially for the reign of al-Ijakim, to whom he paid specialattention, as he himself was one of the victims of the capricious Muslim caliph. Yalýya also reportedly composed two polemical works, against Jews and the Muslims. These two alleged treatises are not 147 in in Aleppo. Yabya's technique is an private possession published yet and are intermediateposition between the strict annual chronicle and the other narratives.I-Es language is simple, and primitive, with some grammatical mistakes. IbrAli-im b. 148
YobanA composedVita Christophori,
is which a hagiographicalaccount of the life
Christopher, killed by Melkite in Antioch Muslims the the the patriarch of of who was in ADJ 967 356H. city
The Armenian and Syrian sources 149 150 Amenian Sebeos; Catholicus, The John sources such as and Matthew of
Edema"' provided,albeitfrom a local standpoint,valuableinformationon Muslimsand their relationswith others.PerhapsMatthewof Edessais the only historianwho kept a letter king John Armenian Tzimiskes the the the to of emperor copy of
111.152 Ashot
Wd, Vasiliev, A. PO 18, 349-520. 705-833; PO 23, al-Ant ed. ya pp. pp. -Yah. Yahyaal-AntW, PO 18,p. 705. 147 R
Gaspar et al., 'Bibliographie du dialogue islamo-chrdfien', Islamochristiana, 2 (1976) p. 202; .. Graf G. Geschichteder christlichen crabischen Literatur, 2, p. 51; J. H. Forsyth, The ByzantineArab chronicle, I, p.21. 148. Mbib Z Ta vie du Patriarche Melldte Christophre (d. 967) par le protospathaireIbrahim b. ayyat, . Yuhanna, Document Inddit du Xe si6cle', POC 2 (1952) 11-38,333- 366. On the historical value of this vita, seeJ. H. Forsyth, TheByTantine-Arabchronicle, 1, pp. 182-186. 149 Sebdos,Sebeos'History, trans. R. Bedrosian, Sources the Armenian tradition, (New York 1985) of 151 K. H. Catholicus, Yuvanna draxanakertci. History Armenia, trans. commentary with of -John Maksoudrian (Atlanta, 1987). 151_Matthew of Edessa, Armenia and the crusades, tenth to twetflh centuries. -TI he chronic e of Matthew ofEdessa, English trans. A. E. Dostourian, (Maryland 1993).
152.Matthew of Edessa,Armenia, pp. 29-33.
50
153 kept a copy of the allegedcorrespondencebetweenthe emperor Ghevond Similarly,
Leo III andthe caliph'Umar II. in Syrian sources give rich information on the history of Islam,154 especially Mesopotamia.Most of the Syrian historianswere bilingual, which enablesthem to use different sources,thus their works are of great importance,especiallyfor the eventsin 199)155 Syna. Michael The Syrian (1126-1 north and Bar Hebraeus (1226-1286)
156
light on the Byzantine-Muslim warfare of the tenth century, and provide shedvaluable information history local between Christians Byzantium and the the the on of vital Muslims. Bar Hebraeus, with the Arab Muslim reader in mind abridged his Syrian
157 Chronicleinto a modifiedArabicversion,with moreomissionandfeweradditions.
153 -Ghevond,Histoire desguerres et des conquNesdesArab enArm6nie, trans. G.V. Chahnazarian, (Paris 1856). 154.S.P. Brock, 'Syriac sourcesfor seventh-centuryhistory', BMGS, 2 (1976) pp. 17-36. 155 Syrien, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarch Jacobite d Antioch, 4 vols. trans. J.B. le -Nfichel Chabot, (Paris 1899-1910). See Gero, ByTantine iconoclasm during the reign of Leo III, pp. 205209. 151 he chronography of Gregory Ab W-Faraj, trans., A Budge. (Oxford 1932). On the T Hebraeus, -Bar Bar Hcbraeus, historical M. Ishaq, Waýadir Abi the of see al-MAItT al-tan-kh-11i", sources al-Faraj (1989) 149472. (Bar 1 Hebraeus), Aram 1: Periodical al-Farai al-Malti of pp. sources 157 Kitih mukhtasar al-duwal, ed. Salhani (Beirut 1890). On the comp s vdtw Hebraeus, -Bar WE Rife ' Arabic 'On Arabic L. 1. Conrad, the Syrian the cl and origin version, see the 'PSI Hebraeus:his aims and audience', Parole de IOrient 19 (1994) pp-319-378. 51
Chapter One Byzantium and Islam: An introduction
I "ALM, al-RUrn(The Roman empire) has beendefeated,in the land close by, but they (even), after this defeat of theirs, will soon be victorious, within a few years with God is the Decision in the past and the future: on that day shall the believers 2tv With theseverses,the Qur'dn foretold the fate Byzantium in its rejoice . of struggle Persians in first half of the seventhcentury. It is the only time that this the the with
in word al.-Mim appears the Qur'dn. Accordingto Islamictraditions,this versehad been revealed before 622 AD, i. e. before al-hijra (The prophet Mubammad's emigration to Medina), when the Byzantine-Persianwar was at its climaX3. The
Islamic sourcesnarratedthat the Muslims,at this earlystageof Islamichistory,were observingthis war betweenthe two universalpowers,and having a remarkable Byzantium, with consideringthe Byzantinesas Ahl-al-Kit5b (the people of sympathy
the book) and feeling closerto them4.At this early datetherewas no recordof any possibleByzantine-Muslimrelations,as the Muslims were a helplessminority in
begin letters, Qur'Anic have different the these of chapters with which abbreviated and separated -Six meanings in the Islamic tradition, but there is no agreed interpretation of them. Most Muslim thinkers, however, tend to consider these characters as a divine secret. See Ibn KathTr, Ta/sTr alQur'dn (explanation of the Qur'An), 3 vols. (Beirut 1986) 1, pp. 38-39; al-TabarT, Jdmi'al-baydn, 1, pp. 86-96; al-QurtubT, al-Jdmi' li-aýMm al-Qurdn, 1, pp. 154-157; for the summary of the major Muslim tafsTr books, see M. al-$dbanT, $afivit al-tqfidsir (choice of explanations of the Qur'dn) 1, pp. 31-32. 2_ Qur'An, 30,1-3. 3
KathTr9 Tafsir 1, (Reasons Asbab 432437; the of al-Qurdn, pp. al-tanz7l al-NisabOrT, -lbn revelations of the verses of the Qur'An) (Beirut 1991) p. 285. 'Abd Futz7b Mi$r its (Cairo 1991) (Conquests Egypt al-Ijakam, p. wa and news) akhbaraha of -Ibn 34. Gero is sceptical about the credibility and limits of the alleged Muslim sympathy with Byzantium. See S. Gero, 'Early contacts between Byzantium and the Arab empire: A review and Some Reconsiderations', in M. Bakhit, (ed.) Proceedings of the Second Symposium in the history Fourth during 1 A. H. 640 A. D.: The Early Bildd Islamic 40 the to al-Shaln period up of International Conference ofthe History ofBiOd al-ShdM (Amman 1987) p. 125.
52
Mecca,sufferingfrom the intoleranceof Qurayjh(Muhammad'stribe) andtrying to identity their as a new monotheisticreligion in this paganregion of Arabia. establish 5
Fromthe Qur'dn, the first Islamicsource,it is well knownthat Qurayah,used to go every summerto Syria to trade. Thesejoumeys from the heart of Arabia to the Byzantine lands in Syria required, of course, some kind of trading permission from the Byzantine authorities there, or at least, from the Ghassanids,who were Arabic 6. allies of Byzantium Actually, these caravanswere the best and the only way to transfer any news or rumours, as well as political and religious propagandabetween
ByzantinelandsandArabiaandvice versa. It is noteworthythat Muýammadhimself took part in two of thesejourneys, but unfortunately,Islamic sources,as well as the other sources,do not give any detailsabouthis personalcontactwith the Byzantineworld; thereare only Islamic 7 his future divine traditionalstoriesconcerning miraclesas a prophetunder care,and hazy accounts of his personal contacts in Syria. However, one of the best-known
issuesin the whole of Christian-Muslimpolemicsbeganduring his first journey to Syria,whenhe wasa child underthe patronageof his uncleAbfi-Tdlib. It is the story 8 differently by Balý-Ira the monk, which was reported the two sides. It is a clear of
5- "For the covenants (of securityandsafeguard (covering) Their covenants enjoyed)by theQurayah, journeysby winter andsummer,Let themadorethe Lord of this House,Who providesthemwith food againsthunger,andwith securityagainstfear(of danger).Qur'dn,106:2. On the explanation 'Two Qur'dnicSuras:al-Rl andQurayg',no. 12 in idem,Byzantium of this chapter,see1.ShahTd, andtheSemiticOrientbeforetherise ofIslam, Variorum(London1988).He paidspecialattention to thelinguisticproblemsof thetext,with scantattentionto theissueof tradeitself. 6 further (Princeton discussions Islam, P. Crone, Meccan this trade, the on trade rise of see and -For 1987)also of interestis the discussionof H. Kennedy,'Changeand continuityin Syria and Palestine',AramPeriodical,1:11(1989)p. 267. Ibn Ishaq,Sirat rast7l,411ah, ed. p 82; Ibn Hisham,Sirat rasi7lAllah, (The life of Mubamrnad) Wastenfeld,(Gotingen1858)1,p. 115. In this story,Islamicsourcesspeakof a ChristianmonkcalledBabTra, who metMoammad,when he wasa boy travellingwith his uncleto Syria.Accordingthenarratives, themonksawthesignsof his futureprophethood, andtold his uncleto returnto Meccato protecthim. TheChristiansources thehistory theOld Testament, talkedabouta certainmonk,calledSergios,whotaughtMubammad 53
exampleof the completecontradictionbetweenIslamicandChristiansources,which 9 in later Byzantine the was used polemics againstIslam. It appearsthat, during the Meccan period, the sharp contrasts between the
Qur'dnandthe Christianethicswasin ovo.At this time the Qur'dnconcentrated only I Oconfirming denying divine filiation Jesus, the the divine source of the on of Qur'dn," and assuring its readers that the Bible contained prophecies about Mulýammad, which would be one of the most important issues in the Islamic 12 Christianity. polemics against
After 622 AD/ I H., the main scenein Arabia changedcompletely. Mu1jammad
followers his migratedto Medina,after receivingsupportfrom the Arab tribes and (al-Aws and al-Khazraj)there.In the new city the Islamic Statetook its first steps, in makinghis new governmentin andbecamea reality.In fact Mubammadsucceeded Medina, by building a strong and personal coalition between the emigrants (alMuhajirfln) and the Muslim population of Medina, his supporters(al-Anýdr) 13
In this new state,the first contactwasmadebetweenIslamicauthorityandAhlal-kit5b, the Arab Jewsin Medina,with whom Muýammadmadean agreementto make a single community(Ummah).At this point he was seekingthe Jews' help of theold nations,andthebasisof thenewreligion,whichwasnearerto Christianity,but corrupted laterby the Jews.Ibn Ishaq,EnglishtranslationGullaume,p. 82; Ibn HishAm,St-ralrast7lAllah, 1, p. 115(mainlythe narrativeof Ibn Isbdq)c.f. ShaboA.M., An evaluativestudyofthe Bahirastory in the Muslim and Christiantraditions,MA thesis (BirminghamUniversity 1983).For further discussions, seeS. Gero,'The legendof themonkBabira,thecult of thecrossandIconoclasm',in (eds.) La Syrie de Byzancea l7slam, pp. 47-58; R. Hoyland,Seeing Canivetand Rey-Coquais Islamasotherssawit, pp.476-479. Johnof Damascus, De Haeresibus,col. 764, Englishtranslation,D. Sahas,John of Damascus, appendix1,p. 133;GeorgiusMonachus,Chronicon11,p. 699;seeA. Khoury,Polimiquehyzantine l7slam, VIIIe-XIIIe s. (Leiden1972)pp. 76-87. contre 10 Qur'An19:34-45. 11 QurAn 16,103. 12 AITal-Tabar-1, Kitdb 1-dawlah, 73-8 1. al-din wa pp. .&
54
14 his other Arab enemies, or at least avoiding any conflict with them in these against S. days, his dominion trying to Medina' It while establish early over the population of is noteworthy that, at this time, a Jewish Rabbi, 'Abdullah b. Salfim, converted to 16. Islam Surprisingly, his conversionplayed an important part in the Islamic-Christian inasmuch as the Christian apologists ascribed to him what they call a polemics, fundamental change in the Qur'dnic attitude towards Christianity, and they
him ) of Islamic considered to mark a secondstagein the formation(or deformation! dogma,after BWira. 17 However, this positive initial Islamic-Jewish relationship, shortly took the
form of a religiousand political challengeto Mubarnmad'srule in Medina.As Ibn lsýdq stated,"it wasthe Jewishrabbiswho usedto annoythe apostlewith questions falsity. The Qur'dn introduce the truth to usedto confusion,so as confound with and 18 disagreement down in between This to these theirs". reference questions of come Muslims and Jews turned rapidly into a decisive struggle,which led eventually to the
later from Arabian Jews Peninsula. the the of out of al-Medina, and whole expulsion
13 "The apostleinstitutedbrotherhoodbetweenhis fellow emigrantsandthe helpers,and he said... . ,Let eachof youtakea brotherin god" Ibn Ish5q,p. 234. 14. Ibn Isbaq,pp.231-233. 15 Seefor moredetails,R. B Seriant,'The SunnahJdmi'ah,pactswith YathribJews,andthetahrTm in documents Yathrib: translation the of analysisand comprised the so-calledconstitutionof of Medina',in Uri Rubin(ed.) Thelife qfMuhammad,the formationof the classicalIslamicworld 4, (Variorum-Ashgate1998). 16. Ibn Isbaq,p.240. 17 Al-Kind-1and HashimT,Risalat 'AbdAllah ibn 'Isma 711 bin Isýjq 'Abd ild alal-Mafiý al-Hishim! Kindi yad't7hu biha ild al-Islam, wa fisdlat 'Abd al-Mas!ý ild al-HaLhIM7yaruddu biha 'alayIh wa yad'z7huild al-Napaniyyah, (the messageof 'Abd Allah ibn 'Ismall al-HashimTto 'Abd al-Mas-ib bin Isbdq al-Kindi, in which he invites him to embraceIslam and the response'Abd al-Maslih,to alHashiml, inviting him to embracethe Christianity) ed. Bible LandsMissions, Aid Society(London 1912) p.86. See the Islamic responsein the so-called 'Umar's letter, D Sourdel 'Un pamphlet musulmananonyme', p.23. 18 Ibn Isbaq, SI-ratrasz7lAllah, p. 239; for more details on Mubammad'srelationswith Jews,seeIbn Hisham,pp. 391-401. 55
After establishinghis new government,Mutarnmad began to expand his his as well as authority beyond Medina. He began with the other Arab preaching tribes; so the Muslim expeditions beganto be sent, firstly againstQurayah,and then into the rest of Arabia peninsula. Gradually Islam became widespread in spread Arabia. Most of the Arabic tribes becameMujýammad'sallies, and in 630 A. D./ 8 A. H. Muslims enteredMecca, the first Islamic sanctuary,and destroyedthe idols in
it. 19Mubammadbecamethe masterof most of Arabia, and finally, as the Qur'dn day have This favour " I for perfectedyour religion states, upon you, completedmy have for chosen you Islam as your religion". you and
20
It was the first time that Arab
tribesin Arabiawereassociated underonecommand,afteryearsof nomadicsystem, with no centralpower. The Islamic challengeto Christianity: The Qurlan Once the Islamic statewas firmly established,the Qur'dnic attitude towards Christianitytook its final form. The Qur'dndealtwith, or ratherconfrontedChristian in issues. be inappropriate it Although, to study the many would generally ethics
Qur'dnicversesout of their context,at least,someof the main views can be in elucidated somepoints: On the trinity: The Qur'dndeniesthe notionof Trinity, in manyverses," Not to say trinity, desist:it will be better for you: for God is one God" (4,171), " They do blasphemewho say:God is oneof threein a trinity", (5,76). This attitudeformsthe backboneof all the Christian-Muslimpolemics On the nature of Christ ('Isa ibn Mariam):althoughthe Qur'dnconfirmshis special from God Christian (3: 45; 4,171), differently the notion of as a word of yet nature, 19 Ibn Isbaq,pp 540-561. 'o Qur'gn, 5: 4. 56
21 the word of God , begottenwithout father (3,47; 12,166),supportedby the Holy Spirit (2,87/253), healing the blind and lepers, and raising the dead, (5,110). It absolutely deniesthe divinity of Christ (5,17; 5,72; 5,116) confirming that he is just a like other messengers(4,171-172; 5,75; 19,30)and he is like Adam who had prophet, been created without a father (3,59). 22
On the crucifixion: The Qur'dn is clear in its repudiation of the Christian conceptof the self-sacrifice of Christ for mankind's saketo savethem from Adam's sin, and its denying killed Jews Jesus that on on the cross: emphasis " That they say (in boast) we killed Christ Jesusthe son of Mary the
apostleof God: but they killed him not nor crucifiedhim but so it was madeto appearto them and thosewho differ thereinare full of doubts follow for (certain) knowledge but to a surety with no only conjecture theykilled him not" (4,157) On the Bible (both Old and New Testaments).The Qur'dn strongly doubts the
authenticityof the Bible, accusingthe ChristiansandJewsof changingtheir book. It
The Word of God in the Islamicnotionis far from its conceptin Christianity.The Wordof God divine in has Qur'dn 30 In it the times. these as a meanings, several all example appears of command,or to elucidatethatwordsof Godaremorethanall the dropsof waterin all the oceans (Say: "If the oceanwereink (wherewithto write out) the wordsof my Lord. Soonerwould the thanwouldthe wordsof my Lord, evenif we addedanotheroceanlike it, for oceanbe exhausted its aid". 18:109).' As for the explanationof Jesusas "the Word of God", Muslim theologians considerthat this equals"Be", the supremeway of God's divine absolutesovereigntyover his sothe word of Godor God'scommandis carriedby theangelGabriel.Al-Tabarl,JdmV creatures, 3, (1986) 69-78. 269. See M. Ayoub, 31,1-2 GOTR, 'The in God Islam', p. al-baydn, wordof innumerable God: Son Jesus in Ayoub, 'Jesus Qur'An. M the See M. to a the are of references -There W. Z. in Haddad, Ibn Y. Y. Walad in the terms Qur'An TafsTr the tradition' of and study and Haddad,(eds.) Christian-Muslimencounters(UniversityPressof Florida 1995)pp. 65-81;idem, 'The word of God in Islam', Ata Ur-RahirnM., Jesusprophetof Islam, (Norfolk 1977);S. M. Zwemer,The MoslemChrist: an essayon the life, character,and teachingsof JesusChrist Orthodox Koran, (Edinburgh 1912). tradition to the and according 57
statesthat they "Forgot a good part of a messagethat was sentthem: so we estranged
themwith enmityandhatredbetweenthe oneandotherto the dayofjudgement".23 On the preaching of Islam: The Qur'dn motivated Muslims to spreadtheir religion, by using the best ways," Invite (all) to the Way of thy Lord with wisdom and beautiful preaching and argue with them in ways that are best and most gracious",24 25 Mulýammad force told to but at the same time Islam, not and anyone to embrace fight to them againstpeople of the book (i. e. the Christians)until they became urges Muslims or pay al-Jizya, with total submission.26
This is the outline of the Qur'dnic view of Christianity,which formalised Islamic-Christianrelationsfrom the time of Mutammad onwards,and which also deeplyinfluencedthe future Byzantine-Muslimencounters.The first start of these discourse between Muýammadandthe ChristianArabs was andagreement relations (on Southwest debate between Najrdn first Arabia). It Muslims and the the of was of ,Christians, and interestingly, this time Mubammad led the discussion himself. The
issues in dialogue Christ, Trinity, divinity this the the eating of the were of main 27 It kind the the the this terminus and veneration of cross. was post quem of pork, of dialogue,aswell asthe text of the agreement, which statedthat: "The statethey previouslyheld shall not be changed,nor shall any of be changed.No attemptshallbe made their religiousservicesor imageS28 29 from his bishop bishop', to tum a office asa
23 Qur'dn: 5,15. -The 24 Qur'dn: 16,125. -The 25 Qur', 10,99. In: -The 26 Qur'An: 9,29. -The 27 is in Ibn Isbaq, St-rat FuWý Allah, 270277; story whole al-buldin, pp. al-Balddhurr, rast7l pp. -The 75-77;Englishtrans.P. Hitti, pp. 98-101. 28 If this narrativewasto be trustedthis is the earliesteverreferenceto the Islamicattitudetowards _ icons and the religious freedomof the non-Muslims in the realm of Islam. 58
Remarkably,the Muslim writers, Ibn Ishaq,Ibn Hisharnand al-BaladhurT did not effectivelycommenton this debate.While al-Balddhuri'snarrativeis short and abridged, both Ibn Ish5q, and Ibn Hisham, in their comments,simply copied, almost from the Qur'dn on Christianity, without adding anything to some verses verbatim, them. It is well known that theseArabs maintainedgood relations with the Byzantine 30
Empire, and were receiving subsidiesand help from it to build their churches. One wonders where Byzantium was during these events. Did those Arabs have any inform to the Byzantine emperor about this? Unfortunately there is no clear chance
heart in Byzantine the these taking of realisation of events place of Arabia. evidence Apparentlythe agreementbetweenMutammad and the Christiansof south Arabia,which gavethemsomerightsat this time, pushedsomeotherChristiansects to fabricatelater, similar documents,allegedlywritten by the prophet'scommand his with name.Hamidallah published and examinedmost of thesetexts and stamped 31 his documents. in Thesefictitious texts, apart from the collection of early Muslim
29 Al-Baladhur-i,Futz7bal-buldiin, pp. 75-77, English trans, P. Hitti, pp 100-101.This treaty doesnot appearin Ibn Hisham,whosenarrative is considerablyhazy. He speaksof their demandfor a judge from the Muslims just to settle some financial disputes between them, and later in the same narrative, describesthis Muslim judge as an emir. Ibn Hisham,Sirat rasi7lAllah, 1, p. 410; while some later Muslim traditions reported that, they asked for a certain Muslim to teach them the doctrinesof Islam. Ibn I.Ianbal, Musnad,3: 286. 30 Ibn Ishaq, p. 271; Ibn Hisham saysthey were " i. e. Melkites "&J 60 4ý0 ; al-TabarT, LVIr. I: II, pp. 922-927. For further discussion on Christianity in Southern Arabia, see 1. ShahTd, 'Byzantium in SouthArabia', DOP 33 (1979) pp. 23-94. 31 Hamidullah, MqjmiVat lil-'ahd al-wathd'iq a1-siyydsiyydh al-nabawi wa al-khildfah al-rdshida, -M. (collection of the political documentswhich belong to the period of the prophet and the Guided Caliphs) (Beirut 1978)pp. 553-567. He usedsomemanuscriptsin Cairo (Dar al-Kutb al-Maghh), which were originally found in the monasteryin Saint Catharinein Sinai; the other one was kept and presumablyused by the Armenian Church, and was reservedin Turkey, while the third part was written for the Coptic and kept in a monasterynear Mardin. The last text is an expanded version of the conductof Christian Arabs of NaJr5n.SeeS. G. Addai and R. Griveau (eds.) Histolre Nestoire: Chronique de Seert, II, Fasc. 11,PO 13, pp. 610-617. It worth noting here that this alleged document has the number of 24 witnessesall from the close circle of Mubammad's followers (including the namesof the first four Muslim caliphs) somethingalmost too good to be true.
59
in dates them, the as all of used names and and wrong contradictions, chronological 32 Hamidallahpointed out, are generallycharacterisedby some specific features. Firstly, the wide rangeof religious freedom allocatedfor the non-Muslims, including the Christian slave-girls or concubinesin the Muslim harems.Needlessto say, all Muslim sources, as far as I know, are completely silent on this question. Furthermore,in thesetexts the Muslims were obliged not to take any material from
Christianchurchesto build mosques,a practicewhich was known somedecades death. late In Muýammad's texts,which are worth separatestudy, these sum, after been have Christian the Utopian texts on part maltreatment against used and may are
to local tribes Muslim the to used attack who nomadic or even mollify emirs of some the Christianmonasteries. After having gainedcontrol of most of the Arabian Peninsula,Mutammad foreign he borders, its beyond to his the so sent envoys soughtto extend religion he b. Dihya Islam. For him, this to to them reason, sent convert calling rulers around
b. Ab-I Balta'a Ijatib Heraclius, to the Byzantine Khalifa al-Kalb-lto the emperor Muqauqis ruler of Alexandria'335hujd' b. Wahb of b. Asd to al-Mundhir b. al-Hdrith
Negus Umayya b. lord Damascus, 'Amr to the al-Damri of who wasthe al-Ghassdni, 34 king of Abyssinia,and 'Abdullah b. Hudhafato Chosroesof Persia. It was an it became later lands, Islam to to and other attempt spread ambitiousandcourageous in Islam, to especially an Islamic tradition to call upon non-Muslimrulers embrace 35
discussion there fact In Caliph. first are and these the under missionsare the yearof
32 Hamidullah, Ma/miVat al-wathd'iq, p. 560. 33 Butler, Arab conquestofEgypt, revisedP.M. Fraser(Oxford University Press,1978)p 140,n. 2. -A. 34 Ibn Islýaq,S71rat Allah, pp. 652-659. rast7l . 35 Ibn Abi al-Laith, Lettre du CalifieHdrfin Al-Rasidii VempereurConstantineVIL . 60
between Islamic and Byzantinesources,as well as among many contradictions modemscholars. Mubammad and Byzantium At this point, my main concern is the letters to Heraclius, patriarch Cyrus of 36 Alexandria, and al-Mun-dhir b. al-Hdri-thal-Ghassdni,the Arab ally of Byzantium. The oldest narrative of contacts between Heraclius and Muýammad is in the traditions attributed to AbQ Sufydn b. Ijarb (father of Mu'dwiah I). According to this in Sufydn Abil was trade in Syria before his conversionto Islam, when the narrative, happened Heraclius be defeating Jerusalem to the Persians,and visiting after emperor
he saw a vision of a kingdomof a circumcisedman defeatingByzantium.Soonhis followers told him that thesewere Jews who were under his sovereignty.They 37 killing At Jewish this verytime the governorof Busrdtold all people. recommended his masterthe news of the new prophetin Arabia, so the emperororderedhim to bring a man from the land of this prophet, and that happenedto be Abfl Sufydn.
In a strangedialoguebetweenthe Byzantineemperorand the Arab noble,the his Mutammad, his the enquired about response careerand of people emperor towards him. The Byzantine emperoreagerly asked about the characterof the his lineage followers. his Finally "And the the emperor said and nature of prophet, truly, if you havetold me the truth abouthim he will conquerme on the groundthat 38 is beneathmy feet, and I wish that I were with him that I might wash his feet". However there is no other evidencefrom Byzantinesourcesabout this meeting,
36 A. Butler, 'On the identity of Al-Mukaukas', appendixC of idem, TheArab conquestofEgypt, pp. 508-526. 37 Persians. b. for the that the Jews their with the al-Batr-iq says co-operation emperor persecuted -Sa'Td Sa'Tdb. al-BatrTq,Kitdb al-Tdrl-kh,11,p. 6. 38 . Ibn Istaq, pp. 654-655,
61
be legendary, to which seems since Abfi Sufydnconvertedto Islam shortly after Muhammad's final victory in Mecca (8 H/ 929 Ad)39, while Heraclius' visit to Jerusalemwas in March 630 AD/ 9 H.
40
It is remarkablethat someChristian sourcesalluded to sucha strong feeling of Heraclius of inevitable Arabs' victory. Agapius, a Christian Arab historian, wrote about Hcraclius' vicw of the Arabs' victory as God's will, which nothing could stop, fulfilment of the divine promise to Abraham (Gen. 17: 20), that his son Isma'Il and a
(the father of the Arabs) would begetmany kings.41Bar Hebraeusmentionedthe 42 feeling desperation fear of same andof of theArabs. Interestingly enough, this narrative of Heraclius' sympathy towards Muslims
his and vision aboutcircumcisedmen defeatingByzantium,had someechoesin the 43 in Latin contemPorary Western Christian writings sources. The otherIslamicnarrativesaboutthe missionof Dihya b. Khalifa al-Kalb-1 to 44 Byzantine Heraclius full the emperor are of variations, but they mainly speak of a
letter and stamped which wassentto the emperorHeracliuswith Dibya. written
39
Ibn Isbaq,p 547. 40.W.E Kaegi,ByzantiumandtheearlyIslamicconquests (Cambridge1995)p. 67. Kitdb 8, Fasc. The PO 3, 471-473; Egyptian al-Menbiji, al-'Unwdn, anonymous pp. -Agapius contemporary writer (whosenarrativehadbeenusedby Ben el-Muqffa')narratesa dreamof the emperorthat a circumcisednationwill defeatByzantium.He thoughtthatthis meantthe Jewsand beganto persecutethemandforcedall of his Jewssubjectsto be baptised.We know from other sourcesthat Byzantiumhad,at this very time, forcedthe Jewsto convertto Christianity.Sevrus Ben el-Moqaffa,Historia, 1:1, p. 107.On the conversionof Jewsat this time, seeR. Hoyland, SeeingIslamasotherssawit, p. 55 N. 6. 42 Hebraeus 95. p. -Bar , 43 book 1960) (London Fredegar, Wallace-Hadrill M. J. the of chronicle trans. of ed.and -Thefourth pp. 54- 55, (A Latin chroniclewritten around650). Thoughit generallydealsmainly with the Seefor moredetails,R. Hoyland, eventsin the West,its commentson the Eastareof importance. SeeingIslamas otherssawit, pp. 216-219;For moreaboutHeraclius'dream,seeC. Donzel,'The dreamof HeracliusandIslamin an Ethiopiansource, in BakhitandAsfour,(eds.) Bilad al--Shilm duringtheByzantineperiod,2, pp. 206-21L For a full andcarefulexaminationof all the Muslimnarrativesof the embassy, seethe studyof S. Bashear,'The missionof Dibyaal-KalbTandthesituationin Syria'A4I 14(1991)pp. 84-114. _
62
" In the name of God most graciousmost merciful, from Mulýammadthe messengerof God to Heraclius the ruler of the Romans,peace for him who follows the guidance. I invite you by the convocation of Islam. Convert to Islam and you will be safe, submit and God will reward you twice. If you refuse, you will bear the sin of the AffisyIn,45and Say 0 people of the Book! Come to the common terms as betweenus and you: that we worship none but God; that we associateno partners with Him; that we erect not from among ourselvesLords and protectors other than God; if they turn back, say: bear witness that we (at least) are Muslims (Qur'dn 3,64)".46
The Muslim sourcestend to exaggerateHeraclius' reaction to this message.
Someevenreportthat the emperorassembled all the greatmen andadvisedthemto Islam. Stunned by furious their reactionthe emperorsoonretreatedclaiming embrace 47 just faith. Although thereare slight differences testingtheir Christian that he was betweenall theseMuslim narratives,all of them are unanimousabout Heraclius' favourable response to Islam as a religion, and towards Muhammad as a future prophet.
While most of the Westernscholarscast strongdoubtson the authenticityof Mutammad'sletters,for theybuild their discussions mainlyon the wide confusionof the Arabic narrativesconcerningthesemissions,someof thesenarrativesobviously 48 tendto be no morethanlegends,andnon-Muslimsourcesaresilent.
43 it but Arabic it, or peasants means ambiguous word, sources mainly give meanings of many -An subjectswho follow other'slead.SeeS. Bashear,'The mission'p.I 11. 46 137. 6, tlajar Fatb (Beirut 1989) 8 at-'Asqalwi, p, vols. al-baaft sharhpý7ý al-Bukhwi, -Ibn
47
Sachau, E. IsbAq, 656-657; Ibn E. Mittwoch, Sa'd, Kitab and pp. al-tabaqdt al-kabir ed. -Ibn (Leiden 1917);al-TabarT,TaInkh, 3, pp. 1595-1598.
49 W.E. Kaegi,Byzantium,p. 69; S. Bashear'The mission'passim;S. Gero,'Early contactsbetween Byzantiumand the Arab empire',.In favourof its authenticity,seeM. Hamidulah,'La lettredu le de Poriginal', 97-110. A Hdraclius Arabica (1955) 2 sort et proph&e 63
The examinationof all the sources,however,may lead to anotherconclusions. Firstly, as Kaegi pointed out, there are no Byzantine narratives about such a 49 late from Zonaras, betwccn the narrative except message, about an alleged meeting
Mutammad and
50 1 Ileraclius,
inasmuchas no other sources(Muslim or Christian)
kind. hints however, be At least, thc truth this of of can still any meeting some rcport found amongall thesesources(Muslim andnon-Muslim). In his collection of the political documentsof the reign of the prophet and be Hamidullah the original copy of the called what caliphs, publisbed orthodox did Unfortunately, he below). letter Heraclius (see to not photograph prophet's its Arab Emirates his Recently United that the announccdof'ricially mention sources. 51 it. Until letter, b. Sultan Zaid they to this this publish and promise preserves emir
be documcnt happens theauthenticity this confirmed. cannot of ,
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1* W.E. Knegi,Brzamium,p.69, Zonaras,Ephomaeffistorlarum,pp. 214-216, 12-8-1998, issue 31 W-'Ittih5d daily newspaper,(internet edition) ILI tj! of W. q. Ip-//%vjyvv&jjtt44,, in 16-8-1998. 13.8-1998, and accessAcd 52 108. *. idu lah, Ham I majina p. at-walhaiq, at .A 64
Although one can accuseIslamic sourcesof exaggerationabout Heraclius' favourableattitude to Islam, they do not hesitateto mention that some of the 53 killed, it is his letter Nevertheless, that torn were or was UP. prophet's messengers
beyond doubt that Muhammad sent a letter to Cyrus governor of Egypt, and received including from him, Christian Egyptian Maria, who called a slave-girl, gifts some 54 (Abraham). begot his Islam, lbdihim the to married prophet and only son converted
There are Christian sources:Sebeosthe Armenian chronicler from the seventh identifying letter from (without Muslims to the the sender), of a speaks century 55
Heraclius.
It seemssafeto assumethat a letter had alreadybeenwritten and sentto the Byzantineauthoritiesin Syria,probablyto the local governor,andwas later brought to the attentionof theemperorduringhis visit to Jerusalem. Earliest Byzantine contact with Islam Unfortunately, no contemporary sources give definite and confirmatory
information,especiallyaboutthe periodfrom 622 (al-Hijra,emigration)to 629A.D./ between Byzantium first battle Mu'ta, the clash 7 H., which witnessedthe military of least hinted in known, in Arabia Presumably, Islam. these at, at or were events all and his There Syria. newsof a new prophetextending preaching,as was unprecedented is likely It Arabian Peninsula. that this beyond his the the news core of power, as well Syria to Arab to trade everyyear. the go caravans,which used wascarriedwith
53 Ibn isbdq, Sirat rast7lAllah p. 658. 54. Ibn Isbaq,Sirat rasiII Allah, p. 653; al-TabarT,Tdrikh 3, p. 1061. 55 Sebgos'History, p. 124 -Sebeos, 65
At the sametime, Mubammadhad contactswith the Christian Arabs in 56 Najrdn in South Arabia, and they had some kind of relations with Byzantium. Furthermore some of the Christian Arabs fled from Muýammad to the Byzantine 57 brought in lands in Syria and certainly with them news of rumours of events Arabia. At this time, however, Heraclius was involved in his fatal struggle with the Persians, kind, it has did been brought his this to of ever not attention, probably so any news have any kind of priority, or any consideration.
The earliestcontactbetweenthe Byzantinesandthe Muslimsin which Islamwas b. in Farwa 'Amr the alof a religion appears story of conversion as recognised
GadhWI, the governorof Ma'dn. Although the chronologyof his conversionis in in 630 AD, 9W it is he letter Muhammad that to certain sent a unconfirmed, 58 have informs him his Islam, he taken to place must which conversion about which in Muslims first local He this the contacted who governor was months earlier. some 59According Islamic behind back Byzantine to the the of authoritieS. way, apparently
Arabic However, later he then some executed, crucified. sources, was arrestedand himself from Heraclius Sa'd to Ibn speaks of a personal attempt as such sources, for death failed, back. him Having the the penalty emperor ordered convert "This first its difficulties, the in ever shows him. chronological spite of story, Byzantinereactionto Islamasa religion.
56 Ibn Isbaq,SI-ratrast7lAllah, p. 271 ' 5' Ibn H isham, St-rat rast7l Allah, 1, p. 412. 58 Ibn Isbdq, p. 644; Ibn Sa'd, Kitdb al-labaqdt al-kabir, 1,11,p. 3 I. 59 W. Kaegi, Byzantium, p. 69. 60 Ibn Sa'd, Kitab al-jabaqdt al-kabir, 1,11,p. 3 1. _
66
Theophanes the Confessor,in his accountof the battle of Mu'ta (September 'alluded 6 ), / 8 H. JumNda AD 629 to a sort of contact between the Quraysh, (Muhammad's enemies)and the Byzantine local governor, concerningthe news of the forthcoming Islamic attack on the southernByzantineborders. This was a short time before Muhammad's victorious entering into Mecca. This communication just be individual an case; equally, however, it may indicate some could actually
kind of regularcontactbetweenthe enemiesof Mubammad.What is clearfrom the is its discussion least local Byzantium, that or at authorities, especiallythe above Arabic tribes, were to some extent aware of the eventsin the heart of the Arabian Peninsula.There was no Byzantine reaction to these remote and seeminglyless
dangerousevents for the exhaustedByzantine annies. Both sides, therefore, Muslimsand Byzantines,were at a distancefrom eachother, involvedin fighting againsttheir enenýes. The military confrontation In 629/ 8 H., Byzantium and the Islamic state were confronting eachother.
Byzantiumwas trying to re-establishits rule in Egypt, Syria and Palestine,while Mujýammad thoughthis powerwas enoughto makea limitedbut dangeroustest of Byzantinemilitarypowerin the Arabianborders.Therefore,he sentthe first Islamic borders. disaster M'uta This Byzantine at andwas with expedition met against army 62 in 629 AD/ defeated 8 H. badly the sameyear, The secondIslamic expeditionagainstthe southernbordersof Byzantium in AD/ 630 There TabUk, Rajab 9 H., Mubammad's command. was at under aimed in between Tabak Arab fighting, Muslims tribes around only an agreement and no "-W. Kaegi,By7antium,p.72.
67
63 A]-WaqidtArabia. the north of also reports that Heracliussent a specialArab in find his Muhammad Tabfik to to about characterand out more messenger "' future him the as expected prophet. examine Although S. Bashear says "the reports concerning Hiraql's attitude to Mu,bammadin Tabfik may shed some light on the reason why that expedition was called
off
%65
these later reports on such events,seemto be no more than legends.
The Byzantine submissiveness to the Muslims also appearsto be improbablein the light of the decisiveByzantine victory over the Muslims in M'uta just a few months
before. Islam and local Christians in Syria and Egypt
It is beyondthe scope of this thesis to deal with the n-fflitarystruggle betweenByzantiumand the Muslims, which beganon a large scalesoon after Mubammad'sdeathin 632. This conflict took its coursemainlyin the landswhere the majority of the population was Arabic speaking,and mostly Christian. So these battleground in land Islamic-Byzantine their the conflict, as well a were and people
between divine Judaism, Christianity in three the the religions, major encounters as between Byzantium Islamic The Islam. the these and people situated attitudeof and issue, is is heterogeneous Christianity, between Islam and actually a complex state,
different (Greek, Syriac languages three and several and religions, containing Arabic).Therewere evenbitter divisionswithin Christianityitself This will be the discussion. starting point of my next
Mango, Isbaq, 531-540; Theophanes, Chronographia, English 335 I, trans. p. pp. p. 10-25, -Ibn 466. For further discussion,seeW. Kaegi, By7antium,pp. 71-74. Ibn Isbaq, pp. 602-608. 64 J. Marsden, 3 vols KUM book conquests) ed. aI-magh&IIiI-WjqidI(Al-wdqdi's of -Al-WAqdI, (Oxford University Press1966) 3, pp. 1018-1019. 65 S. Bashear,'The Mission', p. 94. -
68
When Islatnic amlies enteredPalestine,the Byzantineauthoritieswere merely restoring the easternprovincesand trying to solve the permanentand complex problem of the nature of Christ. Heraclius personally tried, with the support of Sergios patriarch of Constantinople (610-638), to pacify the 66
Monophysites in the east. However his new formula (Monotheletism) did not disagreement betweenthe Chalcedonians(supported by the the problem and solve the Emperor) and the local Monophysites left a bitter feeling of depressionand hatred among these populations, which appears clearly in the contemporary Nikiu, John Egyptian the of chronicler, says that -the "hostility of the sources.
6' because Another Heraclius to the the emperor persecution". was of population late Syriantext bitterly complains"the cathedralchurches,which hadbeenunjustly from our peopleby Heracliusand given to his co-religionaries,the confiscated 's Chalcedoniane'. Thus, the dishannony between the local population and the Byzantine factors. is deep, to several was clear and went very attributable which authorities
" independent identity debates, factors feeling These of a growing were religious (especiallyin Egypt), and administrativetax problems.
My aim hereis to understandthe attitudeof thesepopulations(that is the local populations)to Islam, as a religion, althoughassessing their attitude is not
66 M. Hussy, The Orthodox Church in the Byzantine empire (Oxford 1991)pp 9-24. _J. 67 John of Nikiu, The chronicle, p. 184. (ed. from A. Palmer ) The 1234 AD, in: the chronicle et al. of seventh anonymous -Extract century in the westSyrian chronicles (Liverpool University Press1993) p. 141. 69.See for more details: J. Moorhead 'The Monophysite responseto the Arab invasions' B 51 (1981) 579-91. A. Cameron, 'The easternprovinces in the seventhcentury AD: Hellenism and the emergenceof Islam' in idem: Changing cultures in early Byzantium, Variorum (London 1996); A. N. Stratos,Byzantium in the seventhcentury, 5 vols. (Amsterdam 1968-1980)11,pp 117-127;H. Kennedy, 'Change and continuity in Syria and Palestineat the time of the Moslem 286Aram, I: 11 (1989) 265; J. Haldon, in Byzantium the pp. seventh century, p. conquest', 289.
69
in late because the and of wide contradictions all contemporary without risks, is known Islamic It There that the no eyewitnesses are among sources. well sources. the earliestIslan-ft historical writings beganin the secondhalf of the eighth century; in lack historical Byzantine there the century seventh was of sources.The while be drawn from historians, Syrian, Jews, the can mainly other outlines oriental main Copts, and Armenians,from whom one can find a wide range of different attitudes
to Islam. As for the Jews,althoughthe beginningof the Islamic-Jewish relationswas dunng life, Muhammad's all contemporarysourcesagreethat there was coviolent
between Jews Muslims, Jews the that rejoiced at the new and and operation joy "Km Mubammad's Jacobi Doctrina Jews' the news at speaks of prophet. 1
oilouk, CaXa[Lev
10, XaPCLV [tey*Vq).
7
' TheArmenianhistorianSebeosaccusedthe
71 Al-BaIddhuffalso help Arabs Romans Jewsof calling the to them againstthe . intimacy between for Arabs Jews, the that they tells spies us were and and confirms 72 is in interesting Arab Palestine. Judaic The text the the armies messianic most
Messiah: Islam, Mulýamrnad the expected as vision concerning and apocalyptic When he saw the kingdomof Ishmaelthat was coming,he beganto did it kingdom Edom 'Was to us, the of wicked say: not enough,what but we must havethe kingdomof IshmaeltooT... for the Holy One, Blessedbe He, only bringsthe kingdomof Ishmaelin orderto saveyou from this wickedness.He raisesup over them a Prophetaccordingto his will and will conquerthe land for them and they will come and between it in be themand there terror restore greatness,and will great Doctrina Jacobi, p. 209. For further discussionon the Jews' attitude towards Arabic invasions Arab-Islamic S. 'The their Leder, Palestine, Jews towards the the role see attitude of and of conquestof Bilad al-Sham', Die Welt des Orients 18 (1987) pp. 67-71. On the Jewish sources and Islam, seeK Hoylnad, SeeingIslam as others saw it, pp. 307-320. 71 Sebeos,History, p. 122. 72 162-163,English trans., P. Hitti, p. 244. Futj* pp. al-buldin, -M-Baladhurr,
70
the sonsof Essau'.RabbiSimonansweredandsaid:'How do we know that they are our salvationTHe answered:' Did not the prophetIsaiah " he " And horsemen, saw a troop with a pair of saythus: etd"? Why did he put the troop of assesbefore the troop of cameIS?
74
Thisbrief andvery importanttext summarises the earlyJudaicconceptof Islam, kingdom Ishmael. This be interpretation biblical to the the of seems exact of as a 75 God's for Ishmael. It was the first ever connection between text about promise Islam and Biblical verse " the rider on camels" i. e. the Muslims, who came after "
the riders on asses"i.e. Christians.Who was the rider on the asswho camefirst, first Was the the the was rider on camel who came who after? meantto be and Christ?And was the secondmeantto be Mubammad?The interpretationof these became in Islamic-Christian the most critical points polemics. questions Theophanes, also, says"The Hebrewswere misledand thought he (Mujýammad) 76
Anointed the one". was
Apparently,some Judaicnarrativesdescribed'Umar, the secondIsIdmic idea P. Crone Cook 'Umar M. this to the as a about messiah. and ascribed caliph,
Islamic tradition, dependingon the narrativeof al-Tabaff.They say "it is to be foundfossilisedin the Islarnictradition,andincidentallyrevealsto us the identityof 77 himself, 'Umar, the secondcaliph" But the text of al-Tabaffreferred the messiah . had Islam, Jew to to a certain converted andwho a comment of who recently only 78 his former in the sametext wasaccusedby 'Umar of beingnearerto religion.
73
21,7. -Isaiah, 7' B. Lewis,'An apocalypticvisionof Islamichistory', BSOAS(1950)pp. 321-322. 7' Genesis,18:20 71 Theophanes, Scott, C. Chronographia, K Mango English I, 333 translation, and p. p. 3-13, 464. 17 Crone,P. and CookM. A., Hagarism:Themakingofislamic world, (CambridgeUniversity Press1977),p. 5. 78 Al-Tabarf,Tj'rAh,, 1:5, pp. 2408-2409. -
71
In conclusion,it appearsthat Jews saw the emergenceof Islam and its from Roman kind for the them the rule and yoke of of salvation some as prophet thought that the Arabs could help them to rebuild their holy temple in Jerusalemand Mubammad that was the expectedmessiah,who could restore the glory of maybe 79 Israel But since the attitude of the Arabs towards the Jews was kingdom the of . the same as their attitude to Christians, these good relations soon changed.
Accordingto Sebeos,Arabs "namedthe samebuilding (The Temple)their own by blood", "fill Jews Jerusalem the the to polluting so plotted with prayer", of place blood, but Christians, then this to the this plan was pigs' and ascribing mosquewith
" discovered. It is noteworthythat this story, if it is true, is the earliestexampleof defilement of the holy places carried out by Muslims and Christians.This story is
in Jews Christian-Muslim Later their the gave up other encounters. repeated often " hopeof Muýammadasa messiah. When one looks at the attitude of the majority of the populations of Syria has into Islam, Egypt take towards to one considerationcertain points which and
between in local divisions Firstly, the the the their east, reaction. religious affected 82 (mainly Greek) Chalcedonians, Monophisitesandthe whichlift muchbitternessin the east. Secondly,one should considerwhat they must have thought after the holy him facing had left Arabs, the the the taking them cross, most with emperor
Sebeos,History, p. 131. Jbid. 91 desire know infidels, Jews the that the and expect who you are rejected, well utterly -"But from Antichrist; him be the message they these came words of with condemned" will coming between 'Umar II Emperor Leo 111. It describes the the to to the contradiction clearly attributed Jews and the Muslims about the Messiah. See J. Gaudeul 'The correspondencebetweenLeo and 'Umar', P.143. in detail 91 b. (who the the about speaks al-Muqaffa' used of work an eyewitness) -Severus Coptic Byzantine in Egypt by the the who opposedthe council authorities against maltreatment Chronicle, Nikiu, John b. Sevcrus TArAh, 1: 106-107; 1, Chalcedon, of al-Muqaffa, pp. of p. 186.
72
feeling A Egyptians' Christianity. towards the the clear example of of relic sacred Chalcedonians appearsin the bitter wordsof Johnof Nikiu: "They defiled the church by an unclean faith, and they wrought deeds of violence like the sect of Arians, such as neither apostasies and barbarian has his have despised Christ they and wrought, pagan nor servants, and we have not found only that do the like amongst the false idole'. 83
worshippersof
Still, although most of the non-Muslim sourcesspeak about Arab violence 84 invaders, it the and merciless seemsthat the Arab violence was everywhere, directed mainly against the Greek population." This violence forced most of the
Greeksto leavetheir cities and flee to Byzantium.Consequently, the new Arab found houses many empty everywhere,providing a good opportunity to settle rulers
. 86 helps in demographic This Arab Muslim to spread tribes these change places. new Islam and increasedthe processof Arabization and Islamizationof the new it did take sometime. although provinces, In his article, D. J. Constantelossays"The Arabic wars againstthe Greeks
holy Islam but of or wars as a crusades not only political or economic wars, were
83 I, 107, I: Scvcrus b. Tirgh, Chronicle, 187; the Nikiu, p. who attributes al-Muqaffa', p of -John Arabic victory to the problem of the council of Chalccdon. 84 Chozebitcs, Vita St. Antonios Nikiu, Chronicle, John 182,188; History, 129; of p. p. -Scbcos, Georgii Chozebitae,AB 7 (1888) pp. 127-130; Sophroniosof Jerusalem,Orationes, Oratio I, PG 87: 3, cols. 3205- 3207; seethe discussionof D. J. Constantcloswho tends to assumethat the Muslim conquestswere mainly a processof bloodshed,D. J. Constantclos,'The Moslem in the Greek sourcesof the seventh and the cighth the of near east as revealed conquests by Schick, Christian K The His B 42 (1972) 325-357. theory was challenged centuries' A historical from ByTantium Islamic Palestine to and archaeological of rule: communities Schick, 1995) 69-80. late in Islam, (Princeton, (Studies 2) the pp. antiquity early and study, did forces Muslim Muslim the that the sources and archaeological evidencespresumes using not commit such widespreadviolence. John of Nikiu, Chronicle, p. 184, Agabius, p. 478. SeeK Schik, The Christian communitiesof Palestine, pp. 68-84. 86 Al-Baladhuril fiffib al-buld.1n, pp. 152-153,155,224, English trans., P. Hitti, pp. 227,23 1, 349.
73
87 But such an opinion is evidently based on Christianity". religion against
Constantelos generalisation. and collectedall the negativephrases exaggeration from all sources,and had a fixed idea before writing his article. An issuelike this is
be he From the that generalised. same sources used,one can complexand cannot draw a totally opposite account. John of Nikiu pointed out the Arabic tolerance " " Egyptians Islam, to towards churches, and the conversion of some and actually
90 began help "people Muslims". Furthermore, to the most contemporary said Arabs the that mainly respectedthe churchesand the religious practices say sources However does Christian Arabic this that the sects. not mean expeditions of all Byzantine the easternprovinceswere entirely peaceful. against Finally, it is not so easya task to evaluatethe attitude of ordinary people in
Syria and Egypt, in the light of lack or contradictorysources.It seems,however, local Arab in the the the population that conquests majority of early stage of (except the Jews) were fighting side by side with the Byzantines,but after the first in began Syria Palestine Arab to tribes the side with their own and some of clashes, 91 battle. Byzantines, least in Having Arabs the the over won victories people, at
begansomemissionarywork, mainly with the ChristianArabs in the new Arab 92 between keen distinguish local Yet Arabs to the were apparently provinces. Christianpopulationandthe Greeks,so that while we know manyexamplesof co-
87 Constantelos,'The Moslem conquestsof the near east', p. 328. 88 John of Nikiu, Chronicle, p. 200. 8' John of Nikiu, Chronicle, p. 182,20 1. 90 John of Nikiu, Chronicle, P. 181 "- Al-Baladhuril Fut0b al-buldin, p. 140, English trans, P. I-litti, pp. 208-209. 92 Al-BaladhurT,Futj* al-huldin, p. 150, English trans., p. I-fitti, p. 223. -
74
93 local between Christians have Muslims, and we also manyexamplesof operation the flight of Greek populationsto other Byzantine lands. At the sametime, Muslims allowed all Christian sects,indiscriminately,to 94 keep their own churches. However, as D. Sahas practise their religion, and Islam out recently, as a religion was basically ignored by these local pointed Christians or, at best, treated as a Christian heresy.95 Accordingly, a process of
Arabization and Islamization of the new Islamic provinces in Jordan, Syria and
lands Egypt, had alreadybegunsoonafter the establishment Arab these of rule, so had beganslowly to lose some of their Hellenic features.At the sametime, al-Jizya
96 CMstians Islam. to undoubtedlypushedsome The church and Islam
The Christianlaity somehowhadto live in the changingsociety,undernew ignore heresy. it, But Islam Christian the situationof and or accept as even a rulers, At this time the Christianthinkerswas completelydifferentandmoresophisticated. they were involved in the problem of the nature of Christ, divided into bitterly opposedgroups,which affectedboth the state and the church.It was a society doninated by religion and religious characteristicsand interpretationcoloured life. all aspects of almost
93 Al-Baladhuff,Futo al-buldin, pp. 128,143,EnglishtransP. Hitti, pp. 187,210-211;Johnof Nikiu, Chronicle,p.181-182,201. 94 Al-Baladhurf,Futab al-buldin, pp. 128,132,136,178, EnglishtransP. Hitti, pp. 187,192, 198,271. Johnof Nýdu, Chronicle,p. 194;Ish6'yahbIII, (of Adiabcnc)liber Epistularum,cd. and trans.K Duval, CSCO,ScriptorcsSyri, secondseries,LXIV, (Paris1905)p. 182;seeH. Kennedy,'The Mclkitc church from the Islamic conquestto the Crusades:Continuityand Major Papers adaptationin the ByzantineLegacy',SeventhInternationalByzantinecongress, Islam, in idem,Studiesin (NewYork, 1986)p. 328; S. P. Brock, 'Syriacviewsof emergence SyriacChristianity.,History,literature,theology,Variorurn(London1992). D. Sahas,'The Seventhcentury',p. 7. 96 On the issueof conversionseeP, Schick,TheChristiancommunitiesof Palestine,pp. 139158.
75
Now Islam came as a religious challengeto the Christiantheologians, . last Bible the true their the and the main and religion, refuting itself considering basis of the Christian dogma. Mubammad announcedthat he was the last prophet him. issue The Islam Bible the the that prophesies about main of emergence of and image its by Muslim a victories over as new religion accompanied was as a religion the Christian Byzantine Empire; everywhere in the east, Jerusalem,and the holy
killed had fell Muslim And Christians to grasp. or certainlymany were places under leavetheir housesandfleeto Byzantinelands. Many questions arose at this time concerning Muslims. Who were these
Did Bible Who What the this their prophet? so-called was religion? was people? foretell theseevents?Was this a temporarydistress,and,mostimportantquestion in did infidels? Undoubtedly God Believers the seventh support, or of all, whom between Arabs. Islam did distinguish Christian the and not writers centurymost of 97 idolaters. later barbarian beasts"and Muslims as " They saw Arabs and
It is well known that the first everChristianwriter to write aboutIslamwas Sophronios of Jerusalem(634-638). In his sermon in Jerusalemin 637, only five
'Umar, death, Mubammad's to the the the city caliph, capitulation of and yearsafter by Sophronioshimself He describedthe situation,andgavehis explanationof the Muslimvictory thus: Becauseof countlesssins and very seriousfaults, we have become (the Bethlehem) these things, the andare of sightof sights unworthyof Unwillingly, from Bethlehem by roads. of entering way prevented indeedcontrary to our wishes,we are requiredto stay at home,not 9'
W.E. Kaegi, 'Initial Byzantine Sophronios, 201; Oratio, PG 87,3, 3206; Nikiu, of p. col. -John image 'The M. Jeffreys E. 140; Arab Church History, 38 (1969) to the p. conquest, reactions Congress, Major Byzantine in literature', Byzantine Arabs 171h The International the of Papers, (Washington 1986).
76
bonds but by fear bodily Saracens, by of andwe are prevented closed from experiencingsuchheavenlyjoy but we havethe Davidicdesire ... [the did in famous David to thirst, see water] as song,andwe are and from feasting our soulsthroughfear of the Saracensalone. prevented like gentilesat that time, has For now the slimeof godlessSaracens, does Bethlehem but and captured not yield passage, threatensslaughter if destruction leave holy this we and city and if we darewe approach " beloved Bethlehem. andsacred our
He also spokebitterly about the Arab swords,which, in his opinion,were bloodthirsty, and causedmuch fear. Yet he believedand hopedthat the salvationof
the Christianswould be accomplished onlyby self-purification: Therefore I call on and I beg you for the love of Christ the lord, in so far as it is in our power, let us correct ourselves,let us shineforth with let let be by us curb our us purified conversion and repentance, hateful God. If we constrain to performance of acts which are ourselves,as friendly and beloved of God, we will laugh at the fall of our Saracenadversariesand we will view their not distant death, and final destruction, blade for blood-loving their their will enter we will see their hearts,their bows will be shatteredand their shaftswill be fixed in 99 them.
Again, the patriarchgavehis evaluationof the Muslim victory, ascribingit it be Christian temporary considering a ordeal, could to and as which put sins, 100 by behindthem prayingandrepentance. He alsowastrying to confirmthat God
Oratio, PG. 87,3. English Kaegi, 'Initial 3206, Byzantine translation, col. -Sophronios, reactions', pp. 139-140. C.f. Hoyland, P, SeeingIslam as others saw it, pp. 67-73. 99 'Initial Oratio 1, PG., 87,3, Kaegi, 3205-3206, English translation, cols. partial -Sophronios, Byzantine reactions', pp. 140-141. Sophronios, Oratio 1, PG 87,3, cols. 3205-3206. It is noteworthy that the very same explanation for the Muslim victories appeared also in Western Christian writings. See F. Engreen, 'Pope John the Eighth and the Arabs', Speculum20: 3 (Jul. 1945) pp. 318-330. esp. p. 320.
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did not deserthis believers(i.e. the Christians),andthat it wasa divinepunishment, but that God certainlydid not supportthosegodlessArabs. This adjective, he used "godless" betrays clearly his misunderstandingof Islam, which could also be a reaction to Islamic attitudes towards the principal Christianbasics,mainly the divinity of Christ. Although the first Christian apology againstIslam did not appearuntil the first half of the eighth century, the few Christian pieceswritten about Islam in the
basis following the the coloured and set century up main of apologiesand seventh between both The the theologians on sides., writings and sermonsof recriminations
Sophronioswerethe initial Christianexplanationof the emergence of Islam. Presumably,Sophroniosdid not considerIslam as a religion, and did not have any kind of information about it. Theophanestells us about the comment of
Sophronios,when he saw 'Umar enteringJerusalemin cheapand simpleArabic in is holy "Verily, desolation the this the a abornination standing place, as of clothes, have been spokenthrough the prophet Daniel".101It was the first attempt to find an
interpreted The Islam. interpretationin the Bible of the phenomenon patriarch of fourth in (Daniel few beast A 7). Daniel's Islatnic the the new vision years poweras (beast) fourth from historian, "This Armenian Sebeos, the emerged says afterwards 102 kingdonf'. Ishmaelite the the southandrepresents The patriarch John and the prince of the Arabs
Both MuslimsandChristiantheologianstried to find somekind of prophetic different in from They Bible, Old Testament. the the wrote particular support interpretationsof the biblical text, to refute the authenticityof the opposite 10' Thcophanes,Chronographla,I, p. 33922-24, C. Scott, 47; Mango, P, English trans., p. and Daniel 9:27,11:31,12;Matthew24:15,1.
78
in first Sophronios One that the took the step this patriarch can assume scripture. few just death. Muhammad's years after a context, Some years after Sophronios' writings, the first known dialogue betweena Muslim emir and a Christian patriarch took place in a certain city in Syria. It was a 103 by Nau. M. F. In this unique text, we do not Syriac text, translatedand published find the namesof the interlocutors, 104or the nameof the place of the debate,nor its date. All we have are attempts from Nau to confirm the authenticity of the text in late its Egyptian M. H. to the scholar al-Bakri who refuted opposition
105 authenticity. The text itself begins,"The letter of Mar John,patriarch,concerningthe 106 he had Hagarenes", discussion which andendswith "Prayfor with the emirof the the famousemir ... the holy father... andMar Johnandall of their holy escortand 107 believers, Hencethe togetherwith ue'. the leadersand the who are assembled is Mar John. identified However, Nau Islamic the the clearly not name of writer (conqueror is b. 'Umr Egypt), Jacobite John the the al-'As as of and patriarch emir 1 (635-648). Recently S. K. Samir argued that that the Muslim interlocutor was a
"' is In important In 'Umar Sa'd. More Muslim the narrative of alcalled certain Nadlim,in which he speaksof a certainCoptic bishopcalledJohnthe Grammarian, 102 Sebeos, 135. History, p. 103M. F Nau, 'Un colloquedu patriarchelean avecI'dmir desAgardens',JS, Ile serie5 (1915) Christian-Muslim in: A. ) The N. Newman, (ed. English 225-279. translation early pp. dialogue:a collectionof documentsfromthefirst threeIslamic centuries(632-900)pp. 747. For furtherdiscussion,seeP, Hoyland,SeeingIslam asotherssawit, pp. 459-465. 104 betrays, first line John, bear the text the the title the the of context and of name -Although beyondquestioningthat the writer of the text is not Johnhimselfbut someone else.The writer repeatedlysays, "Our fathersaid ... ". `5 M. U. al-Bakff, 'Mu4awaratal-batriqYuhandma'a amir al-'Arab', (Dialoguebetweenthe Cairo University, 16: faculty John Arabs) Bulletin the the the of arts: and emir of patriarch of 1 (May 1954)pp. 2345. 106 M. F Nau, 'Un colloque',p. 257,Englishtrans.N. A. Newman,p. 24. 1'-M. F Nau, 'Un colloque',pp. 263- 264,Englishtrans.N. A. Newman,pp. 27-28.
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idea Trinity, he the the of and was consequentlyexcommunicated, who rejected living aloneuntil the Islan-k anniesenteredEgypt. After a while he befriendedthe 109 b. 'Umr Obviously, however suchman could not be identified as al-'As. new emir
interlocutor Christian againstMuslimobjections. a patriarchanda However, the dialogue contains somequestionsfrom the Arabic emir to the issues, about religious such as the Bible, the nature of Christ, the religion patriarch, Moses, from Abraham the Muslim emir: and and surprisingly a strangequestion of
"he requestedonly proof that Christis God andthat he wasborn of the Virgin1)110 Such a question as this (especiallythe first part of it), which completelycontradicts
"'casts 112 doubt Qurd'nic text, the some on the authenticityof the whole text, and (whenever it Christian be that the this to time seemed was) writer at suggests Moreover, Islamic Jesus Christ. the with concept no contemporary of unacquainted
dialogue like 'Abd John Nikiu Ibn of and al-Ijakam,reportedany writer, especially this. We havea differentrepercussionof this dialoguein the al-Mrist of Ibn alNadim, who portrays a certain Christian interlocutor as someonewho changedhis
but he does Muslim idea of the Trinity, and had severaldiscussions the emir, with "' his Islam. not confirm conversionto Theseearly religiousdialoguesbetweenthe local Christianpopulationand the Muslimsare extremelylikely to haveoccurred.This dialoguehoweverseemsto be a later interpolation,or at best,an inaccuratelate recordof an earlierdialogue.
in Jean 111 (631-648)', S. K Samir, 'Qui lintcrlocutcur du syrien est musulman patriarchc Dijvers et al., (eds.) IVSymposium Syriacum, OC,4 229 (1987) pp. 387400. 254-255. Ibn al-Nadiiin, pp. al-Fihrist, I 10 M. F Nan, 'Un colloque', p. 258, English trans. N. A. Newman, p. 25 111 it is unquestionablethat the Qur'An saysthat Mary is the mother of Christ. Qur'An 19: 14- 22. 112. M. V. al-Bakr! discussedin detail mistakes in the translation of the text from Syrian into French, which confirmed his ideasabout the text. 113 Ibn al-Nadim, al-Rhrist, p. 254. -
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in this Dialoguemayput it somewhere in However,the presenceof Chalcedonians the context of early Byzantine-Muslimrelations. The second Christian thinker who dealt with the phenomenonof Islam is "' Confessor. In the fourth decadeof the seventhcentury,' "Maximus Maximus the but in beasts human form, from Arabs desert the to as nothing wild coming savýr destroy civilised society. He speaks bitterly about those who are suffering and frightened of the Arab invasions."'At the sametime Maximus consideredthe events
of the
117 foreboding a ic conquestsas a of the antichrist. It is anotherstepin the
formulation Byzantine in had begun Islam, the the of of views of process which
later in in appeared systematicanti-Islampolemics the eighth seventhcentury,and "s century.
Doctrina Jacobi is one of the earliest Christian texts, which refers to Mutammad(but doesnot mentionhis name),and examinesIslam as a religion.It between a conversation a Jew, Jacob who recently converted to Christianity was his friends. is dialogue This dated around 646/647.119 In this of and some
conversation: MasterJacob,my brotherAbrahamwrote to me from Caesarea saying The Jews that a deceivingprophetappearedamongthe Saracens ...... havea great happiness, they saythat the cotning(cpX6gcvoq) prophet 114 havechosenonly selectedworkswithin thecontextof Byzantine-Muslimrelations.For a full -1 and lengthystudyof the early Christianwritings on Islam, seeR. Hoyland,SeeingIslam as otherssawit. 115- W. Kaegi,'The initial Byzantinereaction',p. 142 116 Maximus, PG 91, col. 540 A; c.f. W. Kaegi, 'The initial Byzantinereaction', p. 142; 'The Moslemconquests',p. 232; K Hoyland,SeeingIslam as otherssawIt, pp. Constantelos, 76-78. 117 PG Maximus, 9 1, 540 Bcol. 118 Damascus Muslims "The forerunners John Damascus, De of called of antichrist", of -John Haeresibus,cols.764,trans.D. Sahas,JohnofDamascus,p. 133. 111 wascommonlybelievedthat this dialoguewaswritten about634,but G. Dagronprovedthat -It it couldbe in 646 /647, dependingon somechronologicalpointsin the text. SeeG. Dagron, 'DoctrinaJacobi,commentaire',p. 231; P. CroneandM. Cook,Hagarism,p.3.
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has appearedmidst the Saracens,and he is proclaiming the advent of the messiahand the Christ, and having arrived in Sykamina,I referred the matter to an old man very well-informed in the Scriptures, and I do him: 'What you tell me, masterand teacher,about the prophet asked who has appeared among the Saracens?.He told me, with much is deceiving, 'He for do the prophets groaning, not come with sword and chariot'. Truly these events of today are works of confusion. But you go off, master Abraham, and find out about the prophet who has appeared'. So I, Abraham, made enquiries,and was told by those who met him: 'There is no truth to be found in the so-called prophet, only bloodshed; for he says he has the keys of paradise, which is incredible'120 .
This uniquetext revealsthe earliesteverJudaicandChristianimpressions of Islam as a religion,and of Mutammad.At the sametime it makesmore extensive Muslim-Christian the about context of polemics,whichtook on a methodical points form later in the next century. Firstly, this dialogue reflects the initial Judaic perception about Mubammad
in later Islamic-Byzantine polen-fts, that some messiah, was used which a as "peopleof the book" haverealisedthat Muhammadis the prophet,whomtheywere favourable Islam. This them to attitudeon the part converted of so some expecting, it in Qur'dn "Is Jews the not a sign to them that the appearedexactly of some learnedof the Childrenof Israelknewit (astrue) "(10:46). It is noteworthythat the Christianpoletnicistsusedevery point in this text be How later. It is the repeatedChristianpolen-ýical could a prophet a question:
'The 120 W. Kaegi, 3 Hagarism, See 209-211. P. Crone Cook, Jacobi, M. pp. and pp. -4; -Doctrina initial Byzantine reaction', pp. 141-142;P. Hoyland, SeeingIslam as others saw it, pp. 55-61.
82
121The idea of the keys of paradisehasbeenconnectedlater with leader? tnilitary 22
1 in later Jihad, Byzantine Islarnic the tenn the andappeared anti-Islan&poleýnics.
Another Christianthinker who wrote about Islam was Anastasiusof Sinai, a 123
"neo-Chalcedonianwho devoted most of his works againstMonophysitism".
As
he, like his Islam Christian thinker, the most contemporaries, of saw emergence of a 124 Christians for for As Islam, "Anastasiusbrings the their of punishment sins. a as 125 into his Christology Qur'dn's Monophysites". He seemsto the argumentwith the have some knowledge about Islamic doctrine concerning the Trinity. In his Hodegos, he condemns the Muslim accusations against the Christian doctrine but he God, Christ Son Trinity the the and of soon turns nature of as a concerning 126Actually, he, in common with his Monophysites. his attack upon the
did did He Islam consider also not a not mention religion. contemporaries, Muýammad.At the sametime he was awareof someIslamicattitudestowardsthe Trinity, and he claims that theseArabic ideasabout Christ "were formed in reaction 127 formulae Severian Monophysites". to the of the Byzantine hagiography in the seventh century does not offer more information or impressionsconcerning Islam. Antonios Chozebitesthe biographer invasions Arabic Palestine. He George Chozebites, Saint of speaks of saysthat of
"-
Aba Qurra,Afaymarjj-wujW al-KhAfiq,p. 246.
122 English trans. C. Mango and R. Scott p.465; I, 33420-25, Chronographia, p. -Thcophanes, ConstantinePorphyrogcnitus,De administrando imperio, p. 79. 123 Haldon, 'The works of Anastasiusof Sinai: A key sourcefor the history of the seventh-
-J. centuryeastMediterraneansocietyand belief, in: A. Cameronand L. 1. Conrad(eds.) The Byzantineand earlyIslamicNearEast1,problemsin theliterary sourcesmaterial, (Princeton 1992)p. 115. 124 Sinai, 115Sinaites, PG C. See Anastasius 89,1156 Haldon, 'The of of pp. works -Anastasios 116 125 S. H Griffith and R. Darling, 'Anastasiusof Sinai: The Monophysitesand the Qur'An', Abstractsofpapers(Chicago1982)p.13. EighthAnnualByzantineStudiesConference, 126AnaStaSii Sinaitae,Nae Dux, ed.K. Uthemann,(Brepols1981)1,45-50,p. 9. 127 S. H Griffith andRobinDarling, 'Anastasiusof Sinai, p. 13. -
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Arabs killed somemonks,but at the sametime they showedsomemercyto the 128 fear God, him food. because of their of andtheyoffered saint, The Syrian and Armenian writers in the seventh century, however, offer
"'and information Islam, had kind them about most accurate of some of nonmore hostile attitude to Islam, at least comparedwith other Greek sources.However, the Syrian of evaluation and Armenianviews on the emergenceof Islam is not complete here. aim my One of the most important Syriac texts from the seventh century is the 13 1 Pseudo-Methodios. This unique text takes the form of a brief Apocalypse of
divided into history, from fall Adam the to the seven millennia, of running universal SecondComing of Christ.132The author tries to deal with the phenomenonof his hope for a suddenand total Byzantinevictory over the Islam, and expresses Muslims, in which all the Muslims would be "Given over to the sword and devastation,to captivity and slaughter"."' This text, in my opinion, can be consideredas an early genuine Christian has features, Islam It as a religion. some polemical attempt against and polemical
issues betweenIslam and Christianity,which the the writer was awareof earliest becamethe backboneof all the debatesbetweenthe Christianand the Muslim 128 Georgii Chozebitae',pp. 129-130;seeD. J. Constantelos,'The 'Vita St. Chozebites, -Antonios Moslem conquests',p. 232. 129 Brock, 'Syriac views of emergentIslam', p. 11. -S. 130 For further discussions,seeR. Hoyland, SeeingIslam as others saw it, pp. 116-213. 131 Pscudo-Methodiosto whom the text is attributed, was a Bishop of Olympus (martyred 312), the text itself, as S. Brock pointed out, belongsto the secondhalf of the seventhcentury and its Syriac. Pseudo-Methodios,Apocalypse, see A. Palemer et al., The language was original G. introduction, 222-229, J. 230-242; text in the pp. chronicles, west-Syrian century seventh Reinink, 'Ps.-Methodius: A conceptof history in responseto the rise of Islam', in: A. Cameron and L. I. Conrad, (cds.) The Byzantine and early Islamic near east. Problems in the.literary sources material (Papers in the first workshop on late antiquity and early Islam. no.1,1 (Princeton 1992). pp 149-187; idem,'Ismael, der Wildesel in der Wfiste. Zur Typologie der Apokalypsc desPseudo-Methodius',BZ 75 (1982) pp. 336-344. Pseudo-Methodios,Apocalypse, introduction of S. Brock, p. 222.
84
for list full has Pseudo-Methodios the Firstly, titles showing of a theologians. 134 barbarian desert "the He tyrants who are not them the Muslims. wild assof calls 135 for desolation",, furnace "they but testing all of of children are a men, Christians"13' He, like his contemporaries, Sophronios of Jerusalem, and the
ArmenianhistorianSebeos,tries to find interpretationin the Bible for the eventsof the seventhcentury.
The first polernicalissuein the text concernsdivine supportfor the right in in later Abbasid it issue, Islamic This the polemic although appeared religion. discussion between Muslims the and the already under presumably was period, Christians.Both of them were sure of God's support for their own religion, simply
becauseit was the right one. In this respectPs.-Methodiossays"... Childrenof Ishmael:it was not becauseGod loves them that he allowedthem to enter the kingdom of the Christians,but becauseof the wickednessand sin which is "' Christians". hands Here trying to the the the analyse author was of at performed
divine Muslims' Islamic the support. claims of the victory andrefute Ps.-Methodioswasthe first Christianapologistwho accusedthe Muslimsof in his he does the the text, name of mention not which although passions, sexual Muslims,is completelyambiguousand confusedin this respect,.He accusedthe hand God "for them homosexuality, that this Muslims of will reason and says ov
" 138 .
I" Pscudo-Mcthodios, Apocalypse, 238. p. 114 Apocalypse, 23 0. p. -Pscudo-Mcthodios, Apocalypse, 234 p. -Pseudo-Mcthodius, Apocalypse,p. 234. Pscudo-Methodius, Apocalypse, 23 1. p. -Pscudo-Methodius, 131 Apocalypse,P. 232. -Pscudo-Mcthodius,
85
In this text, Ps.-Methodiossummarised the whole natureof the encounter betweenthe Muslims and the Christiansuntil his time, the last decadesof the 139Among interesting in is Ps.-Methodios the the text century. most points seventh Christians the to Islam: of many conversion reports Many people who were membersof the church will deny the true faith Christians, the along with the holy cross and the awesomemysteries: of being subjectto any compulsion,or lashingsor blows, they will without deny Christ, putting themselveson a par with the unbelievers."0
In the end,the " King of the Greeks shall go out against them (i. e. the Muslims), in he be like 'a has them awakened against great wrath; will man who his from forth He the sea of the them off shaken wine'. will go against Kushites,, and will cast desolation and destruction on the wilderness of Yathrib 141 .
It is a Christianrevival,but this time from the Christiankingdomof Ethiopia. This reflects the hope of the writer in associationbetween the Monophysites and 142 Chalcedonians, Muslims. the under one command,againstthe
To sum up, the seventhcenturysaw the first contactbetweenByzantium in between The Muslims, Christianity. Islam the century as seventh aswell and and the eastMediterranean,in the sphereof religion, was a period of incubationfor later in its form the nextcentury. Byzantine-Muslim took systematic polemic,which The eighth century
By the end of the seventhcentury both sides,the Byzantinesand the Muslims come closer in their understandingof each other. The moving of the
I, S. Brock, 'Syriac sourcesfor seventh-centuryhistory, BMIGS2 (1976) p. 34. 140 Pseudo-Methodius,Apocalypse, p. 235. 141 Pseudo-Methodius,Apocalypse, p. 237. 142 G. I Reinink, 'Ps. A 167-178. history', concept of pp. -Methodius: -
86
Muslim capitalto Damascusin the ageof the Umayyadsmovedthe Muslim court its with entireculturalcircleto Syria,nearerto their constantenemy.Furthermore, the new powerful Muslim administration was forced to adopt the old Greek
henceforth local Christians in the their newadministration. and used systems, Thevivid andvariedculturaln-fflieu,albeitstill mainlyArabic,143 hadcreated between to the two religions and the two states.One make close contact chance a can assumethat there was surely daily contact between the local Muslims and Christians,as the Arabic languagemoved to becomethe lingua franca in Syria and Egypt. On the samelevel, the prisonerson war of both sideswould be an essential
information for andcross-knowledge. source Obviously,the eighth centurybrought to the fore more accuratewritings and a closer approachto Islam from Byzantinewriters. The pioneersof the Byzantinepolemic at this early time camemainly from the Arabic lands,whom could be called safelyByzantine Arabs. Those Chalcedonian Arabs had played an intermediary role between Muslims and Byzantium. They were fluent in both Greek and Arabic, which make
them eligible to be heard by both sides. John of Damascusand his disciple, Arabs.Both TheodoreAb(i Qurrahwere the best examplesof theseChalcedonian lived in Arabic lands,and under Muslim government,while still well acquainted language. Greek-Arabic Greek Furthermore the the cultureand n-fflieuof Saint with
143 The Arabic sourcesnarrate that the Umayyadcaliphs usedto sendtheir sonsinto the desertto live with Bedouins so that they could be acquaintedwith the pure Arabic language.Al-SuyujI, TArPh al-khulafj' (Ifistory of the caliphs) p. 245; Ibn 'Idharal, the historian of Muslim Spain, 'IdharaT, Ibn Umayyads (an Arabic the caliphate overall al-byan al-mughrib, called state), (Histoire de I'Afrique et de I'Espagne) I, p. 5 1.
87
144 SabaMonastery near Jerusalemplayed a vital role as a stepping-stonefor Byzantium into its former landsin the East. John of Damascus Although the works of John of Damascus on Islam have been almost in decades, in recent my opinion, somepoints are still open to exhaustivelystudied is in later Islam, Chapter His 100/101 main work on clearly a my view question. interpolation, written by a certain Greek Monk in Saint Saba Monastery near
Jerusalem, andattributedlaterto Johnof Damascus. Several notes on the whole text require discussion. First, as D. Sahas
incorrectly has from Old the the the text of quoted writer realises, 145 Testament. Such a mistake is hardly expected from some one such as John of
Damascus,the defenderof Orthodoxy.Furthermore,the writer of the text of language, Arabic lack his fatal knowledge 100/101 the of showsclearly of chapter in has been by the also misunderstood modem scholars their commentson which "' the text. He says:
These,then were idolatersand they veneratedthe morning star and Aphrodite, whom notably they called Habar (Xapap) in their own
144 famousmonasterynearJerusalem, in 483.The monasterybecamean founded by Sabas St. -A intellectualcentrewith its greatscriptorium,andattractedsomeprominentnamessuchasJohn 'Great lavra Sabas', On ODB, Damascus. the cultural milicu aroundthe monastery s. of v. of A la Constantinople 'De Palestine M. its Constantinople, F. Auzdpy, see and relationswith (VIIIc-IXc si6clcs)ttienne Ic sabaitcet JeanDamasc6ne',TM 12 (1994) pp. 183-218;S. Griffith,'The monksof Palestineand the growth of Christianliteraturein Arabic', MV 78 (1978) 1-28;PLP. Blake, 'La littdraturegrccquecn Palestineau VIII* siecle',Le Musgon78 (1965)367-380. 14'-Infirst lines of the chapter(De Haeresibus,col. 764),the writer of the text (whetherJohnof "TheyalsocalledthemSaraccns, Damascusor not) explainsthe epithetSaracens allegedlyfor havingbeensentaway(i.e. Hagar)by Sarahempty,for Hagarsaidto the angel,Sarahhassent in dialogue Bible, As Sahas D. the there and the real empty". pointed away out, such me no Sahas, John D in Testament Old (Gen. 2 1) did the these ofDamascus, words. not contain story p. 133,n. 1 146.For instance,P, Hoyland,SeeingIslam as otherssaw it, p. 106, wherehe was obviously Damascus John Islam, D. Sahas, of on p. 84-87. puzzled;
88
language,whichmeansgreat;thereforeuntil the time of Heraclius,there 147
idolaters. were,undoubtedly, Laterin the sametext he continues,attackingthe Muslimpracticeof veneratingthe blackstonein Mecca: " This, then which they call 'stone' is the headof Aphrodite, whom they usedto venerateand whom they call Haber Mxpep"
148
While western scholars have tried in vain to trace, or even invent an explanationwhich goes back to the pre-lslatnýicperiod, I would hypothesisethat
the writer of the text, whetherJohnof Damascusor not, seemedto be confused betweensomeArabicwords. I- ljajar,,ýý
which meansstoneandis usuallyconnectedwith the black stonein 149 .
the ka'abain Mecca,whichMuslimsvenerate
2- Akbar *Al a superlativeof KabFir means great. which most , 3- Allah Akbar j4,11 that meansGod is very great,andit is a favouriteIslamiccall, especiallyin time of war. 4- Hobal J+k the greatest idol for the pre Islamic Arabs was in Mecca, inside the Meccan shrine. 150
Suchsimplemistakesin Arabiclanguagecall for a considerable doubt about the authenticityof this work, and give supportto the possibilitythat it is a later "I Johnof Damascus, De Haeresibus, 764 B (trans. Sahas, 133). p. 148 Johnof Damascus, De Haeresibus, 769 B (trans. 137. ) Sahas, p. 149 is a small pieceof black stone,wrapped(now) in a frameof silver in its traditionalplace, -It the comer of the ka'ba. Accordingto someMuslim traditions,this stonewas droppedfrom Heavenand it waswhite, but later it blackenedbecause of the man'ssins.A long time before the appearance of Islam, the paganArabic tribes usedto veneratethis stone.Obviouslythe stonestill has the samevenerationin Islam,yet without any clearrole in Islamicdoctrineor practice.SeeIbn Ijanbal: Musnad,3: 277; Aba al-Walid al-AzmqT,Akhbir Mecca, extracts budes French Arabes dossiers,Pontificio Istituto di Studi Arabi e translations. with d'Islamistico78 (Rome199o-1991)p. 23. SeealsoU. Rubin, 'The ka'ba: aspectsof its ritual functionsand positionsin pre-Islamictimes', JW 8 (1986)pp. 97-137.In pages118-122he discuses the differentMuslim narrativeson the originsof theBlack Stone.
89
interpolation.At anotherpoint in the text, the writer usesan ambiguousword "l Xafla0v, whichdoesnot makeanysense,eitherin Arabicor in Greek. This confusion betweenthe Black Stone of Mecca, the head of Aphrodite, Allah Akbar, is feature Islamic had Byzantine It the the a words of polemic. and 152 in before John Damascus, of significantly Byzantium where it had been occurred in historical Byzantine appeared again and created, and polemicalworks after him, by other Byzantine writers, such as Constantine Porphyrogenitus, George "' Anna Comnena, While it was never used - as far as I know - in Hmaratolos, and by Christian Arabs, b. Ijaiffn Qista b. Isbdq, Lfiqd, and text such written as any Yaýyd b. 'Adf,
154
Who
were eloquentin Arabic.
Furthermore, Eutychius, Sa'Tdb. Balfiq (877-940 / 263- 328) the Melkite
important Alexandria, two of wrote extremely notesconcerningJohnof patriarch Damascus.First, he says: "In the tenth year of caliphate of al-Mu'tamid (870-902) 'lillya b. Manýrjr, who helped the Muslims in their capturing of Damascus(sic.)
A llah, 1, pp. 51,54. Skat Hisham, Ibn a/ ras Haeresibus, Sahas, A 137. ) De 769 (English Damascus, John trans. p. of is Gemanus Patriarch of Constantinople(715 first Christian these writer who uses words -The 730), who in one of his letters says"it will be quite enoughfor their sahmeand confusion to invocation day in they their to the wilderness to a them this even make which against allege lifeless stone, namely which is called Chobar", Germanus, Ep. ad Thomam episcopum Claudiopoleos, PG 98,168A-D; English translation, Mendham, 230-232; see also, R. Hoyland, SeeingIslam as others saw it, p. 106. De adminstrando imperio, p. 79; GeorgeHamartolos, (ed. C. De Porphyrogenitus, -Constantine i Boor) p. 706; Anna Conmena, Aldxiad, cd. B. Lcib, 11: 10, p. 208, English trans. E.R.A. Sewtcr,pp. 3 10-311. 154 Arab theologian, bom in 893, lived in Iraq, and died in 9734. WTI, Christian b. a -Yahyd Yahya was well known and well respectedin Muslim circles. Ibn al-Nad-Imsaysabout him "lie . his Kal5m) (i. the the and he was matchlessin of colleagues e. philosophers of president was his time Awbad Dahrih he told me that he has written in his own hands two of al-Tabri's .. War ( explanations of the Qur'An)". However Yahya was a prolific Arabic thinker; from his list of works, one can find a few devotedto anti-Muslim polemic. Ibn al-Nadi-m,al-Fihrist, p. 264. On the life and works of Yahya, seethe introduction of his book by S. K. Samir, Yahyd b. 'Adi, Maqjlahft al-tawpid (Le traitd de l'unitd de Yoya b. 'Adi) ed. S. K. Samir, Pontificio Instituto Orientale, (Rome-Beirut 1980) introduction, pp. 25-36.
90
been in had became the the Patriarchof cursed entire world, and 155 for 29 Jerusalem yeare'. Later in the samebook he says: "In the tenth year of al-Wathiq (842-847) Jijis b. Manýar, who helped the Muslims in their capturing of Damascus(sic.), and had been cursed in all the world, had becomethe Patriarch of Jerusalemfor 16 years".156
These two texts are obviously mistaken, but they reflect the real knowledge heritage John of of Damascusamongthe ChristianArabs, surprisinglyhis fellow and Melkites. One may wonder, what was the heritage of John of Damascusamongthe
Melkite ChristianArabs?Were they really fully acquaintedhis writings?Did they Arabic an copy of a translationof his chapter101 againstIslam?The ever read be for to and striking answer seems not at all, simple we see that the Melkite
laity, fully ignorant John the the of not a member of personality of was of patriarch, Damascus. The other question to be asked is how limited was the Arabic languageof Saint John of Damascus, a third generation son of a Christian family, after the
Muslim conquestsin the seventhcentury?The scatteredallusionsin somesources he least, in his Arabic Greek that spoke, strongly or at as as studied well suggest 157 his distinguished being fortiori, A a member,or rather memberof the childhood. financialadministrationof the Muslim State,and havinga closedaily contactwith the caliphsandcourt,would supportthis hypothesis.
Eutychius, Sa'Id b. Batriq, KiMb aI-tjrAh,,, II, p. 69. Eutychius, Said b. Bdtrfq, Kitib al-tArAh, II, p. 6 1. 51 See the full discussion of, J. Nasrllak Saint Jean de Damas, pp. 57-71; D. Sahas,John of Damascuson Islam, pp.37-41.
91
My conclusionis that.work, chapter100/101seemsnot to be havebeen himself by Damascus best it is John late of or at an altered copywhichwas written duplicatedfrom a missingoriginal. This text, chapter 100/101,is certainly a product Greek language Byzantine, mentality and and reflectsByzantineview. of Theodore Abfi Qurrah The works of John of Damascuswere followed by his disciple Theodore AbO Qurrah, who is an ambiguousMelkite Christian Arab writer, born between740-750 died circa 820- 825. He composed several works on different theological and issues.Presumably,his works were written in Arabic, inasmuchas he did not know
158 Greek,, while someof themweretranslatedinto the Georgianlanguage.My main here is fact the that his works againstIslamwerewritten or preserved clear concern "9 in Greek. have been from He hostile the Muslim may only afraid of any reaction
is in lands. Arabic Arabic There upon writing such a no, origin of work authorities theseGreek works, which may strain the credibility of their authenticity.
Someof works attributedto Abfi-Qurrahseemed to be a laterinterpolationor by later One dialogue Arabic Aba-Qurrah to a copyist. attributed needsa altered itself The text examination. says: close
"AbU Qurrah said: from your book, where it saysin Surat al-Nisa' '(they did not kill him, nor did theycrucifyhim..But God raisedhim to him to himself And it alsosays'0 'Isa sonof Mary, I am causingyou to die and raisingyou to myself,andpurifyingyou from all thosewho disbelievedin you. And I shall makethose who followed you to be in you. And you areJudgeof the worlds" abovethosewho disbelieved S. Griffith did know Greek, Griffith, S. Aba-Qurrah that not pointed out -Convincingly 'Eutychiusof Alexandriaon the emperorThcophilusand Iconoclasmin Byzantium:a tenth centurymomentof Christianapologyin Arabic',B 52 (1982)p. 163,note31. 119-Abo-Qurrah's works concerningIslam include someshort treatises;someof them discus generaltheologicalissues,while only threeweredirectedagainstIslamandaimedto rcfutethe prophecyof Mubammadand Islam.C.f. Aba Qurra,ContraHaereticos,Judaeoset Saracenos Glei, German P, PG 97, 1461-1596, translation cols. ed. with parallel varia opuscula, OpusculaIslamica(Altcnberge1993).
92
A group of thosepresentat sessionsaid,"By God you are right Ab(i "' Qurrah!By Godyou haveput our colleagueto shame! First, the quotation is not from Surat al-Nisd' (the chapter of women), but from al-'Imrdn (3: 55) as Swanson, the original translator, is aware."' Yet the
162 Qur'anic furthermore it text exact is not an and quotation wasmodifiedto serve the Christian point of view, and make JesusJudge of the worlds. One may wonder how could those present who were supposedto be elite Muslim scholars,accept
from the Qur'dn and even cheer AbU Qurrah for his quotation such a wrong victoryl
The polernicalworks written in Greekand attributedto Ab(i Qurrahconsist of some opuscula. They are mostly very short treatises and pose the inevitable
question,what wastheir originallanguage,sinceAbli Qurrahhimselfdid not know Greek?Furthermore,as 1. Dick pointedout, the word BappapoS attachedto the Musliminterlocutorlabelsthe writer of the text asa non-Arabwriter,"' presumably in Greek St. declares Saba Monastery. Dick monk certain preciselythat these a texts were not written in the form we havethemby AbQQurrah;they aremostlya from his later by his time papers, collected some and published collection 164 However,theycouldbe summarised disciples. asfollows:
160 Swanson,M. N. 'The crossof Christ in the earliest Arabic Melkite Apologies', in S. K Samir _ and I S. Nielsen, (eds.) Christian Arabic apologetics during the Abbasid period (Leiden 1994),p. 133. 161 Swanson,'The Cross-ofChrist in the earliest Arabic Melkite Apologies', p. 133. 162 The verses are "Beholdl Allah said: "0 Jesusl I will take thee and raise thee to Myself and falsehoods) (of thee the of those who blaspheme; I will make those who follow thee clear superior to those who reject faith, to the Day of Resurrection:Then shall ye all return unto me, judge between " 3: 55. I dispute. the you of matters will wherein and ye 11 Abu Qurrah, Maymarfitwu/ W al-Khjliq, introduction of I. Dick, p. 82 164 Aba Qurrah, MqymarJ.rwq/W al-Kh.#Iiq, introduction of I. Dick, p. 82 -
93
Opusculum3.: A dialoguewith a certainetnir of ljimý on the existenceof God. Remarkably,the writer, whetherAba Quffah or not, chosea Greektitle for the 165 BpOov'EpEcTIS". him " -r6v -roO emir,calling Opusculum21: A dialogue with a Muslim on the spreadingof Christianity by poor disciplesas a rairacleof its rightness.166 Opusculum8: A debatewith an Arab man on the trinity. 167 Opusculum 16: A debatewith an atheist on how could God could be everywhere
"' inside (Mary). the wombof a woman and Opusculum9: A Dialogue with a Muslim on the death of Christ; was it againsthis will?
'19
Opusculum32: A short debatewith a certainMuslim on the natureof Christafter his death."' Opusculum 17: A short debatewith an infidel on the necessityof baptism and the fate of those Saintswho lived before Christ and were not baptised.171 Opusculum22:172A debatewith a certain Muslim on the Eucharist. This text was
in copied,or usedverbatim anotherdialoguebetweenSamonasbishopof Gaza MuSliM.
anda certain
173
165 PG 97, cols. 1491-1503,Germantrans. JohannesDamaskenos Theodor AbfaQurra, und SchriftenzumIslam,ed.andtrans.P, Glei andA. Khoury,pp. 128-145. 166 PG 97, cols. 1547-1552,ed with a Germantrans.Johannes Damaskenos Theodor Aba und Qurra,SchriftenzumIslam,pp. 103-107. 167 PG 97, cols. 1527-1529,ed with a Germantrans:Johannes Damaskenos Theodor Abri und Qurra,SchriftenzumIslam,pp. 146-147. 168 PG 97, cols. 1539-1541,ed with a German trans: JohannesDamaskenosund Theodor Abfi Qurra, Schriften zum pp. 148-149.
169 German Theodor Abd Qurra, Johannes 97, 1629, Damaskenos trans col. ed a und with -PG SchriftenzumIslam,pp. 150-151. A slightlydifferentArabictext reservedin SaintCatharine's monasteryin Mount Sinai,was publishedrecentlywith an Englishtranslationby S. Griffith, 'Some unpublishedArabic sayingsAttributed to TheodoreAbu Qurrali', Le Musion, 92 (1979)pp. 29-35. "0 PG 97, cols. 1583-1584,ed with a Germantranslations:Johannes Damaskenos Theodor und Aba Qurra,SchriftenzumIslam,pp. 124-127.
94
Opusculum34: A dialoguewith a Muslim on polygamy. 174
Opusculum35: debatewith a barbarianon the freewill andGod'screationof 175
humanactions.
Opusculum 18 (Migne puts it among the works of John of Damascus),176on a between Moses, Jesusand Muýammad in the light of the miracles comparison which support their tasks. Opusculum19: A debatewith a certain Muslim who urged him to embraceIslam177 . Opusculum20: another responseto the previous Muslim dialogue,which is a direct and fierce attack againstMubammadand sura 112 ('Ikhlds) on the unity of God. The text, in my opinion, is far from being a real dialoguevvith any Muslim in the
Islam. of realm In sum, most of these texts attributed to AbU Qurrah were collected and translatedinto Greek, some time later, which raises some doubt about their in Furthermore, Greek Opusculum 20, the the authenticity. words "6
eE'05
Byzantine the traditional reflect misunderstanding of the Arabic CYq)Up6TrTIKTOS"
doubtful the time same al-ýamad, at make more on the attributionof this and word text to AbOQurrah,who wasfluentin Arabic.
171 PG 97, cols. 1541-1543,cd with a Germantrans:Johannes Damaskenos Theodor Aba und Qurra,SchriftenzumIslam,pp. 124-127. 172 PG 97, cols. 1551-1553,ed with a Germantrans:Johannes Damaskenos Theodor Ab5 und Qurra,SchriftenzumIslam,pp. 108-109.
173 issue, 'Samonas Gazzi, 1. de Gaza Dick, POC (1980) 17529 this see ou al pp. sulaiman -On 178. 174 PG 97, col. 1555-1557. 175 97, 1587-1591, German Damaskcnos Theodor Johannes translation: cols. ed with a und -PG Aba Quffa, Schriften zumIslam, pp. 88-93. 176 94, cols. 1595-1598,cd. with a German translation: JohannesDamaskcnosund Theodor -PG AW Quffa, Schriften zum Islam, pp. 124-127.
177PG 97, cols. 1543-1545,ed. with a Germantranslation:Johannes Damaskenos und Theodor Abia-Qurra,SchriftenzumIslam,pp. 94-95.
95
It is noteworthythat, in all texts, the Muslim interlocutorwas portrayedas far from Christian the and any real competence or equality with one. simple-minded Nothing is said about him or his personality. In these texts the traditional Muslim Christianity against are not given. One would hypothesisethat these arguments texts were not real dialogues with Muslims, or at best, completely distorted versionsof the actual ones. It is worth nothing, however, that, one of his Arabic works is a book about "' is God the existenceof and what the right religion, in which he gives only some hints againstIslarnic notion of Jihad.
Leo 1H and 'Umar Il
No othertext of the Byýantine-Muslim polenýcenjoyedsuchwide attention "9 large it is It this, the and a number of copies of are over world. as scattered an between figures in Byzantium and the two correspondence permanent alleged b. 'Abd al-Ailz (99-101 AR/ 717-720 A. D.) and Leo 111(717'Umar II caliphate,
between 741). The biographyof 'Umar 11"'doesmentionsomecorrespondences 18 1 but Muslim 'Umar andLeo only concerningthe conditionof a prisoner and on
"'
AM Qurrah, Maymarfj'wuj ad al-Khjliq wa al-dh al-qawim. -
179-Ghevond, Histoire, pp. 40-97; A. Jcffery, ' Ghcvond's text: The letters of 'Umar to Leo' HTR, 37, (1944) pp. 277.332; Anonymous, 'Un pamphlet musulman anonymc d'dpoquc 'Abbaside contre Ics chrdtiens, ed. and trans. D Sourdel, p. 29; partial English trans. M. Gaudeul, Encounters & clashes.- Islam and Christianity, pp. 40-53; D. Cardalliac, La polemique antiChr9tienne du manuscrit aljamiado, the translation: Il, 194-267; J. M. Gaudeul, 'The Correspondencebetween Leo and 'Umar: 'Umar's letter rc-discovcrcd' Islamochristiana, 10 (1984) pp. 109-157; see also, S. Gcro, Bjcantine iconoclasm, pp. 153-172; S. Griffith, 'Eutychius of Alexandria on the emperorTheophilus', pp. 159-160,and sspeciallynote 20, in which he summarised all the available views of the authenticity of the letter, but without comment. 1927. ) Sirat 'Abld, (Cairo 'Abd 'Umar Ibn Abd A Ibn Azk, al-Ijakam, aled. Sirat 'Umar Ibn Abd al- Aziz, p. 175. 'Abd Ibn al-Uakam, -
96
doctor help heal he the to the emperor sent a caliph when was anotheroccasion, "'Mubarnmad b. in book his linguistic poisoned. al-Mubarrad.. al-Kimil allegedly between the two men. He narratesthat the caliph sent such messages confirmed 194 be them two men; one of seemsto non-Muslim. The Muslim ambassadortold the emperor; "The caliph invites you to Islam. If you accept you will be guided, but I
think your destiny had beenjudged by misfortuneunlessGod changesit "' So anotherway. you may acceptor write a reply to our message".
Agapius, the Arab Christian historian, narratesthat, the caliph sent a ICP letter to Emperor Leo, in which he refuted Christianity, and the polemical
his letter, from holy books, the reply confuted evidences using rational emperor's "' from Qur'dn. the arguments, and excerpts
Theophanesconfirmed the
"' between the caliphandthe emperor. correspondence is confirmedby differentnarrativesin both Muslim and The correspondence Christian sources;the texts of the letters are largely in dispute and modern scholars
differ on the authenticityof thesetexts.Most modemscholarstend to assumethat they are later interpolations.Beck arguesthat the text belongsto the ninth '"The is by Gero S. same argument with closeattentionsto the presented century.
192 Sjrat'Umar1hn Abdal-Azj4p. 118. -IbnAbdaI-Ijakam, 183 died / b. YAzid A. D. 285 A. H. He Arabic 898 Moammad an grammarian, -Al-Mubard, composedvariousworks mostly in the grammarof the Arabic language.Ibn al-Nad-im,alFihrist, p. 59. 114 Zindlq 'Abd ('Abd (heretic), b. this al-'Alft) as man al-Allah who narrative portrays -The speaksGreek,presumablythis is the only reasonwhich forcedthe piouscaliph to sendsucha man.It is noteworthythat the emperortold him after a religiousdebate,"I know you believe neitherin my religion nor in the religion of your sender,L c. the caliph". Al-Mubaffad,atkknil, pp. 294-295. 295. Al-Mubarrad, p. al-kknil, Kitib PO, fasc. 8, Agapius, 2, 503. al-'Unwin, p. R. Scott)p. 550. Chronographla, 1, 39923-26 (trans. C. Mango Theophanes, and p. '88 H.G Beck,Kirche und Theologishce Literatur, p. 338. -
97
"9 in letter Jeffery Leo's the texts. that concluded allusions was chronological written
latter half the of the IX century or even the beginning of X. in
Century."190M. Gaudeul agrees with the same hypothesis, saying, "None of the different (he the means all copiesof the letters) studiedhere can really have writings by They later, fictitiously them. were composed and ascribed to Leo or written 'Umar. This was a current practice at this time". '9'Furthermore he dismissedthe Latin version of the Leo's letter as a "draft of an essayin apologetics"rather than a
letter'92 Recently Hoyland reviewed most of the these opinions, and personal 193 letters late the the to the eighth or early ninth century. accepted attribution of
In conclusion,I would assumethat therewasletterswereindeedexchanged betweenthe emperorand the caliph,inasmuchas differentcontemporarysources letters Obviously, have be this. the texts these to we now of seem which a confirm later interpolation,which harmonisewith Muslim-Christianpolemicin the tenth or following be In the there century. chapters, a theological analysisof will eleventh thesecontroversialtexts within the context of Byzantine-Muslimpolemic. Mirfin al-Rashid and Constantine VI
betweenByzantiumand the Muslim The other polemicalcorrespondence is letter Caliph Emperor Constantine VI. Haran This the the to of at-Rasifid world letter development Muslim the another of of attitudesand reflects stage verbose Christianity. of understanding
189-S. Gero,Byzantine iconoclasmduring the reign ofLeo 111,p. 131. 11 A. Jeffery, ' Ghevond's text: The letter of 'Umar to Leo', p. 276. 191 J. M. Gaudcul, 'The CoffespondencebetweenLeo and 'Urnar', p. 114. 191 J. M. Gaudeul, 'The CoffespondencebetweenLeo and 'Urnar', p. 116. 193 P, Hoyland, SeeingIslam as others saw it, pp. 490-501. -
98
Firstlythereis no reasonto be scepticalaboutthe authenticityof this letter. Thefew chronologicalallusionsaremostlyaccurateandthe wholeletteris coherent inasmuchas there is no internal contradiction. A full study of such a text would be out of the spacehere and requires a its framework I the theological to own, will permit myself examine monographon first in letter is large letter. The the the the and clearest notice number of of
from have hundreds from Qur'Rn; Muslim the the we of quotations quotations in from book Bible, the comparison with sixteen citations mostlyaccurate. sacred The main thrust of the Muslim apology is to defend the prophethood of Muýammad; this takes 41 out of a total of 67 pages. The Muslim polemic is
directedagainstthe Trinity and natureof Christ,while the traditionallate Muslim icons, does Christian the councils of cross,relics and role not objectionsagainst is in Furthermore this text. there no single word against the early appear Old. Remarkably, he Bible, New Testament the the the of neither nor authenticity interprets the word tabr#' 64,>ý (alteration of texts) as evidenceof Christian mala
fide in their elucidation of their books to keep secret the prophecy of 194
Mubammad.
To sumup, the first two centuriesof Byzantine-Muslim relationswitnessthe Islam Muslim The Byzantine on and writings slow growth of a rigid polemic.
before degree. hazy life One that the ninth to canassume a religious andmotivesare lands in Byzantine Byzantine there andshowingan polernicwritten wasno century Islam. Most of understanding of the earlypolemicaltexts seemprimafacie explicit
19'
66 Arabic (French (the du 44 Letter text), Hdrfin Abi p. al-Laith. calife al-Ragid, p. -Ibn translation)
99
invented by later be to or even a copierandthen attributedto well known altered theologians. It is worth stating that the Monastery of Saint Sabanear Jerusalemand its Greek-Arabic cultural milieu was the earliest cultural bridge between Byzantium
I
its Among Muslims. know monks, and we of John of Damascusand his disciple Theodore Ab(i Qurrah; several others worked as translators between Arabic and Greek. Otherstravelled betweenByzantium and Muslim lands. 9'
As for the Muslim writings, it seemsthat the first two Muslim centuriesdid
Muslim remarkable polemicalwritings. Yet the daily dialoguesbetween see not Muslim andChristianswere extremelylikely to havebeena part of daily life in the in Egypt and Syria,but unfortunatelywe do not haveany conquered areas newly earlytexts,eventhoughsomemayhaveexisted.
Synkellos, Michael Synkellos M. Cunningham, life (Belfast the The the see g. ofMichael -E. 1991); also the alleged trip of the Saint Theodoreof Edessa,seeA. Vasiliev, 'The life of Saint Theodore'.
100
Chapter Two Religious Themes in Byzantine-Muslim Relations
Byzantine-Muslim relations were characterisedby various features, including from features fluctuated These and economic religious ones. situations of military, bitter conflict to scant periods of peacefulcontact betweenthe two antagonists.While the military and political relations have received considerable attention from the fewer have dedicated historians, been to the religious and social phases efforts modem here, is My from then, to these their these aim relations. examine complex relations of
standpoint. Border zones and daily contact
The main and most direct zone of contactbetweenByzantiumand the Arab border in have borders Syria These Mesopotarnia. the areas northern and world were from have the substantial attention recently scholars; several studies modem received ' issue. light Unfortunately, the shed considerable on most of whole emergedwhich
theseworks pay more attentionto the annualraidsanddefencesystemon both sides
frontier in the eighthand On theborderlandsseeJ. HaldonandH. Kennedy,' The Arab-Byzantine ninth centuries:military organisationand societyin the borderlands',ZRP7(1980)pp. 79-116; Oikonomides,'Organisationde la fronUre oriWale deByzanceauxXe-XIesi6cileset le Taktikon de I'Escorial' Acts du XlVe Congr6sInternationaldesEtudesByzantinesI (Bucarcst1974)pp. 285-302,reprintedin idem, Documentset 6tudessur les institutionsde Byzance(VIIe-Xve s.) Variorurn(London1976)No. MaV; H. Ahrweiler,VAsie Nfineurect les invasionsarabes(VIIeIXe)', RevueHistorique, 227: 1 (1962) pp. 1-31, reprintedin idem Etudessur les structures gev6enko, de Byzance, 1. 'Constantinople Variorurn 1971); (London administrativeset sociales viewedfrom the Easternprovincesin the middle Byzantineperiod', in Eucharisterion:Essays Omelijan Pritask, HUK 3/4 (Cambridge1979-1980)pp. 712-47;reprintedin idem to presented Ideology, letters and culture in the Byzantineworld (London 1982); C. E. Bosworth,'The Byzantinedefencesystemin AsiaNfinorandthefirst Arabicincursions',Proceedings ofthe second on thehistoryofBilad al-Shimduring theearlyIslamicperiod up to 40A.H.1A.D. 640, symposium A. Bakhit (Amman 1978) The Arabs, Byzantium M. idem, Iran, 116-124, in pp. reprinted and cd. (Variorum.1996)no. X; idern 'Byzantiumand the Syrianfrontier in the early 'Abbasidperiod', Bilad al-Sharnduring the early Abbasidperiod (132 H. / A-D 1059).Proceedingsof thefifth internationalconferenceon the historyofBildd al-Shaun, cd.M. A Bakhit (Amman1991)pp. 5462, reprintedin idem,TheArabs,ByzantiumandIran, no.MI. 101
few borders, the only a whereas works examinethe peacefulcontactwhich existed of betweenthe populationsover the borders, especiallyin the religious area. The borderline betweenByzantium and Muslims was flexible and changeable. It witnessed severe fighting and changes of power on both sides. While the full details fighting the sources are relatively of of and military contemporary hardly finds the same rich and vivid narratives concerning the campaigns, one between the civilian populationson both sides. contacts peaceful Byzantine emperors began, as early as the reign of Heraclius, to depopulate the borderlands and create a no-man's land, as a new defence strategy against the 2 Muslim This between the raidS. policy evidently created a virtual wall successive both by on populations sides, which was strengthened the difficult terrain of civilian
the Taurus Mountains. Prima facie, the human contact over the borders seems but judgement is this non-existent, not tenable. viktually In their paperon the ByzantineMuslim borders,J. Halclonand H. Kennedy different both the elucidate natures of sides of the frontier. As they convincingly Byzantine Muslim the the area out, was mainly rural, area was civilian, while point 3
full of rich andbig cities. Presumably, this contrastled to an activetrade, andipso facto helped,more or less,to createsomeforms of cultural contiguityand contact betweenthe populationsof the two areas,regardlessof the religious antagonism betweenByzantinesand Muslims. An inevitablequestion,however, immediately betweenMuslimsandByzantines imposesitself. how could this peacefulcoexistence Rhad Muslim into Muslims the the with spirit of and annual raids of coincide Byzantine lands? On this policy c.f. J.Haldon, and H. Kennedy, 'The Arab-Byzantinefrontier', p. 83; C. E. Bosworth, 'The Byzantine defencesystemin Asia Nfinor', p. 119; idem,' Byzantium and the Syrian frontier in the early Abbasid period', pp. 46-57.
102
Fragmentaryevidencefrom both sourcesprovidesa few glimpsesfrom whichto betweenMuslim build an image,thougha hazyone,of the peacefulcommunications is in borders. indication be Christian first found The the to peoples over a and explicit Byzantine military text. In the Taktika of Nikephoros Ouranos (ca. 950- 1011) the bitterly life between the tolerant the complains about peaceful and author mixed Byzantineborder populations and their Muslim neighbours: "The Saracenswho are hard pressedin their fortress say these things to our people dwelling along the frontiers, and our people of low station and high, in their love of gain, furnish them not only with great quantities of grain and flocks but also with all number and mannerof foodstuffs in their 4 possession". Then he suggestsspecial arrangementsto prevent this case of co-operation between
MuslimsandChristianson both sidesof the borders: "For this reason,there must be great vigilanceand security,as well as intimidation much and severepenalties,to cut these activities off and 5 preventthem".
This Byzantine text supports the hypothesis of Haldon and Kennedy, of the
different natures of both sides of the borders,that is the rural characteron the Byzantinesideandthe urbancharacterof the Muslim borders,which led to somekind least facto linýted level. de local trade exchange, at at a of On the Muslim side,we havesomegeographical treatiseswhich dealwith the border areasbetweenByzantinesand Muslims.Thesegive explicit detailsaboutthe borderlands in flourishing Ibn 1jawqal, this the trade growth of and area. economic
the tenth centurygeographer,speaksof the cities of the al-'Awasimandtheir khans 3- IF Haldon, and H. Kennedy, 'The Arab-Byzantine frontier in the eighth and ninth centuries', pp. 79-116. 4- Nikcphoros Ouranos,Takfika, pp. 155- 156. 5- Nikcphoros Ouranos, Taktika, p. 157.
103
6 describes He in detail border He the the markets. cities. prosperous wealth of and its flourishing Qinsifin like he Arab and sharply markets; other writers, mentions 7 for his Sayf his heavy taxes. al-Dawla maltreatmentof the merchantsand criticises Similarly Ydqfit al-HamaW-ireports that al-Maýiýahwas a trade centre for furs, which ' Muslim world. A]-Muqaddas7ispeaksof this area as one were exported all over the of the main two sources of slaves (mainly eunuchs) in Islamic lands, which was devastation terminated the after completely of the ThughOr by Byzantium (in the 9 tenth century). Remarkably, the reputation of the wealthy families of Tarsrjs was 10 devastation by Byzantine the of the city the significantevenyears after armies. Von Sivers, notwithstanding some exaggerations and generalisations, between the the trade with Byzantium and the war examines conflict carefully
'He hypothesises ' it. interest in (overthe borders)attractedmore that the trade norainst 0 in be He than the the trade that terms to annual raids. adds of profit, proved attention " One by Ahad, ignores Von Sivers that can say any part played more worthwhile. Muslim the volunteerswho, as al-TarsUsT said,werethe originalfoundersof the and 13 jhughOr system. Furthermore, he pays special attention to the ruling classes,their interests but in jhughiir, their the origins and commercial as regardsthe trade ethnic
itself, he paysno attentionto the other partnerin it, i.e. the Byzantines.In sum,it "- Ibn Ijawqal, Kitib Surat al- Ard, pp. 176-179. 7- Ibn Ijawqal, KitAb Surat al- Ard, pp. 176-178,180. Yaqfit al-Ijamawi, Mu Yamal-Buldin, 4, p. 557. Ahsan al-taq&hn, p. 242; English trans, The best divisionsfor the knowledgeofthe Al-Muqaddas7i, ýFrcnch trans. p. 56) regions, p. 216 Byzantine forced live had been Tarsiis, its the to armies stormed either most of population -When under the Byzantine rule, or had fled with their families and what they could carry to other Muslim lands. Some of these people were robbed by nomads: Ibn Miskawayh, narrates that one of their caravanslost 20,000 bales of goods,the Qaq! Oudge)of Tarsils had 120,000Dinar in this caravan. These figures, even if we accept some exaggeration, undoubtedly indicate their wealth, Ibn Miskawayh, 11,215. 'Taxes and trade in the 'Abbasid Thughjir, 750-962/ 133-35V, JESHO 25: 1(1982) Sivers, Von -P. pp. 72-99. 12 p. Von Sivers, 'Taxes and trade in the 'Abbasid Thughu', P. 73. In Contradiction Von Siverscites . (p. 78) a narrative of al-Tabarl, that the caliph al-N!'nign refuseda Byzantine offer of a land-trade connectionand privileges.
104
(war both basis that, to the conditions and on of our sources, seemssafe assume trade)existedsimultaneously. As for the trade over the borders, there are only some allusions to the existenceof overland trade. In addition to the description in the Byzantine military text on the local trade mentionedabove,we have some other hints from the sources. In the truce of 5afar, which was concluded in 969 -970 AD /359 H. between the Ijamdanid emir QarghUya and Byzantium, there is a list of the merchandise
14 between Byzantium and the Muslims,such as gold, silver and cattle. exchanged Later, in 1016 A. D./ 406 A. H., the emperor Basil II forbade all kinds of trade
betweenByzantine lands and Muslims. Nevertheless,ýalih b. Merdas, a local Muslim emir (1024-1029 A. D./ 415-420 A.H. ), was very keen to exempt his tiny
15 from this sanction. emirate It is noteworthythat Muslim sourcesstateor imply that someGreeksand " for border Armenianswere allowedto enterthe Muslim cities work. Al-TarsUsT, an in its TarsUs Byzantine (16 to the and settler until surrender armies eyewitness August 965 115 Sh'abdn 354), mentionsthat specialsubsidiesout of taxes in Tarsus
for in Greek Armenian in Thughar. to their given and services guides return were Remarkably,he calls them "al-mu'allafah qul(ibuhm e4iju
that is to say, those
17 18 in hearts Qur'dn, This are reconciled. uniqueexpressionwhich appears the whose
13 Al-Tarsfis-1,Siyar al-ý. ThughO, 457. p. 14 Ibn al-'Adi-m, Zubdat al-flalab, p. 97. 11 Cheikho, p. 214; for more discussionon the situation in Syria at the end of L. al-AntW, ed. -YOyd W. Farag, Byzantium and its Muslim neighbours, pp. 200-204; T. Bianquis, century see eleventh Damas et la Syrie sors la domination fatimide (359-468- 969-1076) essai dinterpretation de choniquesarabes medievales,2 vols. (Damascus1986-1989)tome I, passim. 16 6, p. 198. He narrates that some of the Armenians and Greeks(soldiers?) al-kknil, al-Athir, -Ibn disguisedthemselvesas workers and tried to enter the city of Malatya (Melitene) on the prctexl of been deadly discovered but killed. Although they them soon a met were and most of work were fate, the narrative implies that Byzantine workers were generallyallowed to enter the Muslim cities at this time. 17 Al-TarsiIs-I,Siyar al-ThughCr,p.450. English translations: C. E. Bosworth, ' Aba 'Amr'Uthman alTarsilsl's Siyar al-mThughar and the last years of the Arab role in Tarsus (Fourtlifrcntli century)',
105
has a special religious importance, it indicates that there is some hope of attracting
thesenon-Muslimsto Islam,or, which is lessimportant,to makeuseof their services 19 for payment. Obviously, this expressionfrom a Tarsian writer reflects the tolerant
treatmentof theseneighbours,and in the light of the contextof the Qur'anicverse, one may presumethat efforts were madeto convert thesepeopleto Islam. In substance,the different natures of the borders encouraged,as seenabove, the populations of both sides to venture a cautious and presumably limited coin These be found in to trading, peaceful and relations were small-scale of operation. the employmentof Greek artisanswho moved over the border to work for Muslims. Obviously,the Byzantine authorities did not welcome suchclose relations.
Therewere also somesocialcontactsacrossthe border,as indicatedby the scant in heroes known both the that sources which suggest some were well on allusions 20At the sametime, with such a long lasting war, there were certainly several sides.
21 families borderS, but our sourcesare extremelyscantyon such divided over the know, however, We famous hero Akretas Byzantine Digenes that the the and matter.
descended borders Samonas from families. Across divided the were such eunuch between caliphate and Byzantium, large numbers of people, armies, ambassadors,
finally from displaced tribes; this that, apostatescrossed sideor aswell as renegades, Greaco-Arabia 5 (1993) 183-195,reprinted in idem, TheArabs, Byzantium and Iran, no. XV, p. 189. 11 "Alms are for the poor and the needy,and thoseemployedto administer the (funds); for thosewhose . hearts have been (recently) reconciled (to the truth); for thosein bondageand in debt; in the cause of Allah; and for the wayfarer: (thus is it) ordained by Allah, and Allah is full of knowledge and wisdom" 9: 60. 11 Ibn Qudamah,al-Mughnrfi-fiqh al-Imim APnad b. Vanbal, (Beirut 1985) 6, p. 328. 20 identified himself knight Muslim that Byzantine narrates as a a certain who caught a -Al-TarsUs! well-known figure whom the Muslims would be expected to know and respect. Similarly alMas'iid! narrates that a Byzantine man who convertedto Islam told him that the Byzantinesmade portrayals of ten Muslim heroes(he countedamong them the leaderof the Paulicians) and put these 'Umar in Among their Muslims there these some of churches. emir of Militene and were photos 'Ali the Armenian, prominent Muslim leadersin Jihad against Byzantium. Al-Tarsiisr, Siyar althughCrp. 4 1; al-Mas'ladl,Mur q al-dhahab, IV, p. 198. 21 Seethe lengthy story of al-Tanfa-khlabout an agedByzantine prisoner of war who rccognisedhis Muslim grandsonamong the Muslim army. M-TanfiLlir, pp. 92-93. 106
22 Undoubtedly them these these to carried with all escaped slaves. people add can we and cultural and religiousbackground,as well as newsand their humanexperiences built human bridge between Byzantines the two and which a rivals, rumours,
Muslims. Another part of the Byzantine-Muslim frontier, the island of Sicily, was 23 between Muslims Byzantines. Ibn I.Iawqal bitterly criticised the divided and Muslim population of the island. He says a group of them dwelled with the Christians and used to marry Christian girls, and surprisingly, if one of these girls is but if brought boy he has becomes birth Muslim to up as a a she a girl she gives
24 in Muslimlaw. Christian. This is not acceptable
Jihad and the holy war Yet another attempt to elucidate the notion of holy war between Muslims and
Christiansdoesnot seema new endeavour,sincesomevaluablestudieshad recently 25However, divorce issue. this can one wonderswhetherwe examinedand evaluated itself. idea from holy from The questionof the the the theory of war practice, war
We have only scantynarrativeson the escapedslaves.In the truce of ýafar, which concludedin 969 liamdanids emir QarghOyaand Byzantium; Ibn al-'Adim, Zubdat /359 between AD H. the -970 H. 359 December-January 969English W. The 95-99. Farag, trans. tuce pp. ofSafarA. al-galab, 970, (Birmingham 1977). Another example was Byzantine slave women, who married (or more likely were forced to marry) Muslim men, but desertedtheir husbands,took away their children and III, 357. Afu Yam families. See Byzantine Yfiqfit their p. al-BuldJn, previous al4jamawl, rejoined 21 Sicily was divided betweenMuslims and Christians at this time. Ibn Hawqal, Kitib surat al- A rý, p. 203. 24 Ibn Ijawqal, Kitib surat al-'ar(l, p. 129. 25 huge number of works on Jihad, seeM. Canard, 'la gueffe saintedansle mondeIslamique are -There le Revue Africaine dans (1936)pp. 605-623, reprintcdinidemByzanceetles monde chrdtien' et in holy T. P du VIII; Watt, M. 'Islamic the of war' proche orient, no. conceptions musulmans Murphy (cd.) Theholy war (Ohio StateUniversity Press1976)who links the Islamic expedition and the pre-Islamic traditions of raids or Razziasbetweenthe Arab tribes. Watt's theory finds support from Donner. See M. Donner, 'The sourcesof Islamic conceptionsof war' in J. Kelsay, and J. Johnson,(cds.) Just war and Jihad: Historical and theoretical perspectiveson war and peace in development 'The Jihad Islamic Sachedina, (London A. 1991) 31-69; traditions of and pp. western in Islamic revelation and history' in J. Johnsonand J. Kelsay, (eds.) Cross,crescentand sword. the justification ofwar in westernand Islamic tradition (New York 1990)pp. 35-50; D. Cook, 'Muslim JSAI (1996) 26 66-104. Jihad" pp. and apocalyptic 107
implications holy of and war, or moreaccurately,of religionon the wars applications between be here. Byzantines Muslims, the the the and point starting will waged Jihadin Islamicdoctrineis one of the essentialpillars of belief;it is a holy duty for every believer to be willing to sacrifice his soul and body for the sake of Allah* Through many verses, the Qur'dn urges the Muslims to fight the enemiesof God till 26 (Jizya) they convert or pay the poll tax. One of the Hadiths attributed to the prophet Muýammadsays:
"I havebeenorderedto fight the (wholepeople),till they declarethat, no God but Allah, and Muhammadis God's messenger. If they do so and pray in the directionof our Qiblah(the directionof praying),andeatfrom (animals), blood their our slaughtered and moneywill be forbidden,and 27 be in duties Muslims theywill equalto their andrights".
Ahadwas one of the essentialmotivationsfor the Muslimsin their wars against Byzantium.The annualor seasonalraidswere theoreticallyan act of Jihadandit was Muslim duty the of rulers to maintain the sequenceof raids. Evidently there were a
behind holy Ahad Some these than other motives of these raids or war. several booty be from for looking to were political obtained and economic or simply motives 28
the rich Byzantinelands.
The previousconclusionon Jihadin Islamis paradoxicalandyet somehowdoes issue. destroy Ahad Islamic to the a or complex not movement whole was not reflect 26 "Thenfight in Allah's cause- thouart heldresponsible Believers. It for the thyself and rouse only for Allah is the strongestin mightandin maybethat Allah will restrainthefury of theunbelievers; of theBelieverstheir personsandtheir goods;for theirs punishment"4:84; "Allah hathpurchased (in return)is the Garden(of Paradise):they fight in His Cause,and slayandare slain: a promise bindingon Him in Truth, throughthe Law, the Gospel,andtheQur'dnandwho is morefaithful to his Covenantthan Allah? Then rejoice in the bargain which ye have concluded:that is the supreme"9:111. achievement 27 111,199. Musnad, Uanbal, -Ibn 28 the accountof the first large-scaleMuslim conquests Byzantium the al-Baladliuri says against -In in it " desire in Abd Bakr for holy their the obtainable called people and a and war arousing caliph bootyfrom the Greeks".While Watt presumesthat the primary aim of the Muslim expeditions
108
29 between The kill others,or to offer them the choice the sword and conversion . (at least destruction. Furthermore Muslim any ruler should essentialaim was not theoretically) firstly invite those enemiesto embraceIslam or pay a poll tax before 30 The for Rhad in theory was the spreadof Islam. main aim waging war againstthem. 31 Watt Yet the materialgainswere essentialmotives as points out.
Mad propaganda against Rum One of the essentialphasesof the Muslim Ahad againstByzantium was the antiByzantine public propaganda, which provoked anti-Byzantine feeling amongst
Muslims and substantiallyhelped to muster more volunteersfor the war. In the Umayyadsand first 'Abbasidcaliphates,the stateefforts in Jihadwere fundamental besides fought the the regular armies undertook effort numbers of volunteers who and for the sakeof God andfor booty from the Byzantinelandsin addition.The eclipseof the centralpower from the secondhalf of the ninth centurybroughta wider role for independentor quasi-independentrulers as well as individuals who took a greater or lesserpart in the war againstByzantium. Broadly speaking,in the Byzantine-Muslim warfare consideredas a whole there
impulse for The (the main al-Mulaw'ah or volunteers). was alwaysa significantrole but behind the allurement these the masseswas religiouszeal, volunteeringof motive 115, English A]-Baladhuril Fuh* Syria booty. Egypt trans. to p. collect al-huldin, and was against P. Hitti, p. 165;M. Watt, 'Islamicconceptions of the holy war', p. 147. M. W. Watt 'Islamic conceptions of the holy war', p. 147;J. Haldon,Warfare,stateandsocietyin theByzantineworld 265-1204,(London1999)p. 296,note.10. 30 Abd Yiisuf, Ya'qUb,Kitib al-khar4, (Thebookof the taxes)pp. 227-228.The CaliphHardnalRaSsid,in his letter to the emperorConstantineVI, wasstunnedby the refusalof the emperorto pay the Jizya,and savehis subjectsfrom the Arab raids.He urgeshim to pay suchamountof money,which the caliph doesnot need,neitherregardasgreatmoney,evenhe usedto give away bigger in God, for The demands this or only amounts one money sake of audience. similar caliph and wishesto savethoseByzantinesby payingthis Jizya.The caliph claimsto havemercyover themif theyeverycame thosepoorByzantinefarmerswho exposedto Muslim raids,andpron-dse by And his life freedom arguetheemperorto savethese wealth authorities, of and of religion. under Ibn Abi Letter du bot be by this al-Laith, act. calife money, which would a shameful people paying HdrOnal-RaDd,p. 66 (theArabictext) pp. 82-83(Frenchtranslation). 109
lands Byzantine ignored. be Lay Muslimswere normally the should not of plundering full of zeal againstthe Byzantinesand easyto provoke againstthem. in such casesthe in played a crucial role provoking these people to take part in Jihad, or mosques supportingthose who were under enemypressureon the borders. Byzantine contemporary sources were obviously aware of this fact. As Nikephoros Ouranosstates: "For the enemy (i. e. the Muslims), oppressedby the lack of provisions, inner to the regions of Syria and to the towns and communities,and send proclaim to the faithful in mosques the calamities which have befallen them and the pain of starvation oppressing them. They tell them such things as "Should our fortress fall into the hands of Byzantium, it will be the ruin of all lands of the Saracens",whereuponthe Saracensrise to the defence of their brethren and their faith, and spread the word in the 32 surroundingregions and all about". On the Muslim side al-Tabaff narrates that, following the killing of two 'Ali Muslim in 'Umar Armenian Melitene 863,33 the emirs, emir of and prominent hastened Muslims to contribute money and to prepare an entire wealthy several Byzantine lands instigation from the against or control without any expedition 34 in Baghdad. authorities
Howeverthe Muslim sourcesspeakexplicitly of the efforts of Muslim leaders for to recruit more volunteers Jihad.Undoubtedly,the Muslim regularam-deswere by doing felt that they their other unpaid volunteers, were who accompanied
31 M. W. Watt 'Islamic conceptionsof the holy war', p. 148. 32 Nikephoros Ouranos,Taktika, p. 155. 33 defeat and killing of 'Umar see G. Huxley, 'The emperor Michael III and the battle of the -on Bishop's Meadow (A. D. 863)' GRBS,16: 4 (1975) pp. 443450. 34 Al-Tabaff, Tj'r. &,h 111:3, p. 1511. a4 a!
t-ii C)Ajjj4i ýPJAI CO JWA Y1_011JAt- j A* ýJýA YJAI JJW 0ý U4.4= 1A,A. j JJOýlj &4 PJ_A &4 CJUL4 CJU21-2 CJU A-41Lily # ýJjl jjil L. Jtij
JAI C)4. jL-A Lul r.j il pr' ýI-j Lw Jý-%M : V&1ý0 &A
" NoajN-AU:4+44+-4 YJ ýý 110
in by Muslim duties the the most propaganda clerics, and, remarkably, of or religious 35 Muslim by the caliphs. cases
Political importance of the Jihad Among the terms set by the Muslim legislatorsfor a legitimate caliph or Imam is "to fight those who resist the supremacyof Islam after being invited to embraceit, 36
Jihad As Kennedy the treaty they out, or sign a points convert of subjection". until Muslim Byzantium the to the rulers, of was considered prestige vital political against 37 instance, individual for For Islam. their to the piety and concern causeof as well as
/ the caliphHar(in al-Rasifidwore a specialcap adomedwith two words 4F3L6 CL-38 in his dialogue for faith, Fatimid the (fighter the pilgrim), while caliph al-Mu'izz, Muslim Byzantine to the the rulers of ambassador, emphasised obligation a with 39 Muslims In Byzantium Jihad. the the was certainlya against spirit of war maintain fruitful way to improve the prestige of the emperors,especiallythe usurperswho were 40
imperial blood. the not of
The Caliphates and Daylamite Bfiyids
While the first 'Abbasidcaliphswere generallyenthusiasticfor jihad and able it, the impose to their enjoyed upper supporting and a policy adapt maintain of will to 35 Seefor examplethe letter of the caliph al-Munt2*irorderinghis governorsto provokepeopleto 1485. join 3, Al-Tabarl, in Rhad 111: to the p. regular and army. volunteer 36 Al-Mawardl,Theordinancesofgovernment,English trans.W. Waliba,p. 16; Ibn Khaldiin, al219. p. muqdimah, 37 J. HaldonandH. Kennedy,'The ArabByzantinefrontier', p. 106. 38-Al-Tabarl,TArPh,111:2, p. 709.Remarkablya certainpoetpraisedhim saying:Whoeverwishesto in Medina) ThUghia-r. in Mecca be Ijaramayn in (sacred the and or either mosques seeyou;you-vvill Al-Tabaff,TirPh, 111:2, p. 710. 39 S. M. Stem,'An embassy of the Byzantineemperorto theFatimidCaliphal-Mu'izz' B (1950)rc1; 1984) No. IX, (London 25 History Culture in idem, Muslim in the p. and world medieval printed 425. lesArabes, Byzance Vasiliev, 11,1, A. 371,420et pp. seealso
III
handin the internalaffairsof their caliphateand firmly maintainedtheir obligationto late impotent Rhad, the caliphs, over-shadowed and as they were, were not support keen on Rhad and evenpowerlessto support it. Al-TabarTnarrates that the caliph al-Muntaýir, ordered the powerful general Wa:ff al-Khadim to fight Byzantine aggression(867AD./ 248 H.) and to announcethe iihad. Regardlessof the eloquentletter sent by the caliph to his governors announcing
his decisionto mounta Jihad,it emergedthat his ulterior motivein all this was simply 41 Turkish denunciation to get rid of a powerful page, as a result of the of a vizier. As for the Daylamite BQyids, the de facto rulers in Baghdad, in the works of Ibn Aba Miskawayh Shuja ' such writers as and al-RudhrdwCi,not a contemporary be found betraying for degree their can word or enthusiasm any of support single Jihad. Their shortsighted policy focused mainly on the complex local events in Iraq,
Persians directed their to the eastrather than to the attentions as mostly were and did however, like dare Byzantium. if But Ibn Miskawyh, against not or even struggle to criticise his benefactors, the Persian family, other Muslim sources could express 42 did Obviously, this Persian Jihad. their regret that such wealthy emirs not support
family had its own differentorientations.However,the easternpart of Islamicworld (mainly Khurasan)proved to be the main source of volunteersin the MuslimByzantinewars.
As for the Fatin-ýids, the idea of Jihad was used as part of their political 'Abbasids. devoted They the their strongpropagandamachineto propagandaagainst justifying their territorial expansionsin Egypt and later in Syria, under the pretext of 40
'0 pvýaMv6s "tEpos w6XEpos" 'H lvvoia Kolia-Dermitzaki, -A. PvýaVTW OpTICYVXEVTtXOiJ' TrOMPOV CYTO
Kai
ý
ITPOPOXý
TOO
(The Byzantine "Holy war" The idea and Propagation Byzantium) Historical 199 1) in 22 1. (Athens Monographs, 10 war p. ofreligious no. Al-Tabari, Tj'r. &,h 111:3, p. 1480.
112
important Muslim for More Jihad. the them to the rightful was appearas supporting he Muslims. The that the was caliphal-Mu'izz announced caliphs,who could protect 43 he but (pilgrimage) ByzantiUM, Ijaj Jihad then and mountinga against going on a did not fulfil any of these aims and this seemsto have beenpart of the Fatimid propaganda.
The independent rulers The ninth and tenth centuries witnessed several independent or quasi-
independent rulerswho controlledpartsof the Muslimworld. For mostof theserulers, key for their political and religious targets certain common areas were set as a
in first important holy Mecca The Muslim the and places and most was prestige. Medina. The second area was al-ThughUr on the Byzantine-Muslim frontiers. There his Muslim factors, to emir extend which apparently prompted any are several
in factor his border first The this area. was personalpiety andprestige authorityover border The Jihad. the the the area and activity with second was wealth of connection
its of trade. Once Amad b. Tulrin, the governor of Egypt (868-883 / 254-270), held the
border in his his he began Egypt the to to areas. power grasp, extend governmentof his The Arabic sourcesstate clearlythe personalattitude of Ibn Tulan in assessing 44 in his further Thugh5r. Sivers Von that the the to assumption control goes motives in fighting his Byzantium to the Thughar as main aim was major market and outlet 45 for the this control of area. rivals other
42 Al-Tarsfis-i,Siyar al-ThughCr p. 440. He reports a narrative of a certain Muslim who was living in Baghdad and saw the paradeof horsesof one Bilyids emir (Ahmad) and he wonderedsorrowfullY how no single horseof this number (12,000) was devotedfor Jihad43 Al-MaqrIzI, 'Itti4,1, p. 23 1. . 44 Ibn al-Athir, al-kknil, 6, pp. 14-15 45 Von Sivers, 'Taxes and trade in the 'Abbasid Thughar', p. 92. 113
In a highly spiritual and emotional situation, the emir Sayf al-Dawla collected
dust his of off clothesafter eachraid againstByzantium,andorderedit to be amounts 46 his in his is This tomb. cheeks under put not surprising, as he was keen to patronise the writers, poets, and clerics who praisehis victories and song of his battles. Al-Thug,hfir and the ribats: Muslim Jihad on the borders. Muslim ThughOr were on the first line of the military engagementsbetween Byzantine arn-ýiesand Muslims. Remarkably,theseborder castlesand cities took on a religious character sin&r to the Latin religious orders in Syria and Spain in the Crusades.The Muslim sourcessay that the systemof Thughiir was creatednot by the
by but the volunteerswho dedicatedtheir lives for Rhad.The first castleon the state borderswas Hisn Thabitb. Nasr, which was erectedby a numberof piouspeopleat 47
the end of the Umayyadsto beginningof the 'Abbasid eras. Eventually,these borders the castlesnear were established andoccupiedonly by menwho were living like kiýghts and monks.48 Ibn Vawqal paid special attention to the city of Tarsus, as the main city of lhughlir. His narrative is extremelyimportant, and revealsseveralfacts. He says:
"Every big city from Sigistan,Qirman,Faris,Khuzistan,al-RATi, Isbahan, all the Mountains, Tabristan, al-Jifirah, Iraq, 11ijaz,Yemen, -Shamat, Egypt, andMorocco,hasa Dar (house)for its people.Thevolunteersfrom eachcity stay in its house.And the donations,the hugeloads,as well as what the sultansand the wealthy paid and sentvoluntarily,all arrive at this place.They vie with eachother to pay. Therewas no prominentman has anywherewho not a waqf (endowment)of countryestate,which has
'6
3, p. 18; Remarkablythe vizier al-Manp b. Abi 'Amar in al-Andalus ordered Bardi, Tagharl -Ibn the samedesireto be carried out after his death. Al-DhahabL Tirik-h al-'Islkn, p. 292. 47 AI-Tarsiisli, Siyar al-Thughrr, p. 457. 48 Al-Tarsils-1,mentions a ljiýn (castle)which had never seena woman or young boy during the whole Al-TarsiIsT, 45 9. Siyar Muslim or, control. p. al-Thugh period of 114
fields, famers and crops, or house or khan; DGr, and baths; or even 49 sharingof otherthings". The samefact was confirmedby a contemporaryTarsydnwriter, who says: "The city's street and alleys (sikak) at number 2,000 and its houses 34,000. Of these last, it was estimatedthat two-thirds of them were for 'uzab (single men) coming from all over the Islamic world. All the known Muslim cities have a houseor tow in Tarsas. And the remainingone-third for the city's pennanent population, these latter houses being either " for charitablepurposes". privately owned or endowedas waqf
Obviously from these narratives, especiallyal-Tarsfi§fi,it is clear that donating .
money and special waqfs as a continuous charity, was common practice among 51
including Surprisingly, Muslims, the some caliphs. wives or concubines of wealthy there were some fraudulent Muslims who, taking advantageof the keen religious
in be Rhad Muslims to claimed supporters of order to collect victimsor spirit among 52 from others. somemoney
Muslims clerics and the Jihad against Byzantium
From the early Muslim conquestsonwards,the Muslim historianswere keen in list the took the prophet'scompanions who to namesof part everycampaign.Later, in the Byzantine-Muslimwars, Muslim clerics played an indisputablerole. Their inflammatoryspeeches surelystimulatedthe soldiersto fight for their religion. One of the earliestand most obviousexamplesof theseclericsis Asadb. alFurdt, the QddirOudge),who led the campaignagainstSicily in 827 /212 H. as an emir
49 Ibn Ijawqal,Kitih suratal-'ard, p. 184. 50 Siyar al-Thugh&,p. 452.Englishtrans.(Bosworthomitsonesentence theprevious of -Al-TarsWi, 190. C. E. Bosworth, ' Abd 'Amr 'Uthman Siyar p. al-ThughOr', al-Tarsiisl's quotation) 51 C. E. Bosworth,'Abd 'Amr 'UthmAnal-Tarsfisl',p. 191. TjrjLh madhatBaghdid,8, 52 Al-TanfikIff,Nishwir al-Mupidarah,p. 166;A]-Khat-ibal-Baghdad-1, _ 12-13. C. E. Bosworth, 'Byzantium Arabs: 122-123; the pp. peace', see and war and pp. 115
53 in Rhad Sirnilarly, Judge. and al-Qaff-alal-Shasiffplayed a significant role and in half Byzantium the tenth the century. of against second propaganda religious According to the narrative of Ibn Miskawayh, who was an eyewitness, al-Qaffa-I Ahad large Mujahidin Syria travelled to to and of on go number with a volunteered 54Remarkably, from faith) K-hurasdn. for the (combatants a late Muslim writer called
him "the
MUSliMS,,. Of leader
55
The K-hurasanisstayedin Iraq and tried to overthrow
for large latter inertia, They Biiyids. the Daylarnite accused sums of of and asked the led Rhad Byzantium. However, to the a civil to situation against whole support money 56 BUyids. A local Daylamite between the the army of new zealous elementsand war large number of them were killed, while the rest of the Khurasaniteswere scattered (including departed Ijamdanids the towards them al-Qaff-al) everywhere, and some of
in Aleppo. From the narrativesof the Arabic writers, one can draw the role of al-Qaffal involved leaving his he in in Before the these was country, all events. al-Shashl for Rhad. He travelled to the these soon of men of some and recruitment propaganda border area and his men helped Sayf al-Dawlah in his struggle against Byzantium.
in famous his The main effort of al-Qaffl-Ial-Shaslffwas polemicalpoem,which was 57 Phokas. by Nikephoros the to sent emperor another polemic poem response Ibn Nabatahal-Sa'di-(d. 983 / 374h.) was anotherexampleof the religious in living He in the Muslim Byzantium. Jihad the took was part against men who border area. Ibn Nabdtahwas an eloquentorator; the Arabic of his speecheswas (i. "he Ibn full Ibn they e. were of rhymed prose. al-Azraq, narrated, splendid,although la de dAsd, 53 'Vie I, 95; his life 'Idharay, Canard, M. conqudrant al-bayin al-mughrib, p. on see -Ibn Sicile. Extraits du RiyAd al-Nufu-s'in A Vasiliev, B)zance et lesArabes I (Bruxelles 1935)pp. 340Il. 1974) in (London idem, Lexpansion n. 342, reprinted arabo-islamiqueet sesr6percussions 54 Ib In Miskawyh, Kit. #btajjrib al-umam, 6, p. 223. fi'. Tyjv, 2, p. 179. 55 Al-SubkT, Tabaqjt al-1hai 56 Ibn Mskawyk Kitib tajjrib al-umam, 6, pp. 222-231. -
116
Nabatah)usedto write the Khulbah(sermon),andoncehe hadascendthe rostrumof the Mosque and delivered it, most of the men in the mosque went directly to the Jihad".
58
This Islamic phenomenon,viz. of clerics taking part in the war, did not occur frontiers but found Syria's in lands. Muslim In the was almost on everywhere only 976 AD. /365 H. a Muslim raid was dispatchedfrom Sicily againstsouth Italy with "a " group of pious and religious men". In the accountsof the battles, there is no clear information about any military in but few hints in their there the they part, a cases on are some of part played activity 60 Muslim Yet the the the other groups, presumably morale of soldiers. strengthening 61) in (Rabat border between Byzantines Muslims, the stayed ones, areas, and younger
in delivered took part raids or merely speechesand sermons.The Muslim sources b. 'Ubayd Ahmad Allah, Aba them several names, among al-'Abbas (d. mention 62 in Thu& Around that date another TarsaS. 975/364), whom they called the settler of
$ufi, Abmad b. Mubaramedb. 'Isma'li al-$Iijriwent out to Tars(isfor Jihad.63We havemore namesof thoseclericsand Sufiswho devotedthemselves andvolunteered 64 A distinguishedfigure called 'Abd Allah b. Mulýammad Byzantium. for Jihad against 65 / (d. in (ghazwah). 337H) 948AD. Jihad Some 22 times b. Ilamdawayh, took part
57 On thesepoemsseeinfra, Chapters4 pp. 250-251; 5, pp. 297-299. 5" Ibn al-Azraq, cited by M. Canard,SayfA I Daula, Recueil de texts relatifs Nmir Sayf al Daula, ii p.285. 59 In al-Athir, al-kknil, 7, pp. 87-79. TArAh A]-L)hahabT, 29. al-'Islkn, p. 141 and verb 411 (3rd. person sing. Past simple)is from a al-Khayl, which ribat comes -Ribat number of 5 horsesor more dedicatedto God, as mentionedin the Qur'dn: 8: 60. There are several fladithes attributed to the prophet in which he praisesthe horsesand the rib5t. Al-Bu-kh5ril Sahlh. iitAb-al-JihAd, passim-,seeC. E Bosworth, 'Byzantium and Arabs: war and peace',p. 9. 62 A]-phahabl, TArlh al-'Isl&n, p. 317. 63 Al-Khap-b al-Baghcldd-i,T&ffchmadhat Baghdid, 5, p. 23. 64 Tirih madhat Bagh_djd,6, pp. 55,68,171,280,332; 8, p. 484; 11, p. 108, al-BaghdAdl, -Al-khat-lb l5i-, 23ý, 12, p. 327,406; Iýn al-Nad-im,al-f1hrist, p. 229. 63 Ibn Taghrl Bardf, al-Nujft al-zAbirah, 3, p. 297. . 117
in Tarsus from settled and attractedseveralstudents all over the well-knownscholars 66 in Rhad Muslim world, who presumably took part aswell. Ydq5t listed Similarly, in Muslim al-IjamaWif the several clerics who settled ,,
1hugýhur cities, and some of them stayed to devote themselvesfor Jihad
67
Some
"Ismd'11 b. Nuj-id (d. 976/ 365H. )68 collected contributions from their as such others.,
disciplesor othersto sendto those who were fighting on the border.
Somewealthyclericsin differentpartsof the Islamicworld were stunnedand by Byzantine fight, being Syria, the to advances against northern and unable provoked
they entrustedsomeotherpoor volunteerswith the task andpaidall their travel costs 69 One can assumethat the practicalcontributionmadeby theseSufisand Tars(iS. to in border they the were mostly old men who when stayed area, was merely clerics,
theoretical,for they couldnot offer muchmilitary support.What is moreimportantis the fact that their reputation and the discipleswho travelled to them would spreadany help for Muslim throughout the world, which would certainly, as the Byzantine call 70 in to travel to take the war, or send people realised, provoke part sources
fight in to to their place. or arm someone contributions, Obviously,the Muslim clericsin Tarsaslived as knight-monks,similarto the in in Syria the crusadesof 12thand 13t"centuries.Unlike the organisations military it seemsthat the bondwhich united Crusadersor other Spanishmilitary organisations, the Muslim volunteersin TarsUswas what is known in Islamic civilisation as al(clanbonds),or beingdisciplesof the sameShaykh,., (cleric). casabiyyah, 66 Among them, Abil al-flarith al-Fayd al-Tarsfisi, (d. 909). SeeIbn al-'Adilm, Bughyat al-talab, I, pp. 192-193,In Taghrl Bard!, al-NujC#nal-zjhirah, 4, pp. 70-71. 67 YAqflt al-Uamawl, Mu Yamal-Buldin, 1, p. 170; 4, p. 557. 68 Al-Rhahabr, TArAh al-'Islkn, p. 336. 69 TArAh Tgrjkh hab AI-Dha Baghdid, 3 27; 8, L 74,122-13,12, al-BagLidadli madhat p. pp. -Al-ýKhatib , .520 (372H. ) is This p. an old tradition in Islamic history as the Muslim sourcestell of al-'Isl&n, 77; Muslim for Rhad. AI-Jabi?, the p. rich women al-aViV, who gave wa money several al-Maý&in al-IjarnadAnI, Takmilat tarAh al- Tabarr,p. 72. 70 Nikcphoros Ouranos,Takfika, p. 155. 118
job Tarsils to the the In the citYof processof summoning warriors armswas a 71whose job was religious in the first place.72Furthermore,the same of al-Muýtasib, boys, describes groups of some young men, or rather who gatheredunder the writer
(cleric); he led joined Shaykh., them they until reachedmanhoodand commandof a last days In the of the city under the successiveByzantine attacks, the regular army-73 cleriCS, dispatched Muslim the to the city who were the'envoys of rulers were some
74
in history Jihad. Muslim the yet unsuccessful crucial, role a of played who Those Muslim clerics played yet another role in the Jihad againstByzantium, fruitless few it In Muslim that and one. a cases, appears some rulers a vague yet again had forgotten their duties in the Jihad. Those clerics tried to ren-ýindthem of their help in Muslims, Byzantine In to the raids. other suffered who was obligation moral
972 A.D/ 361 A.H., a delegationfrom the Muslim elite clericsin Baghdadmet the Daylamite Bayids Bakhtiar to urge him to support the Muslims in Syria against the 75However, 76 be fruitless. Byzantine their efforts proved to armies. advanceof the
71 C. 'AbF1 'Umar 'Utlun5n 453. English E. Siyar Bosworth, trans. p. alal-ThughCr, -Al-Tarsasf, Tarsiisl', pp. 191-192. 72 -Al-Motasib, a uniqueIslamicpublicpostsimilar in somewayto the modemcity councillor,who . ffis main duty wasto controlall aspectsof the city's markets, had a wide rangeof competencies. introduction) Ibn Khaldiin, (the the standards. p. 225. moral supervise public al-muqaddimah and -73-Al-Tarsiisr,Siyar al-Thughirl,p. 454. English trans. C. E. Bosworth,'Abri 'Umar 'UthmanalTarsiisl',pp. 193-194;Ibn al-'Ad-im,Bughyatal-talab,1,p. 189. 74 'Uthman 'Umar Siyar 455. English C. 'Aba E. Bosworth, trans. alal-Yhughir-, p. -Al-Tarsfa-sr, Tarsiisf%pp. 194-195. 75 4, 65 (lie TjrAh 247-248; Ibn Taghff Bard!, pp. al-'Islkn, pp. at-ahirah, al-Nujan -Al-Phahabl, listedthe membersof this delegation,whoweretheelite of theBaghdadMuslim thinkers) Ibn Taghrl Bardl narratesthat thePersianemir calledthepeopleto Rhad,a hugenumbergathered and after a while a large army was dispatchedfrom Baghdad,to fight againstByzantium.They routedthe Byzantinearmyandreturnedwith the headsof theByzantinemurders.This storyseems to befictitious.For other,seeIbn al-Ath-ir,al-k&nil, 7, pp. 4445. 76 foundthis a goldenopportunityto forcethe powerless to the Persian to contribute ruler caliph -The Rhad.Whenthe latterrefusedto pay,or ratherwasnot ableto do, his propertywasconfiscated and
119
Thughor in the Hadith One of the unique featuresof lslan-ýcliterature was to develop a literature of Muslims, to the prophet attributed or other prominent which praised mostly prophecy, 77 its is literature directed little In this and people. contrast, of a certain city or region border The or cities. area,al--Thughiircertainlywas no exception. areas against certain
Aba: 'Umar 'Uthman al-TarsfisT, collectedseveralIjadiths and narrativesconcerning his Tars0s. These 1hughor, city particularly sayings remarkably praise the the ,
). Furthermore 1hughar (especiallYTars0s)and their populations(eventhe Greeks! 78 five Ijadiths highest in heaven. Among the the their martyrs ranks they assure find in Muslim I the the to authorities on could not any major prophet attributed
In the light of this fact, one can assumethat thesesayings Uadith which I examined. intended interpolations, Muslims later their to attract and provoke are certainly attentionto this area. Jihad and recruitment This crucial role of the Muslim clerics in the wars certainly raisesthe question
While during Byzantine-Muslim the the conflict. the of religious recruitment role of financially well Byzantine recruitment system was systematically complex and
if large land depending fixed the part, not or a on salaries whether organised, '79 largest,of the Muslim armyconsistedof volunteers,who settledin the Thujzhcir.The
he wasforcedto sell his clothes,in utter humiliationto the caliphate.Ibn al-AtliTr,al-k&nil, 7, pp. 4445; Ibn TaghffBardf,al-Alujc#n al-ahirah, 4, pp. 66. history (a is In 'Asakr, book his best devoted half first of the example who of of volume -The to collectandcite all the Hadithesor traditionswhichpraisedhis city; interestingly,he Damascus) devotedsomepagesto defendingDamascus andrefutingsomecommontraditionsagainstit. 'Umar 'Aba 78 Siyar 441446, E Bosworth, English C. translation. al-Thughcr,pp. -Al-Tarsfisr, 'Uthmanal-TarsiIsT',pp. 187-188. 79
Byzantine recruitment system, see J. Haldon, 'Recruitment and conscription in the the -On Byzantine army c. 550-950. A study on the origins of the Straflotka Ktcmata', (Osteffcicl-dsche Akademie Der Wissenschaften.Philosophisch-historische Klasse: Sitzungsberichte, 357. Bd-) (Vienna 1979); also of interest is idem, 'Military service, military lands, and the statusof soldiers: Current problemsand interpretations', DOP 47 (1993) pp. 1-67. 120
have how Byzantine fact the VI Leo this could used andwondered realised emperor such zeal.
80
Khurasani volunteers The main group of the Muslim volunteers in the tenth century came from Khurdsan. Ibn Mskawayh speaksof two groups of Khurasanivolunteers who came in first Syria. The Muslims help the group arrived around 964 / 353 H. They were to in battles beside Sayf 5000 took the men who part some of al-Dawla. around However, these groups could not changethe balanceof the struggle and had to leave 81 because farnine. Syfla of a northem The main group of Khurasani volunteers were more than 20,000 men, among
them the poet and preacher al-Qaffa-Ial-Shdsiff.They came to Baghdad in 966AD./355H. These men, who were full of religious zeal, did not accept the Daylamite Bfiyids life. luxurious the their of attitude and apathetic
However, a
between them and the authorities of Baghdad, who refused to erupted quarrel soon fighting Soon looting in Baghdad, them more any money. and spread and a give " in both killed. In the end, the rest of the groups people sides of were number Syria fellow ADJ 357H. Muslims In 967 to to try to their they there. save marched
83 desperate fruitless Byzantine Antioch. troops and attack on a near made
Tactica, PG 107, col. 972, partial English translation: A. Toynbee, Constantine VI, -Leo Porphyrogenitus, pp. 382-383; also of interest G. Dagron, 'Byzance et le mod6leislamique au Xe A 219-243. des 1'empereur Ldon CRAI (1983) tactiques VI', constitutions propos pp. si6clc, Mskawayh, Kitih tajjrib al-umam, 6,201-202; Ibn Taghr! Bardi, III, pp. 335,339. -Ibn 92 Miskawayh in Baghdad, he living the these an eyewitness with was of all working events; was -Ibn Daylamite Bflyids. It seemsthat his life, and maybethe possibility of passinghis writings on to this family had One his Persian Khurasanite towards these would think attitude volunteers. powerful htat he have had no sympathyat all with them: SeeIbn Nfiskawayli,Kitih tajjrib al-umam, 6, pp. 201; Al-DhahabL TjrLh al-'Islkn, p. 23. On the other hand this quarrel was alluded to in the Phokas. In Byzantium Nikephoros Emperor against of al-QM al-ShVir and polemical poem 2, p. 183; ids See Daylamite Ba Tabaqjt described he the salves. "vh, al-SubkT, as a1-_shqYf1'! UP which I G. Granebaum.,'Eine poetischePolemik', p. 52. 13 Hebracus,L P. 171. -Bar 80
121
In surn, religious motives played an essentialrole in the war against Byzantium, yet the purposesof this war were not always religious. In the name of Jihad some Muslim rulers set their own political propagandaeither to promote their dynasty or their personalprestige, or for the sake of their religious belief (the Shiite Fatin-Ms). Ahad was the main motive in recruiting new elementsfor the continuous In Ahad, Byzantium. donations the name of contributions against and were warfare
have Islamic from from We the the over of world. all severalexamples gathered Muslim sources of some wealthy people all over the Muslim lands who gave individuals instead just Rhad, fight for to to them, of either equip some or generously 84 The Byzantine sources, particularly the military ones, contribution. general as a, important factor the this of collection of of propagandaand show a clear awarenessof " fought for Byzantium. Muslims the against who money Before and after almost every raid, religious propagandawas an extremely
fight, least for to to sendcontributionsto the recruit at new men or powerful way those who were stationedin the advancedoutposts facing the enemy. In the battlefields, the influence of the religious orientation was unmistakable; prayers, 86 the the to of soldiers. or even morale poetry were used raise speeches, Byzantine holy war
As J. Haldon has recentlypointedout the Byzantineattitudetowardswar is " has This and ambiguous. problem attractedthe attentionof modem paradoxical has been Byzantine done the to and valuable work elucidate scholars analyseand " holy war. conceptof 94 A17Khalibal-Baghdadi, Tirikh madliat Baghd.W, 7, p. 74; 2 1, p. 407. 85 Nikcphoros Ouranos,Taktika, pp. 155-156. 86 Ibn Qutayba,Kitib 'bym al-akhbJr, 1, pp. 123-127. 81 J. Haldon, Warfare, state and society in the By7antineworld, p. 13. 88 For an intensive study of the Byzantine holy war, seeA. Kolia-Dermitzakl' '0 pvýaMv6s "iEPOS V. Laurent, 13-33; Bwantine in Warfare, the Haldon, J. society pp. and state world, Tr6XEPos" 122
It is a widely acceptedfact that Christianityas a whole did not developa 89 holy for Islam. In God the sakeof to that notion of war waged of which was sinýilar the Byzantine church, this situation is slightly different. Modem scholars are in disPute concerning this issue. While some insist that the Byzantine church over its 90 long history was always inclined towards peace rather than war, others such as Donner, support the view that there was a notion of holy war in Byzantium, but not judgement. Donner goes further to suggest a Byzantine influence on on yet explicit the Muslim notion of Jihad, which does not seem a plausible idea.91 A third group of 92
scholars, with whom one totally agrees,took a different and more flexible view, is which to distinguishbetween a theoretical attitude towards the idea of killing and the defacto attitude of supporting the emperor and imperial army in their wars. This paradoxicalcombination led, more or lessto Byzantine theologians'justifying the war againstthe enemiesof Christ, and ipsofacto of the state. Broadly speaking,in contrast to the entire and overwhelmingsupport from the
Latin churchto the crusadersin their holy war againstthe Muslimsin the east,or in 93 in Spain, the west the Byzantinechurchmaintainedits role as a mainly theoretical influence. Obviously,in caseof the lengthywar with the Muslims,there spiritual and indications that the church had, somehow,a role in the conflict, albeit some are
Vidde de guerre sainte et la tradition b>7antin.' Revue historique du Sud-Est Europ9en 23 (Bucharst, 1946) pp. 71-98; T. M. Kolbaba, 'Fighting for Christianity: Holy war in the Byzantine Empire' B 68 (1998) pp. 194-221. g9 J. Haldon, Warfare,state and society in the BýTantineworld, pp. 13 -14. 90 ivories' in S. T. Oikonomides, 'The Byzantine Holy the two tenthconcept of war and century -N. Nfiller and J. Nesbitt, (eds.) Peaceand war in Byzantium(rhe Catholic University of America Press 1995)pp. 62- 86. 91 Donner, 'Sourcesof Islamic conceptionsof war', 36-37. 92 J. Haldon, Warfare, state and society in the By7antineworld, pp. 15-17. 9' For more on the Latin church and the notion of the holy war seeK. Erdman, The origin ofthe idea 'The Kahrl, S. the University 1977); Press of (Princeton genesis A. Baldwin trans. al., et ofcrusade, 10-32. holy The in Murphy (cd. ) ideas' T. P. pp. war, Crusades:the springs of western 123
for Christian blessings the theoretical,or mainlyspiritual,suchas offering andprayers 94 in Muslims. Byzantine arn-ýies their war againstthe i
,
In 960 ADJ 349H., when a Byzantine fleet was headingfor Crete, there were
in religious celebrations,prayers all the churchesandthe patriarchwent to blessthe 95
fleet, before as it set OUt. On severalother occasionsthe patriarchattendedthe 96 before imperial held the after or military expeditions. Furthermore, the ceremonies Phokas letters Nikephoros in to the sent monks several monasteries, emperor for Athos, fighting for his their to appealing prayers arn-ýieswho were especially Muslims. the against In his treatise on the preparations for the imperial railitary expedition, the lists horses Constantine Porphyrogenitus donations the of gifts and and emperor
imperial for from "complimentary" the the expeditionas muleswhich were required 98
from "the Although, and archbishops, as as well pious monasteries". metropolitans thereis no connectionin this text, betweenthe donationsfrom the Churchandthe war it indicates less Muslims, that the took clearly church amore or practical, though with in in limited in the the tenth military activities, century role supporting mainly very the war againstthe Muslims.
94 Actuallythe churchbeganearly,from thercign of thefirst RomanChristianemperor(Constantine the Great)to takepart in ritesof the imperialvictory.Henceforththepresence of thePatriarchand C.F. M. McCormick,The the other clericswas essentialin mostimperial military celebrations. eternalvictory. p. 54 et scq. 95 Schlumberger, Un Byantin, 67-68. empereur pp. 96 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Three 145. treatises imperial p. on expeditions, 91 Darrouz6s,Epistoliers b)7antinsdu Xe si6cle, (Paris 1960) no. 83,88, pp. 146-147;H. -J. Ahrwciler,'Un discoursinddit de ConstantinVII Pliyrogdn6, ' in idem tutdes sur les structures letter de Byzance, dating to Variorum 395, the (London 10, 1971) et sociales administratives no. p. 958; A. E. Laiou, 'The generaland the saint: Mchael Malinos and NikephorosPhokas',in E MYXIA M61anges offertsi) Mene Ahrweiler,2 vols.(Paris1998)11,p. 408 101. 91 Constantine Threetreatiseson imperialmilitary expeditions, Porphyrogenitus, p. 124
-
did not fight what canbe In sum, one may assumethat the Byzantinearmýies
99 for God's holy sake, similar to those known in the Islamic world or to war called a the Crusades.At the time, the church and the whole Christian religious establishment Byzantine in the their struggle, and although this role was armies supported clearly it theoretical and spiritual was a crucial one. The essenceof religion was mainly for in example supporting the soldiers, raising morale, giving some always present, divine in God's support of the empire, chanting hymns at the festivals in confidence the Hippodrome. It is worth noting that Muslims were aware of the fact that Christianity had no holy in fact by the this their of war, and used accusing the polen-k concept Byzantines of deviating from the peaceful spirit of Christianity. Al-Qaff-al al-Shda&lf,
in his reply to the emperorNikephorosPhokas,said that if the latter were a real Christian king he would have somemercy for his enemies,i. e. the Muslims, according 100 dogma. Christian Sin-fflarlyal-Jdýi? alluded to the Byzantine practice of to- the
Christians the the and commented sarcastically on claims of of showing castration Imercy."' Nikephoros IR Phokas and the holy war Among the Byzantine emperors who fought against Muslims, Nikephoros
Phokasbearsa specialimportance.For the first time in Byzantinehistory,Nikephoros Phokasrequestedthe churchto regardthe victimsof the struggleagainstthe Muslims The (956-970) Polyeuktos patriarch martyrs. as refused such an unprecedented
99 has bccn widcly acccptcdby most modcrn scholars.Scc I Haldon, Warfare,state and notion -This society in the Byzantine world, p. 23; N. Oikonornidcs, 'The conccpt of Holy war and two tcnthccntury Byzantinc ivorics' in T. S. Millcr, and J. Ncsbitt, (eds.) Peace and war in Byzantium: George honor T. Dennis (WashingtonD. C. 1995)pp. 62-86. in of essays 100 Al-SubkT, TabaqN al-LharfVTyyahal-kubrA, II, p. 181.G. Granebaum,Einc poctischePolemik', p. 50, vcrse N. 5. 101 Al-JahiZ, al-Hayw5n, I, p. 80. 125
102Undoubtedly, the whole war waged by this emperor was profoundly request. in dimension. its His Muslims by the aimed, religious campaignsagainst characterised into destroy Muslim he the turned them to mosques, stables and some of most cases,
"' burning be found. Qur'an for his horses,aswell as that n-ýight anycopiesof the Remarkably, the Muslim sourcesacknowledgedthat his aim was to head for 104
Jerusalemand free it from Muslim rule.
Bar Hebaraeus also says, "He (i. e.
Nikephoros Phokas), was set towards Jerusalem,but he was unable to go there, the troops accompanyinghim were exhaustedby the great slaughterwhich -because 105 had taken". they, had made, and by the excessiveweight of the spoils which they Nikephoros Phokas in a polemical poem sent to the caliph al-MuTI' (946-974/ 334, 363), declared his aim not only to free Jerusalembut also to conquer Mecca, the
holiest city in Islam,and to establisha Christiankingdomin the heartof Islam.This leadership in Baghdad destroying the the the of spiritual caliphate after would come 106
Muslim world.
The holy war of John Tzimiskes
Like his predecessor,John Tzimiskes'campaignsagainstSyria were often its Undoubtedly by the* and effects religious spirit characterised a crusading spirit.
102 John Skylitzes, SynopsisHistoriarum, pp. 274-275; Cedrenus,Compendiumhistoriarum, 11,369; Zonars, 506. For a full discussionof this point seeKolia-Dermitzakim, Byzantine holy war, pp. 136-139; J. Haldon, Warfare, state and Society in the Byzantine world, pp. 28-29; M. Canard, 'La has Haldon dans le As dans la islamique 616-619. pointed sainte monde monde chrdtien', pp. guerre behind between the scene. disputes the the the stand previous patriarch and emperor out recently, For the legislation of Nikcphoros against the possessionsof the monasteriesseeN. Svoronos,Les 15 1des 1994) (Athens la les terre pp. empereursMac6doniensconcernant et strationtes nouvelles 161. G. Ostrogosky,History of the Byzantine state, English trans. J. Hussey(New Jersey1957)pp. 254-255; P. Charanis ' The monastic properties and the state in the Byzantine empire, DOP 4 (1948) pp. 53-118, esp.pp. 56-58. 113 140-141. infra, pp. -See ý04 Ibn al-'Ad-Im, Zubdat al-,Valab, p. 84. Hcbracus,1, p. 172. -Bar -105 106-Al-Subkf,Tabaqjt alýshaf Vry),uh, 2, p. 180, verses 38,41-42; G. Grilnebaum, 'Eine poctische polemik', p. 49, verses40-41,43-44. 126
1070ur letter is his his in to the source aspects of campaigns. main several were clear Armenian king Ashot III, which is full of personal self-aggrandisementand exagger
ion.
108
The emperor assuredAshot "many wondrous things God has done" and " God 109He Christians delivering "intent has aided the the Holy at all times". was on 110 God from Christ bondage the Sepulchre of our of the Muslims". Furthermore, he "'his in Christian from Syria, took special care collecting the arn-ýiesdestroyed relics furthermore his Muslim the and mosques, armies captured several and mutilated 112 later. forced hundredsof Muslim childrenwho were presumably to convert John Tzimiskes was a charming person, quite different from the monk-like his in Phokas. This Nikephoros towards attitude some softened ways of character
Muslims. This is reflectedin the Muslim and Armeniansources;we'have even a "' between him love Ijamdanid princes. and a certain story an alleged of narrative This story is definitely not acceptablein the conservativeIslamic society, and it is not
backed up by any other narrativesin the contemporarysources,but it could be Arabs. his with relatively close personal contacts consideredasa reflectionof Religious symbolism
Three centuries before the rise of Islam, in the reign of the emperor , Constantinethe Great, the strong link betweenthe cross as a Christianreligious 1-01-For more details on his campaignsin Syria see M. Canard, 'La date des exp6ditions du Proche de XIII in idem: les Jean Tzimisc& ByTance no. musulmans et m6sopotarnicanes Orient, 'U. K. Tawfiq, Muqaddimit al-7dwin al-sall-bi 'ala al-Lharqal-'arabi: al-'Imperitor YapannaTizimikswa siy&auth al-Lharqiah(the forewordof the Crusades'sattack againstthe Arabic East:the emperorJohnTzimiskesand his orientalpolicy) 2cd.ed. (Alexandria1967)(in Arabic);P. E. Walker,'The Crusadeof JohnTzimiscesin the light of newArabicevidence',B 47 (1977)pp. 301-327; 108-See his letterto King Ashotof Armenia:Matthewof Edessa, Armenia,pp. 29-33;seethediscussion of P. E. Walker,'The Crusadeof JohnTzimiscs',esp.pp. 320-321. 109 Armenia, Edessa, 29. of p. -Matthew 110 Armenia, Edessa, 30. of p. -Matthew "'-Matthew of Edessa, Armenia,p. 32. 112 the Byzantinepolicy of convertingMuslimsandMuslim childrenseeinfra chapter3, pp. 211-On 216. 127
by legendary Byzantine This the the armies was established. was signified symboland 114 its hoe Whatever historical it 'In vinces'. signo authenticity, established words, Christiansymbolismamongthe Byzantinearmies. Later, the Byzantinearmiesaswell as societyin generalbeganto usenot only the cross for spiritual aid in war, but also icons and the religious relics of saints.It is limited laity but this that to the powerful cult was not also to the highest noteworthy '" in Byzantium. minds
The icon of Mary was an essential element in defending
116 Constantinopleagainstthe enemiesof the empire and God. In several,indeedalmost hidden, but crucial role. During the Arab attack battle took this spiritual aid a every, in help 904 Thessalonika the to most of and ask pray city's population went against 117 from the city's saint Demeýrios. In the vita of Saint Barbarus, or rather the Barbarian saint, the Byzantine fighters raised the cross and the icon of Theotokos in ' 18 inflicted heavy defeat. front of Muslims and a Presumably,the Muslim notion of Ahad brought to the fore the increasing importance of this religious symbolism in Byzantium. From crossesto flammatory its to the trying raise of spirits soldiers,and to supplicatefor each side was speeches, icons from The from God the saints. or and crosseswere an essential aid and victory
Armenia,p. 28. Matthewof Edessa, 114 C. Mango, Chronographia, (trans. R. Scott) McCormick, Eternal f. M. 23; and c. p. -Theophanes, victory,p. 101.
Seefor example the narrative of Photios on the Russianattack against Constantinoplein 860, and the decisive role of the "holy robe" of the Virgin carried by the patriarch himself around the walls of the city. C. Mango, The homilies of Photios, Patriarch of Constantinople,(Cambridge 1958), pp.82-112, esp.p. 102. 116 Chronographia,1,p. 39713,398,(trans.C. Mango R. Scott) 545-546.
pp. and -Theophanes, Kamanates, De Thessalonicae, 39-40. G. B61ilig, German 22, expugnatione trans., pp. p. -John "'-ConstantineAcropolites,'Sermonon St.Barbarus'Analcktaflicrosolyn-dtikes 1,ed. Stachyologias, A. Papadopoulos-Keramcus, St. Petersburg,1881,reprinted(Brussels1963) p. 409; see,D. Sahas, 'Hagiologicaltextsas historicalsourcesfor Arab historyandByzantine-Muslimrelations:thecase Saint"EB, "Barbarian a newseries,1-2(1996-1997)pp. 50-59. of Remarkably,this strong Byzantinebelief in divine supporton the battlefieldcoincidedwith a in thewest,Liduprandof Cremonanarratesthatvisionsof saintsappcarcdwhich conviction similar The Muslims Cremona, Christians in the Liduprand the See Italy. and supported of scare south 69. p. works, 128
119 important fought Most Muslims. the they the to against was prayer armieswhen aid 120 had in, fight before the to take part which the whole army as well as the impressive leaders by bravely fight to the the to or emperors urge soldiers againstthe speeches 121
I C. St. of enen-ýes
Muslims were aware of the spiritual importance of the cross. Muslim historians were keen to count the silver and golden crossesamong the spoils of war, in Muslim Byzantine through the the of war were cities, prisoners paraded streets and 122 holding golden and silver crosses. However, Byzantines often regained these
from back the crosses
MUSIiMS.
123
The frequent capture and recapture of crossesin
importance, by both felt their which sidesas a religiousand the war may reflect was Christianity. Byzantium and of political symbol
Evidently,Byzantinessometimesalso usedthe crossas a political symbolin their relations with Muslims. John Tzimiskesused a cross as a sign of safe conduct to 124 / leaders b. 422 H. Ijasdn In 1030 Damascus. the al-Jardý, one of the city of of the Arab tribes, rebelled againstthe Fatinffd authorities in Syria, and called f or Byzantine 125
his head". he "carried help. A]-MaqrTfi the that cross on says military
These two
hun-dliation betray Byzantine the the aim of imposing a religious on may occasions
Muslimsby forcing themto carry the sign of Christianity.The Byzantineexpeditions before by the spiritual and ceremonies, religious whether characterised were Crete, for Byzantine huge their the the spiritual naval expedition cross against army carried a -In Porphyrogenitus, help.LeotheDeacon,Historia,p. 8 (Germantrans.F. Lorettop.14);Constantine Threetreatieson imperialexpeditions,p. 125;On thevenerationof the Crossin ByzantiumseeN
'Le de la dans dans 1'empire byzantin Thicrry, du Xe VII' cultc croix sesrapports si6clc au si6clc ý, l'infi la 'd6le'RSBS 1 (1980) pp. 205- 28. contre guerre avec 121 Phokas, Parecepta 127, Taklika, Ouranos, 45,57,59; Nikephoros pp. militaria, pp. -Nikephoros -141. 121 Chandax, Leo for the Nikephoros the Phokas during speech example the of of emperor siege -See the Deacon,Historia, pp. 12-13 (German trans. F. Loretto pp. 18-19). 122 Al-Tabarip 111,4, p. 2103; Ibn al-Athir, al-kknil, 6, p. 55,109; Ibn Tag-hriBardi al -UaM Vft I , 175. 3, p. zjhirah, 123 Historia, p. 612-5(German trans. F. Loretto p. 6 1). Deacon, the _, -Leo 124 L)hayl DimaLh 13. t&A-h q_q, p. al-Qalanisf, -Ibn
129
126 in imperial due to take those place or special ceremonies, whenthe expeditionwere 127 back from battle. the emperor was coming
Islam in the Byzantine court and diplomacy Leaving aside the religious antagonismbetween Byzantium and the Muslims, diplomatic relations between them did not stop, except for short periods during the wars. ýEvidently each side viewed the other with respect as a supremepower in the
128 Mediterraneanworld. In De Ceremoniis,we havea text describingthe placeof the delegation at the imperial banquet, "oj BE jý 'Ayapcov q)(Xot Tfi Tc73v Arab , ,TraTPIKLCOV",
129
evenabovethe Bulgarians,who are Christians.
Patriarch Nicholas I Mysticos says, "There are two lordships, that of the
Saracensandthat of the Romans,which standaboveall the lordshipsof the on earth"; he refers to "your God-given authority". 13'Another explicit exampleof the respect for Muslims and their religion appearsin a Byzantine letter sent to the Umayyad caliph at-Ijakim (961-976 / 350-366) (in al-Andalus).This unusuallybegins introductions, for Muslim Mulýammad,though it does that traditional of praise with him a prophet. not'call
121 7UP4,2, On 180. Fatimids in Byzantines the Syria between p. political and situation -Al-Maqrfzl, seeT. Bianquis, Damas et le Syrie sousla domination Fatimide, II, pp. 470-487. 126.ConstantinePorphyrogenitus,Threetreatises on imperial military expeditions,p. 78,115 Porphyrogenitus, Constantine Three 141,149 treatises imperial pp. on military expeditions, _127 128 Seethe discussionof D. Sahas,'Byzantium and Islam: an encounterof two theocraciesmutual admiration, and exclusion', lecture at The Greek-CanadianAssociationof Constantinople,(Toronto 1993) 129 Porphyrogenitus,De Ceremoniis (ed. Bonn) 11,p. 740; c.f J. Bury, The imperial -Constantine administrative system,p. 156. Letters, p. 3. 1, Nicholas 131 Nicholas I, Letters, p. 5. 130
--
May God bless "In the name of God the merciful, the compassionate.
Mubarnmadand his family and give him peace"132 ,,
Religion in the terms of the treaties in the history of Byzantine-Muslim relations in the ninth and tenth centuries, drawn between The these the treaties two treaties up were sides. majority of several ipso facto were dedicatedmainly to the military and political aspectsof the relations, in light different few the texts of the need a close examination and remaining while background. religious .-
Islamic law (Shaff'ah) draws specific guidelines for Muslim rulers in their
133 dealings with non-Muslim rulers, though in the different political and military ignore ignored forced Islamic the to Muslim or were simply rulers conditionssome in dealing Byzantines. with precepts Unfortunately we have only a few surviving full texts of treaties or letters between Byzantium and the Muslims, to shedlight on the religious orientation. One of
humiliating in Safar, important treaty truce the treaties, concluded of a was the most "' Byzantium. Hamdanids Qarghfiya between the and 969-970AD/ 359H. ernir Remarkablythere are someterms in this treaty which are obviouslyagainstIslamic law. Thoughit kept the Muslim right of levyingJizya(poll tax) on their non-Muslim his deserts freedom to religion and safety any apostatewho subjects,it guarantees (Islam or Christianity) and converts to the other. Such provision is utterly against
132 S.M. Stem, 'A letter of the Byzantine emperorto the court of SpanishUmayyadcaliph al-Hakim', . (London (1961) 26 37-42, thought in idem, MedievalArabic pp. reprinted andHehrew al-Andalus, 1983) no. VI, esp.pp. 38-39. 133 basis diplomatic the the treaties non-Muslims. with of al-Qalqashand! notes on of writing -See 1 ScarcelyByzantine sourcescommentedon the religious backgroundof their emperor'streatieswith 24, Kaldellis, A. See: Genesios, Regum libri 20-21, English trans. p. quattuor, pp. non-Christians. Fuht 14, 103; 7-8. al-Qalqaýhandll, al-a'shi, pp. note also 134 Zubdat al-Palab, pp. 95-99. English trans. W. Farag, The truce of -Yafar. al-'AdIm, -1bn 131
13'Furthermore in this treaty Byzantinestried to set Islamic law concerningapostates. free some of the Christian slavesin Muslim hands,by giving some kind of asylumto 136 from Christian their masters. Most important this treaty the slaves who escaped Muslim his the tax on emir and poll subjects. imposed On another occasion,after the treaty of 1027AD/ 418 H. betweenByzantines Fatinffds, the al-MaqrTzinarrates that "many of those who had been forced to and 137 in Islam Christianity". One the to to reign of al-Ijakim returned may assume convert that this tolerated massreconversionwas a result of the terms of this treaty, or equally it could be just a sudden change of mind from the capricious caliph. Interestingly, Yajýya al-AnIald, considers this as a miracle and sign of God's mercy to the 138
CMstians.
The possibility of perpetual friendship The Muslim legislators draw up someguidelinesfor the Muslim rulers in their diplomacy with non-Muslims. Among their terms was the issue of the time limit in
treatiesvvith non-Muslims.Thereis no explicit text either from the Qur'dn or from the Ijadith dealingwith the duration of the treaties,but the classicalexampleof
left Muslim Islam the theologians the recommended of execution of apostate who and -Most convertedto anyotherreligion,providedhewasgivena chance,betweenthreedaysandonemonth SeeIbn Quddmah,al-Mughnr8, pp. 123-128. to repentandchangehis mind uponpersuasion. , Seldom 97. Zubdat did Christian Byzantium from try to al-'A&m, p. al-palab, slaves release -Ibn Muslim hands. A similar term was repeatedin a 13'hcentury treaty betweenMichael VIII Paleologos / 678-689H. ) in which the emperor and the MamlukidsultanQalawfln(1279-1290AD. tried to control the slavetrade crossingByzantinewatersand protectany Cluistian slaveswho 14, n-dghtendup in Muslim hands.Seethe text of bothtreatiesin al-QalqaLhandi-, al-a'shj, 'Yubp pp. 72-78.C.f. M. Canard,'Un traitd entreByzanceet FEgypteau XIIIe si6cleet les relationsde Michael Paldologoueavec les sultans mamlfiks Baibars et QaIA'u^n'M61angesGaudefroy(Cairo 1937)pp. 197-224,reprintedin idem:BjTanceet les musulmans Demombynes, du Proche Orient,n. IV. 131-Ya4ya, ed.L. Chcikho,pp. 231-232;al-Maqrlil, 7UP4, II, p. 176;Ibn Aybak,al-durahal-muoah, p. 298; Bar Hebraeus,I, p. 185;Ibn Taghrl Bardi, the late Egyptianhistorian,recountsa strange story.He saysthat,whenal-Ilakim claimedgodhead,theChristiansandJews,whohadbeenforced to convertto Islam,usedto beghim saying" My Lord, I wish to returnto my old religion;andal1jakimagreedto allow whoeveraskedhim", Ibn Taghr!Bard!,al-Nujronal-zjhirah, 4, P. 183. 138 Cheikho, 232. L. p. ed. -Ya4yl, 132
lasted for Mubarnmad'streaty of al-HudayVi-ah, ten years,was alwaysthe which inspiration for the Muslim legislators. Treaties with Byzantium should, according to Islamic law, take into The is law basic Islamic the the crucial points. some main emphasis of consideration duty to fight non-Muslim rulers until they becomeMuslim or pay al-Jizya. So Islamic law limits the length of a treaty to a period of 10 years,which could be renewedif this interest, in Muslim be be the and should never a permanenttruce with the would 139In the caseof the lengthy war of betweenByzantinesand Muslims, we do enemy.
have a few examplesin which the Muslim rulers followed such a hard line of alShafi'!. In a meeting between the Fajin-ýd caliph al-Mu'izz and a Byzantine
between Byzantine the truce caliph rejected a proposal of a permanent ambassador, the two sides,sayingthat: Religionandthe canonlaw (al-shaff'a)did not admitsucha perpetualtruce had for. he had Allah senthis prophetMohammedand set up the asked as in orderto call mankindto his imamsafter him from amonghis descendants holy (Ahad), to make war againstthe recalcitranttill they religion and 140 being (Qur'dn IX 20). subdued embracethe religionor paidal-Jizya
The caliph addedthat he would not contactthe Byzantineemperorunlessit 14'However, for late be Islam God"s Muslim to and only of advantage cause. would legislatorsseemto take into accountthe weaknessof the Muslimrulersandtheir need being forced but danger to their the pacify non-Muslim counterparts only of also not to pay Jizyato them.Late Muslim legislatorsacceptedthe extensionof the friendship 139 4, 'Byzantium 189; Abfa Yftsuf, C. Bosworth, Kitib E. 246; al-Umm, p. al-kharij, p. see -Al7ShafM, Arabs, 5. the p. and NO M. Stem, 'an embassyof the Byzantine emperorto the Fatimid caliph Mu'izz', Arabic text, PP. -S. 251, English trans. pp. 245-246. The text quotedfrom: al-Qa4l al-Nu'man, kitib al-majalis wa alMusiyars (Book of the audiencesand voyages). M. Stem, 'An embassyof the Byzantine emperor', pp. 256 (Arabic text) p. 248 (EngIish S. . translation) 133
for treaties with non-Muslims up to 90 years and sometendedto give absolute freedomto Muslim rulersto choosewhat would be in the interestof the Muslimsasa 142
whole.
The sacred places in the treaties In a few casesin Byzantine-Muslim diplomacy there were some terms in the treaties concerning the sacred places, mainly the mosque of Constantinople.In 987 AD. / 377H. a treaty was concludedbetweenthe Falimid caliph in Egypt and Basil II, in which the Muslim caliph stipulated that all the Muslim prisoners in their land in be for him Khulbah the and announcing released mosque of should 143 Constantinople. Someyears later in the treaty of 1027 AD/ 418H., a guaranteewas
Constantinople, the to and reopen mosque of and to appoint a refurbish given Mu'a,dhdhzinfor it.
144
Throughout Islamic history, it hasbeen of political and religious importanceto for him Muslim in the the the to the name of caliph or ruler and pray mention 145 it 'Abbasid-Fatimid Within Friday the prayer. rivalry, was crucially mosques at important to have their namesmentionedin mosquesall over the Muslim lands, so as to reflect their spiritual supremacy.One may suppose,the extremeimportance of this
heart have been Byzantine the the of a mosque at capital in seenand would practice
Yubý 14, 7. al-Qalqaýhandl, al-a'shi, p. -See 143 TaghrfBardr,al-Nujan al-zjhirah, 4, pp. 151-152. -Ibn 144 personwho callstheMuslimsto prayin theprayerstimes. -A 145 Khaldansaysthekhutabahis a uniquephenomenon He Islamic the saysthistradition states. of -Ibn of praisingthe cuffcný`caliphin the Fridayprayer,andprayto Allah to savehim andguidehim as the Imamof all MuslimsbeganshortlyafterMoanimad. Laterthis simpleprayergaineda special importance as some kind of recognitionof political supremacy.When the Muslim political caliphatesawseveralsmallquasi-indepcndent emirates,the sequences of thenamesmentionedand local in for the importance: first the take then the sermon the on caliph, a special prayed nameof heir. K-haldfin, his Ibn al-Muqddimah(Beirut 1971)pp. 269-270. and emir 134
used as political-religious propaganda,and would reveal them as the sole 146 Muslim world. representativeof the In the diplomacy between Byzantines and Muslims, both sides exchanged
fine fabrics, jewellery. From the were usually clothes, which gold or presents,, Byzantine side, the emperorsused to sendwith almost every envoy a numberof Muslim prisonersof war as a presentto pacifythe Muslim ruler, andon oneoccasion 147 Qur'an Muslim to some t.hey sent copiesof the rulers. It is not clearwhetherone kind Byzantine but for book, Muslim the of some respect sacred at least may presume
this isolatedcasecanshow,moreor lessa recognitionof the importanceof the Qur'dn it diplomacy. Byzantine to the attempt use within a remarkable and As for the Byzantines, only on a few occasionsthey expressedtheir theoretical
include for in Christian Palestine the terms places and sacred responsibility demanded $afar, Byzantine In the truce the them. of authorities accessto ý concerning in lands, Muslim help for the the to these and right send clerics and material churches churches. In a few casessomeMuslimrulerswereaccusedof beingtoo friendlyandsending Byzantine In 974 AD /363H their to the against religious emperors, precept. presents the B[iyid ernir 'Izz al-Dawlahsent a letter to the caliph al-Murt' upon his victory latter horses, AtFi Taghalb Ijamdanid, the the accusing of sending crossesand against 148 is law. in Obviously, Islamic to the presents which as emperor not acceptable wine for Jihadfrom the there is no reasonto believethis allegedand suddenenthusiasm Brjyid emir who, with all his family, focusedmainlyon the internalaffairsof Iraq and 146 Someyears later in 1055 /447 the empressTheodora changedthis rule and allowed the Se1jukids --%1 Sultan's name to be mentioned in the Constantinople's mosque.The caliph al-Mustanýir reacted immediately the seizureof the Jerusalemchurch, the arrest of the patriarch, the and ordered sharply closure of several churchesin Egypt and Syria and the impose of four years of poll tax over their Christian monks in advance.Al-Maqrizi, 7UP4,2, p. 230. 147 Al-Tabarl, TJ'rj1Lh,III, p. 1931. .
135
impair be Persia. However suchaccusations to the reputationof any would enough Muslim emir. At the sametime this letter and its accusation,true or not, reflect the importance of relations with Byzantium, whether peaceful or hostile, on the personal Muslim the of emirs. reputation and prestige
Privileges of envoys in the lengthy course of Byzantine-Muslim relations several missions were indicate Muslim legislators between the two that the ambassadorsof sides. exchanged (and Byzantine the other membersof the delegation)should be safeand the emperors immunity diplomatic for tend to travelling safely and some even recommend allowed 149 line diplomatic immunity. them exactly on the of modem
bring At the sametime, some of these ambassadors to with them used in belongings Muslim law their cases of authorities; such or personal merchandise, 150 imposes a normal tax on these goods, and certain restrictions on this trade. It does lands to their to own any weapons, slavesor goods which export anyone not allow 151 in future Muslims help them any struggle. against could
Theoretically,if a Byzantineenvoywas to staymorethan oneyearin the Dar be his changedto that of the ahl-al-Dhimmah,viz. the position would al-Islarn, ChristiansandJewsunderIslam,andhe would haveto obeythe termssetby Muslim
148-Al-Qalqashand!,, YubhaI-a'sh 6, p. 491. 149. Abg ygSUf,Ya'qiib, Kitib al-k-harij, pp. 224-225.SeeM. Canard,'Les relationspolitiqueset les Byzance les Arabs' BYTance in idem, DOP 18 (1964) 35-65, entre et et scoiales pp. reprinted du Proche Orient, n. MX, pp. 36-37. musulmans 151 Ya'qiib, Kitib al-Lharjy,p. 224;al-QalqashandT,, Yasuf, 18. 7, $ubh p. al-a'shil -Abjj 151Abjj Yasuf,Ya'qiib, Kitib al-khariV.p. 224
136
152 Such a rule howeverseemsto havebeenneglected,inasmuchas (Shafi'h). law I 153 in few the there were cases which envoysstayedmore than one year.
in Byzantine lands In Muslim honourable the treatment envoys short, enjoyed ; in most cases.In 973 AD/ 363 H. a Byzantine envoy arrived in Cairo and the caliph be A to traditional the parade prepared. certain Muslim cleric of Adhana of ordered it he knew the Byzantine envoy personally, as he that and seems attended -ThughUr tried to set the caliph againstthe envoy saying:"this man is the enemyof Islam and he harms Muslims and Muslim prisoners of war". The caliph became furious at this 154 / leave. Muslim In H. Byzantine 973AD 363 the the to ordered cleric and comment
in his body Fatimid died, in Egypt to the the caliph sent and caliph a ambassador 155 As Canard Byzantium. to pointed out, these ambassadorswere mostly under ,I-coffin
156 light by fact This Muslim the some authorities. sheds on a close surveillance famous, yet disputed, Byzantine embassyto Baghdad, that is, the patriarch Photius know is All his Baghdad. to this trip alleged mission we about one ambiguous and
"' in letter his brother. Some to a modemscholarssuggestthat the patriarch sentence had a unique opportunity and enough time in his trip to spendin the great library of
152 Ya'qfa-b, Yfisuf, Kitib Arabs: C. 225; E. Bosworth, 'Byzantium the al7khar4f, p. and see war -Abi! 6. P. peace', and , 15' Leo Choirosphaktes See M. Canard, ' in 908). Baghdad for (9062 case of who stayed years -The Dcux episodesdesrelations diplomatiqucsarabo-byzantinesau Xe si6cle', reprinted no. M in idem, Byzanceet les musulmansdu proche Orient, pp. 59-62. 154 'Itti4,1, 208-209. p. -A]-MaqrIIzT, 155 Ytti4, I, 214. Walker be the Byzantincs p. that the suspicious of pointed out would -Al-MaqffzI, suddendeath of their ambassadorin Cairo, and he suggestedthat tl-dsdeathwas a probablecauseof the Byzantine campaignagainst Syria a short time after. But it seemsthat the assumptionon which he basedhis argument is just matter of guessing.CX Walker, 'The Crusadeof John Tzimiccs', P. 314. 156 M. Canard, 'Les rcations politiques et socialesentre Byzanceet Ics Arabs', p. 37. 157 The library, I, p. 15. -Photius , 137
Baghdad. This notion, howeverseemsto be implausibleand no more than guess work.
158
The favourable treatment of the Byzantine ambassadors had some in hagiography. Byzantine is There a similar allegedtrip to Baghdadby repercussions Constantine (the apostle of the Slavs), in which the hagiographer claims that the 159 in debates Muslim Byzantine ambassador engaged polemical scholars. with Remarkably, notwithstanding the hagiographical topos of the superiority of the Christian saint, the hagiographersubstantiallycould not claim any maltreatmentof his hero. There is at least one real occasion the Byzantine ambassadorhad a permit to 160 in Saint Thomas Edessa. visit a tomb of Another Byzantine trip was taken to Baghdad, this time by the Cypriot bishop, 161 Saint Demetrianus., who took the risk and travelled to the court of the caliph to set
162 his folk. Thoughthe detailsof the wholetrip arehazyandjust take up free someof lines few fact he by the text, they to the that treated the of allude a well was only 163
in Baghdad. authorities
fidl discussion F. Dovrnik, 'The Constantine-Cyril Photius' trip, see a on embassies of and -For Photiusto the Arabs' in idem,PhotianandByzantineecclesiastical studies,(London1974)n. VII; P. Lemerle,Byzantinehumanism,pp. 207; P. Magdalino,'The-roadto Baghdadin the thought in L. Brubaker Byzantium' (ed.) Byzantiumin the ninth century:Deador of ninth century world Byzantine for StudiesPublications,(London1998)pp. 195-213. (Society Promotion the of alive? Kliment Okhridski, Life and acts of our blessedteacherKonstantinthe Philosopher,thefirst Enlightenerof theSlavictribe, In I. Duichev,Kiril andMethodius, foundersofSlavonicwriting: a collectionof sourcesand critical studies,(NewYork 1985)pp. 55-58;for a full discussionof this Infra chapter4, pp. 235-237. andthetheologicaldebates. allegedembassy 160 Cont., See M. Canard, Byzance 455-5456. 'Les pp. sociales cntre ct relations politique -Theophanes. et lesArabes',p. 38. 16' Grdgoirc,'Saint Ddmdtrianos, dv8que See de 204-240; Chytri Cile (1907) de Chypre) 16 BZ, pp. -H. Jenkins,'The missionof St. Demetrianusof Cyprusto Baghdad'Reprintedin idem,Studieson ByzantineHistory ofthe 9h and I &hcentury.N. XVI. 161 911AD/ 298 A.H. A Muslim flect underthe commandof Damianstormedpartsof Cyprus, -In inasmuchas they co-operated with the Byzantinesagainstthe Muslims,and violatedthe treaty, which keepstheir situationsneutral betweenthe two rivals. obviously the Muslim raid was devastatingand the flcet took manyprisonersof war. Al-Mas'adi,Muriy al-dhahah,4, p. 283;H. letter Gr6goire,SaintDdmdtrianos, in the pp. 232-233.Seetherepercussions of thepatriarch this of NicholasI who complainsbitterly. NicolasI, Letters,pp. 5-11. C.f Jenkins,'The missionof St. Dcmctrianusof Cyprusto Baghdad';A. Vasliev,Lyzanceet le Arahes,11:1, pp. 212-213. 163H. Gr6goire,'Saint Ddmdtrianos',p. 233. 138
In 974AD/ 364H. when the Byzantine ambassadorentered Cairo, it was a
into Cairo the streets the their shopsandwent closed popularoccasionand citizensof 164 him. The samepopular paradewas repeatedat the receptionof the Byzantine to see 165 in (North Aghlabids. Africa), under the rule of the Raqadah ambassadors interestingly, the Byzantine ambassadors had some personal and informal 166 Muslim caliphs. conversationswith the As for the Arab envoys to Constantinople,evidently they enjoyed a similar
honourabletreatment.In the embassyof Nag b. al-Azharto the emperorMichaelIII, the Muslim ambassadorpraised the emperor who treated him kindly and allocated a
167 detailed for him. do have house Unfortunately, accountof the a not we special know Yet life in Constantinople. Muslim the about such we of envoys residencesor "' houses from othernon-Muslimenvoys. special The emperorAlexanderallowedArab hostagesto witnesshis trial of Saint Euthymius after scandalof his failed attempt to confiscatemoney from the partisans left by (although Euthymius to the the this empty seats, occupy purpose of was of 169 AI-Mas'(idi narrates that there was a special sea-gate angry membersof senate).
170 imperial Muslim ambassadors. palaceallocatedespeciallyto the connectedto the Muýammad Abii Bakr Oudge) Al-Khaoi al-Baghdacti-, that alal-QaTi narrates Bdqilldtffhad beensent as an envoyfor 'Adad al-Dawlahto te Byzantineemperor 164 'Itti'j?, I, 225. p. -Al-Maqr1zT1, 165
140. I, I'Afrique I'Espagnc) 'Idharay, de de (Histoire p. et al-bayin al-mughrib, -Ibn '66-Al-MaqrW- narrates that there was a strange dialogue between the caliph and the Byzantine the In did Byzantine the he of glory this, the same that see not said ambassador. ambassador Fatimid court as he had seenin the first time in Ma4dya (the Fatimid capital in north Africa before Cairo) and the caliph felt so depressedeven he died soon after that. This narrative seemsto be fictitious but it reflects the well treatment of Byzantine ambassadorsin the Muslim lands. Ibn alALhIr, al-kimil, 7, pp. 66-71; Maqrfzr, 'Itti'4, I, p. 226 167 Al-TabarT,Tjrikh, 111:3, p. 1450. German Otto I (the 168 King from Liudprand Cremona Latin bitter the of the of envoy complaints -See king from 936), and Holy Roman emperor (962-973). Liudprand was in Constantinoplein 968. his him to and Remarkably he began the report of his mission by criticising the place allocated fellows. Liudprand of Cremona,Theworks, p. 235. 169 125. Euthymii, p. -Vita 139
Basil 11171who was informed of the reputation of the Muslim ambassador,and knew 1 that the latter, would neverkiss the ground, as the envoyswere expectedto do. So, the humiliate trick to thought the Muslim envoy by forcing him to enter the and emperor door, forcing low him kneel in his presence.However al-Baqillarff to through a court 172 backwards. the realised the trick and entered room However, the honourable treatment of embassies,which was generally
between Muslims Byzantines, had adopted and and somenotableexceptions. accepted Sometimesthey were insulted, or even killed. A memberof a Byzantine delegationto Sayf al-Dawla was killed; Sayf al-Dawla apologisedthat the killer (a Qaramaite)was drunk and sent Dyah (blood money) for the murdered envoy, but the emperor
Nikephoros demandedthat the Muslim killer be handedover to him, but Sayf al173 his ignored he could not risk provokinghis dangerous Dawla request. Presumably Qaramitans. On Byzantine the the side, we have only a few examplesof allies Muslim the of envoys. In 965 the desperatepopulations of Mas7isah maltreatment and
Tars(issentan envoyto offer tributeto the emperorNikephorosPhokas,who refused till his beardcaught their requestandburnt their letter on the headof the ambassador 174
fire.
Treatment of the sacred places
Evidently, the tenth century witnesseda real Byzantine crusadeagainst Muslim mosquesin north Syria. In almost every successfulraid, any mosquethey for destroyed horses, find defaced, burnt into turned was a stable or or or even could in their mockeryagainstIslamthey put up crosses,andrangbellsinsidethe captured 170 158. rI al-tanblh wa al-ishri, p. I: -AI-Mas'fldf,
171 the political backgroundof this missionseeW. Farag,Býý7antium Muslim its neighbours and -On duringthereign ofBasil 11,unpublishedPh.D. thesis(Birmingham1979)pp. 82-99.
Akhbir 172 TArAh Baghdid, 5, 379-380; Ibn al-adhkij' al-Jawz-i, al-Baghdad-i, madhat pp. -Al-ýKhapb (Stories of the intellectuals) ed. M. al-KhWI (Cairo 1970) p. 118; Ibn al-A-thrr,al-kimil, 7, pp. 110ill.
140
175 in few desecrated Muslim Furthermore, they a cases cemeteriesand mosques. destroyed them as well. The Muslim sources list a large number of occasions on burnt destroyed. their places were sacred and which In 905 AD/ 293H. Byzantine raid on the suburbsof Aleppo destroyed some 176 ADJ 314H. 926 Byzantine In disturbed the Muslim tombs near army mosques. 177 Two years later Byzantine soldiers stormed a mosque in K-hildt, and Melitene. 178 its in destroyed Later 953ADJ H. 342 they the cross. with a rostrum replaced 179 Siruj. mosques of
The campaignsof Nikephoros Phokasin particular targeted Muslim mosques. In 962 ADJ 350 H. the Byzantine emperor Nikephoros Phokas ordered the "O 'Ain Zarba. Next year Byzantine armies burnt the destruction of the mosque of 181 354H. Emperor in In 965AD/ Aleppo, the city. controlling upon mosques
NikephorosPhokasconvertedTarsfis'mosquesto stablesfor his horses,andordered ' 192 be burnt. during his In 967AD/ 357H. their rostrums to campaignsagainstnorthern
ýyria, he orderedthe mosquesin Ma'arrat al-Nu'man,Maarrat MasCin,Kafr Tdb, Shayzar, and Ijamah to be destroyed.RemarkablyIbn al-'Adim simply says, 183 "Nikephoros seizedeighteenrostrums".
This policy adoptedby NikephorosPhokaswas considerablysoftenedin the destroying 11. There few Basil John Tzinýskes are only a and occasionsof reign of I" Zubdat 86. al-'AdTIm, p. al-Halab, -Ibn 174 Miskawyh,Kitib taj.ýib al-umam,6, p. 210. -Ibn 175-In 927ADJ 315H.Byzantinemilitary enteredthemosqueof Sumayýat, andrangthebells,mocking Muslims.Ibn al-Athir, al-k&nil, 6, p. 186;Bar Hebraeus, I, p. 158(hesaystheking hadput his tent in thegreatMosqueof the city). 171 6, 115. Ibn al-AthIr, al-k&nil, p. 177 - Ibn al-&thir, al-kftil, 6, p. 185. 178 Ibn al-Athir, al-kftil, 6, p. 198;In TaghrlBardii,al-Nujft al-zjhirah 3, p. 316. , 179 Ibn al-Athir, al-k&nil, 6, p. 342. Iso 1,p. 168. Hebraeus, Bar -
181 al-AtVir,al-kknil, 7, p. 3; Bar Hcbraeus,I, p. 168. -Ibn Ibn 182 al-Atlffr, al-k&nfl,7, p. 14;Bar Hebracus, does this, I, 171 (Ibn almention not p. al-'AdIm -Ibn 'AdIm, Zubdatal-tlalab, p. 84). 183 al-'Adim, p. 93; al-Dhahabr,TArPhal-'Islkn, p. 32. -Ibn 141
Muslim mosques.In 983AD./ 373 H, the Byzantine army forced its way into ljimý, 184 destroyed its In 1030/ 422 H. Byzantine destroyed the the troops mosque. and 185
Edessa mosquesof
On the Muslim side, we know that the early Muslim armieswere ordered to destroy no churchesnor to kill any MonkS.
116
However, taking into considerationthe
fact that the Muslims were much weaker and considerablyless offensive in the tenth fewer destroyed. have being Among Byzantine examples of churches we century, these few examplesare the following: in 900 ADJ 287 H. there was a raid against Byzantine lands, in which the Muslim army destroyed some churchesand captured 187 bitterly laments ADJ In 904 328 H. John Kaminiates treatment the of monks. some 188 its insults to some of his city Thessalonikaand complainsof the Muslim churches.
189 destroy "a Christian In the sameyear, Sayf al-Dawlaorderedto churclf'. great famous Monastery the Similarly in 985 ADJ 375 H. QarghUyaAý-ýr--A' of attacked 190 killed Symeonal-Ualtif, someof the monks there, and capturedothers who escaped. Remarkably, al-Muqaddaýfinarrates that the Muslim armies used to target the Byzantine churches in their raids. They were particularly looking for eunuchs to
184 al-'Adim, p. 102;Ibn Aybak,al-Durahal-mu4yah,p. 211. -Ibn 185 al-AthTr,al-kknil, 7, p. 356,However,theArmenianlatehistorianMatthewof Edessaspeaksin -Ibn detail aboutthe eventsin Edessa,but doesnot mentionany thing aboutthe fate of the Muslims Saint intensive Muslims' the of to the cathedral against payingmoreattentiononly attack mosques, Armenia,p. 53, Sophia,Matthewof Edcssa, 196 Ibn 'AsMa,I, p. 133; Eutychius,Sa'Idb. al-Batffq,KitA al-t.#rj'kh,II, pp. 9-10. 197 Bar Hcbraeus,1,p. 145. "I JohnKaminatcs,De expugnatione 74 G. B61ilig, Thessalonicae, German 52; trans. p. p. 189.Ibn Zdfar,citedby M. Canard,SayfAI Daula,RecueildetextsrelatifsaI 1&ir SayfalDaula,p. 74. 190 building huge Cheikho, L. 165; Ibn and that a p. the cd. was al-'Adi-m says monastery -Ya4ya, fortified castle.W. Sunbershypothesiscs that this monasterywas an advancedoutpostof the Byzantinefrontier on the borders,seeW Saunders,'Qal'at Seman:a frontierfort of the tenthand Anatolia: Byzantine S. In Mitchell (cd. Armies ) Roman in and andfrontiers eleventhcenturies', Institute British 1981). held of University College (Swansea Proceedingsof a colloquium. at Archaeologyat Ankara,Monographno. 5 (Ankara1983)pp. 291-303. 142
191 in lands. Muslim In southernItaly churches capture, as valuable goods wanted the 192 in Muslim were often plundered successive raids. As for the sacredbooks which were obtainedas booty, al-Shafi'Tsaysthat the books of non-Muslims, which fell into the Muslim hands,should be looked after and the rulers should call upon anyone who could translate them. And if they are of science or medicine, they should be used to the benefit of the Muslims, but if they contain any jh-irk
(polytheism) they must be destroyedand Muslims should use
193 for their materials other useful purposes. One may assumethat this term applied to Bible the of which were looted in Muslim raids. any copies
Legendary Muslim tombs and their mircales 194Abil
During one of the early Muslim raids againstByzantium,
Ayfib al-
Anýdff, companionof the prophet died, and accordingthe Muslim traditions, he asked his fellow Muslim soldiers to bury him in the nearestpossibleposition of the city, so
they buried him under the wall of Constantinople.This tomb allegedlybecamea Baraka (blessing); Christian the of even source citizensof Constantinopleused to 195 it. is late There legend Muslim that "the Rum (Byzantines) another similar venerate there(in Sicily)usedto veneratethe tomb of Asd b. el-Furat(conquerof the island,d. 828/ 213H.)" And theyusedto praynearit whentheyneededrain
196
191 APsan 242. al-taq&ln, p. -Al-MuqaddasT, '92 Seefor examplethe narrative of Liudprand Cremona, 144. of p. 19' Al-ýShafL al-Umm, 4, p. 263. 194 YazId b. Mu'Awiya in 668- 686/ 48-49. expedition of -The 195 Tj'r. &--h. 11: 1, 89. He P. mentions his name in the list of the distinguishedpersonswho -Al-Tabarl, took pan in this campaign,but did not attribute any miraclesto his tomb; while In al-AthIr, (a 13"' century historian) al-kknil, 3, pp. 227-228; quotesthe narrative of al-Tabarr,and addsthe narrative of the miracles attributed to this tomb and the Byzantincs' vcncraflon of it. C.E. Bosworth, 'Byzantium and the Arabs', p. 3; M. Canard, Us expdditions des Arabcs contre Constantinople dans I'histoire et dans le ldgcnde' JA 208 (1926) pp. 61-121, reprinted in idem Bwance et les musulmansdu Proche Orient, N. 1, esp.p. 73.
143
Religious relics
.,
While Christian veneration of the icons, cross and saints, relics was always a
197 in Christian-Muslim in Muslim the polemics; point crucial victories the seventhand brought Christian holy in (with legacy the the their centuries places east of rich eight Muslim But Christian holy inspiration the these rule. under places stayed as an relics) in the Byzantine world. Since Helena (the mother Emperor Constantine),the cult of in flourished Byzantium, had for the the and of empress successful excavation relics the True Cross in the holy landswas alwaysadmiredin Byzantium. The tenth century saw intensive efforts on the part of several Byzantine "
follow Helena from bring back the-lead to the east. of and all possiblerelics emperors
importance its It might be an overestimating to or evenmisjudging consider and to deep desire Byzantine to obtain these relics and return them to the consider Constantinopleas a religious motive of the Byzantine warfare againstthe Muslims in the tenth century. At the sametime, it is impossibleto ignore the full role of these
have had they may on the courseof the political and relies and whateveraffect between Byzantines Muslims. Undoubtedly, Byzantine the the and relations military lavish held ceremonies celebrations and at the reception of these relics'98 public
indicatethe extremeimportanceof suchsacredtrophiesgainedfrom the wars against in Muslims.JohnTzimiskesproudlycountsthe relicshe obtainedfrom his campaigns 199 Syria. He speaksabout the relics he found in Jabala,which include, the sandalsof
Christ,an old icon of Christ,to which somemiracleswere attributed,andwhich was 196 Aybak, 30. al-durah al-mu&h, p. -Ibn "'-For a comprehensivestudy on the issue of the veneration of the cross between Muslims and Christians seeM. N Swanson,Folly to the Hun/a" ThecrossofChrist in Arabic ChristianlAfuslin; di in Istituto the AD, Pontifico Ph. D. 2vols. eighth studi and thesis, ninth centuries controversy Arabi e d'Islamisfica (Rome 1992). '198 Edessa,Armenia, p. 33. of -Matthew
144
2'0 "a from by Deacon heaven'), Leo described the as gift aswell assomeof the hair of John the Baptist, and relics of SaintJamesof Nisibis."' One of the most valuable Christian relics in the east was the Mandylion (handkerchief), which was alleged to have an image of Christ's face imprinted on it "' it his face. he John Skylitzes, to the eleventh-centuryByzantine wipe used when historian says that the people of Edessa offered to give this sacred relic to the Byzantines in return for ending the attack on the city.203The relic was received and handled with great honour and later moved " in a golden box" to Constantinople.204 The Muslim sourcesnarratethat the Byzantinesoffered the releasingof some(or all?) in for demand Muslim this this their prisoners return sacredrelic; was an unusual of
decision from himself, the a needing caliph even, who consulteda group of one 205 deal with suchanunprecedented request. clericsto In Byzantium itself, these relics were of extremeimportance, even requiring a in honour discovered the the celebration magnificent of newly sandals of special I
Christ and the hair of John the Baptist. On such daysthere was great rejoicing in Liz Jamesemphasised Constantinople. recentlythe political and personalimportance hunting from imperial in the the caseof emperors the east, so-called relic especially of
1199Matthew of Edessa,Armenia, pp. 29- 32. 200 He narrates the alleged miracle attributed to this icon. When a Christian man moved to another house he forgot this Icon. Later a certain Jew bought the same house. On seeing this icon, he stabbedit by his spear,immediately someblood and water exudedfrom the icon, exactly like what happenedwith Jesuson the cross,and the man becamescared.Soonthe Christians discoveredthis story, and forced their way into the houseand took their preciousicon, which was movedlater with great honour to Constantinople:Leo the Deacon,Histoira, p. 166 (Germantram. F. Loretto pp 150151). 201 Matthew of Edessa,Armenia, p. 29-32. 202 Cont., 432; Leo. Gramm. XVI, 20: Zonaras, 326; Symeon 748-749; p. magister,pp. -Thcophanes. IV, 65; Ibn al-Ath-ir, al-kimil, 6 p. 294; Bar Hcbraeus,1, pp. 162-163(Bar Hebracusputs this event in 942. For more about the authenticity of this story, seeMunitiz et al. (eds.) The letter ofthe three 34. For p. more details on the Byzantine operation see A. Vasiliev, Byzance et les patriarchs, Arabes, IL 1, pp. 298-302. 203 john Skylitzcs, SynopsisHistoriarum, pp. 231-322 (German trans. J. Thurn, p. 271). . 204 Leo the Deacon,Historia, p. 71 11-12(German F. Loretto 70). trans. p. 205 Ibn Taghrj Bardl, al-nujft al-zjhirah, 3, p. 278. 145
Nikephoros It Phokas John Tizimiskes. such as origin seemsvery and of non-imperial importantfor themto get suchan admirationby importingthesesacredreliCS.
206
At the sametime, there were someaccountsof Muslim relics, though there is no
in icons Islam, for there or relics of was someadmiration Muslim relics, veneration belonged in Byzantine-Mu However, to those the which prophet. slim especially relations, there were some occasions on which these Islamic relics played a historian The Byzantine deacon Leo the narrates: remarkablepart. He (Emperor Nikephoros Phokas) sent a legation to the Caliph in
Muliammad, Carthage,and handedover him as a gift, the sword of ... 207 in been has Palestine seizedwhena castle wasstormed. which
It is worthy notingherethat the sourceson both sideshad constantlyreflectedthe icons Christians between Muslims the of as regards veneration and and animosity Muslims Christian In there of cases of works, are a number who sacredrelics. several insulted icon destroyed, or merely a certain cut,, or a church, and accordingto stabbed,
by blasphemer that soon these sources, was punished somemiracle of the saint's been hurt had by Christians, the through the of pious prayers who such relics, or blasphemy.In the vita of SaintTheotkisteof Lesbos,(1& century),we aretold about )208 followed lead Cretan Muslim "commander the the navy who of some other of a in in in for them to somenew rulers searching columnsof old churches order use Muslim buildings.Our man, however,tried in vain to carry out the ciborium of a
116 James,'Bearing gifts from the cast: Imperial relic hunters abroad', unpublished paper: 23rd -L. . Spring Symposiumof Byzantine Studies,Eastern approachesto Byzantium,University of Warwick March 1999) 201The legation usedthis venerableMuslim gift to persuadethe caliph to setfree the Patrikios Niketas, during Historia, Deacon, Leo Byzantine Sicily. the captured an was unsuccessftil who raid against p. 76, (German trans. F. Loretto, p. 74). 208 St. Thcoktiste of Lesbos,in A. Talbot (ed.) The holy womenofByzantium, The hagiographer -Vita be he Nisiris. Muslim The (A. C. Hero) translator, that modelled the might admiral, suggests named figures Leo Tripoli. historical 107, 48. as of p. n. such on 146
do failing he decided it. he but Later to to there, so, smash was punishedand church 209 his drowned ship sank. at seawhen was Similarly, but on a smaller scale, the Muslim sources speak of the miracles Byzantines did Muslim Ibn those who respect sacred places. punished not which Rusta tells us that caliph al-Warld 1 (705-715) had called someByzantine workers to help rebuild the prophet's mosque,but one of them found the place empty so he tried to urinate on the tomb of Muýammad and was immediately paralysed. This story fictitious, by help be Byzantium the to the the to as early sources mention sent seems 210 but contain no record of this story, which one can consideras a repercussion caliph, in found literature. Christian Arabic Christian the stories of similar
Merchants and their religiousfacilities During the course of the Byzantine-Muslim relations, the movement of trade hindered it by but It continuous. was occasionally soon war, resumed was remarkably both It that the the authorities on sides were opportunity. seems again, once given keen to maintain such profitable trade. This trade between the two religious further exanýiination and evaluation. antagonistsstill, in my opinion, requires
My main concernhere, however,is the religious facilities accordedto the between the the the two rivals. trade as on well as restrictions movement of merchants Unfortunately, the scanty details we have about the lives and practice of the does in light foreign daily lives the these not shed any on merchants merchants of lands. 209 St. Theoktiste Lesbos: in A. 107. Talbot (ed. ) holy The of p. women ofByzantium, -Vita 210 99. Both al-Tabarl, and Ibn al-Atlur, (quoting almost verbatim from al-Tabarl) Rustah, p. -Ibn narratethat the caliph al-Walid I requestedsomehelp from the Byzantineemperorwho sendhim an enormousamount of mosaic and someByzantine skilled workers, but remarkably neither of them 4, Ibn be fictitious. M-Tabarl, 1194; this to 11: 2, al-AthIr, al-kknil, story, seems which p. mentions from help 'Asakr Century) (12th. has Ibn 109. that requested the a similar caliph narrative, same p.
147
in Byzantium,our main source, known as the Book of the Eparch and 211 in deals Leo VI, the the trade to emperor and merchants with attributed Constantinople. This manualof law speaksof two different kinds of Syrian merchant. The first group were allowed to stay in the initata (b
"' 3 months, maximum period of
12f 2 r TOVS PLTC'XTOL5),0a
While the other group, who presumably were
214 Lopez immigrants, as points out, stayed for ten years and "shared the privileges of the native guild of prandioprataf '. They may be Christian Arabs who emigrated to Constantinople or equally they could be Muslim renegadeswho were encouragedby 215 inirnigrate in for tax privileges. and settlethere return the Byzantinesto A Muslim source says: "For the Muslims in Constantinoplethere is a hostel (Khan), and they enjoy honour and great esteemfrom the (Rrim). This is becausethe
(maks) from is latter's they the the the collect customs which revenue of part major 216Onecan supposethat this group of Merchantshadtheir own mosque merchants". inside this hostel, where they can practise their religion and observer their religious 217 in Fridays they could possiblypray together the city's mosque. diet freely, and on
the Byzantine emperor to build the mosqueDamascus,and there is riý story of miracles in this. Ibn 'AsMa, I, p. 202. 211 E. H. Freshfield, Roman law in the later Roman Empire: Byzantine guilds, professional and (Cambridge 193 8). Book Eparch, the of commercial, 212_ThiS 'The foreigners in Lodgings foreign See Lopez, the of ambassadors. PIT&TOV meant word Byzantium', P. 347. At the sametime it was used as a place to store and distribute the baggage animals for the army. According to the emperor ConstantinePorphyrogenitusthere wereMitata of Asia or Phrygia. ConstantinePorphyrogenitus,Threetreatiseson imperial military, p. 99. 21,3 Eparch, 20. the of p. -Book 214Book of the Eparch, p. 19; c.f. Lopez, 'The Foreignersin Byzantium', p. 343. 215 On this Byzantine policy seeCh. 3. 216 V. Minorsky, 'Marvazi on the Byzantines', p. 462. _ 217 the letter of the Patriarch Nicholas I, he says" the oratory is set apart for the useof membersof -In he is Though sect". speaking, in the context of prisoners of war, his words rcfer to all the your Muslims in Constantinople.Nicholas 1,Letters, p. 377. S. Reinert convincingly supportsthis notion, inasmuchas the Fatimid desireto obtain spiritual control over this mosquewould meanthdsmosque in "exclusive Presence Muslim 'The than See: S. Reinert, preserve more of prisoncre'. was Constantinople,9th-15th Centuries: SomePreliminary Observations',in H. Alirweilcr, and A. E. Laiou (cds.) Studies on the internal Diaspora of the Byzantine Empire (Washington DC 1998) p. 137. 148
On the Muslim side, in 996AD./386 H. in the streets of Cairo a mob rose ý Byzantine 160, the to there were the merchants, while number of victims came against 218Thesenumberscertainly reflect the level trade. Yabya of alludesto some'survivors.
19 Remarkably despitehis supposeddeep these the merchants the:wealth of caliph, .2 fleet, burnt his for looters Muslim the punished and returned any remaining sorrow 220 Byzantine merchants, which reflects his desire to maintain the goods to the
is It important these to realise that the mob revolt merchants. extremely presence of in for directed Melkite Cairo. This the against churches common misfortune was soon the, houses (khans), which were the residenceof the Byzantine merchantsand the Melkite church, suggeststhat they may had their own church and religious facilities in Egypt by the pernýissionof the authorities. The Muslim rulers' tolerant policy towards the Christian (Byzantine and
Italian) merchantswas severelycriticisedby someMuslims.Ibn Ijawqal accusedthe Byzantine merchants of being spies, and complained bitterly against the Muslim for blamed for He Muslims these the them. merchantsto allowing welcoming rulers
lands Muslim land the their to expensive goods out of and weapons while carry 221 Muslims gainedonly trivial profits.
It was well known that the merchantswere, in some cases,professional 222 imposed in foreign lands. have the them restrictions affected upon spies, which may Thereare somenarrativesfrom both sides;ByzantinesandMuslimsconfirmthis fact, 218 has directed burning Byzantine the the the the of revolt mob of newly against after merchants -The directedagainstthe built Fatimid fleet in Cairo,which wasfollowedby rumoursand accusations sameMerchants.Yabyaal-Antaki,PO 23,p. 447;Maqrfzr, 'Itti'j?, I p., 290;for a widerdiscussion of theByzantine-Muslimrelationsat this time seeW. Farag,ByzantiumanditsMuslimneighbours, is 1. It 250-25 noteworthythat MAqffzTsaystheByzantineswhoburnetthefleet wereprisoners pp. of war held in Cairo nearthe shipyard.Howeverone tendsto acceptthe narrativeof YahydalAnýW, whowasan eyewitness andheasMelkite mayhassomekind of communications with these Byzantinemerchants. 219 Yabyaal-AmtW,PO 23, p. 447;MaqrTzr,7UP4,1, p., 290. 220 Yahyaal-Antaki,PO 23, p. 447;MaqrTz1,Wti4r, I, p., 290. 221 Ibn Ijawqal,Kitib suratal-aqf, p. 198. -
149
Byzantine The Arab the towards these affected attitude people. and which naturally 223 Byzantine sources speak about Muslim spies inside the city of Constantine. Another narrativeby a Muslim historian,al-Maqdj1i, saysthat the Fatimid vizier Ab-i 224 in had Constantinople; Nag al-Fildjý-i spies presumablythey were simply Muslim in merchants the city.
Religious restrictions on trade Since religious zeal was colouring almost every aspect of life and the between Both the two trade powers, was no exception. sidestried to set relationships up restrictions over the trade and the nature of the goods, especiallyrnilitary ones, horses or wood. such as
Islamic law permitstrade with non-Muslimsand allowingtheir merchantsto if lands, Muslim the even they carry with them wine or pigs, which are not enter for but it forbids Muslims; the export of any material of a military clearly allowed 22' few A hard-line legislators Muslim to as as slaves enemy countrieS. well nature
further, Qur'dn the to the to non-Muslim seeking carrying copies prevent of of went 22'On if by Muslims. lands, even they were carried the Byzantine side, the list of
forbidden products which were not allowed to be exportedoutsidethe Byzantine 227
landswaswell known.
222 G. Dennis, ThreeByzantine military treatises,p. 123. 223 John Skylitzcs, SynopsisHistoriarum, p. 15823(German trans. J. Thum, p. 195.) 224 'Itti'j?, 11,227. -A]-MaqrIzI, 225 Ya'qfib, Yfisuf, Kitib buk-A-&nfi 226; Ibn Farhan Tahýirat al-kharq, p. usOIalal-, al-Malld, -Abd 'aqdiah wa manjpij al-ahkim (The guide for the ruiers in the principles of judgement) (Beirut 1995) 11,270. 226 Ibn Farýfln al-MW, Tahýirat al-4ukA-&n,II, p. 270. 227 This list contains, gold, silk and slaves.Book ofthe Eparch, p. 17,26; Liudprand of Cremona,The (1945) industry 20 S. 'Silk Speculum Lopez, See R in 267. Byzantine Empire', the p. works, p. 26. 150
Islamic and Byzantinesourcesare clearaboutthe religiousmotivationof such from letter b. (935-946) Muýammad In Tughj to the a al-lkhsfffdid arrangements. Byzantine emperorRomanosLecapenos,the Muslim ruler says' As for what you have sent in trade, we allowed your men to do it, and to like buy inasmuch found it they whatever and select, all of and as we sell (the merchandise?) is not among what our religion and policy forbid us to do. 228
It seemsthat there were no seriousattemptsto blockadethe trade with Muslims 229 Yet there were some attempts to impose a naval blockade against from Byzantium.
lands, followed by from Muslim the the to trade as earlyas seventhcentury, and the 230
later attempts in the early ninth century. z
In the tenth century John Tzimiskes sent a special delegation to Venice to
from Italian timbers traders to the exporting goods, and ship military weapons prevent finally is "It Venetians Under Muslims. the this a great sin to pressure agreed, the
it through to to to overcome people, able pagan who are or assistance a such supply 23 1 The religious motive appearsclearly as a common factor between Christians" harm . .ý
ByzantiumandVenice,besidethe emperor'sthreats.
On the local level, Byzantineauthoritieswatchedwith hatredthe growing land hazy; borders. details Unfortunately the trade the are trade over and scaleof such it foodstuffs but it did the comprised authorities on a small provoke scale, presumably in Constantinopleand we haveseenthey were recommended to crack down on this 228 AI-Qalqaýhandl,YubPal-a'shi, 7, p. 18. `9 A. Lewis,Navalpowerandtradein theMediterraneanAD 500-1100,(NewJersey1951) p. 172. 23' A. Lewis,Navalpower,pp. 82-83,116,122. 231 S. Lopez, and I. W. Raymond,Medieval trade in the Mediterraneanworld., illustrative -R. translatedwith introductionsandnotes,OxfordUniversityPress(London1955)p. 334 documents 151
232 blockade between Lewis the the against out coincidence trade. points goverrunental the Muslim trade and the revolutionsin the Byzantinecoastalareas,where the "' lost. Muslims was profitabletradewith Later, in the tenth century, circa 987 AD/ 377 H. in a treaty betweenFatimides in Egypt and Byzantiun-i,there is a significant term, according to which the trade between the two states will be restored, and Muslims will be allowed to import 234 from Byzantine lands. indicate Such they term need some previous a may whatever least Muslim trade the to the or at on on nature of exported merchandise restrictions
lands In sum, the religious elementhad its own deep influenceon Muslim-Byzantine for between While the antagonists,the religious zeal was a clear motive war relations.
diplomatic the the good and social relations side of coin. were other generally
232 Nikephoros Ouranos,Takfika, p. 157. 233 A. Lewis, Naval power, p. 190. Actually he considersthis as more than a mere coincidence. 234 Bardf, al-nui an al-zjhirah, 4, P. 151. Tgharl -Ibn 152
Chapter Three Religious Minorities between Byzantines and
Muslims
A few years after Mubammad's death, the Muslim armies annihilated the Persians,and routed severalByzantine armies.As a result, the Muslims gained Egypt base. The became Islamic Syria, the great power a part of new growing which and Christian Patriarchatesin the east(Jerusalem,Alexandria and Antioch) also fell under Muslim control. Henceforth, their relations with the Byzantine Church and empire
Muslims. the the cameunder watchfuleyeof As for the greateasternChurches,this wasseenas a temporaryreprievefrom ' by Byzantine Empire. the often repressiveand intolerantpolicies administered the The schism that existed betweenByzantium and the easternchurcheswas very deep. John Catholicus, the Armenian patriarch and historian of the tenth century, refusedan invitation to visit the Byzantine court, saying, "I decided not to go, thinking that
I look that there, sought communion assume and at my going askance might people b. Severus bishop Egyptian Coptic The Chalcedonians" alwriter, and the with .2 3 infidel Chalcedonians". Muqaffa' callsthem" The
Nikiu, John historians, who strongly of the the as non-Chalcedonians such of comments -See Egypt, towards for for breaking Church, their severity the Byzantines the and the of unity condemns John of Nikiu, p. 62. SeeArnold, Thepreaching of1slam, pp. 54-55. John Catholicus,History, p. 23 1.
153
The Melkite church betwecn Byzantines and Muslims.
It is well-known from the Arabic sourcesthat a largenumberof Greeksor Arab 4 Chalcedoniansfled to the Byzantinelandsin the aftermathof the Arabic invasions, and gradually, thereafter,the number of Melkite Christiansvirtually faded into obscurity. This cameabout either through the loss of spiritual supportfrom their in Constantinople, church or throughthe effortsof the otherChristiansectsto mother 5 doctrineS, to their them non-Chalcedonian restore or throughconversionto Islam. Whatever the reason by the tenth century, according to al-Mas'iidli, the Melkite 6 in lands. Islamic Christians constituteda remarkablysmall minority Hugh Kennedy offers convincing reasonsfor the supposedMuslim hostility
towards the Melkite church. He states that the urban nature of the Melkite populations,which oftenplacedthemnearthe Muslim ruling class,the wealthof their buildings (inherited from the imperial era) and the ongoing Byzantine-Muslim 7 lasting from Additionally, Muslim generated a suspicion rulers. one could struggle, lack influential doctors the that of and writers of the Melkite church, in state
deprived Christian to themof the muchneededassistance other sects, and comparison interventionfrom suchfigureswho could havereachedthe caliph and softenedany 8
harshtreatmentmetedout by the Muslim emirs. At the sametime, the wealthof the Christianchurches,in a strictly materialsense,coupledwith the Muslim sovereigns' desireto obtain someof the beautifullysculptedfoundationcolumnswhich adomed displeasure, the these monumentaledifices,gravelyprovoked and supportedsomeof
3 Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Melkh, 1:2, p. 125. 4 Al-BaladhurT,Fulz7bal-buldan, p. 129, English trans., P. Hitti, p. 189. (He did not indicate whether thesepeoplewerejust Greekor Melkite Arabs). Severusb. a]-Muqaffa', Tirikh. 1: 1, p. 107. See the notice of al-MasOdi about their small number in his time, al-Masladi, al-Tanbih wa alLshralf,p. 146. H. Kennedy,'The Melkite church', p. 334. Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Tdelkh,1: 2, pp. 125,150. 154
9 but Melkite Christians the community, sects as well. of other of only not
Furthermore,the Muslims were often influenced by various plots which were Christians by Arab This Melkite the other against secretly community. orchestrated Melkite felt links Byzantine that the to the the notion still strong with gave strength 10 Muslim Empire, thus provoking the animosity of the rulers againstthem. It is noteworthy that the quarrels between different Christian sects did, on intervention the attract attention and of the Muslim rulers. Christian some occasions, Arabic sources are full of stories which reflect the bitter hatred between the
Ibn al-Muqaffa' the Coptic patriarchof Chalcedoniansand the non-Chalcedonians. " bitterly Melkites Copts. Alexandriarn narrates someconspiraciesof the againstthe Patriarchs of the east and Byzantium Hugh Kennedy pointed out recently that the Byzantine-Muslim war meant
between Constantinople that and the patriarchsof the east were relations simply 12 "virtually non-existent". Yet on some occasionscontacts were made between the imperial court and the church in Byzantium, with the eastern churches. However, becauseof the close Muslim monitoring of such communications,and the deepchasm
betweenByzantiumand the easternchurches,any contactwould have been quite fragile and tenuous,and within a short time would havebeendiscontinuedin any event.
Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Tdfikh, 1: 2, p. 286. the importance in later have is Egypt, two Mamluk texts about that, edicts of extreme we of -it future both Melkite Coptic Al-QalqashandT, the statewriters of advised and patriarchs. appointment to be careful and added a special phrase,which warns the Melkite patriarch form anything which from beyond thing is Coptic Byzantium; might any the that to the against sea, come say might and ýubb at-a'shafi sind'it al-insha, come from south Egypt (Abyssinia and Nubia). Al-QalqashandT, 13, p. 100; Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Tarikh, 11:2, p. 78. Coptic b. mentions Mikh, 1: 2, 122,150. 148) plots Severus Equally he (p. some al-Muqaffa', p. . the he (pp. Melkites. Again 174-180) in detail the over quarrel the about writes against great possessionof someChurchesin Egypt. Seealso: Bar Hebraeus,1, p. 105. 12 Church', p. 329; S. Griffith, 'Eutychius of Alexandria on the emperor Melkite 'The Kennedy, -H. 155in Arabic', in pp. Christian Byzantium: Iconoclasm Theophilus and apology a tenth century 156. 155
The contemporarysources,especiallythe Arab Christiansoffer somedetails in
instances irregular between Byzantium the the ties to the when eastern and rare regard The allegedletterof the threeMelkite patriarchs Church occurredwasre-established. disputes , of the east to the emperorTheophilos dated circa 836,13 the notwithstanding 14 its between modem scholarson authenticity representsone such occasionof contact -- between the Byzantine church and easternchurchesin Syria. Similarly, we have an Saint journey Theodore Edessa Constantinople, Vasiliev has to of of which alleged dated to somewherebetween850 and 856.15 Patriarch Photios had some correspondencewith the easternpatriarchies.The first of his letters, addressedto Antioch's church, which Grumel datesaround 860,16
17 letter letter faith Obviously, is a traditional this was sent to the confession. of 18 ivýpymai" Christ. Melkite clerics, since Photiosspeaksabout "Bxýo of
The most importantandreliablecase,however,is that of the council of 869' 9 in Constantinople, 870, which was attended by Thomas of Tyre, representingthe
13 J. A. Munitiz et al. (eds.) Theletter of the threepatriarchs to emperorTheophilosand related texts, (ProphyrogenitusUK 1997). 14 letter: A. Vasiliev, doubts 'The in he discussion A. Vasiliev, the the the of authenticity which of -See life of St. Theodoreof Edessa',pp. 216-225. More important,Yabya b. Sa'Tdal-AntakT(PO 18, p. 710) confirms that there was no contact between the Melkite patriarchs in the East and the Byzantine Empire since the Umayyadperiod. Vasiliev did not use YabyA's narrative in support of his argument against the authenticity of the alleged letter. The critical point of the letter is the have been (p. 2) bishops, 1153 17 185 the would which abbots, monks attendees'clerics, number of impossibleto be acceptedunder the Muslim rule. However,J. Chrysotomides,in her defenceof the later letter letter, it, the that are certainly a the of someparts undermines she proves authenticity of interpolation but she maintainedher belief in the authenticityof the whole letter. SeeJ. A. Munitiz et al., Theletter of the threepatriarchs, pp. XVII-XXXIII. 15 A. Vasiliev, ' The life of St. Theodoreof Edessa',p. 189. 16 Grumel, Les regestesdesacts,no. 465. 17 Photios,PG 102,cols. 1017-1024. _ 18 Photios,PG 102,col. 1021B. . held in the Constantinople discuss Photian final This conflict and to the schism the council of stage The between interest Byzantium Rome Bulgarian council was the church. and of concerning last in from by the Papacy, Eastern Churches, session,a the the and representatives attended delegate from the Bulgarian Khan Boris 1 (852-889) arrived to take part. On this council, see Dovrnik, 'Rome and Constantinoplein the ninth century', ECQ 3 (1939); idem: 'Les secondschime de Photios', B8 (1933) 425-474; N. Tobias, Basil I, the founder of the Macedonian Dynasty: A D. Ph. Unpublished Byzantine Empire in the ninth century, study of the political and military of the the 1970) 448455 (he focuses the of role University, personal (Rutgers State on pp. mainly thesis. 19. XX, Theophilos, Patriarchs letter note. p. The three to Munitiz ofthe emperor al., et emperor); 156
20 Patriarchof Antioch. We know that Photioshadsenta letterto Thomasa few years 21 before his mission; though the text is no longer available; in 867 he sent an letter to the Patriarchsof the East seeking their support against the new encyclical 22
blasphemeof the west (the Philioque). It is presumedthat Thomas(as representative
of the Antioch church)would have had to obtain permissionfrom the appropriate Muslim authoritiesin orderto attendsucha councilin Byzantium,but we arehaveno informationon this minor detail. Hence the conflict was renewedbetweenPhotios and the papacyas he turned in East 879. He sent in held in Constantinople to the again seekingsupport, a council two letters to Theodosius1, patriarch of Antioch (870-890)23and Elias 111(878-907), 24
to the comingcouncil. In patriarchof Jerusalem, askingthemto sendrepresentatives he offershelpfor the churchof the Holy the secondletterto the patriarchof Jerusalem Resurrection.Unfortunately,it is not clearwhat kind of help he offers,sincethe text is missing. 25
Likewise, the emperor Leo VI is known to have sent a special delegation to Baghdad,headedby Leo Choirosphaktes.It was designedfor the primary purposeof
by task performed almostall the exchangingprisonersof war, which was a common ByzantineandMuslim embassies.More important,however,is the ulterior motiveof Muslim from the authorities. to this mission,which was obtaina specialpermission This would allow the easternpatriarchsof both JerusalemandAntioch to casttheir fourth his in his behind the the emperor quarrelwith the churchover matterof support
20.
Mansi,16,col. 309.
21 Grumel, Les regestesdesacts,No. 47 1. 22 PG, 102, cols. 721-74I; Grumel,Les regestesdesacts,no. 481 23 Grumel, Les regestesdesacts,no. 517. (Grumel points out that the text is missing). 24 Grumel, Les regestesdesacts, no. 518. 25 Grumel, Les regeslesdesacts,no. 518. 157
26
marriage. Around the same time, there is a letter from the patriarch Nicholas I,
27 deepspiritualsupport to oneof the easternpatriarchs. Theletterexpresses addressed for the patriarchs in their "daily perils", and refers to the fourth marriage of the "disgraceful". However, there are no other details beyond the spiritual as emperor support and prayersfrom the patriarch. An interesting article by Griffith examinesvarious historical Byzantine events found in the historical work of the Melkite Patriarch of Alexandria, are which Eutychius. Griffith points out that Eutychius was completelyunawareof severalquite important eventsin Byzantium. He seemsto have omitted severalnamesof Byzantine emperors,while choosing instead to invent some others and he seemsto be utterly 28
confused concerning the iconoclasm controversy in Byzantium. This immediately raisesthe question, 'If the Melkite Patriarch of Alexandria was so unawareof several
29 in just few decades before he Constantinople, bom, crucial eventsoccurring a was line direct that still can we safely assume a of communicationexisted between Byzantium and the Melkite Arabs in the EastT
It is noteworthythat the Muslim authoritieswere alwayssuspiciousof any foreign between Christian Christian their secretcommunications subjectsand any 30 On included Byzantine but this the other rulers. some rulers; not only emperors, also
26
issue the the TdrLkh 111: 4, 2277 (He did of permission the of p. not mention -Al-TabarT, , Leon G. Kolias, 85,93,107; Vita Euthyniii, the representatives of easternpatriarchs); pp. Choerosphactas, b. Batr-iq,Kitab al-tdrriýkh, pp.73-74. p. 90; Eutychius,SaTd 27 Nicholas1,Letters,no. 89,pp.367-377;Grumel,Lesregestes 678. des no. actes, 29 Griffith, 'Eutychiusof Alexandriaon the emperorTheophilusand Iconoclasmin Byzantium:a -S. tenthcenturymomentChristianapologyin Arabic' pp. 154-90,especiallypp. 170-172. 29 Eutychiusstatesthat he was bom in 254 IV 868 AD. Eutychius,(Sald b. al-BAtC1q) Kilib alTdrLkh,11,p. 70. Egypt 30 Umayyad Egyptian of Ibn governor patriarch al-Muqaffa',whenthe -Seethe narrativeof the 'Abd al-'AzTzb. Marwanwasinformedof the communication betweenthe EgyptianCopticchurch b. Severus king, Abyssinian he death became the furious patriarch. of andthe very andorderedthe be Muslim Tdrikh, 1: should 2, ruler 131,136, in he the al-Muqaffa', pp. which relatesthat in they informedof any communications occurred with foreigners(Note:all theseevents,though life the the of in 'Abbasid Umayyad A appeared typical the the are of also era); similarnarrative Coptic patriarchIsaac (692-700).See Mena of Nikiou, The life of Isaac of 41exandria,the 158
known they to have ordered the Christians not to accommodate any were occasions foreigners in their homes, churches and monasteries, without first notifying the Muslim emir.
31 It
seems, however, that the accusation of contacting the Byzantine
emperors was a ready-made excuse, which could easily be employed by any fanatical Muslim ruler or group, as well as non-Chalcedonian Christians against the Melkite clergy.
32
Byzantine advancesduring the secondhalf of tenth century enabledthem to bring under their dominion several cities scatteredthroughout northern Syria, along
Christian their with populations.When Antioch fcll under Byzantinecontrol in October 969, the Eastern Patriarchateof Antioch once again found itself part of the Byzantine Empire. The Byzantine emperor Nikephoros Phokas, as soon as opportunity would allow, appointed a Byzantine patriarch over the city, which
33 death occurredafterthe of thepatriarchChristopher(960-969). Unfortunately,very little is knownaboutthe life of the ChristianArabsunder the re-establishedrule of Byzantium, as contemporarysourceswere often silent about
it. However,we havea narrativedatedin the reignof the emperorBasil II, which may shedsomelight on suchan uncleartopic. The storyconcernsa quarrelwhich erupted betweenthe patriarchof Antioch andByzantium.We havetwo sourcesfor this event, both of which are from ChristianArabs.Oneis a Chalcedonian, while the other is a Coptic non-Chalcedonian. The first accountis recordedby Yahyd al-AntWi, the Mclkitc writer, who emigratedto Antioch only a few years after these events
721988) (Kalamazoo Macrobius, N. Cistercian D. Bell, Publications pp. trans. ofSaint martyrdom 74. 31 Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Tdr-1kh, 2, 15 1. 1: p. 32.C.f for exampleYabya al-AntdkT,PO 18, pp. 809-810; Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Melkh, 1:2, p. 298. 33 du patriarchemlekite d'Antioche Christophore, POC 2 (1952) fasc. IV, ibn 'Vie Yuhanna, -lbrairn P. 358.
159
34 is by The Egyptian other an occurred. namedof Michael,bishopof TanTS35 who was have the time the these to taken around city which visiting eventswere supposed place.
36
First, we find that the accounts give completely different names for the Antioch. it However, of patriarch seemson the face of it, they are referring to the same person. While Yahyd calls him Agapius, the Egyptian bishop nameshim John, him both call patriarch of Antioch. Soon,however,we discoverthey are referring and to two different individuals. The Egyptian writer seems to be writing about the
Jacobite patriarch-,of Antioch, John VIII (1003-1029),and ignores the other Chalcedoianpatriarch. He relateshow a Chalcedonianbishop, consumedby jealousy
of the JacobitepatriarchJohn, deviouslyconspiredagainsthim, and maliciously reportedto the emperorabouta supposedhereticJacobite,that he allegedlydid not himself consider a loyal subjectof the emperor,but insteadwrote soliciting the 37 kings. attentionandsupportof other We are subsequentlytold that the Jacobite patriarch was brought to Constantinople,wherehe facedreligiousbitter debateswith severalclerics, and he 38 later live his life in the remainderof to condemned was prison. Interestingly,he left behind in live he his followers to not under the a will which strongly advised 39 Byzantinerule, but to emigrateto Amid or Edessa,whichwereunderMuslim rule. Finally the Egyptian writer in his accountcomparesthe persecutionand living in living Christians Egypt, the under the rule of alwho were suffering of
34. Yabya al-AntakT,PO 18, P. 708. 's delta, Nile destroyed. Demiatta, the the on north east of city near now -A 36. Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Tdrl-kh11:2, p. 142. 37 Scverusb. al-Muqaffa', TMIkh, 11:2, p. 142. (He meantby the other kings, kings of Abyssinaand Nubia who were following the non-Chalcedoniandoctrine) Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Tdr7kh,11:2, p. 146. 39. Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Tdrikh, 11,2,p. 146. 160
Ijakim, to those who were living in north Syria, and were under Byzantine rule and 40 Byzantine persecution. suffering the
lack As regardsYahyd'sstory,it relatesto the misunderstanding and of trust between the emperor and the Arab (Melkite) patriarch of Antioch existed which Agapius 1 (978-996), whom the emperor accused of supporting the rebel Bardas 41
Phokas.
Byzantine intervention on behalf of the Arab Christians We have only fragments from Arabic (Muslim and Christian) sourcesabout
the situationof the Arab ChristiansbetweenMuslims and Byzantines.Someearly 42 back Umayyad to the stories go era. The only explicit example occurred in 966 / 355H. The Muslim governor of
Jerusalemand the populationof the city had attackedthe Christiansacredplacesin 43 killed Jerusalem. The Egyptian John VII (964-966),the patriarchof the city and
40 Severusb. al-Muqaffa', TdrUh, 11:2, p. 147. _ 41 Yahya narratesthat after the defeatof BardasPhokasa letter was found in his belongingsfrom the it intended do (without in he to the what was), so the revealing supporting patiiarch rebel something in his action. YahYAathad he, i. had the that the rebel emperor assumed supported e., patriarch AntakT,PO 23, p. 428. 42 later from his in ) / 41-60H. I (661-680AD. Mu'Awiyah suffered that years al-JawzT narrates -Ibn insomnia,and the soundof the church' bells kept him awake.So he thought to trick the Byzantine emperor(sic) and get rid of thesedisturbing bells. He askedfor a volunteerwho would risk his life in return for a huge reward, a large part of which would be paid in advance.The deadly task was to be sent to Constantinopleas ambassadorand make Adhan (Muslim call to prayer), inside the Byzantine court in the presenceof the emperor and all his retinue, who would hastento kill that Muslim. In retaliation Mu'dwiyah would be able to kill anyonewho try to ring church' bells in his from his hardly however, The Byzantine men the trick prevented and empire. emperor, realiscd killing Muslim man and sent him back to Mu'awiyah. The story seemsto be fictitious, since we know clearly that one of the earliest conditions betweenMuslim rulers and their Christian subjects Akhbir Ibn bells, let doing alto the al-JawzT, that was not ring church' alone so midnight!. by Ibn is intelligent) The (Stories 113. M. M. the narratTd story same of ed. qdhkiya' al-khalT,p. Qutaybah,with some differences, in which he inTicatesthat the bells are those of the Byzantine but See Ibn Qutaybah, with Vu-n 1, 198; Rustah Ibn similar story a narrates churches! al-akhbar, p. different names and puts it around 717(Arab siege of Constantinople);he says that the Muslim in Islam killed, he if Constantinople church told every the emperor was and volunteered to go would be destroyed,Ibn Rustah,p. 193. 43 Yabya al-AntakT,dealswith theseeventsin detail and mentionsthat the Jewsalso took part in these 18, 798-808. PO Yahya pp. al-AntakT, violations. 161
44 Nikephoros Kafu-r tried to the consequently and offered to pacify emperor emir 45 latter it by but he threatened the sword. that wouldrebuild rebuildthe Church, the The Byzantine Empire was not the only Christian stateto intervene on behalf Christian Arabs the under the Muslim rule: there were others, for example, the of Nubian and Abyssinian kingdoms, whose Christian churcheswere subordinateto, and 46 fell under the authority and control of the patriarchof Egyptian Coptic Church. However, we have only a few exampleswhere Muslim authorities using the Byzantium. Christian in their the the with of subjects context of relations status AI-TanfijLhýi'the tenth century Muslim writer statesthat, the active vizier 'AIT b.
47 'Isa tried to savethe Muslim prisonersof war in Byzantiumby usingthe Christian Arabs as bargainingcounters.The vizier told one of his companions:
Our commissionerat the frontierhaswritten to the effectthat the Moslem Now in Byzantium the till treated territory recently. prisoners were well 48 have been lads, the prisoners, throneis occupiedby two oppressing who demanding leaving that torturing them them them, and starving naked, theyshouldturn Christian.Theyarein the soreststraits.qs49 Thevizier's friend advisedhim asfollows:
(935Egypt family in /357h, black d. 'IkhshTd 968 the governed who wasa page slaveeunuch, -A in b. Tugh_uj 969),andhe becamethe governorof Egyptafterthe deathof his masterMubammed 945 /334H. SeeIbn Miskawayh,Kitab tajarib al-umam,6, p. I 10.Al-Dhahabl,pp. 149-152.See Islamichistory,11,pp. 196-197. A.M. Shaban, 45 Al-Dhahab-1, 24. Tdrikh p. al-'Isldm, 46 Severus b. 1: 2, 184-186. Tirlikh, at-Muqaffa', pp. .4 47 AITb. 'Isa a prominent'Abbasidvizier, heldthe vizieratetwice (301-304. H./ 913-914A. D.) and in the Abbasid (315-316 H. / 926-929AD. ). He was one of the well-respected and pious men his killed in his he tonsured removal upon the time; or caliphate, and unlike most of viziers was not his him his devoted to The Muslim and praise office. contemporary writers several pages of 1904) (Beirut, (history See Tubfut the viziers), of al-$Abi', characters. al-'amra'ji'tarlikh al-wuzard' b. WT intensive For jamaddnT, Takmilat study on jael-kh al-Tabar-1, pp. 12-13. an pp. 281-317; al-I , 11sa,see H. Bowen, 'Allb. 'Isa andhis times (Cambridge 1928) by the two young emperors Muslim that the convincingly points out means writer -Jenkins Constantine V11 and his uncle Alexander who was over forty, but, most of the Arabic and Byzantine Alexander 'The f. and he looked Jenkins, indicate C. H R. J. emperor that much younger. sources the Saracen prisoners', p. 391. ). (English 32 trans. 49 30 (The Arabic text) p. Nishwdr al-Mubadarah, p. -Al-TanalLhT,
162
The Christians have a potentate in Antioch who is called Patriarch, and 50 in Jerusalem Catholicos. The authority of these two called another Byzantine Empire, so that at times they have the over whole extends excommunicated the
emperor himself
or
released him
from
excommunication, and these sentences have been recognised. The Byzantines hold that disobedienceto these two potentatesis heresy,and that no Emperor can be properly installed in the Byzantine capital without their approval,without his paying homageto them and being promotedby them. Now the two cities (Jerusalemand Antioch) are within our empire and thesepersonsare under our protection. The vizier should write to the inform the to them them of the treatment of cities governors summon and accordedto the captives, which is contrary to their doctrines, and that if this does not stop they (the Patriarchs and Catholicos) will be held 51
responsible. This storyappearsto be authentic,asthe Byzantinereply,the letterof patriarch 52 I Mystikos Nicholas still exists. The only point which could strainthe creditability is in its text to the the a quotationattributed vizier, phrasing: of "This is not a matter with which I can deal, for it is not within the 53 Sultan competence of our nor the caliph". The word, Sultan,evidentlypuzzledthe original translator.It seemsthat the Daylamite 130yids, the the gained power who writer was and meant confused original in Baghdada few yearslater, (945 AD/ 334H.). Equallyit could be a metaphor,as in Arabic to the ruling this reference any sources use word general several 54 authority.
This narrative,however,if it is to be trusted,bearsa specialsignificancein several importantways. One factor seemsclear, at leaston the surface;this advicefor the
bearsthis title under the caliph head in Syrian Baghdad, title the the the of of who was church -This authority. 51 Al-TanQLhT,Nishwdr al-Mubddarah, pp. 30-31, English transpp. 32-33. 12 Nicholas 1,Letters, pp. 373-38 1. 53 Al-TanalLhT,Nishwdr al-Mubddarah, p. 30, English transp. 32. "- Seefor exampleal-Ya'qObT,Tdrlýkh,2, p. 622. 163
be in Muslim to an unprecedented example policy towards their vizier appears
Christiansubjects.However,I shallreturnto this storylater. Anothernarrativerefersto the patriarchsof the East,who hadbeenallowedto in held in 869. This Constantinople to a council, which was send a representative from Muslim the tells emir to the a of message, which was allegedly passed account Byzantine emperor via the patriarch of Constantinople,in which he requestedthe 55 does itself Muslim However, the text not clearly support prisoners. releaseof some the view that Muslim rulers made it part of their normal policy to use the status of
Byzantine in the Christian their to their relationswith subjects gain someadvantage empire.
In the text the patriarchsbegthe Byzantinepatriarchto persuadethe emperor "will the back Muslim soften which as war possible, to send of as many prisoners know do Unfortunately (Muslims) exactlywhat those not we who rule US99.56 angerof kind of previousnegotiationsor terms were arrangedby the Muslim authoritiesin Constantinople their for to to travel these guaranteeing and clerics allowing return safepassage.
However,therearetwo factswhich shouldbe bornein mind. First, aroundthe in feeling the 869/870 AD, many among there of aggression was a mounting time of killing following the in Christians Muslim communitytowardsthe general,especially 57MUSliMS
Armenian. his fellow Muslim, 'All Melitene the 'Umar and of of
58 Muslim brutal, Second, treatment be of the to them severe and martyrs. considered
to the f. letter J. A. emperor 13/14; Munitiz The 16, three the patriarchs c. cols. et al., of -Mansi, Theophilos,p. XX, note, 19.
56 Mansi, 16, cols. 13 E_
English 67-69, libri 57 battles, On Genesios, Regum 146; pp. 1, these Hebraeus, quattuor, see p. -Bar 179-183, Cont., Theophanes (who Porson); pp. 84-86 called the place trans. A. Kaldellis, pp. battle III the of 'Michael Hebraeus, I., 145. G. Huxley, Bar and 825; George Mon. cont., p. Bishop's meadow(A. D. 863)', GRBS16 (1975) pp. 269-273. 58 Al-Mas'adT,Muri7j al-dhahab,4, p. 198. 164
in had Basil 1,59 in lands, the Muslim war expeditions of of prisoners repercussions
and raisedthe urgentneedto releasesomeof theseMuslim prisonersof war. These factors may play a hidden part in the negotiationsto allow the Christian clerics to pass dar (enemy Varb land). the to al-, safely Likewise, there is a story of a letter attributed to the Egyptian governor Muhammad b. al-lkhshlid, sent to the Byzantine emperor RomanusLecapenus.The emperor replied that he was not in the habit of correspondingwith local governorsand but only with the caliph. Al-IkhshTd simply and firmly reminded the minor officials, 60 he had in Christian Patriarchies East. that the control over the three great emperor This would seemconvincingly assurean emperorthat he was dealing with a Muslim
Yet did the status. equal emir of not threatenor esteemhimselftoo highly by saying God has "if you consideredthe wholeissueasit deserves, that you will realise singled best kingdoms, lands honour honoured in the the out with are and of which us special 61 life'.,
this world andin the after
Later in 947AD./ 336 H., the Falimid governor of Sicily, upon establishing a
in mosque a recently acquired Muslim foothold along the Italian coast, new threatenedthat if "one stoneof this mosqueis destroyedall the churchesin Sicily and 62 be destroyed". Africa will
In conclusion,onecan assumethat therewasno systematicor regularpolicy, Christians Muslim known have the the to status of authoritieswere whereby used All Byzantium. bargaining in their their we rule, as a counter under relationswith havearea few isolatedcasesin which this might havebeenusedasa tool to work to 59 John Skylitzes, SynopsisHistoriarum, pp. 154-155 (Gennan trans. J. Thum, p. 190; Genesios, Regumlibri quattuor, p. 84 (English trans.A. Kaldellis, p. 105);TheophanesCont. pp. 283,300. 10 'Une Canard, See M. $ubý 7, 10-18, French 14. trans. al-a'shd, pp. especially p. -Al-QalqashandT, lettre de Mulýarnrnadibn Tugj A PernpereurRornain LdcapMe', no 7 in idern, Byzance et les 195-205, French the text, translation of pp. esp.p. 200. musulmans,
61 Ibid. -
165
their advantage. We see on several examples of Muslim mobs storming various
in largely houses killing This Christians. Christian was and numbersof churchesand between battlefields the the taking to the various events which were place on reaction Byzantine and Muslim armies.It seemssafe, however, to presumethat no systematic Muslim policy, even in the reign of al-Vakim, was explicitly formed or enforced linking the purposeful persecution or maltreatment of Christians living under their between Byzantium Muslims. that the to war raged and rule Arab Christians as ambassadorsto Byzantium. The Melkite clerics played an important part as emissariesbetweenByzantines in diplomatic Muslims, took the ever place although missions scarcely such and
63 it. have We have do, however, We 'Abbasid era. seenthat somerare examplesof 969/970 in Eastern Patriarchs the the council of attending the representatives of Constantinoplehad to obtain permissionin order to go dar al-ýarb, viz. into Byzantinelands,and this of itself carrieda messageto the emperorto releasesome 64 Muslim prisoners. Locally, in 967 AD. /365H. the Ijamdanid family in Aleppo employed the
Milkun to the local Christian an ambassador as al-Sirdni called man servicesof a facilitating been have the J1.65 This Basil to of matter a seems emperor interpreter to as an communicationwith the emperor,or, as one would assume, act both behalf liaison of parties. on and
"'
6, 328. Ibn p. al-AthTr, al-kamil, -
63 For example the mission sent by the vizier 'Ali b. Isa, which had some Christian members among Al-TanilkhT, from Byzantine delegation, authorities. they treatment the the received special and Nishwar al-Muhadarah, pp. 31-32. the to letter 64 f., The J. A. Munitiz emperor three 13/14; 16, the patriarchs et al., c. of cols. -Mansi, Theophilos, p. XX, note, 19. 65 Ibn TaghrT BardT, 4, p. 118. 166
The Fatimid rulers in Egypt, who were generally more tolerant towards both 66 Jews, Christians and establishedthe practice of using the Melkite patriarchsin their diplomatic missions to Byzantium. The Arabic sources give us only a few details diplomatic these missions,which often involved Easternpatriarchsbeing surrounding sent to Constantinople.In 1000AD/ 390H. the patriarch of Jerusalem,Orestes(9861006) was sent to Constantinople by the order of caliph al Udkim, with fully behalf 67 Caliph in his to the Byzantines. act on of authorisation negotiationswith the It is interesting to note that Orestesspent four years in Constantinople,during which 68 have developed he time could close contactswith the clergy there. Once again, in 1024AD/ 414 H. the Falimid lady Sitt al-Mulk, who was the for his Nikephoros I the of sister al-Ijakim. and regent son al-Zahir, sent powerful (1020- 1048), the patriarch of Jerusalemas envoy to negotiatethe restoration of the 69 between Falimids Byzantines. In Egyptian the this the mission, and relationship
have had Byzantine but to the certainly would a good chance clerics, meet patriarch details aboutthis eventaresurvive. no clear Actually thereis little evidenceto suggestthat any of theseArab Christians in for diplomats their services whatsoever, exchange offering as gainedany advantage fact Yahyd Fatimid Yet, that the to al-Antak7i alludes casually rulers or ambassadors. in in Melkite their treatment their subjects, that they granted of werequite considerate known have Further, they to were them specialprivilegeson a numberof occasions. Melkites, Coptic Churches to the their the them of and allocated some confiscated however, depended One the that this to argue, on may mainly use. policy rivals 66 by S. Mahmad Fatimids and their policy towards their non-Muslim intensive the on study an -See in Misrfi (The S. Mabmad, W ahl-al-Dhimmahfi non-Muslims al-'ap al-fa'! al-awwal subjects. Egypt in the first Fatimid period) (Cairo 1995). 67 23, p. 46 1. PO al-AntAkT, -YabyA 69 23, p. 46 1. PO al-AntdkT, -YabyA
167
personal influence of Fatimid lady Sitt al-Mulk, whose mother was a Melkite. It may
be safely assumedthat this would havegiven the Melkitesan advantage, least at or importance. and prestige more
Byzantium and Christian Arabs: Old hostility or new brotherhood? In the history of Byzantine-Muslim relations the relationshipbetweenthe local Christian Arabs and Byzantium has always been somewhat obscure, there is little
evidence concerningthe nature and extent of these relations after the Muslim invasionsin the seventhcentury. Undoubtedly, the lives of Christian Arabs were dramatically affected by the
course of eventsand the strugglebetweenByzantinesand Muslims. Where the Muslim-Byzantine war was concerned,the Muslim community was always suspicions
Christians local and the war offeredready-madeopportunitiesto accusethem of of being sympatheticor co-oPerative with their enemies,viz. Byzantium.In somecases theseaccusationshad a solid basisin a real co-operationwhich did exist between ByzantiumandChristianArabs. In 969AD/ 358H. the ByzantineemperorJohnI Tzimiskes,uponhis victories from in Muslims Syria, degree the to the of co-operation able a certain was elicit over local Christianpopulationof Boqa,nearAntioch. Later,whenthe emperorformeda blockadearoundAntioch, somecitizensof the ChristianArab quarterof the town betrayedthe Muslims within the city. They allowedthe Byzantinearmy to enterthe 70 have district. is the It Byzantine their through the omitted that sources curious city
69. Yabyd al-AntakT,PO 23, p. 415. "- Ibn al-'AdTm,Zubdat al-,Ualab, p. 94. Ibn al-ALW, al-kamil, 7, pp. 36-38; Bar Hebareus,1,p. 172.
168
highly important part that the local Christian Arabs played in providing help for the 71
Byzantines.
Similarly, in 900AD/ 287H. Bar Hebraeusnarratesthat the Byzantine army, upon devastatingKisilm, 'took with them to the country of RHOMAE (Byantium), the greater number of the Christians with a forceful hand, saying, lest the Arabs 72 kill indicates This Byzantine them". the the and come quote of should continuity policy to move or resettle some of the Arab people who were already Christian, into areas under Byzantine control. And the Byzantine claims, if this narrative is to be
trusted,suggestthat somekind of co-operationwasgoingon betweenByzantiumand the ChristianArabs.Likewise,the Armenianswereafraidof becominga targetof the Arabs' revenge,in possibleretaliationagainsttheir co-operationwith the Byzantine army.
73
Effects of Byzantine-Muslim struggle on the Christians under Muslim rule
The newsof the Byzantinevictoriesover the Muslimscertainlydeepened the in bitterness felt hearts. feelings Muslim As these and many a consequence, sorrow
leaders) local led Arab (mobs to treat the or some of community members often Christiansharshly. In 853AD/ 238 H. a Byzantinefleet sackedDamietta,in a suddennavalraid, 74 immediate lasted for days. The Muslim this to to was raid some reaction which focus on building a new naval fleet in the easternMediterranean.To pursue a discussionof this topic would take us too far afield from the purposeof this study. PO YabyA 80); 79Deacon, Historia, 82-83 (German F. Loretto, al-AnjdkT, the trans. pp. pp. -Leo 18, p. 822-823. Someother Muslim sourcesalso omit this co-operation,seeal-DhahabLTarl7khal'Isldm, p. 44. 72 Bar Hebareus,1,p. 154. 73 Bar Hebraeus,1,p. 169. 74 3, pp. 1417-1418;al-KindT,Kitab 'Umard'Miýr, (The Governorsandjudges 111: Tdrlýkh, -Al-TabarT, Islam Seepolilik E. Eickhoff, Seekrieg On und Egypt), 201. this zwischen see und raid, p. of Abendland,(Berlin 1966)pp. 201-202;284 - 286. 169
What is more germane here are the repercussionsof this raid on the Egyptian
Christians,who accordingto a ChristianArab historian,experienced rathersevereand harsh treatment, in reprisal. He continues relating how these miserable people were how they were then forced to build new ships to replacethose which maltreated, and have beendestroyedby the Byzantines.75 We are told that the local Christians,after undergoingmuch harshtreatmentat the hands of the governor of Egypt finally complainedto the caliph (al-Mutawakkil), by deposing the acting governor 'Anbasah b. 'Ishaq. He appointed who responded
76 Christians fairly. for himself As treated the the who emir another more caliph and his reaction to his raid, it is known that his anti-Christiandecreewas issuedin 946AD./ 235 H. a short while before this raid.77But al-Tabaff narratesthat in the next
(of 854AD/ 239 H. the anti-Christianpolicy wastightened,anda year this raid), year later, upon a revolution in Uims, the caliph orderedthe destructionof the city's The local Christiansin the city werenot the main agentin churchesandmonasteries. 78 in Muslims the revolution; they only supported their revolution. However, it seems
that the reactionandpunishmentof the caliphwereoverwhelming.
75 historians, is like Tdri-kh, 11: 1, 13 Muslim It that al-Muqaffa', pp, al-KindT noteworthy some -Ibn -15.
omit such news of the angry reactionof the Muslim governorand the consequences of the Byzantineraid againstDamiettafor the conditionsof the local Christians,seeW. B Kubiak 'The Byzantineraidson Damietain 853andtheEgyptiannavyin the9thcentury',B 40 (1970)45- 66. 76 Ibn al-Muqaffa',Tdrllkh,11:1,pp. 13 in Damieta See W. B. Kubiak, Byzantine 'The raids on -15. . 853andtheEgyptiannavyin the9thcentury'B 40 (1970)pp.45- 66. 77 Al-TabarTnarratesthat the caliphissueda decreeagainstal-dhimmah(thenon-MuslimChristians and Jews),forcingthemto weardifferentclothes,aswell astheir womenandslaves(who should he Furthermore, not be Muslimsat all) anddestroyingall thenewlybuilt churchesandmonasteries. hadtheir housedoorsmarkedby a signof evil, in orderto distinguishfrom thehousesof Muslims; also, he orderedthe samefor their tombsto be distinguishfrom the Muslim ones.As for the governmentoffices,which are usuallyrun by Christians,the caliph forbadeemploymentof any non-Muslimin this work. The caliph also forbadeteachingthe non-Muslimchildrenin the same Katarib(children'sprimaryschools,mostlyprivateandindividual,for teachingtheArabiclanguage andQur'dn).Finallythis decreewassentto all theMuslimprovincesin his caliphatewith emphatic The 1390-1394. it. decree, Al-TabarT, Tarlikh, 111; 3, to 1389-1390, the apply pp. text orders the p. of text, the vita Constantine, apostle of this decreeappearsin a Byzantinehagiographic repercussion of theSlavs,seeKlimentOkhridski,Life andactsofour blessedteacher,p. 55. 79 Al-TabarT,TWO, 111: 3, p. 1422. 170
A few years later, the news of the killing in 869AD/ 255H. of 'Umar, emir of Melitene and 'Ali the Armenian, the other Muslim emir, reachedBaghdad.The mob in the city quickly gathered,assaultedand robbed several official buildings, setting free some prisoners and "looted two monasteries of the Christians, viz. that of BESHER and that of ABRAHAM, the sons of 'Ahron", before the Turkish slaves finally managedto gain control of the situation and stoppedthe looting.79 Again, in 884 ADJ 271H the mob gatherednear Baghdadand attackedan old destroying its it, but there, the to partially authoritiesmanaged prevent total monastery destruction and rebuilt it. In the following year the mob finally managed to 80 destroy it. completely in 920ADJ 308H. the Muslim mob gatheredin the streetsof Baghdad.They managedin their fury to open the gatesof the prisons,and attackedmany of the wealthy Christiansthere.The authorities 81 it in however, but those them, managedto catch. of executed some were not very effective stopping 82Again, in These events could have been driven by the emperor's refusal to exchangethe prisoners. 83 923AD/ 310, the Muslim rioters burnt the church of St. Mary. The riots continued not only in Baghdad but also in other parts of the Muslim lands. In 961AD./ 350H. when the news of the Byzantine recapture of Crete reached Cairo, the mob gathered in large numbers and attacked the Melkite churches in Cairo. They destroyedthem completely, before moving on to sack the other " in the city. churches
In 966 AD. /356 H. whenthe Khurdsanitevolunteersreturnedto Aleppo with Sayf al-Dawlahwith their large elephantwhich later died. Soonafter its deaththe
79 Al-TabarT, 3, Tdelkh, 111: 1510-1513; Bar Hebraeus, 146. 1, pp. p. , so, Al-TabarT, 149. 1, Hebracus, 4, pp.2107-8;Ibnal-ALh7ir, Melkh,111: Bar 59; 6, p. al-kdmil, p. 157-158. I, Hebraeus, Bar pp. w 157. 1, Hebraeus, Bar p. 83 H. Kennedy, Church', 33 1. Melkite 'The p. ". Yabyaal-AntakT, PO 18,pp.782-783. 171
Muslims began to accuse the local Christians of being responsible for their 85 by misfortune, poisoningthe elephant. In 966AD./ 355H Muýammacl b. Ismd'il the governor of Jerusalemand its Muslim people attackedthe Christian sacredplaces in the city and killed John VII 86 Jerusalem. Yabyd blames the emir personally and does (964-966) the patriarch of in Byzantium but to this the events in northern Syria, one may narrative, allude not definite influence had incident Christians. this a on and others against assume, It seemsthat the successiveByzantine victories in Syria deepenedthe mala
JI'dein Muslim heartsagainsttheir Christianssubjects.Thus,whenthe Falimid fleet in in fell Cairo / first burnt 996AD. 386H., Greek suspicion on several at was
diverted in but Muslim to the the was anger attention and city, swiftly merchants 87
Melkite churchesin Cairo.
In 967 / 356 H., threeArab emirs in Antioch plottedto kill Christopher,the issued later Chalcedonian. they the ordersto plunderthe churchesof patriarchof city; 88 the city as well as the houseof the patriarch. This action may probably be seenas
by driven but the courseof the the the storywere eventsof personallymotivated, all The Byzantine-Muslim patriarch was subsequently surrounding warfare. events decision hands. The into Byzantine the of city accusedof plotting to suffender
85 Al-DhahabT,Tdfikh al-7slim, p. 27. in 96 had Jews deals in taken details, the part that also these al-AntdkT with events and mentions -Yabya theseviolations againstthe Christians.Yabya al-AntakT,PO 18, pp. 798-808; (ed. L. Cheikho) pp. 124-125. 97.Yabyd al-AntakT,PO 23, p. 447; al-Maqui, '111id;,1,p. 290. Seealso.W. Farag,Byzantiumand its Muslim neighbours,pp. 250-251. 88 Melkite du Patriarche in details Ta Habib Zayyat, the this vie are vita of patriarch, see -More Christophre (d. 967) par le protospathaireIbrahim b. Yfihanna, Document Inddit du Xe sitcle', POC 2 (1952) 11-38,333- 366.Yabya al-AntdkT,PO 18, pp. 809-810; (ed. L. Cheikho) pp. 128(Germantrans. F. Loretto, p. 94); Bar Heabraeus,1, p. 129; Leo the Deacon,Historia, p. 10015-18 171 (he puts this event in 357 H. but the narrative of at-Antaki is more reliable. Ibn al-'Ad-im does 'The Kennedy, H. See 90-94. Ibn Zubdat al-'AdTm, al-Ualab, p. not mention such a narrative. Melkite church', pp. 335-336. 172
89 taken Fatwa, to execution was according and was carried out by some Khurasanite
volunteers. Once again in 1001AD/ 392 H. the mob in Baghdadhad plundered and burnt " houses Christians. A few years later, the mob attackeda Christian funeral the of the and the authorities hardly managedto control the situation before a few Muslims and Christians were killed in the melee.91 From thesedifferent accountsof events,which fall within different periods of time and involve different people and places,one can safely assumethat most of these violent actions carried out by angry Muslim mobs were primarily provoked by bad from the battle front of the continuing war between Byzantines and received news Muslims. This immediatereaction was expressedin wavesof attacksagainstthe Arab
Christians.The authoritiesin most casestried very hard to protecttheir Christian from becomingvictimsof this sortof action. subjects The problem of al-IjAkim and Byzantine reaction The reign of al-ljdkim (996-1021AD/ 386-411H.)92 representsone of the strangestperiods of all Islamic history. He himself was one of the most atypical rulers and there are only a few comparablerulers in human history. He has been labelled as
93 being the ruthless,merciless,andat sametime extremelycapricious. In a word, his
b. YGhanna, hagiographer, did not blamethe Muslim qaqTaudge)who issuedthis the -lbrahTm judgementon the groundthat he orderedhis fatwa as a generaljudgementagainstwhomever the city and co-operated surrendered with the enemy.Ibrahimb. Yahanna,'La vie du Patriarche Mclkite Christophre',POC2 (1952)Fasc.4, p. 342. 90 Hilal al-$abi',Tdr7khp. 443;BarHebraeus, 1,p. 183. 91 Bar Hebraeus, 1, 185. p. 9' lakirn has been in detailby severalscholars,seeP. J. Vatikiotis,'Al-Hakim of al-I reign studied -The * bi Amrillah: the god-kingidearcalised'Islamic culture29 (1955)pp. 1-8; in which he tries to rationalisethe extremecapriceof the caliph;M. 'Inan, al- Hdkimbi Amrillah wa asrdr al-dawah (Cairo 1937)(in al-Jadmiah(al-HAkimbi Amrillah and the secretsof the Fatimidpropaganda), Arabic); On al-Vakim and Byzantium,see W. Farag,B)'Zantiumand its Muslim neighhours, pp.264-273; 93 'Itti'dz, 11, 48-60; Ibn Aybak, al-durah al-mu4yah,pp. 257-260.The Egyptian pp. -Al-MaqrTzT, historian,al-MaqrizT,narratesseveralstoriesaboutthe ruthlesspolicy of al-tlakim, his unstable mentalityandhis suddenchangetowardsall thecourtmen,andtowardsall Muslims,Christiansand 173
bitterest the of periods of persecutionfor Christians and Jews, as reign reflects one
in for Muslims Egypt, who sufferedseverelyunderhis unrelentinglyharsh well as beyond is It the scopeof this dissertationto studythis periodin detail; but one rule. 94 impact his the Byzantine-Muslim of rule on should consider relations. The maltreatmentof Christians reacheda climax in 1007AD./ 398H. when alIjakim ordered the destruction of the sacredChristian places in Palestineas well as 95
the removing of any ruins which remain there. Again in 1012 ADJ 403 H. a series 96 issued decrees Christians force the to them to wear al-ghydr. was against of In a unique text by al-MaqrTi2X1 "He (al-ljdkim) ordered all Churches and his kingdom to be destroyedbut he was informed that the Christian monasteries in kings will destroy Muslim mosquesin their lands, so he stopped"97Even so, some of
these churcheswere destroyedlater, and many of the sites and buildings were 98 donated his draws between to this text and men; confiscated a clearconnection what in happening in Christian Muslim territory, and Muslim to regard sacred was places located in lands. Christian Unfortunately, it is not clear which mosquesare mosques being referred to in this text; the mosque in Constantinople,other mosques which
in located lands in like Antioch, Muslim Syria, the newly or occupied northern were in leadership Abyssina kings Nubia, the and whose of mosques wereunder spiritual the EgyptianCopticchurch. Jewsat the sametime. Seealsothe narrativeof Christianwriters.Severusb. al-Muqaffa',Tarl-kh, 11:2, pp.113-137;Yahya,(ed.L Cheikho)p. 219(in whichhe tried to explainthementalillnessof al-]UAkim) 9" On the Byzantine-Muslim its Byzantium during W. Farag, the and relations see reign of al-Ijakim, Muslimneighbours, pp.253-273. 95 A]-MaqrTzT, (whose Ittidz., 11, 75; 42 Bar Hebraeus, Edessa, 1, 184; Matthew narrative p. p. of p. speaksof MuslimattacksagainstChristiansat the Churchof the Resurrection, andthe slaughtering of tenthousandChristiansthere. 96-Al-ghydris an Arabicword,literallymeaning(different)but usedduringIslamichistoryto describe whattheChristiansandJewsmustwearin public,to distinguishthemfromtheMuslims. 97 Al- MaqrTzT, 11. 75. 'Itti'd;, p. 98 94-95. 11, 'Itti MaqrTz-1, ld;, pp. -Al174
In 1000 ADJ 390H. the capricious caliph ordered the Melkite patriarch of
Alexandria whomhe hadpreviouslyappointed,to be killed,. However,this seemsto 99 his harsh have been a part of treatmentof the Christians,regardlessof their sect. In 1013 ADJ 404 H, in one of his sudden and unpredictable caprices, alIjdkirn allowed someof the Christians and Jews in his realm to emigrateto Byzantine 0 'Unfortunately ' 10OAmong it Ydhyd in lands. them was al-AnjakTwho settled Antioch. is not clear, even from Ydhyd's narrative, whether theseemigrantsobtainedprevious Byzantine the arrangements made with authorities. or permission
Equally,it might reflectoneof al-Ijakim's moretolerantperiods,in which he 102 it desperate it be just Or, in that behaved a more was a may andmerciful manner. lands, in Christians find by to these controlled other refuge aggrievedpeople attempt far away from the intolerant rule of al-Ijakim, without pre-planning or permissions
from the Byzantineauthoritiesin Syria. Notwithstandingal-Ijdkim's harshpolicy towardsChristians,he seemsto have he ADJ 403 H 1012-1013 Empire. In Byzantine the maintained good relations with Byzantine Dinars in form 7000 to the thousand the of sent a very extravagant gift 103and in the next year, he sent an envoy, who also bore a splendid gift for emperor,
99 H. Forsyth, The Byzantine-Arabchronicle, 1, p. 215. It is noteworthy that al-MaqrTzT,the main -J. historian of the Fatimids omits this event, and so other sources, such Ibn al-Ath-1r,also Bar Hebraeus. 100 Al- MaqrTzT,'Itti'd;, 11,p. 100; Ydbyd al-AntakT,PO 23, p. 519. 101 18, 708 (ed. 92. PO L. Cheikho) p. al-AntakT, p. -Yoya funeral his died, Nistas 10' Ibn in / doctor 1007AD. 397 H Christian and for al-Hakim's example -See importance took of part Cairo. While Muslim through the of men streets passed of most procession it, such display of respectwould ordinarily not have been possibleor acceptableunder the rule of deal later in And / 298 he Muslim 1007AD. H, of generosity a great caliph. showed any other to be doctor consider Jewish Saqr. However, it his misjudgement a towards would newly acquired behaviour. his display it is benevolent tolerance; contradictory of this act a rather another sign of Al- Maqr-izT,'Itti'd;, 11,p. 70,73. 103 Al-MaqrTzT,'Itti'd;, 11,p. 77 175
104 Later a Byzantine envoy arrived in Cairo in 1014-1015AD/ 405 H., the emperor. 105 lavishly he in receivedwith a military parade the streetsof Cairo. where was One can assumethat his reign was a time of terror for all Egyptians. Indeed the whole nation was panic-stricken even; "a general edict had to be read in all mosques to pacify the mass and calm them, becausethere was great fear amongst 106 because king". the them of commandsof the As for Byzantium, it seemsthat both rulers, Byzantine and Muslim, had put aside question of religious controversy over the fate of the local Christians in 107 Both were relatively keen to maintain good relations. Basil II, as Farag, Egypt. states convincingly, "Unlike Nikephoros Phokas and John Tizimiskes, Basil II, was 108 by fight MUSliMS,,. Furthermore, the any religious enthusiasm to not possessed
Byzantine the previous policy of accepting (if not encouraging) Muslim unlike
political refugees,the Byzantinegovernorof Antioch refusedto allow into his city Muslims who had escapedfrom al-Ijakim until he obtainedthe permissionof the 109 himself. emperor
Treatment of the civilian population Byzantine advancesin the tenth century imposed a new phase in Byzantine-
Muslim relations.It wasthe first time sincethe seventhcenturythat Byzantinearmies largenumbers hadpenetratedinto Muslim Syria,andoccupiedits cites.Subsequently Muslims Byzantine came under of rule. 104 Al MaqrIA, 'Itti'd;, 11,p. 101. 105 Al-MaqrizT, 'Itti'd;, 11,p. 107-108. 106 A]-Maqt-izT, 'Itti'd;, 11,p. 77. 107 Byzantine-Muslim Muslim its W. this Farag, Byzantium relations at neighbours, period, see and -On pp. 253-281, esp. p. 272, in which he argued convincingly, that the harsh policy of al-Hakim did less hann than expected to Muslim-Byzantine relations at his time log W. Farag, 'Basil 11the Bulgar Slayer (976-1025): the factors his determined the of policies which reign', Bulletin of the Faculty of Arts: Manp7ra University- ESypt, 43 (1982) pp. 97-130, esp., p. 113. `9 YabyA al-AnlakT, PO 23, p. 501. 176
The Byzantinewarfare againstthe Muslims in this period was characterisedby One elements. of these new movements in Byzantine policy was to some new depopulate the Muslim cities and villages and deport their civilian populations into Byzantine lands, in a systematicand steady process.Contemporarysourcesinclude several accountsof this new policy. The new stagesof this policy appearedduring the years 927 - 937AD./314315H., when John Courcouas,the Byzantine general,of Armenian origin, ' 10mounted "' Muslims. several expeditions against the
As Jenkins points out, the main
Gourgen's (John Courcouas) the conquests was the of policy of characteristic "' importation Moslem into homeland Anatolia. Muslim the of captives of wholesale 113 being taken. sourcesspeakof thousandsof prisoners
This deportationpolicy reachedits climax during the reign of the emperor NikephorosPhokas.Evidently,the first stepin his tacticwasto imposestarvationon the Muslim populationsin Lhughiir.This was doneby burningtheir crops,yearafter 114 destroying the countryside. year, cutting all the trees,and In 965AD./ 354H. the Byzantine army stormed Mopsuestia (Maglýah).
Immediatelyafterwards,NikephorosPhokasimported a large number of Muslim be into lands. Ibn Miskawayh Byzantine their to the number estimates people The samenarrativeis quotedby Ibn al-Ath-ir,, 200,000.115 who addsthat someTarsans 217-223; "0 On JohnCourcouas, 1, imperio, Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De pp. see administrando A. Vasiliev, byzanceet les Arabes,If, 1, p. 262, note 2; P. Charanis,TheArmeniansin the Byzantineempire(Lisbon1963)p. 30. les Byzance A. Vasiliev, Arabes, 11,1, 261-270. et pp. 112 Byzantium, Jenkins, imperial R. 247. the centuries, p. ' 113Ibn al-AthTr,al-kimil, 6, p. 243,288,299-300. '
Dragon's 114 Sowing 18, 825-826; Ouranos, PO the The Taktika Nikephoros pp. of -Yabya al-AntAkT, teeth, p. 157; Leo the Deacon,Historia, p. 29 (Germantrans. F. Loretto, p. 34); al-QA4T'Abd alJabbar, Tathbit dald'il al-nubuwah, 1, p. 183; c.f. G. Dagron, 'Minoritds ethinqueset religieuses dansI'Orient byzantin A la fin du Xe et au Xle siMe: L'immigration syrienne, TM6 (1976) p. 180. 113-IbnMiskawayh, Kitab tajarib al-umam,2, p., 225; Ibn al-AthTr,al-kamil, 7., p. 13-14; al-DhahabT, TdriLh al-'Islam, p. 18 (does not mention the evacuationof MaýTsah'sand the deporting of the Historia, Deacon, but he lands, Leo the Byzantine pp. their to the mentions conversions); people 18, PO Yabya 170; 57,61); Bar Hebraeus, F. Loretto, I, p. (German al-Antaki, 56,60-61 trans. p. p. 177
116 is Christianity. Bar Hebraeus Nikephoros to and converted more specific sided with
became he baptised "And them this and someof were massconversion says about 1 17 in Christians;othersremained their faith, but all their childrenwerebaptised". The .
for is this that the mothers of these children were explanation narrative only rational Byzantine slave girls, who married (or were forced to marry) Muslims but deserted 18 families! their husbands,took their children and rejoined their Byzantine Similarly, when Byzantine armies seized Ma'arrat al-Nu'man, the emperor Nikephoros deportedmore than 30,000 Muslims. Ibn Ijawqal says,"He took 35,000 ' 19 women, children and men". Once again, the Byzantine army forced its way into Antioch, in 969 ADJ
issued first Instantly, H. the the 358H. wavesof attack,orderswere after atrocitiesof (men, them Muslim woman and the prisonersof war and categorise to capture him The the and carried with emperorreleased uselessold menandwomen, children). only
120 lands. Byzantine 20,000 More to than were sent young women and men. The Muslim thinker al-Q547i'Abd al-Jabb5r,in his refutation of Christianity,
forced Byzantine the to conversion which was policy of gave special attention imposed on some Muslim populations in Syria. He estimates their number as 121 is in his is What be to narrative unique 20,000,000, which seems an exaggeration. Christian these denies that he people to claims: somealleged that alludes and strongly
but lands, Byzantine to the the city 769 (he saysthatthe emperorcarriedawayall thepopulationof he sayson the samepage,that the emperorappointeda Byzantinegovernorto the city, whichwas were deserted. The population be that of this some to only possible explanation of supposed On Islam. from is local in Arab Christians, or thosewho converted allowedto stay the city that the 393byzantin, Un pp. Syria, G. Schlumberger, Nikephoros empereur against the expeditionof see by theMuslimsources) 399.(hedoubtsthenumberof populationmentioned 18. 116 al-AthTr,al-kamil,7, p. 13-14;al-DhahabT, Tarl-kh p. al-7slam, -Ibn 117 1. 17 1. Hebraeus, Bar p. 357. I's YaqFit,Muyamal-Buldan,111, p. 119Ibn Ijawqal,$z7ratal-ar4,p. 178. 55. 4, BardT, TaghrT Ibn 45; p. 36-37; TaKkh 120 7, p. Ibn pp. al-DhahabL al-'Islam, al-kamil, al-AthTr 1.p. 173; PO. 18,pp. 822;BarHebraeus, Yabydal-AntakT, daldil al-nubuwah,1,p. 183. 121Al-Q54T'Abdal-Jabbar,Tathb7t 178
had been convertedto Christianity, only by the miracles of saints.122This narrative, as far as I know, appearsonly in this polemical work. Apparently, this Christian notion level between Christiansin the Muslim lands. on a popular circulated was The Muslims of Crete were another group; they were captured by Byzantine armies in the tenth century, and assimilatedinto Byzantine society. On 7thMarch 961 ADJ 17 Muharram 350H. the Byzantine army stormedChandax,the capital of Crete. Shortly afterwards, it committed a widespread massacreof the population.123 The Muslim emir and his son were carried to Constantinoplewhere they were humiliated 124 in a triumphal parade. Later they were assimilatedinto Byzantine society, even so they refused to convert to Christianity; some years later the emir's son died fighting 125 Byzantine This indicate Byzantine toleranceand a willingness the army. may with to accept those who kept their religion, or equally it could merely a feature of their
traditionto treatprominentMuslim prisonerswith goodrespect. The fate of the common Cretan Muslims, however, was certainly very different.After the attack,therewasa massivewaveof bloodthirstyatrocities,as Leo the Deacon narrates.These atrocities were followed by dividing up the prisoners of
126 war and enslavingthe population. The most importantstep was destroyingthe
122 he from lands Byzantine that the the stores say a certain with soldiers and patriarch came -These resurrectedthe dead.Immediatelyall of them stood in their tombsand followed him to the Byzantinelands.The otherstory claimsthat a monkcalledMichaelcameto al-MaýTýah city and changedthe river to oil and all their sheepto horses. They all kissedthe crossandwentto the Byzantinelands.Al-QA4i'Abd al-Jabbdr,TathbTldaldil al-nubuwah,1,p. 183. Cont.,pp. 123-On the Byzantinere-conquest of CreteandthebattlearoundChandax,seeTheophanes 473481; Leo the Deacon,Historia, pp. 5-16 (Germantrans.F. Loretto, pp. 13-22);Symeon Magister,pp. 758-760;see also D. Tsougarakis,ByzantineCreteftom the 5'h centuryto the Venetianconquest,(Athens1988)pp. 61-74;G. Schlumberger, Un empereurbyzantinau dixiame wa siacle:NiciphorePhokas,(Paris1923)pp. 25-93;1.Ghunaym,al-Imperdwryaha1-BJz4ntiyyah Kreteal-'Isldmiýyah(ByzantiumandIslamicCrete)(Alexandria1983)pp.243-266.(In Arabic). 124 Deacon, Historia, 24 (German Constantine f. A. Toynbee, the F. Loretto, 29) trans. p. c. pp. -Leo Porphyrogenitus, ByzantineCrete,p. 73; M. McCormick,Eternalvictory, p. 384; D. Tsougarakis, 167-168. pp. 121. SymeonisMagistri,p. 760. 126LeotheDeacon,Historia,p. 27 (Germantrans.F. Loretto,p. 32);YabyAal-AntlkT,PO 18,p. 782. 179
127 This step foreshadowsthe subsequentpolicy of intolerance island's mosques.
towardsthe remainingof Muslim population.Yet any furtherdetailson their fate are 128 Tsougarakis, hazy, One as pointes out. may safely presumethat thesepeople almost lost a large number of their men folk, as well as any hope for help from the Muslim 129Furthermore, their sacred places were destroyed. They were forced to world. in Crete Vita Nikon Christianity. to that the narrates saint stayedseveralyears convert to re-convert the Greek population, and guide the island's Muslims to Christianity, a 130 fulfilled he job that miraculously, according to the vita. Presumablythe Byzantine its Muslim these subjects. new missionary activities among authorities supported However, this story is similar to the Byzantine claims that the conversion of the 131 in Syria Muslim was achievedthrough miracles. populations civilian
In sum,the ByzantineEmpiretried to assimilatesomeof its Arab neighbours by severalmethods.Oneof them,as hasbeenshown,wasto depopulatethe Muslim into Armenian Arab Christian deport Muslim, their or populations, cities and Byzantine lands. Equally, it encouragedother groups to escapeto Byzantium and be life tax the which will privileges, new with special rewarded whoever accepted
in detail later in this chapter. studied The Muslim community in Constantinople
The Byzantinepolicy of assimilationof Muslimswithin its societyipso facto TheMuslimsin Constantinople, helpedthe Muslim colonyto grow in Constantinople. Firstly, into be divided in two maingroups. aswell as otherpartsof the empire,could 127 Yabya al-AntakT,PO 18, p. 782. 128 D Tsougarakis,ByzantineCrete,p. 74. 129 had called desperatelyfor help from the Muslim world. Obviously, the only reaction Muslim -Cretan local Christian large in Muslim from of the the number world, which stormed a mobs came G. 68-70; Crete, Byzantine PO 18, 782. CX D. Tsougarakis, YabyA pp. p. al-AntAkT, churches. Schlumberger,Un empereurhyzantin au diriame siacle, pp. 63-64; 1.gh-unaym,al-Imperdti7riyyah aI-BJzdntiyyah,pp. 252-256. 83-87. 1987) life Nikon (Massachusetts ) The (trans. pp. Sullivan, D. ofSaint ed. and ' 131 Al-QAdT'Abd al-jabbar, Tathb7tdaldil al-nubuwah,1,pp. 183-184. . 180
temporary settlers and visitors such merchants, spies disguised as merchants,
political refugees;and finally, prisonersof war who hoped to be ambassadors, exchanged. The secondgroup includes the permanentMuslim settlersin Byzantium, such as renegadesand apostates,civilian populations who were deportedfrom their cities in had Byzantium, settled and and in addition the ill-fated Muslim prisoners of war hopelessly had for years. to stay who Regardless of the group they belonged to, the Muslim communities in Constantinople,required buildings, in the city. Buildings allocated for Muslims were for all Muslims, a prison for the prisonersof war, a khan for the merchants; a mosque for those ambassadorswho travelled to Byzantium should be a residence presumably
included. My mainconcernhereis the religiouslife andfacilitiesofferedto thesepeople in their new society.However,eachgroupis differentin the way it movedor wassent to live in Byzantine lands and they way in which it was treated by the authorities. It deal therefore, to more appropriate with eachgroup separately. seems The Constantinople mosque132is one of the most complex problems in Byzantine-Muslim Contemporary relations. sources scarcely made even studying
it. According Constantine Porphyrogenitus, to to the mosquewas references cursory built in the imperial Praetoirum,where the distinguishedMuslim prisonerswere
132 have been built is believed in Constantinople during to the expeditionof the emir mosque -This Maslamab. 'Abd al-Malik in the reign of his brother Sulaymanb. 'Abd al-Malik (715-717). ConstantinePorphyrogenitus says,"At'whose request(Maslama)was built the mosqueof the in the imperialPraetorium", Saracens while theMuslimsourcessaythattheMuslimemirstipulated Muslimprisoners,sothey thebuildingof a specialhouse(Dar) nearhis palacefor thedistinguished Al-MuqaddasT, have Aýsan al-taqdsim, p. 147, Constantine treatment. special could De adminstrandoimperio,p. 93; cX M. Canard,'Les expdditionsdesArabes Porphyrogenitus, I'histoire dans dans in le Idgende', 61-121, Constantinople (1926) A 208 et reprinted pp. contre A ProcheOrient,Variorum(London1973)especiallypp. 95-101; idem,Byzanceet lesmusulmans A. Vasiliev,Historyofthe BgantineEmpire,p. 236, note.10 181
133 held. Muslim sourcesnarratethat the specialhousefor Muslim prisonerswas "by his (the emperor's).palaceand in the quartet"134which could meanthe Praetorium. Canardpoints out that, this houseandthe mosquecouldbe in the sameplace;"il est devait maison cette contenir une mosqudou tout au moins une salle de probable que 135It seemssafe to assumethat the Constantinople prieres". mosque and the special in for Arab Praetorium the the elite prison were almost the same place, inside the imperial complex, on the grounds that Muslim mosques do not require special just a big spaceand a place for washing. buildings or specialarrangements,
During the Byzantine-Muslimwarfarein the ninth andtenthcenturies,the fate it in The letter to the this was almost unknown. mosque only allusion comes of of Nicholas I, patriarchof Constantinople,addressedto the 'Abbasid caliph, saying, 136 has down". been "The oratoryof your co-religionists not pulled it is Presumably, Subsequently, this almostnothing said about mosque. was in during inasmuch Byzantine the the tenth especially armies, century, as closed ,
destroying Nikephoros Phokas John Tizimiskes, the of policy and adopteda reigns of fate lands in Presumably, Syria. the the of a mosque newly conquered mosques in
better. best, be At inside Constantinople onecan assumethat this would certainly no functioned asa prisonratherthana mosque. place However,it is referredto againat the end of the tenth century,in 987 AD/ 377H a treaty betweenal-'A2J-z,the Fatimid caliph in Egypt and Basil II, in which
by Absan Byzantine 148; Al-MuqaddasT, is sources. the al-taqdfim, p. confirmed same narrative See Vita Euthymii, p. 21 134 Al-MuqaddasT, Absan al-taqjfim, p. 147. 135 M. Canard, 'Les exp6ditions; des Arabes contre Constantinople', p. 95. 131 Nicholas 1, Letters, p. 379. 182
they agreed to recite the khulbah in the Constantinoplemosque in the name of al137 'A2ffz.
Evidently, this mosquewas closed again soon, mostly, as a consequenceof the harsh treatment by al-Hdkim and his commandto destroy the Christian sacredplaces in Jerusalem. There is no explicit evidence from any sourceabout the closure of the but according to the treaty of 1027AD./ 418H. between the emperor mosque, Constantine VIII and the caliph al-Zahir, the mosque was to be reopened, and 138 lamps. furnished with new mats and
Clearly,it is a misfortunethat no moredetailsareknownaboutanyotherMuslim lands. Byzantine Both Byzantine Arabic and sources are completely in mosques Muslim (in there though mosques mention many are several narratives which silent,
139 destroyed in lands Syria Crete), or profaned. the Muslim and which were The soleexamplereferringto otherMuslim mosquesin the Byzantinelandsoccurs in 947 AD /336 H, whenal-Ijasanb. 'Ali b. al-Kalbi,the FatirnTid governorof Sicily, 140 invaded a Byzantine city on the Italian coast, called Rio (Reggio), where he had
built a mosque.Soonafterwards,he concludeda treatywith Byzantium,forcing it to be Muslims This his treaty that the terms should stipulated concerning mosque. accept Muslim it, to to any prisoners allowed pray andmaintain aswell asgiving permission
137 BardT, 4, pp, 151-152; al-Dhahab-i. Tarikh al-Islam, p. 48. Both Ibn al-'Ad-im and alTa&T -Ibn MaqrTIT does not mention such a treaty: al-Maqrizi, Itti'd;, 11,pp. 263-266; Ibn al-'Ad-im, Zubdat Byzantium its W. Farag, 25-33. On Fatimid-Byzantine and this al-ýIalab, pp. relations at period, see Muslim neighbours, pp. 234-244. Mentioning the name of a Muslim ruler in the Friday prayer in the mosque means more than just religious prayers or sermons. it means the political and religious recognition of that emir or caliph as the Muslim leader. On some occasions the order of the names (when there are more than one) reflect exactly the importance of each name. As for the Fatimid important be treaty a very would step in their political propaganda against their rivals, the such a Sunni Abbasids, as it would show the Fatimid caliph to be the spiritual leader of the Muslim world. 138 Al-MaqrTzT, '11ti'd;, II, p. 176. ' 11, See Chapter 2 on the treatment of the sacred places. ' 140. On these Muslim campaigns, see A. Vasiliev, Byzance et les Arabes, 11,1, p. 365-367.
183
141 if (even had ChriStianity). This last term they to enter this mosque converted to
in be imposed Muslim to the to conversions, response which prisoners were on seems fact in alludes to casesof pretendedconversion on the past of some of of-war, and theseprisonersof war. Presumably,this mosquewas destroyedlater. Renegadesand apostates Generally speaking, in almost all wars, there are always renegadesand desert Byzantinetheir the side or religion who and enemy. side with apostates Muslim warfare is no exception.Contemporarysourcesmention severalexampleson
both sides.It shouldbe notedthat everyrenegadeor apostatehashis own individual Consequently, the treatment they and response received circumstances. and reasons,
diverse. from fled former from to, the they their were side, or new side own either There were in almost every single encounterbetweenByzantines and Muslims
here is from My the concern main or one side other. or apostates renegades some desertion this the and apostasy,as well as of consequences of religious motive and massapostasy.
On the battlefields,andin daily life, therewerealwayssomewho werewilling honorary for for individual title. or the reasons,or simply money, enemy to sidewith leader be hatred towards a certain the or Additionally, reasonscould also personal 142 for harsh from the treatment, or even severe to or punishment, a escape emir, or 143
love affair. a of sake
141 Ibn al-Athir, al-kamil, 6, p. 328. _ 112 Sicily, in 937 /325 H. The Fatimid emir Khalil b. 'Isbaq took a very severepolicy towards his -In Christianity large to killed them; converted some Muslim subjects and a number of consequently de I'Afrique de (Histoire Ibn 'Idharay, et Byzantium. deserted to al-bayan al-mughrib, and I'Espagne)1,p. 223. 143 at-AghdnTof al-AýfalhT,a narrative about an Arab soldier. While taking part in a raid against -In Byzantium, he heard the sound of someonechanting Arabic poems inside a Byzantine castle. "Not Soon, Arab the he and said, appeared called man and person. Immediately was stunned an She heart. (outside I the in askedme to I my castle). saw a girl, who stolen long ago was your place list The Muslim his here I the of of prisoners to on Christianity, name anf'. offered put to so convert Al-Aýf5h-i, 186. 5, he but be al-Ag_hdni, p. refused. to exchanged, war 184
144 Some of the Contemporary sourceslist several examplesof these apostates.
Byzantinerenegades servedin the Muslim fleets.In 872theArab Cretansattackedthe Aegean islands, with
the help of
a certain Christian renegade called
Photios.145Similarly,circa 910AD./ 297H. a Greek renegade called Damian (Ibn Dimydnh), convertedto Islam, becamea commanderof the Muslim fleet in Syria and 146 in Muslim Byzantium. Interestingly, the Byzantine patriarch took part war against Nicholas I Mysticos saysthat he "rejected the beliefs of the Christians and disgraced 147
the beliefsof the Saracens".
It seems clear that Byzantine desertion to the Muslims were mostly on an individual basis. There is no evidenceof any systematicMuslim policy to encourage 148 in Muslim Though the them to them. served of some such people or make use of fleet, others simply disappearedinto obscurity.
On the contrary,ByzantiumalwayswelcomedArab tribesmen,or any other in life join their them to individual renegades, to them new call others andencouraged in Byzantine lands. It is true that many factors contributed to push some of these list One Byzantine the the to can cross. tribes seek peace and safety, even under
Muslims 144In 294 HJ 906AD. al-TabarT Patrikios Byzantine converted and that with sided narrates a Td'rilkh,111; 4, pp.2275-2276. to Islam.A]-TabarT, N. 300; 299BasiIii, 143 Vita fleet. Muslim in Byzantine leadership the the soon served man of -This Tobias,Basil1,pp. 219-22 1;A. Vasiliev,Byzanceet lesArabes,11:2, pp.52-55. 146Ibn al-Ath-1r, 6. 144. p. al-kamil, 147Nicholas1,Letters,p. 9. Qudamahb. Ja'afar,kitab khardy,BGA VI, p. 254. He criticizedthe Muslim policy towardsthe Paulicians,who were fighting againstByzantiumand living in the border areas:the Muslims themanddid not makeuseof themor theirantagonism againstByzantium. maltreated
185
149 between local the conflicts corrupt administrations, emirs and the absence of effective
central power.
150
Another lesswell-known reasonfor desertingand escapingto the enemyis the families divided over the border. The best-knownexample the unique phenomenonof is the father of the hero of the Digenes Akrites epic, whose family was divided. He his family to to escapewith him to Byzantium. Although it is a persuade managed legendary story, most legendsusually show somehistorical basics.151 Remarkably,the Byzantine border forts were used for severalpurposes:"first
to observethe approachof the enemy;second,to receivethe desertersfrom the 152 hold back fugitive from to any our own side". The writer did not enemy; third, forget to insure that men at the front should not bring their families with them for fear 153 they should escapeto the enemy. This text may indicate the continuouspractice of
desertionfrom bothsides. However,Byzantineswerereadyandwilling to offer support,shelter,andtax lands Byzantine to those to the who escaped andconvertedto Christianity privileges betray for to those to their willing even who were masters sake of or 154 According Porphyrogenitus, Constantine to specialattentionwas given to money.
149 1009AD./ 400 H. a tlamadanid emir, the grandsonof Sayf al-Dawlah,called AbU al-Haija', used -In the help of a local Christian man to contact the emperor looking for help, but after his defeat he retreatedto Constantinoplewhere he was honouredwith title of Magistros,and lived the rest of his life. Ibn al-Wiffi, Zubdat aj_ýJajab,p. 113. On the situation of Aleppo at this period, seeW. Farag, Byzantiumand its Muslim neighbours,pp. 188-193. last for Umayyad 'Abbasid the his defeat by example, caliph the power, who was upon new -See thought to have refuge in the Byzantine lands, but changedhis mind after a discussionwith one of his advisors.Al-Mas'WT, Murt7j al-dhahab,III, p. 236. 56-58 Akrites, Digenes pp. -
152 G. Dennis, Three Byzantine military treatises, p. 29. 153 Ibid. -
154 Ibn al-'Adlm, Zubdat al-ýIalab, p. 75. -
186
the distinguished personsamong those deserters,even to allocate particular furniture ' 55 for in lavish for them clothes preparing the expeditions. and Yet, fearing betrayal or harm, Byzantine authorities suspectedthese deserters, even after their conversionto Christianity. In his Strategy,the anonymousByzantine deserters that these recommended author should: "Always be watched, even if they observe our religious practices and become connectedwith us by lawful marriages.The more prominent men among them, therefore, should be kept in the cities if we so wish, unless we have reason to be suspicious of them, especially if the enemy from 156 deserted join be they to whom us should moving againstthe city".
This text indicatesclearlythat the deserterswere suspectfor a long time, which behind be Byzantine the the reason may systematicpolicy of movingthemawayfrom the important cities as well as the strategicmilitary sites. The most drastic application
killing including Muslim the this thousands thosewho advice was of of of prisoners, 157 hadconvertedto Christianity,by the commandof the empressTheodora. There are severalexamplesof Muslims who desertedto Byzantium,158 or even
159 to Byzantinerebels. In 931ADJ 319 H BanTibn Nafis, a mancloseto the caliph alMuqtadir, escapedto Byzantium,convertedto Christianity and took part in the
"' Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Three 109,111. imperial treatises pp. on exbeditions, 156G. Dennis,ThreeByzantinemilitary treatises,p. 121. 157 142; 1, Tdrlýkh, 3, forced Hebraeus, HP 1427: that the al-TabarT, p. al-TabarT says she p. -Bar prisonersto convertandorderedthe deathof thosewho refused,but he doesnot confirmthat she had death those the who of alreadyconverted. ordered Akrad (Curds) 927 H/ Christianity fled 315 Ibn to to a chief of called al-Dahaq and converted -in Byzantium,wherehe was rewarded,but the Muslimsmet him on his way back from Byzantine landsandkilled him andall of his men.Ibn al-AthTir, al-kamil,6, p. 190;Ibn Khald0n,111, p. 386 159 Skleros Bardas in Byzantine his Muslim rebel enlisted services man,who convertedto a -The Christianity,called'UbaydAllah, andgavehim thehonoraryByzantinetitle of Magistratos.Ibn a]AthTrconfirmsthe samestory saying;"He. (Bardas)conciliatedsomepeoplefrom the desert". Yabyaal-AntakT,PO 23, pp. 335-336,372-373;a]-RudhraWarT, Dhayl kitdb tajdrib al-umampp. 13-15(Englishtranslation,Eclipseof theAbbasidCaliphate,VI, pp. 4-6; Ibn al-Athjr, al-Mmil, 7, On W. Farag, Byzantium the 127. Muslims, this political and alliances revolution with see andits p. Muslimneighbours,pp. 71-74. 187
160 Muslims. Presumablyhis conversion was not total, as Byzantine raids againstthe
he helpedthe Muslimsin a crucialtime.161In his polemicalpoemagainstByzantium, al-Qaffa-Ial-Shdsh-imentions the phenomenonof conversionof some Arabs to Christianity.
162
The main example of mass conversionis the Arab tribe of Band Ijablib. The Muslim geographer,Ibn Hawqal, bitterly criticised the Ijamclanidsfor their high taxes injustice, their and narrates that the Ijamdanids mistreated this tribe. and
Ten
thousand horsemen with their slaves and cattle emigrated to the Byzantine lands,
joined Soon Christianity to they they a wann received welcome. converted and where the Byzantine army in its war againstthe Muslims. Shortly after, they beganto write
to otherArabs,especiallythe memberof their tribe, who stayedbehindandencourage 163 Byzantium, them to emigrate to where they could find better treatment and more
bestowed houses. The Byzantines them treated them villages and and on well support. This tribe and its men now wagedwar againstthe Muslims,making a good use of their previous knowledge of the land, and destioyed several Muslim forts. Having Muslims, Ironically, the them trusted these the more. emperor activities against seen
braver did forget Arabs than the those to the writer as renegade praise not 164 Byzantines.
Prisoners of war between Byzantium and Islam
One may consider prisoners of war as a permanentreligious minority, inasmuchas most of them were forced to live in captivity for years, and were kind life to adopt a new of compelled and religion. In Byzantine-Muslimwarfare,
160.Ibn al-AthTr,al-kamil, 6, p. 217; Ibn Khaldan, 111,p. 386 (who calls him Bani ibn Qays). 161 A. Vasiliev, Byzanceet les Arabes, 11,2,p. 62. 162 Al-SubkT,Tabaqatal-shafi 7ah,2, p. 183. 163 Ibn Ilawqal, Kitab surat al-'ar4, p. 211-213. . 164 Ibn Ijawqal, Kitab surat al-'ar4, p. 211-213. 188
taking prisoners was the aim in almost all raids or combats.In the first place, they
165 for booty information, be of war, or might merely were crucial as source valuable slaves and slave girls. In the ninth and tenth centuries,when Byzantium had the upper hand over the Muslims, there is evidencethat Byzantium took special care to capturemore Muslim is from This the greatnumber of prisonersof war at this time. apparent prisoners. In 916AD/ 303H. the Byzantine armies captured 50,000 Arabs from Tarsils 166
Mar'ash. and Muslims.
167
Later in 942ADJ 330H. the Byzantine army captured 15,000
In 965 ADJ 354H. NikephorosPhokascaptured200,000 from the 168A
people of al-Mas-isah.
few years later in 968AD./357H. the Byzantineannies
169Again in 973ADJ from Antioch. 12,000 Muslims the country around captured 1701n
363H. the Byzantineanniescaptured100,000Muslim prisoners.
an exaggerated
Muslim 'Abd the of prisoners al-Jabb5r,estimates whole number narrative,al-Qd(Yi 1
be This 20,000,000.17 to half in tenth the seems an centuryas taken the second of large Muslim indicative is but the numbers of of still clearly extreme over estimate,
this taken at period. prisoners Treatment of prisoners of war
It is undoubtedlythe case that the Byzantineswere notorious for their 172 Shahrdm Ibn between the In and towards a meeting prisonersof war. ruthlessness
`5 NikephorosPhokas,Pareceptamilitaria. ed.andEnglishtrans,seeMcGeer,Sowingthe dragon's 51; 99; 101. teeth, pp. 166 156. I, Habraeus, Bar p. 167 162. 1, Habraeus, Bar p. Ibn 169 Habraeus, Yabya 170; Ibn al-'Ad-im I, 7, 29; and al-AntakT al-AthTr, p. p. neither al-Mmil, -Bar 92. See Yabya PO 18, Ibn 814; p. al-'AdTim, al-AntdkT, mentionssucha number. p. 172; Ibn 169 1, Habraeus, 7, 13-14. Bar al-Athtr, p. pp. al-kamil, 171.Ibn Aybak, al-durah al-mu4yah, 157.
171Al-QAdT'Abdal-Jabbar,Tathb7ldald'il al-nubuwah,1,p. 183. to 172 f Liudprandof Cremona,p. 186,in whichhetells thathis stepfather, an ambassador was who -C. S. Runciman, See himself Russian the also the war. Constantinople, of execution of prisoners saw Lecapenus TheemperorRomanus andhis reign(Cambridge1929)p. 31 189
emperor Basil II, the Muslim ambassadorsaid, "Although a prisoner in our hands, is not exposed, as your captives, to mutilation", the emperor did not deny or even 173 Yet modem scholars mostly tend to lay stress on the good comment on this. treatment of Muslim prisonersof war in Byzantium.174They have built their theory on ibn Hardn Arabic Yabya and al-Muqaddas-i. texts, mainly some Hariin b. Y4yd narratesthat the Muslim prisoners of war were brought to banquet with the emperor himself on Christmas Day. In this unique attend a special text, the Byzantine authorities respectedthe religious feeling and freedom of those Muslims and even preparedspecial food for them. The imperial herald said, "I swear
by the headof the emperorthat in thesemealsthereis no pork at all". 175Furthermore, "when the last of thesedays (Christmascelebrations)comes,eachMuhammedean 176 Dinars and three Dirhems". captive shall receivetwo
The presenceof Muslim prisonersof war at imperial Byzantinecelebrations 177 by Byzantine other was mentioned sourceson several other occasions. L. Simeonova puts forward severalhypothesesto explain this phenomenon,considering it as a major shift in the Byzantinepolicy towards prisonersof war.
173 Al-RudhrawarT,Dhayl kildb tajarib al-umam, p. 32, (English translation,Eclipse of the Abbasid Caliphate, VI, p. 2; seeH.F Amedroz, 'An embassyfrom Baghdadto the emperorBasil Il'JR, 4C (1914) pp. 916-942. 174 A. Toynbee, ConstantinePorphyrogenitus,pp., 383-387; W. Reinert, 'The Muslim presencein Constantinople,9th-15'hCenturies:some preliminary observations',in H. Ahrweiler, and A. Laiou (eds.) Studies in the-internal diaspora of the ByzantineEmpire, (WashingtonD.C. 1988) pp. 126130; L. Simeonova, 'In the depth of tenth-centuryByzantine ceremonial:the treatmentof Arab prisonersof war at imperial banquets'BMGS 22 (1998) pp. 75-104,passim. 175Ibn Rustah, al-A'Idq al-narisah, p. 123, English trans. A. Vasiliev, 'Harun ibn Yahya and his . , descriptionof Constantinople'SK 5 (1932) p. 157, 176 Ibn Rustah,al-A'Idq al-najtsah, p. 123,English trans.A. Vasiliev, 'Harun,' p. 158. 177 during Leo de VI listes the Les Oikonomid6s, Romanus N. Lecapenos. reigns of and -Mainly des Byzantines 1Xe et Xe sikles, (Paris 1972) pp. 169,203,209; TheophanesCont., prisdance p.430. See the recent study: L. Simeonova, 'in the depth of tent-centuryByzantine ceremonial', pp. 75-104. 190
She realisesthat thosewho attendedthe imperial banquetwere whose living in 178 the Praetorium. We can considerthem as VIPs. They were living as hostagesrather than prisoners of war. In spite of the importance of such a practice, the number of overall prisoners who were well treated was just under 30. Hence, it could hardly be in j considered a ma or shift the Byzantinepolicy towards prisonersof war. Furthermore, if this story of the honourabletreatment in Harfin's narrative is to be accepted,the other side of it should be consideredas well. Hdr(in narratesthat the Muslim prisoners of war were exposedto a kind of random fate, in which they
because killed destiny be their gavethemno chanceto passthrougha certain might 179
gate.
The hypothesesof L. Simeonovaconcemingwhat shecalled, quasi-baptismof
Muslim prisonersof war, while they wereattendingthe imperialcelebration,lacksa in be Yes, to the could whole process my opinion. of solid ground stand on, 180 importancefor the emperorto be seenas a "truly universalruler". But to consider
178 distinguished Praetorium Muslim Arab (Dar the the the al-Bulat), of was prison sources say -The prisoners who were being looked after, exemptedfrom work, had their own religious freedom and the right to practisetheir prayersand were not forced to eat pork. Ibn Hawqal, doesmention Dar a]Bulat as a prison for the " king's prisoners" plus for other Byzantine prisons. Other Byzantine sources say that the same place (Praetorium) was used as a prison for distinguished Byzantine political prisonersof high figures, in the reign of Leo VI. Ibn Ijawqal, Kitab Surat al-'Ar4, p. 195; al-MuqaddasT,Absan al-taqdfim, pp. 147-148;Vita Euthymii, p. 21(mentionsthe Praetorium as a jail for Muslim prisoners of war), p. 113, mentions the same place as the prison of Nicetas of Paphlagoniain the reign of Leo VI. c.f., A. Vasiliev, Byzanceet les Arabes, 11,2,p. 289, note. 1; A. Toynbee,ConstantinePorphyrogenitus,pp., 384-386; L. Simeonova,op.cit. p. 90, note 52. 179 is a vaultedbridge which has Golden "In the the the there city adjoining says, section of gate -Haran been built in the middle of the market (Vasiliev translatedit as "square", but the Arabic word saq literally means"market") of the city. There are therein two statues:one gives a sign with its hands as if it is saying"bring him here (Vasiliev erroneouslytranslatedit "come here") the other (statues) gives a sign with it hand as if it is saying "wait a little". They are two talismans.Captives are brought and placed betweenthesetwo statues,hoping for pardon. Meanwhile a messengergoesto notify the Emperor thereupon.If on the messenger'sreturn the captivesstay (there) they are taken to prison; but if the messengercomesto them and seesthem being passed(Vasiliev translatedit to pass,but the Arabic text usesthe passivemood) beyondthe statues,they will be killed, and no one is Vasiliev, left A. Ibn Rustah, English them 131. trans. alive" among al-A'Idq al-najlsah, p. 'Harfin', P. 161. Although Vasiliev says (note 63) that he does not know the basis of this story, a similar story is mentionedin Alexiad of Anna Comnenna,as an eyewitnessto this Byzantinegame of fate. Anna Comnenna,Al&iad, ed. B. Leib, 11: 12, pp. 74-75, English trans, E.R.A. Sewter,p. 386 'go L. Simeonova,op. cit. p. 98. 191
this to involve "subjecting Muslims to a deeply coded ceremonial of conversion, of
181 ignoranf be implausible ' totally theory. to they seems an remained which We know from the Byzantine and Muslim sourcesthe unquestionablefact, keen Byzantines to convert as many Muslim prisonersas they could. But the that were from the same sourceswe know that Byzantines were suspicious of new Muslim i
182The symbolic conversion is deserters. utterly quasi-baptism or converts and dated by Byzantine Muslims text another concerning conversion of contradicted 183 imposed is This the the tenth the on was which century. ritual of abjuration, around
is Here, there Muslim their to no completeconversion. converts makesureof new leaves text for which symbolism or quasi-baptism, only a very vigorous room III Michael Similarly, doubt to the the refused emperor conversion. of absolutely no border the to they of war prisoners were where those went converted, until who accept 184 have he done lands. Though into Byzantine may exchangedand returned willingly his in former Muslims the those negotiations with the this to prove willingness of final in The for is point Muslim ambassador,still there was no room quasi-baptism. basis builds her the Simeonova, L. the theory of white clothes that on my argument is
in know but triumphal the that, Muslim parade of we the of war, prisoners of NikephorosPhokasafter his return from Crete,the Muslim prisonersof war were
181L. Simeonova, 103. cit. op. p. 112G. Dennis,ThreeByzantinemilitary treatises,p. 121. -
his doctrine his family, his 113 Mubarnmad, is list Islam, and document a of anathemasagainst -This but document, for date 6X6cTvpos is his known this we God. There book, and even so-called no it to Comnenos Manuel Niketas Choniates from from attributes know that a comment the emperor Bekker, 1. Historia, hierarchy". Choniates, Niketas ed. "former the emperorsand membersof the (Bonn 1835) p. 278, English trans. 0 city ofByzantium: Annals offiketas Choniates,English trans. H. J., Magoulias, (Wayne State University Press, Detroit 1984) 121-125; W. Eichncr 'Die Nachrichten Ober den Islam bei den Byzantinem' Der Islam 23 (1936) 133-162; 197-244; Clermont-Ganneau,'Ancient rituel grec pour Pabjuration des Musulmansdans I'tglise Grecque' [12th Byzantine Sahas, 'Ritual 254-257; D. from (1906) Islam to the church 7 RAO of conversion (1991) 57-69. 36, GOTR pp. century]', 184 Al-Tabarl, TdrLkh,111:3, p. 1451. 192
' 85 Should clothes. white we consider the white clothes here a symbol of we,aring quasi-baptism? As for the treatmentof the prisoners,I cannot agreetotally with the theoriesof modem western scholars who tend to accept that Muslims prisoners of war were treated well by the Byzantines.Re-readingthe sameMuslim sourcesalready used by them supplies anotherinterpretationof the story. As I have said, Harfin mentions the Muslim prisonersof war attendingthe imperial celebrations,but he saysalso that they killed. Al-Muqaddas-i later in that the the Praetorium were well says prisoners were
treatedand lookedafter,but he saysalsothat the commonprisonerswereenslavedin 186
the imperialworkshops.
Abii Firas,the Ijamdanidspoet,says: 0, who hasa spacioushouse,how do you widenit H While we are(living) in stoneanddestroyingstones 0, who hasa soft cloth,how do you changeit H 87 While we cannotchangeour woollenclothes' These verses are supportedby the very fact that Byzantinesused to send their 188 in At to the the of convicted criminals same time war and work mines. prisoners
they confirm al-Muqaddas-i's narrativethat the Muslim prisonerswere slaveswho hard. have Furthermore somenarrativesof the executionof prisonersof we worked in discuss later I this chapter. will which war, In sum, one can assumethat the imperial treatmentof prisoners of war dependedon the personalityof the emperor,as well as the rank of the prisoners themselves,and the exceptionalimperial treatmenthad its purpose within the Byzantineworld of symbolism,as L. Simeonovastates,while the commonprisoners SymeonMagistcr, pp. 759-760;M. McCormick, Theeternal victory, pp. 167-168. Al-MuqaddasT,Aýsan al-taqdsim,p. 148. 117 Divan Abi Firas (Cited by FL Hassan,al-MaArik wa al-'asr bayn al-arab wa al-rilm, (the battles and captivity betweenArabs and Byzantium) (Beirut 1985)p. 172. 188 S. Vryonis, 'The questionof the Byzantinemines', Speculum37: 1 (1962) pp. 2,1 193
were exposedto a policy of carrot and stick in order to convert them or at least make
imperial in the them workshops. use of It seemsto me that the Byzantine prisonersof war in Muslim captivity fall into three different groups: the soldiers, the slave girls and the eunuchs. As for the is there a unique text of al-Muqaddas-i,stating that Muslims in their raids eunuchs, looking for to churches eunuchsto capture.Soonthey found their way into used storm
189 in Muslim lands, inasmuchas they were wantedto serve in the slave markets Muslim
190 harems. Those eunuchs, I would assume were never returned to
Byzantium, unlessthe Muslim rulers had a shortfall of numberin the exchangeof However, house, brought Muslim these to once of war. eunuchs were any prisoners
immediately themto essentialIslamiceducationas a their new masterwould expose , into Muslim towards assimilation society. step
The fate of the prisonersof war (of soldiers)wasratherdifferent,inasmuchas Islamic law givesthreechoicesin dealingwith prisonersof war and allows Muslim is first The the to to choice circumstances. execution choose any according authorities for Muslim the exchange prisonersof war or ransom soldiers; second male of all .
free, is to to the personalchoice them the third set according simply and was money, 191 Mulýarnmad is It that the took these the prophet all noteworthy caliph or emir. of
in his life. local When different the a rebelwhose threeoptionsat enemywas points first the the taken: option was rebel's soldierswere generally annihilated, was army in leaders Baghdad. their executed sometimes and were crucified usually As for the Byzantineprisonersof war in Muslim lands,I would assumethat two factorsdecidedtheir fate, the generalsituation,or moreaccurately,the scaleof "9 Al-MuqaddasT,Absan at-taqdsim,p. 242. 19' On the issueof the eunuchsin Islam, seeD. Aylon, 'On the term khadim in the senseof eunuchin the early Islamic sources',Arabica 32 (1985) pp. 289-308; idem, 'on the eunuchsin Islam', JSAI 1 (1979) pp. 67-124.
194
the war between Byzantium and Muslims, and the personality of the caliph. In the
middle of the ninth century,whenthe scaleof the war turnedagainstthe Muslims,it 192 Amoriurn that the became a thing of the past. mass executions such as seems Furthen-nore, the number of Muslim prisoners of war in Byzantium exceededthe Byzantines in Muslim captivity, which forced the Muslim authorities to keep their Byzantine prisoners unharmed and unsold for future exchange.193We are even informed of a caliph who, in order to match the number of prisoners, had to send buy Byzantine from to the slave markets.In order to complete slaves of origin envoys
194 he Byzantine ladies his from harem. the numberrequired, collectedold slave own Evidently, there was a Byzantine colony in Baghdad,which mainly comprised in We know had house Baghdad for that they of war. church or set a a aside prisoners them.
195
In Christian Arabic contemporarywritings there are some allusions to these
196 involvement in between in disputes local Christians Iraq. Rum, and their the I,
Similarly, in a decreefor the ChristianCatholicos(of the Nestorians)in Baghdad, 197
there is a reflection of thesequarrels.
191 Al-Mawardl, al-ahkdmal-sultaniyya,p. 131. 192 Al-Tabarr, Td'rlký 111:2, p. 1255. , 19' failed to offer payment had Sayf Arabic that al-Dawlah sources and narrate run out of money -The to free the rest of the Muslim prisonersof war (since their numberwas more than the Byzantines), in Muslim Byzantium to this the thought to rulers to other news reached prisoners who write and collect their ransom money. The story appearsin an admonitory poem of Abli Firas to Sayf alDawlah denying his involvement in calling for help from Khurasan. Aba Firas, Divan, (ed. alSatir), pp. 30-31. 19' 111, Michael in 846 ADJ231 between H the of prisoners exchange emperor of war occurred -This and the caliph al-Wathiq. Al-Tabarl, Td'ilkh, 111:2, p. 1355. 195 IamawT, Mu Yam for (house) Dar II, the 511 (ed. Beirut) he al-I al-Buldan, a p. mentions -Yaqat * Byzantineprisoners,and later it was convertedto a church; see:G. Le Strange,Baghdad during the Abbasid caliphate (Oxford 1924)p. 208; T. Arnold, Thepreaching of1slam, p. 67 19, b. Yuhanna,'Vie du patriarcheMelkite d'Antioche', p. 22. -lbrah-im 117 a decreefrom the caliph al-Qa'im (1031-1075AD./ 422-467H.) "You will hold power over all the -In Christian churches and councils without any competition from the Jacobites or Rum". AlQalqashandi,$ubb al-a'sha, 10, p. 297. 195
ConstantinePhokashad been capturedby Sayf al-Dawlah 953AD / 342H. and
198 ill, his death he fell in / When 959AD. 348 H. the until captivity in remained Muslim doctorstried to healhim. After his death,his bodywasmovedto a churchto Christian funeral letter it the the appropriate prayers, and emir sent a of give 199 father. his Byzantine different that to stating sources narrative, gave a condolence
Sayf al-Dawlah tried desperatelyto persuadehis noble Byzantine prisoner to convert failed do he he (or him. but When to this Islam, news) so, poisoned rumour to when killed Muslim in bitterness, father his Constantine, the Byzantium, the all of reached Muslims The Sayf he to thought retaliated al-Dawlah. were related whom prisoners 200 immediately with ral s against yzantium.
In the Muslim lands, some of the Muslim rulers were praised for their in his Nabatah Ibn Byzantine panegyric their towards al-Sa'dT, prisoners. generosity
Even Byzantine his describes towards the prisoners. Sayf generosity al-Dawlah, on , 201 Similarly, be them. he himself, to among says,would wish the Byzantineemperor beneficence for his the HanT' with the Ibn caliph al-Mu'izz al-AndalUSTpraises
202 Shiite the the Ironically treatment this of caliph part on Byzantineprisoners. good 203 in by Sunnis Muslim anti-Fatimid propaganda. was used
191- Ibn al-'Adim, Zubdatal balab,p. 73; Ibn Shadad,al-A'Idq al-khartrah,1, p. 259 (cited by M. the Canard,Sayfal-Daula:Recueilde textes,p. 106,he accusedSayfal-Dawalhof over-estimating devoted Miskawayh Ibn his father later his sentto poison son!; prisoner,so the ransommoneyof John Byzantine in On see local Iraq. the view, the problems entirelythis narrativesof yearto the Skylitzes,SynopsisHistoriarum, pp.242-243, Germantrans.,HansThum, p. 281-281. 199 PO 18,p. 771;ed.L. Cheikho,p. 113. , Yabyaal-AntakT, 200 281. Synopsis Hisforiarum, Thum, Skylitzes, 243, Hans German John trans., p. p. m 201 p. 309). by (cited M. Canard,Sayfal-Daula,Recueildetextes, - DivanIbn Nabatah, 202 248. _ Ibn Aybak,al-durahal mu4yah, from al-Shamor Egyptconqueredthe Rum,andbroughtprisonersof war, Muslim "Whenever a m he house. Then best (the Fatimid the caliph)took them,treatedthemwell andgavethem this sultan leave (to to be to go to that, those wished would them who wished welcome, and to whoever said 2, 343. dald'il Al-Qadl'Abd Tathb7t do p. al-nubuwah, al-Jabbar Byzantium)could sosafely". 196
However,thereare someaccountsof prisonersof war which shouldbe cited here.It seemsthat someindividualswereforcedto seekthe freedomof their relatives by their own efforts. Al-Tanukh7lnarrates,"A man from the border area was seeking financial help in Baghdad to free some of his relatives who were captives in 204 A similar story occurredon the other side. Al-Khat-Ib al-Baphdad-i lands. Byzantine
Byzantine (presumably disguised travelled that man a secretly as a merchant) narrates to Baghdad trying desperately to rescue his son, who was a prisoner and had 205
Islam. to converted
Similarly, donating some money to free the prisoners of war was a common from know both We in Byzantium Muslim the vita of states. and charitable practice 206 freeing Saint Mary the younger(I O'hcentury) that sheset asidemoneyto captives
It is worth noting here that in. 896AD/ 283H al-Tabaff narratesthat the Byzantineauthoritiesarmedsomeof the Muslim prisonersof war and sentthem to them fight againstthe Bulgars.Having gainedthe victory, the emperorapprehended 207 in is into different There them of such a narrative no mention cities. and scattered 208 it Surprisingly, Greek story, attributing a similar al-Mas'Wi, narrates the sources. local Michael III, these against a prisoners to the emperor who allegedly used 209 Byzantinerebel. Prisonersof war were usedon severaloccasionsas diplomatic Will. between the two sidesasa signof good gifts
210
fake, is 211 Al-Tana-khl, is Nishwdr as that 166. There a story such a clear possibility al-muhddarah, p. Arabs: 'Byzantium the been by had C. E. Bosworth, Jihad, and the committed nameof see similar 12-13. pp. peace', and war 205 Al-Khatlbal-Baghd5d!, Tdrlikh Baghddd, 7, 135. ma, -tinat p. 206- It is not clear from the vita whethertheseByzantineprisonerswere in Muslim or Bulgarian 267. holy ) Mary (ed. The A. M. Talbot the p. younger, womenofByzantium,vita saint captivity. 207- Al-Tabatil,Tdrl-kh,111,4,pp.2102-2103;Bar Hebraeus, 1,p. 152. Porphyrogenitus his world,p. 358 208 Constantine Toynbee, A. and 161. 209 Al-Mas'tldl, p. al-Ishralf, wa al-tanb7h (865 210-Al-Tabarl,Tarl-kh,111:4, p. 2239(902AD/ 290 H); (906/ 294 H), p. 2277;Bar Hebraeus, A.D) 1,p. 144;155(907AD). 197
In sum, prisonersof war were a special human bridge betweenByzantium and
the Muslim world. The Muslim prisonersof war were often exposedto Byzantine in curiosity, religiousmatters,which may havehelpedto createmoreunderstanding in Some this tolerance era. otherswho convertedhereor there,willingly or not, and helped have to maketranslationsand transferknowledge,evenat lower must surely levels, between the two worlds. Finally most of the Arab geographersgained their information about Byzantium through the Muslim or Byzantineprisonersof war.211 The execution of prisoners of war
On someoccasions,however,both ByzantineandMuslim authoritieskilled some In 855-856AD. / 240-241H. their of prisoners war. a Byzantine army under the of Muslim Theoctistus 'Alzarba 12,000 took sacked prisoners,some of and command of
212 for killed. be late Byzantine This the to a raid seemed revenge were whom 213 had been Amorium killed who someyearsearlier. prisonersof Occasionally,the executionof prisonersof war appearedas a strategic battlefield. in his The Basil I, the emperor of campaigns against on one necessity Muslims, was apprehendedin a suddenattack through narrow rough passes,hindered
by lack of men, and in needof the soldierswho had beenassignedto guardingthe 214 be Muslim killed. He to of war of ordered number prisoners a great prisoners. Again, he instructs that the Cretan Muslims who fell into his hand be skinned, 215 presumablyto scarethe others.
211 Al-Mas'adi, Muri7j al-dhahab,4, p. 198.Also Ibn Rustahusedthe narrativeof Haran b. Yabyd 112 111: 3, 1427; Tinkh, Bar Hebarus, 142. p. p. -Al-Tabarl, 213 W. Treadgold,A history ofthe Byzantinestate and society,p. 449 214.john Skylitzes,SynopsisHistoriarum, p. 142 (Germantrans. J. Thum, p. 179); TheophanesCont. p. 283. des Kaisers 215 German Leben 301, Constantine trans., Vil Prophyrogenitus, cont., p. -Theophanes Basileios I, P. III198
Once more, the sameemperor,to force his sailors to fight againstMuslims, had
30 Muslim prisonersdisguisedas Byzantinesailors,who desertedtheir fleet, and beards hair be burnt. Later,accordingto Genesios: to their and ordered "He had them severelywhipped in the hippodrome as though they were desertersfrom the navy They were carried through the city naked and ... mounted on mules all the way to the Golden Gate ... when these things had been carried out; the men were taken to Methone to be impaled as deserters of war ... And all the prisonerswere impaled"216 cowardly The main aim of the emperorwas not the executionof theseMuslim prisoners,
but a threatto his own sailorsshouldbe terrified by suchcruelpunishmentimposed 217 ill-fated Muslim prisonersof war. on those
In 965AD./ 354H.bothMuslim andByzantinearmiesaroundTarsus,executedthe killed Byzantines in The 100 both revenge and counter-revenge. sides, prisonerson distinguishedMuslim men,in orderto demoralisethe besiegedpopulationof the city, 218
in 3000 Byzantine prisoners retaliation. who executed
Accordingto the Muslim sources,in 962AD./ 351 H. NikephorosPhokas,in rage 19 be killed This 12,000 Muslim his death to the prisoners ordered of nephew, at .2 220 be to an exaggeration. numberseems Muslims applied a similar severetreatment in a parallel revenge.In 965AD /
his bribe Byzantine discovered Sayf H., to someof men to 345 a plot al-Dawlah he killed fury, his In the hand him him Byzantine to the all army. and over capture
216 Genesios,Regumlibri qualtuor, p. 84, English trans.A. Kaldellis, p. 105. 217 Ibid. _
218 Al-Dhahabl,Tati-khal-'Isldm,p. 18. 211 Ibn al-'Adfm,Zubdatal-,Valab,p. 81. _
Ibn 1200 is 220 he later it to this al-'Adim, men. sure about not says number and reduces al-'Ad-im -lbn Zubdat al-,Valab, p. 82; Bar Hcbareus,1,p. 169; Ibn Taghrl Bardl, 3, p. 332; al-DhahabLMelkh al,jslam, p. 8. All of them give the secondnumber 1200men. 199
I
221
Byzantine prisoners,who numberedaround 400.
However, this kind of cruelty has
no religious implication, rather an exaggeratedreactionto this plot. The public parade of the prisoners During the Muslim-Byzantine wars, it was common practice to parade the heads in drawing the the to the attention of special even enemies streets, or prisoners, those of higher rank. These parades usually took place in the streets of the 222 leading in to a specialcelebration the hippodrome. Constantinople, 223 in The paradeof enemyprisoners Byzantium was an old practice, in which
bodies heads by frenzied the the to the of or showing please mobs the authoritiesused killed enemies,or paradethe prisoners.The custom practisedwith Muslim prisoners
hymns had different. It and songs special emphasis; some religious somewhat was divinity denied the has God the of enemieswho who routed were sangto praise Christ. In 956AD./ 344H. the Hamdanidemir Abu al-'Ashd'ir was capturedby the he humiliated Constantinople ill-fated The to was where Byzantines. emir was carried
his in front kneel had the The to emperor, who put of in the triumphalparade. emir feet on the headof the miserableemir, while the restof the prisonerswereorderedto in this the took the The celebration, and part lie on the ground. clergy and patriarch imperial choristerssangspecialprayersto God, who supportsthem againstsonsof 224 Testament, Old from to text the In apply they this Hajar. chose a special celebration God Thou God? the is like "What God Muslims, art our great to this victory over the
Ibn al-'AdTm,Zubdat al-tialab, p. 75. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Three treatises on imperial military expeditions, pp. 141,149,15 1. McCormick, Eternal victory, pp. 50,61,65. 224.Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Ceremoniis, 2: 19, pp. 607-612; John Skylitzes, Synopsis Historlarum, p., 241, German trans., Hans Thum, pp. 281-282. For a full discussion on this Eternal McCormick, 160-193. pp. see victory, celebration, particular
200
225Again (Ps 76,14-15). in 961AD/ 356 H. similar celebrations who works wonders"
were held uponthe Byzantinere-conquestof Crete,andthe captureof its emir with a Muslim prisoners. great number of In a word, one can assumethat the parade of the prisoners was a common in both Byzantium Muslim lands. In Byzantium, these parades, as and practice 226 McCormick points out, were a legacy from Rome, developedwith some Christian features. Someelementswere addedand should be pointed out. The Church took part; 227 the patriarch attendedthe celebrations;these chants, sermonsand prayers.There is feeling impression of current which of the victory of gives explicit an anti-Islamic Christianity over its enemiesbeing celebrated.
At the sametime, Muslim caliphsandemirsusedalsoto disgracetheir captive in This humiliating long by them through the practiceapplied parades streets. rivals, to both Byzantineand Muslim captives.Apparently,it was appliedmore drastically Muslims. against Religious pressures on prisoners of war Contemporary sources relate several stories of religious pressure on the There Byzantine the texts, to to several are oppositereligion. prisoners of war convert
inform Muslim hagiographical, to us of attempts convert their which mainly 228 had hand Al-Tabaff the upper Byzantine prisonersof war, when the Muslims . by later Muslims; Byzantine in Ha /245 859 AD. that generalwas captured narrates
11, Porphyrogenitus, De Ceremonlis, The McCormick, See 2: 19, 607-612; eternal pp. -Constantine 162-163. pp. victory, 226 McCormick,Theeternalvictory,passim. 227 Constantine De Porphyrogenitus, Ceremoniis, 1: 69, 332-333. pp. 228 Halkin, 'Passioninddite des Qurarante-deux 152-161; Greek d'Amorium', text pp. martyrs -F. (ed.) 'Vita S. Romainle Ndmartyr(d. I mai780)Waprýsun Frenchtranslation.162-169;P. Peeters, documentgdorgien',AB 30,pp.393-427. 201
they tried to persuade him to convert to Islam, and threatened to kill him.
Unfortunately,al-Tabafidoesnot addanymoredetailsaboutthe fateof this man.229 Muslim sources,narrate too similar stories bearing the hagiographical nature fantasy, such as the narrative of the tenth century Muslim judge of exaggerationand In lengthy al-Tan0kh-1.230 a and writer story, the Muslim former prisoner gives us details. The Muslim had a religious debatewith the Christian clerics in some valuable Constantinople, in which he insisted on arguing with the patriarch himself, and in the Of is this the there emperor. story of a striking similarity with the debateof presence
in in Constrainable he his the which sarcastically asked patriarch about al-BdqillWi 231 family.
Obviously,the mancertainlyexaggerates the accountof his time thereandhis friendship with a Byzantine general, and certainly fabricatesthe story of the Byzantinegeneral.But the whole narrativestill reflectsthe likelihood of inevitable 229
3, p., 1448. Al-Tabari,111: 230 narrates,in a lengthystoryof 9 pageswith elaboratedetail,that in the Umayyadperiod,in the -He reignof 'Abd al-Malik b. Marwan(685-705),a Muslimmanhadbeencapturedearlierin the reign of Mu'waiya1(661-680),andin thereignof an emperorhe calledWarqa'b.Muwariqah(An Arab impossible is distortion Constans 11 the to the of emperor accept as a of name almost which name ConstantineIV (668-685).The Byzantineemperorhad releasedthe (641-668)or his successor Muslim prisoner,andsenthim with an escortto the Muslim lands.Thecaliphwascuriousto hear from this man,abouthis time thereandwhy the emperorhadpersonallycaredabouthis fate.The Arab prisonersaidthenewemperorhadadopteda newpolicyof movingMuslimprisonersbetween the Byzantineleaders,of which therewere 12. This policy was appliedby randomselection,to ensurethatno Muslimprisonerwouldstaylong in the samearea.Theheroof the storywashanded both hatred Surprisingly, found bad Muslims. to men and certain reputation of a a generalwith over out that they speakoneanotherlanguagefluently.The Muslimprisonerbefriendedthe Byzantine, himself how he had been long his him, told and a mythical story of as a consolation, youth, who capturedin the land of Rakhan,(?) andhis long ordealtherehadendedwith his marriageto the King's daughter.The Byzantineman,however,hadbeeninformedthat accordingto the traditions both deep if died, both in till they Rakhan, they were well one a partnerof a couple were of put dead.However,in a longepisode,his wife becamesick andnearlydied,sotheyput themin a well, in family Byzantium. he father his to to a while and managed escapeand returnsafely and after Sometime laterhe becamea Byzantinegeneral,who now wasin chargeof our Arab prisoner,and debate had befriendedhim. Later,theMuslimprisonerappeared imperial with the the a and court at Patriarch,in whichthe Muslimrefutedin mockerythe Christiannotionof the Sonof God.In this discussion,the Muslim beganto greetthe patriarchandaskhim abouthis health,that of his son! The wholeaudiencein the courtstartedto laughandto mockthe Arab man.The Muslimreplied How he has "God preservedthis Patriarch because him, and no sons you glorify andpraise ... .... couldyou do this andat the sametime attributea sonto almightyGod?". At the endhe returned 1, back ba'd Muslim to the Al-TanakhT, Kilab territory. was escorted al-shidah, al-Faraj safelyand pp. 139-147. ,
202
in Byzantium, Arabic debates prisoners with which coincides with other religious narratives. The beginnings of such policy occurred when the empress Theodora forced 12,000 Muslim prisoners to convert to Christianity and the caliph al-Mutawakkil's desperateattemptsto save them failed. But even the authorities in Byzantium killed felt had they that these people tend to their old religion. those who converted when Bar Hebraeusnarrates: She said, thesewere baptisedand were Christians,and it is impossible for forth, (the Nas-if the them to went caliph), page of up', and when us give Theodora killed them all becauseshe saw that they were inclined to a baptised,; had believed forth, that though they say others were and going 232 Nikola, her eunuch,killed them without the queen'scommand The late Muslim historian In Khaldfin saysthat she forced these prisoners to
to the large to Hence them caliph she sent and converted, of number a convert. 233 in The had kept continued was their samepolicy religion. exchangeprisonerswho Cretan flaying Basil I, the and execution of the who ordered the region of emperor 234 Christianity. Muslims who refusedto convertto in Byzantium, Muslim 357) (d. 968/ Firds, of war Abfl prisoner emir, poet and a is in It bitter his captivity. noteworthy experience about poetry of poems some wrote involving discussion kind the he or of pressure religious that speaksabout some Muslim prisonersin Byzantium.He says: Whata strangematter,thatan
'alij235
236 teachesmewhat is lawful andprohibited 231 Seeinfra chapter5, p. 288. ' 232 3, P. 1427;Bar Hebraeus,1,p. 142. Td'nkh, 111: -Al-Tabarl, 233 Ibn Khaldlin, III, p. 277. ' kaisers des Leben 234 301, Cont., German Porphyrogenitus, Constantine VII trans., p. -Theophanes Basileios 1,p. III235 An Arabic word usedfor a man who is not Muslim or non-Arab.Al-Tabarl, Td'fibh' 111:2. p. 1359. 236 N. 'Abd al-Rbman,Shir al-$ird'ma'a al-rt7m,(the poetry of the strugglewith Rum/ Byzantines) (Amman- Jordan 1977)p. 283.
203
The late Muslim historian al-DhahabTnarratesthat a Muslim cleric, called 'Ali
Aba Ijasan al-Billdw was capturedin a Byzantineraid, and carriedto Byzantium. Soon they discoveredhis Islamic knowledge,so the emperorhimself debatedwith 237
him on religious issues.
Conversion of prisoners of war In the history of the struggle between Byzantium and Islam, it is difficult to trace even the fragmentsof information from contemporarysourceswhich might shed light on the religious life of the prisonersof war on both sides.However, one can still Muslim Byzantine prisoners or there converting that of policy systematic was a argue baptism. least to them accept encouraging at
in biography is the first of to One of the allusions sucha practice mentioned initial III). After (Leo the the to 'Umar II, that the caliph senta messenger emperor the Arab streets about of the wandered the was ambassador emperor, with meeting him He Qur'dn. found he approached and Constantinople,when a man reciting the his life him 'Umar, he him about and and asked that of told was the ambassador him had to he the The asked convert emperor and a prisoner was said man personality. 238 Once the blinded. he this but he reached caliph news Christianity to refused,so was The the letter same release. the to he sent an angry emperorrequesting prisoner's 239 free. blinded Byzantium the to man set and again returned ambassador to the emperor In 865AD./ 251H.the caliph al-Mutawakkilsentan ambassador MichaelIII, to discusspeacebetweenthem.In this embassy; Rum king baptised, Arabs the commanded the of were some of when ... between the is far frontier and us they the that shouldall go as as which "
237 AI-Dhahabl, T&Ikh al-'Isldm, p. 244. b. 175-176. 'Abd 239 'Umar Sirat 'Abd pp. al-Az7z, al-Ijakm, -Ibn b. 175-176. 'Abd 'Umar grat 239 'Abd pp. al-'Az7z, al-Ilakam, -Ibn 204
Arabs. And he who chose Christianity, and came back from it there, we believer"240 true a as would receive This may be derived from a discussion about the fate of these men, betweenthe emperorand the Arab ambassador. In most casesthere were rewards and splendid gifts to be given to any one who 241AByzantine legal decree from Islam. concerning Muslim captives in a converted baptised in who category were a certain theme, explicitly shows this particular Byzantine policy: " Take note that they must eachone of them receivethree nomismatafrom the protonotarios of the theme, six nomismatafor their yoke of oxen, and for fifty-four modios (t, 08105)242 their seedand provisions. of grain Note that concerning land-owning families who adopt Saracenprisoners for law, three they or civil are exempted are military whether as sons-in households from land hearth After three these tax tax. are years and years Note land hearth that when the tax. to tax pay and obliged once more free for land they shall remain settlement, captives or others are given from all services to the fisc for three years, and they shall pay neither hearth tax nor land tax. After the completion threeyears,they pay land tax 243 hearth tax" and These tax privileges were only given to the Muslim prisoners when they 244 in Christianity, the military service. to provided they were used converted Presumablythis refers only to those who could passthrough the ritual of abjuration, have been if in hearts. doubt I they their they would to make sure were converted from Byzantine know inasmuch in Muslims, the the the as we war against employed
140 Al-Tabaff, Td'r1kh,111,3,p. 1451; Bar Hebraeus,1,p. 144. 211 Salman, in Edessa Matthew Edessa, local Muslim the who the called narrative of of about emir -See Christianity, to and got a reward from the emperor,p. 54. converted 242 measurementunit for grain of around20 poundsof wheat.See.ODA s-v. I modios', -A I" Sowing McGeer, Porphyrogenitus, De Ceremoniis, English trans.: 11,49, 694-695; pp. -Constantine P. 82-83; his A. Toynbee, 366; Constantine Porphyrogenitus Dragon's teeth, pp. world, p. and the Lemerle,Agrarian history ofByzantium, 133-135. 141.ConstantinePorphyrogenitus,De Ceremoniis,11,p. 66 1. 205
sources that they suspectedeven Byzantines who had been captive for a while in
Muslim lands,andneverallowedthem to hold forts on the frontier. A fortiori, this provision certainly was applied to Muslims as well. Beside theseprivileges, there was a policy of forcing Muslim prisonersof war to convert to Christianity. There are several examples to show that the Byzantine beside their peacefulpolicy of converting Muslim prisoners,also usedthe authorities, sword to convert them. However, the details of religious and social life of those convertedArabs, in their
in Byzantine lands, hazy. have We society are new almost some contradictory fragments from both Byzantine and Muslim sources. The most important one is al-
Q541'Abd al-Jabbdrin his polemical work againstChristianity.The text is very 245He has had from importantand describesthe only scantattention modemscholars. in Byzantium and converted to those of prisoners who stayed experiences Christianity.Therearesomenotableremarksin his text. First,he doesnot indicate(in in Byzantines forced he that the them to section) contrast previous convert; any states
that someof them had convertedwhen they felt hopelessand desperateof any help from the Muslims.He quotesa certainMuslim prisoner,who saysthat thoseprisoners long in hope from Byzantium time the Muslim after a and with no any aid of of war Later be Christians. Byzantine More they to pretended married women. world, important,he mentionsthat thoseArabsweresoonrecruitedfor the Byzantinearmy, interestinglyonly to guard somefields. (This may confirm the hazy reportsof alTabarliand al-Mas'fld! of enlistingMuslim prisonersin the serviceof the Byzantine )246 arMy.
The most interestingpoint to emergeis that the Muslim mentality could not
freedom he bitterly how Byzantine the the The of with of cope women. writer speaks 245 translationof thewholepassage in Appendix. the appears -A 246Al-TabarT,Td'nýk-h, 2102-2103;al-Mas'adT, 16 1. 111,4, pp. p. at-tanbTh wa al-Lshralf, 206
lost his jealousy and acceptedthe fact that his wife committed adultery while he was 247
in serving the army.
The narrative of the Muslim prisonersof war confirms the Byzantine policy of Arab the prisoners. We know from the vita of St. Theodora of assimilating Thessalonica (late 9h) that an Arab converted man was living near Thessalonika,248 dispersal indicates the of convertedArabs throughoutthe empire. which Equally, an early imperial Byzantine edict in the reign of the emperorTheophilos (829-842), was issued to the effect that "unmarried women and widows should be 249 OVIKOI foreign in Although to the could mean, as the men". word given marriage 250 translator points out31 any other foreigners,Christian or converted,the edict reflects 25 1 This foreigners Byzantine Byzantine to society. policy within assimilate a steady 252 have lasted for long time. a policy seems to
However,the situationof Byzantineprisonersin Muslim landsneedsto be have in light We the samecombinationof the the available sources. of examined history, keen but Muslims their this to of at point stick, evidently were not, and carrot in Byzantine The Byzantine the their were only exception society. prisoners assimilate
in Muslim the world. slavegirls andeunuchswho wereneeded In a unique narrative, al-Khallib al-Baghdad-i,informs us of his friend, a Byzantineprisonerof war who embracedIslamandlived in Baghdad: "Bushrab. MasisAbii al-Ijasanal-Riimi, told me that, asan wasadult,he from Byzantine lands. He taken the captive saidthat a memberof the was See A. M Talbot, Byzantine On the their the women, men. accusation of adulteryand reactionof (ed.) Theholy womenof Byzantium;Vita Saint Mary theyounger,p. 263,264,266. In which a husbandimprisonshis wife uponhearingsomeslandersagainsther. 248A. M. Talbot,(ed.) TheholywomenofByzantium;vita Theodoraof Thessalonike, 212. p. 249A. M. Talbot,(ed.) TheholywomenofByzantium;vitaAthanasiaofAegina,p. 143. 250 _ Ibid, note,22. 251 R. S. Lopez,'The foreignersin Byzantium',no.XIV, in idem,Byzantiumandtheworld aroundit: (London institutional 1978)p. 343. relations and economic
207
Ijamdinid family gave him as a gift to a certain Muslim called Fatin who
him, andtaughthim the Ijadith, until he becamean authorityon cultivated Hadith. He told me that his fathercamesecretlyto Baghdadlooking for him, but he gave up when he saw his son involved in 'ilm (religious he and when sawhow stronghis Islamic faith, he returnedhome" study) 253
The authenticity of the narrative is unquestionable,as first hand information and Al-Khat-ib account. al-Baghdddl narrates again, unfortunately with an eyewitness
more ambiguity,the storyof a mancalledConstantineb. 'Abd allahal-Rum-i(i.e. the 254 Byzantine), who was Mawla of the caliph al-M'utamid (870-892/ 256-279H.) who
255The Hadith. becamean authorityon manwasapparentlya Byzantine,thoughwe do him. however, if know One dismiss the any more about cannot, possibility, not the not he former brought Muslim lands, that to was a prisoner war, who of was certainty, he Islam, to when was a child, converted and receiveda proper Islamic probably his Similarly, drew information Byzantium from about al-Mas'iid-i of most education. 256 the Byzantine prisonersof war who convertedto Islam. Christian Arab prisoners in Byzantium Among the large number of Muslim prisoners captured by the Byzantine
Christians. These Christian Arabs Arab there were certainlynot were some armies, in forbids from in Jizya As Islam law them the the taking return of war part soldiers. in been have These knowledge, Arab to they pay. studied prisoners groupsof not, my historical works. recent
252 Comnena Byzantine Muslim father mentions a certain prisonerof war, a was general, whose -Anna Alixiad, ed.B. Leib,1:4, p. 15125-27, AnnaComnena, Englishtrans.E.R.A. Sewter,p. 141. 253Al-Khagibal-BaghdAdl, Tdrikh Baghdad 7, 135. madi-nat p. 254 kind family, free himself Arab to as some slave, or non-Arab wlýo annexed or man a well-known -A of protdgd. 253Al-Khat-ibal-Baghdadl,Tdrlýkh Baghdad, 12, 478. madtnat p. 4, p. 198. 256AI-Mas'Odi,Murt7jal--dhahab, 208
Muslim historiansgive severalexamplesof this category.The Byzantine naval raid against Damietta in 853/ 238H captured a large number of people. More than 1000 Coptic women were among them.257 Again, in 901AD./ 288 H al-Tabarl narrates 258
that a Byzantine raid againstKisfirn capturedsomeArab Christians.
These events,though a few in number, are still completely obscureand it is a further details are known about all the circumstances. that no misfortune Unfortunately, we have no answeras to why the ByzantinescapturedtheseChristians. One can assumethat the languagebarrier, and a supposedByzantine fear of being
tricked, led themto captureall they foundindiscriminately,regardless of anypossible and immediate discrimination betweenMuslim and Christian prisoners.
Here onceagainthereis no informationwhatsoeverabouttheir conditionsin Byzantinelands, and whetherthey were singled out and treatedin a sPecialand different way from the Muslims. In someByzantinemilitary texts there are some being desert lands, Christian is Byzantine that those to concerning who warnings not 259 from This warning could mistrustingthem. enoughto prevent the Byzantines for least Christians Arab, to the at a while. easilyapply One can supposethat they certain to have been separatedfrom the other Muslim prisoners.I do not haveanyevidenceto supportmy hypothesis,but I presume that these Arab Christianswould have been anxious to identify themselves(as Christians)on everypossibleoccasionto securebettertreatment.Supportfor this is found in the narrativeof al-TanUkh7t. On the arrivalof the embassyof the vizier 'AITb. 'Isd, Byzantineauthoritiesseparatedthe Muslim from the Christianmembersof the
'57-Al-Tabarl, Tdrifkh 111,3, P. 1418; al Kildb 'Umara' Tdrilkh 596 2, al-Kindf, pp. -Ya'qabl, -597; , M4r, p. 20 1. 258 TdrLkjh. 111,4, 2205. Al-Tabarl, p. 259. G. Dennis, ThreeByzantineMilitary treatises,p. 121.
209
260 delegation. This could be applied on the treatment of Christian Arabs who were Muslim Recently, Berger prisoners among of war. captured points out the possibility identity for famous Christian in b. Hadin Arab Constantinople, the most a of prisoner Ya4yd, in light of the privileges which he enjoyed, such as visiting the interior of the 261 his Rome. Interestingly, Ibn alapparently risk-free travelling to churches and Muqaffa' narratesthe efforts by the Egyptian church to look after some Byzantine in EUpt. war of prisoners
262
In 986AD./ 376H. in a treaty between $im$dm al-Dawlah of Daylarnite
Bayids,andthe ByzantinerebelBardasSkleros,thereis a termconcerningthe release Christian Arabs, Muslim the the provided they wish to of war, as prisoners well as of 263
land. Muslims to return
Although it is a treaty with a rebel, but it doesreflect
Muslim willingnessandcareto freetheir Christiansubjects. The Muslim authoritieswerewilling to paya ransomor exchangeprisonersto hands. Al-Mas, in Byzantine Udi Christian free Arabs the says, captured who were set for Christians in the the terms the not valid necessarily are exchangesof prisoners 264
Arabs,
but that ChristianArabscould be exchangedin returnfor someByzantine
in terms the traditional of equivalence numberand prisonersof war, regardlessof
260Al-Tan0khT, Nishwdral-Muhadarah,pp. 31-32. 261 Berger, 'Sightseeingin Constantinople: 900-1300', Arab travellers, paper unpublished ca. -A. 2000) April (Birmingham, Byzantine deliveredat the34th.Springsymposium studies of 262 Severus b. 1: 2, 249. Tdrikh, al-Muqaffa', p. 263Al-Qalqajhand!,$ubý al-a"shd,14,pp. 20-24;Al-RudhrawarT, 11, kba ild drib Pha IV p. al-umam, Yl Canard, M. On 116. treaty, Englishtrans.Continuationof the experiences this see the of nations,p. du Proche les Bardas Skidros', in idem, Byzance 'Deux documents X1 musulmans et arabessur no. Orient, Variorum,(London 1973); On the historical backgroundof this treaty, see W. Farag, thetermsof thetreaty Byzantiumandits Muslimneighbours,pp. 71-99.Al-RudhrawarT summarises but doesnot mentionthis specifictermconcerning theChristianArabs. See 164 Muslims. instances Byzantium between aiand were several of exchanges prisoners of -There Mas'adl,al-tanbfhwa al-ishraf, pp. 176-182;H. ZayyAn, al-Asrdtal-Muslmin I bildd al-ri7m,(The Muslim prisonerof war in Byzantinelands)(Cairo 1989)pp. 3248; A. Toynbee,Constantine Porphyrogenitus, pp.390-393. 210
265 intervention This Muslim grade. on behalf of their Christian subjects is in
266 law Islamic with accordance andcustoms. Children as prisoners of war In Byzantine-Muslim warfare, among the innumerableprisoners of war, there were numbers of children taken by both sides. Contemporarysourcesrelate several instancesof capturing Muslim children. Evidently, theseoccurredduring the reigns of the emperors Nikephoros Phokas and John Tzimiskes, and were part of a clear systematicpolicy.
The first Phaseof the policy is narratedby Bar Hebraeuswho saysthat in 959AD./ 348 H "they (i. e. the Byzantines)killed the men who were therein, and made
267 during later, Some the raid on Aleppo the womenandchildren". years captivesof 351 H/ 962, the Byzantinesaskedthe Muslims to surrender3000boys and girls, in for (Aman) the citizens,who refusedsuch an unthinkable of safe conduct return 268 had ffe Once Byzantines the r. control over the city they carriedawaymore than o 10,000
boys and girls.
269
In 969AD. /358 H emperorNicephoros Phokas,in his campaignagainst Syria,
Ibn his Muslim "He to al-Athir children, as narrates, capture more out on way went
265Al-Mas'fid!,al-tanb7hwa al-Lshrdrf, 178. p. 266 the Muslim realm non-Muslimswere not allowedto carry weaponsor to fight. However, -In Muslimswereobligedto protecttheir non-Muslimsubjects.In the earlywavesof Muslimvictories in Syriain the 7h century,whentheMuslimarmyhadto withdrawandevacuate somevillages,they in local Christians had from Jizya, theseplaces, they the the tax which collected returned poll inasmuchas the Arabswereno longerableto protectthem.However,thereare somedifferences betweenthe Muslims' four main legal doctrines(madhahb),on the issueof equalitybetween Muslimandnon-Muslimin the moneyfor ransomandbloodmoney.Similarly,Caliphal-M'utasim refusedto comparethe Muslim prisonersof war with the Byzantineson an equalbasissaying," " Al-MawardT, (Byzantine). Our lord doth notjustify our comparingthe Muslim with a Rohomaye 139. 1, Hebraeus, (Cairo 1973) 102; Bar le 143; Michel 111, Syrien, p. al-aýkdmal-suýtdniyya, p. p. 116-118. 1958) C.f, A. Fattal,Le statutlJgal desnon-Musulmans (Beirut d7slam, pp. enpays 267 Bar Hebraeus, les Arabes, Byzance 1, 166. On Vasiliev, in A. Syria, the et p. struggle northern see 11,1,pp. 363-364. 268 Ibn Miskawayh,Kitdb tajdrib al-umam,6, p. 211. 269 Al-11amaddrill, Takmilattarl-khal-Tabad,p. 181;Ibn al-Ath-ir,al-k4mil,7, p. 3; Ibn al- 'AdTm,p. 1,p. 168. 80;Bar Hebaraeus, 211
270 boys, took only the girls and youths". Bar Hebraeussays,"One hundred thousand
him, for he took neitherold man and maidens, were countedwith prisoners,youths he killed these of some woman; andsomeof them nor old
left',. 27'Byzantine
sources,
himself, Tzimiskes confirm this narrative. In his letter to the Armenian substantially King Ashot III, he says "and our troops took many captives, both children and girl
S,,.
272
One can find more explanationsin the narrativesin Islamic polemical writings. Al-
Qd(yl'Abd al-Jabbaraccusedthe Byzantinesof being ruthlessin capturingMuslim 273 js in His large them narrative extremely numbers. children, and castrating important;he says: They (the Byzantines) omit the circumcision but they castrate the Muslims When their they they children out single capture some children. and castratelarge numbersof them and without giving them any medical In be died. have They the to and pitiful. merciful pretend care, so several first days of Islam they used to keep the (the Muslim) prisonersof war to Islam know for the they them and power of exchangeof prisoners,as use 274 their own weakness.
Similarly, al-Jdýi?,relatesthe bitternessandhatredof the Muslim eunuchsagainst Byzantiumin his time: The asceticismof the eunuchsis invadingthe Rum,andvolunteeringfor Rhadin AdhinahandTars5s,inasmuchastheyarethe oneswho castrated
270 Ibn al-AthTr,al-kamil, 7, p. 34. _ 271 (mentions Hebaraeus, 1, 172; Ibn Zubdat 93 the and narrative same p. aWAdTm, al-galab, p. -Bar the samenumber); Yabya al-AntakTneither mentions such a large number nor makesany allusion to a Byzantine policy of capturing Muslim children. At the same time he does speak about 816. 18, PO Muslim Yahya p. number of prisoners of war", al-Antaki, uncountable 272 Matthew of Edessa,Armenia, p. 29. 273 'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathb7tdald'il al-nubuwah,1,p. 168. -Al-Qdd-I 274 AI-Qd4l'Abd al-Jabbar,TaffihbildahVil al-nubuwah,1,p. 168 212
them. So the wise men think that is becausethey (the Rum) had castrated them, so they are furious with them and very keento take revenge.275
He evendeclaresthat everycastrationin the world is from the Byzantines,who claim 276 but be this to commit merciful, ruthless act, against the spirit of Christianity.
Al-Muqaddas-irelates that Muslims in their raids against Byzantium, used to
looking for eunuchs,who were brought to the flourishing slave storm churches in Muslim the world. This narrative seemsprima facie to be a confusing, but markets in it context with other narratives allows us to reconstruct the fate of examining
Muslim children. As we have seen, the Byzantine armies, particularly in the tenth century,
Muslim great numbers of childrenandcastratedsomeof them. The question captured is, happened to thesechildrenaftermath?Obviously,the an answer what which needs disappeared into them simply obscurity.Someof thesechildren were majority of freedin exchanges of prisonersof war betweenByzantinesandMuslims.Amongthis hated deep had Byzantium, there group against were someeunuchs,who particular The to the of al-Joi?. narrative second group of eunuchs whom alaccording
Muqaddasirefersto weresavedin the Muslim raidsandsoonfoundtheir way into the is into harems, it hence Muslim the though not clearthat all of this slavemarketand last group were of Muslim origins.
The third group,the detailsof whoselives are largelyobscure,includesthose into is baptised Fortunately, Byzantine there one and assimilated society. who were
275 Al-JOiz, al-gayawAn, 1, p. 80. 276 Al-Jgi?, al-,Uayawan, 1, p. 99. -
213
less obscureexample,Samonas,who was "an Agareneby birth", and one of the higher officials in the court of Leo VI. 277
Samonas appears in the Byzantine sources several times; his name was frequently connectedwith Byzantine-Muslim relations. The emperortried to reconcile with rebel Andronicus Ducas, who was in Baghdad, by means of secret message hidden in a candle and carried by a Muslim prisoner whom the emperor befriended. Samonaswarned the Muslim prisoner that he was carrying "Your country's ruin" and
278 deliver him instead to the to the Muslim vizier. secretmessage advised On anotheroccasionSamonas tried to escapeto Syria,to join the Muslim side. The emperor Leo VI ordered him to be returned, investigatedthe whole story, and finally punishedSamonaswith housearrestfor four months.279 One may agreethat it is risky, to suggesta clear religious motive for Samonas'
for is from Muslims. There toward this the almostno concreteevidence any sympathy his first between However, Leo to the the sources. attempt prevent reconciliation of VI and his rival, Andronicus Ducas, may be explained in the light of the personal 280
hostility between Samonasand the Ducas family, as John Skylitzes states.
Yet the
his between his help Muslims to to the to them, and efforts attempt escape connection indicate his deep for the the abandoned sympathyof man religion, and could equally in he (forced? ) the about pose more questions way which converted or was even Christianity. Furthermore, to anothernarrativeof the samecontemporary converted
277 U, Euthymii, 55. R. Jenkins, in idem, Studies Byzantine 'The flight Samonas', X p. on of no. -Vita history, p. 221-222;L. Ryddn,'The portrait of Arab Samonasin Byzantineliterature',GraecoArabic,3 (1984)101-108. 171 G. Monachus,pp. 867-868.SeeJenkins,'The flight of Samonas', 'The P. Karlin-Hayter, 232; p. . history. revoltof AndronicusDucas',no.VI in idem,Studiesin theByzantine political 279 Skylitzes, Synopsis 221; Historiarum, 220Thum, Hans 184, German trans., pp. p. -John Cont.,pp. 369-370;SymeonMagistri,p. 708;Cedrenus, historlarum,11, Theophanes Compendium 264,270.SeeR. Jenkins,'The flight of Samonas'. 280 JohnSkylitzes,Synopsis Historiarum, 227. 190, Thum, German Hans trans., p. p. 214
Byzantine historian, Skylitzes, statesthat Samonas'father was a Muslim man living
in Melitine, who came to Constantinoplein an official delegationto discussan Unlike former faiher Muslim Dikenes the the of prisoners. apostate of emir, exchange Akrites, who managed to persuade his mother and his kinsmen to convert to 281 immigrate Byzantium, Samonas, in a deeply questionable Christianity and to father his Syria Christianity, to to to to return persuaded after and not convert gesture, the old man, accordingto Byzantine sources,seeingthe luxurious life of his son in the 282 decided had in Christianity Constantinople. imperial court, to convert to and stay
Undoubtedly,sucha narrativecould easilyconfirm Samonas sidingwith Muslims,or his Islam. least towards sympathy at There are still some unansweredquestionsconcerning Samonas.If we accept
brought him hypothesis somehowto the as a child who was which portrays Byzantium,wherehe wascastratedandbaptised,onemayask,how he recognisedhis father,after manyyears?Why did his fatherparticularlycomein this embassy?Was it just a coincidenceor did the old man wish to seehis son there?Was there any is family? Unfortunately his between Samonas there no explicit and previouscontact been in have his He in to captured the seems contemporarysources. answer family, knew his his Muslim kept have to who contact with andsomehow adolescence in Byzantine the court. rank In sum,a virtual chronologicalline goesthroughof the life of Samonas(circa in Muslim (d. 869 D) A. 900), the narrativeof al-Jdbi?, children on the castrationof Byzantiumandthe policy of NicephorosPhokas(963-969)andJohnTzimiskes(969976), of capturing Muslim children; all these indicate clearly, that systematic
281 DigenesAkrites,pp. 56-58. 282.JohnSkylitzes,Synopsis Historiarum,p. 189,Gennantrans.,HansThum,p. 226. 215
Byzantine policy of castratingMuslim children, lastedfor almost one century. Yet we
do not know exactlythe lengthof this practice. In contrast, there are some casesof Byzantine children who were carried to Muslim lands, convertedand educatedas Muslims. The most prominent examplethis is Leo the Tripoli, a naval admiral, who sacked the city of Thessalonicain 904 / 291H. Leo was bom to Christian parents,in Attalia, in Asia Minor, and then a Syrian Muslim fleet from Tripoli captured him. Later he grew up in the house of a rich Muslim called Zurafa. He converted to Islam, and took a substantial part in the Muslim fighting againstByzantium.283 Byzantine slave-women
Sincethe first military clashbetweenMuslim andByzantineforces,duringthe life of Mubammadhimself,Byzantinewomenweremuchsoughtafter asbooty in the 284 in Ironically, in his boastingpoem against Arab the tenth the century war. poet, Byzantines,scoffed at them, saying that their slave-girlswere available in large in lands, Arabic became the and even stagnant(in the slavemarket),because numbers 285 Arab the girls were more charming.
However,it is noteworthythat Islamiclaw (Shafl'ah)allows Muslim men to 286 have In long-lasting their them the non-Muslim slave girls or as concubines. marry
Skylitzes, John Synopsis Historlarum, 182, German Thum, 219; Thepoahnes Hans trans., p. p. historiarum,11,pp. 261-262.SeeW. Farag,'Someremarks Compendium Cont.p. 366; Cedrenus, in 904',BZ 82 (1989)pp. 135-136. on Leo of Tripoli's attackon Thessaloniki 284.Ibn Isb5q,Thelife ofMuýammad, p. 260 285N. 'Abd al-114man,ShVral-firi'maa al-ri7m,(thepoetryof thestrugglewith Rum),p. 258. 286 Qur'An Those "The Believers this (eventually) through, explains clearly: who win must -The in their prayers;Who avoidvain talk; Who areactivein deedsof charity;Who humblethemselves abstainfrom sex;Exceptwith thosejoined to themin the marriagebond,or (the captives)whom for (in their case)they are free from blame, " 23: 1-6.an otherverseit their right handspossess, confirmsthis right with emphasison the slavegirls h.asto be believers(it doesnot indicatebeing Muslimshere)"If any of you havenot the meanswherewithto wed free believingwomen,they may wed believinggirls from amongthosewhomyour right handspossess:and Allah hath full knowledgeaboutyour faith. Ye areonefrom another:wedthemwith theleaveof their owners,and dowers, their them accordingto what is reasonable: they shouldbe chaste,not lustful, nor give 216
warfare betweenByzantium and Muslims, and the frequent Arab raids on Byzantine
lands, which occurredalmost every year, the numberof Byzantineslave-women 287
increased. gradually
In Arabic poetry there are severalallusions to these Byzantine slave girls and
their increasingnumber. Al-Qaffal al-Shasha7i refutes the emperorNikephoros's schadenfreudeover Muslim women in Byzantine captivity. He says: You dwell too long on the issueofwomen's (captivity) nile we havea million ofyours either as servantsor slave girls 288 . Al-Mutanab-i saysin his panegyricon Sayf al-Dawlah: Whenevera virgin in their lands dreams Shewill dream ofcaptivity and a came1289
On anotheroccasionhe describestheriver fleet of Sayfal-Dawlah From braidshe twistedropesoverit (Iheflýet), 290 Out of (wooden? ) crosseshe built theshipsfor it .
It is almost impossibleto find accuratestatisticsof the numbersinvolved, however many of these girls found their way to the houses of caliphs, emirs and
Some became Umm (mother them of soon walad of a child), a situationthat nobles. distinguished the them position of concubine and somehow role at the court, a gave her The Arabic the throne the if son ascended of caliphs. sourcesgive a especially long list of caliphsand emirs,as well as someof the distinguishedmen born from taking paramours:when they are taken in wedlock, if they fall into shame,their punishmentis half that for free women. This (permission) is for those among you who fear sin; but is better for you that ye practise self-restraint. And Allah is Oft-Forgiving, Most Merciful." 4: 25. See also alMAwardT,al-aWm al-sulldniyya, pp. 135-136.
187
indicate clearly that the Muslims during the first Muslim century considered sources -Arabic marriage to slave-girls a vice and a shameful act for a free man, in spite the fact that Mubammad the prophet himself had married a slave girl sent to him as a present from Egypt. But gradually Arabs later began to marry these concubines, and the offspring of these women became prominent member of the Muslim society, which encouraged others to marry their concubines. Ibn Qutaybah, 'Ui7n al-akhbdr, 4, p. 8.
289 Tabaqdt "Iyyah, 2, Granebaum, Tine 182; German G. translation, al-shafi p. poetische -Al-SubkT, Polemik', p. 61, no. 83. 289 N. 'Abd al-Rhman,Shir al-slrd'maa al-ram, p. 233. -
217
29 1 Greek mothers. Notwithstanding these huge numbers, their effect on Byzantine-
Muslim relationsand on Muslim attitudestowardsChristianitydoesnot seemvery Nevertheless, large Byzantine the that al-Jdbi? points number slaveof effective. Muslim helped improve to to the reputation of the married who rulers women 292 laity. Muslim Christians amongthe It is well known from the Arabic sourcesthat some of these women (Umm influences besthad became The their they considerable on caliphs. sons when walad)
293 is figure Qabliýah, known a Byzantineslave girl and mother of the caliph alMu'tazz. Al-Mas'ad-Inarratesthat this womanwasthe main powerbehindaffairs of 294 her between it is impossible find Yet to and the the state. almost any connection from her kind Byzantium, towards of sympathy or any with caliph's relations Christiansubjectsof the Caliph.Most likely thesewomen,onceconvertedto Islam, life harem. in daily the the of engagedonly Unfortunately,there are only a very few known cases connectedwith Byzantium, in this context. The prince and poet Abri Firds al-HamaddnT,who was a 295 long in H 962ADASI Byzantine and wrote poems woman, was captured son of a
he his he in However, treated his even called well; was experiences captivity. on 296 important is It "my the that caliph al-Mu'ta4id was more uncles". captors
"'
232 Shir Abd N. p. al-Rtimftn, al-sird'ma'al-ri7m, -
191 E.g. al-Wathiq (842-847/ 227-232); al-Musta'Tn (862-866 / 248-252); al-Mu'tazz (866-869/ 252255) whose mother was a famous Byzantine slave girl called Qabliýa; al-MuhtAd-I (869-870/ 255256); al-Mu'ta4id (892-902/ 279-289); al-Muqtadir (908-932/ 296-320). See al-TabarT, passim; Mas'[IdL Muru-y al-dhahab, passim; al-Suyutfi, Tdrikh al-khulafa", pp. 272,285,287,291,303,312; Ibn Taght-I BardT, 3, p. 27 1; Ibn Rustah, p. 213. 292 Al-JOiZ, al-radd 'ald al-Naýdrd, p. 16. 293.QabIbah female Arabic adjective means ugly. She may have been given such an epithet because of her extraordinary beauty, as a traditional custom among Arabs, which has lasted to the present day in some rural areas especially in Egypt. 2, Baghdad 294 Lshrafi, TdfiýAkh 332; pp. madi-nat al-tanbih wa al-, p. al-Khat-ib al-Baghdadr, -Al-Mas'Odf, ,
121-126. 295 Ibn al-Atyir, al-Mmil, 7, p. 5. 296 Diwan abi Firds, 11,247.SeeN. 'Abd al-Rahman,ShI'r al-sird'maa 218
al-rum, p. 284.
29 Greek fluently; he learnt it from his Greek speaking most probably reportedly .7
Greek in harem. the slave other girls and mother The most prominent example of these Byzantine slave-girls is the wife of al'A; ffz bi Allah, the Fatimid caliph (975-996AD./ 365-386H.). We are informed that this woman was a Byzantine slave woman brought with her family to Egypt, and had taken the position of Umm walad in the caliph's Harem. She maintained her religion 298 Melkite had Christian least far is (at known). two and she a children so as 299 her intolerant in history. Islamic Surprisingly, son was al-Udkim, the most ruler the
It is beyonddoubt that, this lady and her daughterSitt al-Mulk, usedtheir influence Christians; Melkites the to the the caliphs upon support presumably strong
300 her influence daughter first As the this their powerful and of woman priority. were increased,two membersof the samefamily ascended the throneof the Patriarchiesof 301
/ 390H. / I OOOAD. 375 H. Alexandria Jerusalem 985AD. the east, and
However, it is not known exactly how this woman and her family were brought together to Egypt; seemingly they were captured in Muslim naval raids, 302 Egypt. brought Byzantine to of war prisoners several which
Unfortunately,lessis known aboutthe Byzantineslavegirls who married,or both Most Muslims. forced the them to on of sources sides give common marry, were Byzantine Ydq5t However, that when al-Ijamawl-narrates armies only scantattention. deserted Muslim Byzantine their the new men and women al-MaýTiPh, stormed
297 Al-$abi', Hilal, Rusi7smddr al-khilifa, pp. 88-89. 299 Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Milkh, 11:2, p. 113. . 299.Severusb. a]-Muqaffa', Tdfikh, 11;2, p. 113. 300 Egyptian Coptic Melkites, bitterly for took the some writer who records about support -The from the Copts,Severusb. al-Muqaffa', Tarilkh,11:2, p. 113. churches 301 b. al-Muqaffa', TdrUh, 11:2, p. 113; Yabya al-AntakT, 164-197; S. Mubamild, AN at-Severus Zimmahfi Mi§r, pp. 32-33. 302.Seefor exampleal-MaqrTzT, Itti'A?, 1,p. 282.
219
back to their previous life and religion. Someof thesewomen took their to go chosen 303 Christians to them Byzantines. grow up as children with amongthe
303 yaqat, Muyam al-Bulddn, 111,pp. 526-527. 220
Chapter Four Byzantine polemic against Islam: A historical view
It is unquestionable that Byzantine anti-Muslim polemic was born and former in in Byzantine Syria Egypt, the provinces and where the seventhelaborated century Christian thinkers, such as Sophroniosof Jerusalemand Anastasiosof Sinai, had to face and explain the phenomenonof Islam, which accompaniedthe rapid and decisive victories of the Muslim armies. Obviously, as I have shown in chapter 1, they were not fully acquaintedwith Islam or its teachings.The main task for them facing Islamic but in the that at ovo early stage, not polemic, which was was certainly
did in light Islamic In Bible. they the the the to sum, victories of not rather explain face Islamic debates,only the defacto challengeof the stunningMuslim triumphs.
The Melkite Arabic writers aroundthe monasteryof St. Sababeganas early Islam. The that to the monasterywere, one may century examine monks of eighth as being between bridge Byzantium Islam. While subjects of the new a and presume, Muslim authorities and facing daily challengeson the ground of faith, they kept to a
form in degree the of relations mother warm with church some certain Constantinople.Presumably,the knowledge, as well as rumours, of Islam and before long Muslimsfound their way to Constantinople, time any polemicalwork a in Consequently, Byzantine Byzantium. the polemicalworks, pioneering appeared began in Greek lands Byzantine to control, and produced were written in under which imitating his Christian John Damascus Melkite Arabs, the of and appearslowly, discipleTheodoreAbi! Qurah. Byzantine polemic against Islam diversified in several forms, from fully
dedicatedtreatises,to mere pages or allusionswithin historical works, or just 221
desultory insinuationwithin a few hagiographicaltexts. While the previous categories
letters for Christian there a reader, are somealleged reportedly were mostlywritten is its It has Muslim that the these to side. noteworthy eachof own unique works sent features, orientation, aims and style. But the question is, can we divorce this war of Byzantine-Muslim from The the ongoing military and political relations? words imply look a new and examinationof eachwork, the authors and their answer would if between the the two antagonisticworlds. any, with warfare connection, In the period of this thesis (843-1025), there are relatively a few polemical
in dedicated devoted Islam. fully The their against parts of majority works or a works few cases,just madesomeallusionsagainstIslam incidentallywithin other works. Niketas of Byzantium The main work against Islam is a lengthy treatise attributed to an almost it is Byzantium. Undoubtedly, Niketas the most accurate of called author unknown
in Ironically, Byzantine Islam the world. apart concerning work and comprehensive from the relatively wide attention which his treatise received from modem scholars, him. is is known Who Niketas Byzantium? It about was of not an easy almost nothing
be his life. Niketas to the man seems available about and evidence and no question, himself said nothing about his life nor madeany chronologicalallusion'thatwould helpto identifythe historicalbackgroundof the text. It is an immensetask,however, information in light lack life Niketas, the the the of any relevant to examine of on of his life. A Ph.D. thesishasbeendevotedentirelyto Niketasandhis works. In spiteof in his thesis,Nicetasof Byzantiumand the intensivediscussionof J. M. Dernetriades his encounterwith Islam, he has almost nothing to say about the life of Niketas. Someother modem scholarshad focusedsomelight on Niketas,but noneof them
222
had genuine additions to say about the personality of Niketas, just hypothesesand
ideaswithout the supportof any historicalsourceson Niketas.2
Most
of the modem
in however, Niketas tend to the put ninth century,as a contemporaryand scholars, disciple of Photios, on the ground of some linguistic similarity between the two 3 he by is Photios It known though never mentioned name. even well writers, however, that parts of Niketas' treatise against Islam were translated into Latin and 4 (or in Etherianus Etriano, Hugh by Pisan) the twelfth century. a used Niketas' works against Islam consisted of two parts, his lengthy treatise (anatrope) againstIslam, and two letters reportedly sent to Muslims to reply to and letters. his Muslim began He treatise with a panegyric unknown previous some refute
inaccurate by followed (Michael Christian III), table the an of emperor pious of by his faith, followed Christian the argumentsagainst contents,and expositionof 5 Qur'dn, the as well astwelve generalpoints. of chapters selected The other part of the work is two letterS6,was written in reply to alleged Muslim letters sent to the emperor Michael III by an unknown Muslim. J. Demetriades argues convincingly that the writer of the anatrope, supposedto be
Niketas of Byzantium,was not the samewriter of the two repliesto the alleged Muslim letters.He built his hypothesison the ground of the differenceof the style
Niketasdid mentionthe nameof theemperorMichaelIII, asif hewerehis sponsor,but thekind of languageusedto describethe piousChristiansovereign,hardly couldbe appliedto suchperson like Michael. I
byzantins,pp. 110- 127; H. Beck, Kirche und TheologischeLiteratur, p. Les Khoury, th6ologiens -A. 530. A. Mai, Novae patrum biblitheca, 10 vols. (Rome 1842-1905)4, pp. 321-322, cited in PG, 105, cols. 666-670, English translation, J. Demetriades,Niceta ofByzantiums, appendix I, pp. 151-158; K. Krumbacher, Geschichteder byzantinischenLiteratur, I, pp. 49-50,79,90; W. Eichner, 'Die Nachrichten fiber Islam bei den Byzantinern', Der Islam, XMII (1936) p. 138; H. Beck, Kirche und TtheologischeLiteratur, p. 530; A. Khoury, Les th6ologiensby7antins,pp. 110-112. 4 Hcrgcnr6thcr, Photius, Patriarch von Constantinopel,II, p. 645; Cited by J. Demctriades,Nicetas -J. of Byzantium, p. 5 Niketas, Refut. cols. 669-805.See the general analysis of J. Demctriades,Niketas of Byzantium, passim. Niketas, Refut, cols. 807-842.
223
in between Christian both two the the terminology tone works, as well as used and
7 dissimilar. texts,whichwasconsiderably As with most of the alleged dialogues and letters between Muslims and Christians, there are several reasonsto be sceptical about the authenticity of these letters, is Muslim Byzantine Firstly, their there as well as reply. no other alleged historical evidencewhatsoeverto support the existenceof such letters. On the other hand, the fragments of two letters (we do not have even their full text) are poor in their theological arguments, compared with any other contemporary well-known Muslim treatises.They simply reflect knowledge of a Christian rather than a Muslim theologian. Furthermore, the alleged passageof a secondMuslim letter that is "it is lawful and perýnissibleto kill anyonebelieving that God has a partner who is equal in 8 be hardly (i. Christians, ByzantineS),, the the acceptedas a precisely could power e.
letter from Such Muslim the sent a passagewas written to polemical side?. of part letter, Muslim it Christian the to the to the refute opportunity counterpart as give 10 instances. occurredin other
7
hadbeensupportedby other Byzantium, 104-116. The Nicetas Demetriades, theory pp. of same -J. der byzantinischen Islam Lichte Polemik, 3 2; Der C. Gfitcrbock, im p. see scholars
837,1. SeeJ. Demctriades,Nicetas ofByzantium. p. 75. , - Niketas, Refut. col., 836 53-47;
letter Constantine Harrin to Compare the the the tone the of caliph emperor of al-RashTd soft with VI; as well as the letter attributed to the caliph 'Umar II which was sent the emperorLeo Ill. 10 b. (the Isbaq between (the Muslim) 'Abd dialogue al-Kindl al-Hashiml al-Masiý and -The alleged Christian) in which the Muslim letter seemsto be written to promote Islam, but insteadgave more hints and chancesfor the Christian reply. Al-Kindl and HashimT,Risilat 'AbdAllah ibn 'Ism.Vil alH&himill, f Abd al-Masffi b. Ispiq al-Kindryad'Mu bihf ila al-IsIft, wa risilat A bd al-Masffi ilff ibn 'Abd Allah bihJ 'alayhi flif (the message of wa yad'Mu al-Na§rjniyyah, al-HAýhimryaruddu 'IsmA'T1al-HAshimTto 'Abd al-Mao bin Isbaq al-Kind-i, in which he invites him to embraceIslam and the response'Abd al-Mas-th,to al-HishimT, inviting him to embracethe Christianity) cd. Bible Lands Missions, Aid Society(London 1912).
224
Firstly Niketas, as J. M. Demetriadespointed out, had omitted the first Sura
11 Qur'an. It is noteworthythat this Sura and the allegedsuspicion (chapter)of the 12 in its internal Muslim polen-k within the realm. about authenticityplayed a part the Niketas certainly had the widest and most accurate knowledge of Islam in Byzantium. He was very acquainted with the whole text of the Qur'An. Several had pointed out the possibility of the existenceof a Greek translation scholars modem 13 book, Muslim Niketas. Presumably this sacred which was available to of the translation, if it does exist, was made by a certain Christian Arab, among the huge
Christian Arabs, fled Melkite, the the the Muslim authority especially of who number Byzantium. Alternatively improbably, to escaped and our unknown translator and
be in Muslim Christianity Byzantium, to converted a who and stayed andused could his knowledgeof the Qur'dn. Niketas did refer to some former Muslims who in knowledge Byzantium, him and stayed who provided some with on the converted Muslims' life and practices, especially the pilgrimage at Mecca. Yet his account is deliberately far from by him Niketas the to truth, or give altered a chanceto certainly
14 Muslim In Niketas having the the creed. of against spite claims of of mock a "-J. M. Demetriades,Nicetas ofByzantium, p. 20, note 1. 12 first Muslim in Constantinople theologian the the tenth century, who visited -Al-BaqllW, remarkably devoted most of his works to defend the Qur'An. He dealt with the claims against authenticity of some short Surasof the Qur'an, though he did not mention Niketas of Byzantium, but he challengedthe sametheory of Niketas. SeeChapter6. 13 A. Khoury, Les th6ologiensbyzantins,pp. 119-120. idols, God "Among favours ýaQ the two them, the number of of says especially and -Niketas Marwa" and " he orders them to walk aroundthis most contaminatedbuilding, and as one of them, convertedto Christianity, says,there is in the centre of the building a sitting idol" and Muslims " bow down their headsand raise one of their handsup, keepingthe other down, and run arounduntil they fall down from dizzinese' Niketas, Refut, cols. 72o C. Partial English trans. J. M. Demetriades,Nicetas of Byzantium, p. 35. C.f. A. Khoury, Les th6ologiensbyzantins,p. 144; W. Eichner, 'Die Nachrichten fiber den Islam bei den Byzantinern', p. 57. While both Khoury and Demetriades have referred briefly to the misinterpretation of Niketas' text, Eichner relatively elaborated,yet not sufficient, in explaining the real Muslim practice. The ýafa and Marwa, (which I have seen)are two small hills by the Meccan shrine, and Muslim who visit the Holy Mosque (either for Haj or 'Umrah), should trot betweenthesetwo hills seven times, in the memory of Hajar, who (accordingto the Muslim tradition) cameto this barren spotof Arabia with her son Ishmael, and after running out of water, ran betweenthesehills severaltimes until a water well (known as Zainzam) miraculously emanatedfrom under her son feet. Howeverit is reportedthat the pre-Islamic Arabs usedto erecttwo statueson thesehills and pray to them. This
225
knowledge, his for his Muslim Muslim the source account of as a pilgrims' converted built John Damascus Mecca" the of of who on notion obviously was practices at
dealtwith issueandtried to explainthe MuslimIjaE. 16 hand, have On the other we a unique narrative of al-JatiiZ, speaking of a
b. Arab YOnis book Hdr(in, Christian the an anti-Muslim under who wrote certain king (i. his ROm Byzantine the the of after e. emperor), presumably patronage of immigration or escape to Byzantium. This narrative comes in the zoology 17 before / 847AD. 233H. of al-Jaýiz, which was written sometime encyclopedia Significantly, it is a precise date, which lies just before the supposeddate of the however, has had Niketas' This polemical work. almost unique narrative, writings of
in his from Graf G. that man scholarly omitted modem scholars. no attention did Geschichte der Literatur, L. Cheikho, in as christlichen arabischen encyclopaedia 18 in Islam. Christian Arab his encyclopediaon the writers and viziers the realm of LikewiseA. Khoury in his numerousworks on the ByzantinepolemicagainstIslam"
before Arabs Islam. its The have Byzantium through those contacts with other reached may practice (Tawao, which was mentionedin Nikctas' treatise, is sevenrounds of walking around the Ka'ba, which is a cubic building in the middle of the Meccan mosque.The Muslim visitors should lead following kiss it they to the their times, the prophet were asked and of seven circurnambulate black stone, which is fixed inside one of its external comers, and if not able to do becauseof the Genesis, for Qur'An, 22: 29. 21: 14-20.There hands 2: 158; their they cf. greetings. may raise crowd is enormousliterature on this subject.On the pilgrimage in Islam, seeIbn Haiar al-'AsqalW, Fatý See 482-759. R. Firestone, 3, (book fithe of pilgrimage) pp. Eharp sahih al-Bukhjri, al-biri 'Abraham's journey to Mecca in Islamic exegesis:A form-critical study of a tradition', SI 76 (1992) pp. 5-24 According to the Qur'An the non-Muslims (literary polytheists)are not allowed to enter of Muslim holy city of Mecca. "0 ye who believcl Truly the polytheistsare unclean; so let them not, after this huge in Sacred 9: 28. This fact the the theirs, created a gap mosque' seemingly of approach year Christian knowledge of the Muslim Haji, and equally gave a chanceto the Cluistian polemicists (Certainly those who lived outside the realm of Islam) to deal with this practice with a unique On byzantine, 275-281; ignorance. fide See A. Khoury, Polemique the pp. and mixed of mala repercussionof this practice in the Latin west, seeB. Septimus, 'Petrus Alfonsi on the Cult at Mecca', Speculum,56 (1981) pp. 517-533. A CAS WJA &W 16 tAz 00 u-4ii Iva yjJ YXU ýjA of Al-Ja4iz, 4, 143.0-11 Vi p. al-&yawan, y_6Aj "Yonis b. Haran has written a book for the king of Ram, on the imperfection of the Arabs and the blemishesof Islam, in his claime' D. M. Hawke (London 1969)p. The life from C. Pellat, English French, trans. works and ofJoiz, 10. 18 L. Cheikho, WuzarXal-A`a§rJniyyawa kutjbihJftal-1sl&n, 622-1517(Bicrut 1987). 19 Seethe bibliography. 226
did not make use of this book of al-Jdýi?. Similarly, this narrative escapedthe notice
(with bibliography Caspar R. others) a comprehensive of the who published of 20 dialogues. On the other hand, there is no solid ground for doubts Muslims-Christian have had known to this al-Jahiz, as was certainly narrative, an authority and well a on (anti Arabic movement),among the of movement of al-Shu'fibiyya special awareness the non-Arabs,either Muslims or not, which was propagatedduring his lifetime. Unfortunately there is no sufficient information on the identity of that Christian writer who worked for the Byzantine service. One may hypothesisthat,
however, he was one of those unknown bilingualswho travelled, willingly or between hostile knowledge the two worlds acquired and of both obligatorily, languages2l,and that man translated the Muslim sacredbook into Greek. If, indeed,
this Yanisb. HdrUndid translatethe Qur'dn,onemaypresumethat on that translation Niketas built his polemic against Islam. However, the Greek languagewas gradually in decline among the Christian communities in Palestinein the middle of the tenth 22It seemsthat, YUnis b. Hdr(in was not originally an Arab, inasmuch he as century.
dedicatedpart of hiswork againstthe Arabs. If the narrativeof al-Jatiz, is to be trusted, it indicatesclearly a policy of Byzantine empire to encourageor sponsor some Chnstian Arabs who escapedfrom
the Muslim lands,or even,yet on a smallerscale,the Muslimswho immigratedor inunigrate, forced Christianity, to their to to use and converted previous were knowledge of Islam in the service of Byzantium.More important this alleged R. Casparet al., 'Bibliographiedu dialogueIslamo-Chrdtien',Islamochristiana,1 (1975)pp. 125181. 21 Amongthosebilingual ChristianArabswho emigratedfrom the Muslim lands,we know Qistab. Luqa,a Melkite writer, who speaksboth Arabicand Greekfluently,and immigratedto Armenia. SeeIbn al-Nad-im,al-f1hrist,p 295. 22 On the Greeklanguagein the Muslim landsseeS. H. Griffith, 'From Aramaicto Arabic: the languages of Monasteriesof Palestinein the ByzantineandearlyIslamicperiod',DOP,51 (1997) in pp. 11-31;D. Gutass,Greekthought,Arabic culture: the Graeco-Arabictranslationmovement Baghdadandearly Abb&idsociety (2"ý-4tAl?-10 centuries)(London1998)pp. 11-16. 227
Christian Arab theologian could be the main source of Niketas and other Byzantine
theologiansin their polen-ksagainstIslam. On the otherhand,Niketasmadesomeobviousmistakesin his readingof the QurIn. Evidently these were causedby ignoranceof the Arabic language.The most 23
is his Arabic by he the conception of word al-ýamad, mistake which saw common 24 God as a solid material. Another Arabic word, which he the Muslim's Imisinterpreted as well, is the word 'alaq, which he interpreted as leech, and human being from the the the strange notion of attributed creation of a consequently 25 Qur'dn. There are, yet more mistakesand misunderstandings,some of leech to the by out modem works. which were pointed
Oncemore,Niketasfelt free to alter Qur'dnictext "0 ye who believe!Eat of do lawful follow footsteps Satan for he is the the and good; and not of earth what on that the the is to you an avowedenemy"", to a differentversionin which he assumes " dogs is Muslim to Qur'dn allows eat whatever on the earth, even or wolves. this sharpalterationandthe cleardistortionof the Qur'dnicverses, Notwithstanding, , dealt failed deformation in that text to this who with recognise scholars the western did Migne I Demetriades Qur'dnic Both to and exact refer verse, their writings. (2: 168), while A. Khoury referred to other one (2: 170ý173). But ironically none of
The discussed 23 Kathir ) the this the Ibn to all possible of meanings word. word means master 41 .(", it in did in (the tribulation, the and appear poetry standardcriterion pre-Islamic seek people whom few Arabic by While language) this times. Arabic meaning several a grammariansexplain the of drink). Ibn Kathir, Tafsk, CD-Rom (Cairo 1995). does cd. eat or not thatword aswho 24 Niketas, 785; for a full discussionon that point seeD. Sahas,'Holosphyros?A Byzantine in Muhammad' Y. Y. Haddad, Haddad, (eds. Christian-Afuslim God W. Z. ) the of perceptionof Encounters(UniversityPressof Florida 1995)pp.109-125;J. Meyendorff,'Byzantineviews of Islam', p. 122. 25 " Proclaim(or read)in the nameof thy Lord andcherisher,who createdthe man,out of a (mere) 'Abdullah Yfisuf 'All's latest In by ('alaq)", blood translation. the translation the edited congealed ifta', Call " 1990) Proclaim in Islamic (KSA (or the the researches, and guide read) of presidency Qur'An, leech-like ('alaq)" 96: 1Lord the created man, thy cherisher, who out clot and of of name 2 26 186; 2: -Qurlan, Nicetasof4yzantium,p. 36; cL 27 Nikctas,Refut,cols.720-721, partialEnglishtrans.Demetriades, A. Khoury,Lesthgologiensby7antins,p. 144. 228
them did notice, the sharp misrepresentationof the text, and they just referred their
(not if Qur'dnic it is the text) the to the number of verses without comment, as readers Niketas. text of same
On an other occasionthe alterationof the Qur'dnic text, ironically was not by Byzantine Niketas but by J. Demetriadesthe modem researcher, the author, made
(or at leastthe translatorof the Qur'dn, on whom he depended)this requiresa short discussion.Verses 5:46, speak on Jesusand his book, (al-Inj-il) which is the guidance fear light Allah. in ".. footsteps We sent Jesus son of those their who of and and Mary, confirming the Torah that had come before him: We sent him the Gospel: therein was guidance and an admonition to those who fear Allah". While the translation of Demetriadesgives to the text another,different purposeand completely
it. " is It Jesus, Mary, the the fulfilmentof all the previousprophets says: son of alters he law is is bearer light Gospel, the there and of guidance, of where and and for The Arabic ýýJ mankind"28 word righteousness .
(thosewho fear Allah), was
in it he Demetriades' if it to to translation, mankind alluded as and altered was 29 latter had it Niketas', while the translated perfectly right. To sum up, Niketas followed, yet to a larger scale, the lead of John of Damascus.He had the same mistakes in his understandingof some Islamic rites,
its he in have Yet, Mecca. to the and practices proved pilgrimage, wider especially knowledge accurate more of the Qur'dn, than any other Byzantine and relatively his it is implausible light In to the severalmistakesandmisunderstandings, of author. 30 himself knew is language fluently. likely he Niketas Arabic It that the more suppose
had accessto a Greektranslation,ostensiblymadeby a certainChristianArab, or at 18 Demetriades,Nicetas ofByzantium, p. 4 1. 'SýYTJCIV Kal iTrayyEX(aV ,9- Niketas, Refut col. 737 B. (EiS t0 9
229
TdS CPOPOVPiVOIS)
best a new convertto Christianity,amongthe thousandswho were importedinto Byzantinelandsin the ninthandtenthcentury. Still yet, as one may suggest,there are some scepticalas well as unanswered Niketas. indeed, If, regarding we accept the common and widely questions Niketas in theory the ninth century, we have some of putting sometime established did Why Byzantine sourcespay him no heed, or at least make to answer. questions his of rich work against Islam, the traditional enemy of Byzantium? use substantial The only exception however is the Byzantine theologian Euthymios Zigabinos who
limited Niketas did by Niketas use of work, yet not mention made name,andequally he could haveused somecommon sourceswhich Niketas himself had used as well.31 Anna Comnenathe imperial princessseemsnot to have seenhis work at all;32 her discussions followed Islam on systematicallythe traditional pattern of remarkably
Byzantinepolemic,significantlywithout help from Niketas' work, which cast some doubtson the authenticityof Niketas' work, or on the theory which put him in the least in his the century, or at on availabilityof ninth work Byzantium,evenin the imperial court. Furthermore, when the emperor John Kantakouzenos (1347-1354)
he Qur'dn, to the study used a Greek translation made from a Latin needed 33 Manuel11Palaiologos(1391-1425)did not translation. More importanthis successor
30 This againstthe notionof A. Khoury,who hypothesiscs knew Arabic lie Nikctas fluently, that and wasableto translatehimselftheQur'dnicverses,seeA. Khoury,Lesth6ologienshyzantins,p. 120. 31 A. Khoury,Lesth6ologienshyzantins,p. 236. 32 dealt in Islam Anna her in far from only short with points she over was clearly any which work, real knowledge of Islam, as she made Muslim worships Moammad, and she summariscdthe traditional Byzantine views on Islam and Muslim rites in Mecca, following the lead of John of Damascusand other later Byzantine theologians.Anna Comncnna,A16xiad, cd. B. Leib, 11:6, p. 8112-18 ; liv. 10, p. 208, English trans. ERA. Sewtcr,p. 212,3 10
33
'Byzantine The Mcycndorff, Pelikan, Islam', 123; J. views spirit of the eastern of p. -J. Christendom, p. 229. 230
Niketas John Kantakouzenos, to the and at all only referred emperor even mention
34 lack Islam. hintedto the of polemicalworks against On the Muslim side, we have only one Muslim theologianwho visited Constantinoplein the tenth century and reportedly debatedwith the Byzantine clergy. Very significantly, al-Baqilldrff devoted most of his works defendingthe Qur'dn. One if he had discussions in Constantinople that would certainly be ever may wonder lengthy in his Furthermore, treatises. one would expect that the Byzantine reflected debated him, have with would made use of Niketas' work. clergy who
Notwithstanding,as I will show in the next chapter,there were some similarities between his works and that of Niketas, but the similarities are too limited to indicate 35
Niketas These facts, Byzantine awareness of work. on and Muslim al-Baqilldtff's doubts more on the authenticityof Niketas' work as a ninth-tenth side as well, cast Byzantine poletnic. century Polemical passageswithin the historical works While a few Byzantine theologians, like Niketas of Byzantium dedicated Islarn, against works entirely others paid only scant attention to the special
historical inserted Islam by The their works. of within polemicalsection phenomenon Theophanesthe Confessor, in his Chronographia,concerning the origin of Mubammadand someshortpolemicalnotices,in which he dealtvery briefly with the 36 become Muslim life, had Muslim notion of paradiseand sexual a cornerstoneand tradition in Byzantinehistoriography.Henceforth,it was copiedand reproducedby Byzantine writers,with slightlyvaryingchangesandadditions. several
Manuel II Palaiologus,Dialoge mit einemMuslim, cd. with parallel German trans. Karl Fdrstel (Altenberge 1993)p. 6. 33 For a detailed study of al-Baqillani's works seenext chapter,pp. 281-292. 36 Theophanes,Chronographia, 1, pp. 333-334, trans. C. Mango and R. Scott, pp. 464-465. -
231
The first and most reliable reproduction of Theophaneswork was the work of
GeorgeMonachosHamartolos,yet reworkedwith muchanger,fierce andvehement language.GeorgeMonachos used both works of Theophanes,John of Damascusand 37 formulate his polemic againstIslam. First, he dealt with Germanos, to the patriarch XaSty4 his Mubammad, (Khad1ja), life to the of marriage origin a rich widow and in he journeys Palestine Christian Jewish his to the which came and across and 380n the revelation to Mubammad, George narrates the traditional scriptures. 39 intervention Mubammad Christian notion of the alleged epilepsy of the of a and false Christian (Arian) monk to interpret this illness as the effect of the divine 40 by brought Muh. Gabriel George soon turns to the to ammad the angel revelation .
favouritethemesof the Byzantinepolemic;I -meanthe Muslim notion of the future life in paradise4land Muslim sexuallife, which he copiedalmostverbatimfrom his 42 his language. addingonly vehement predecessors,
37
Claudippoleos, Ep. Thoman; PG 98,168 A-D. English J. trans. ad episcopum -Germanos, Mendham,The seventhEcumenicalcouncil (London 1849)pp. 230-232.C.f R. G. Hoyland, SeeingIslamas otherssawit, pp. 103-107. 38 Thcophanes, Chronographia, Chronicon, II, 697-698; 1, C. Monachos, 334 trans. pp. p. 4-5. -George Porphyrogenitus, De administrandoimperio,pp. 76-77. MangoandP, Scott,P. 464; Constantine 31' Accordingto Muslim traditions,Moammad usedto receivethedivinerevelationat differenttimes later Mostly Gabriel Moammad, in different the to the angel came used circumstances. when and to havesomekind of coma,and sweetsheavily,sothe attendantshastento coverhim for a while. Usually,after a few minutes,he wasrestoredto his consciousness andtold his followerswhathad beenrevealedto him. On someother occasionsMoammad reportedlyreceivedthe revelation fully his in Obviously being the conscious one particular case. riding camel asleep, or while Christiantheologiansdid paymuchattentionto this caseandmostof the Byzantinepolemistsdid in Western Europe, Surprisingly in that their at theendof theeleventhcentury,alluded works. use to this theory.SeeIbn Kath7ir,al-Skahal-Nabawyyiah(The life of Moammad), ed.M. 'Abd alWaid (Beirut 1986)1, pp. 421-425;Guibertde Nogcnt,Thedeedsof God throughthe Franks, Englishtrans.R. Levine(Woodbridge1997)pp. 32-33(Guibertindicatedthat he did not find any in derived from his Islam, knowledge Mubammad the traditions and and oral written worksabout his time) 40 GeorgeMonachos,Chronicon,II, pp. 698-699;Johnof Damascus, PG English 94, 764-773, cols. I, p. 333,trans.C. Mango Chronographia, trans.D. Sahas,JohnofDamascus,p. 133;Theophanes, See A. 78-97. Scott, Constanine Porphyrogenitus, imperio, R. 464; De pp. p. and administrando Khoury,Lesthgologiensbyzantins,pp. 180-182. 41- The Qur'dnic referenceto the futurelife in paradise,in which thosewho havebeenrewardedthe eternallife in paradisewill enjoy a kind of corporeallife, attractedthe attentionof Christian discussion full Infra, 6. For see a chapter polemicists. PG 94, col. 764.English 42- GeorgeMonachos,Chronicon,II, pp. 702-708.C.f. Johnof Damascus, Chronographia, 1,pp.333trans.D. Sahas,JohnofDamascusonIslam,pp. 134-141;Thcophanes, 232
43 (chronicle Symeon known GrammatikoS), Leo Sinýlarly, the Logothete of
Melitene Theodore also as
(X century),44 replicated the very same text of
Theophaneswith a less substantialcontribution, only an apocryphalByzantine between in Mubammad Heraclius, the an alleged meeting on and emperor narrative 45 for land live Mubammad Otherwise, to to asked a piece of occupy and on. which " just Theophanes. Symeonor the writer of the text copied It is noteworthy that, however, the very same collective text, of John of Damascus,patriarch Germanos,and Theophanes,was used later in Byzantium in the
Zygabenuswho madesubstantialuseof it, as twelfth centuryby the monk Euthyn-ýius 47 limited Niketas Byzantium. use of the text of of well as Missions to Muslims: Photios and his mission to the Abbasid court: The embassies,which crossed the borders between Byzantium and Muslims
to discussthe issuesof war andpeacebetweenthe two antagonists, wereat the same betweenthe two states,civilisations time an intellectualchannelof communications delegates Remarkably, Byzantine Canard M. the societies. as pointed out, were, and 48However in the course of the ninth from the elite of the Byzantine intellectual clasS.
in 'Abbasid Byzantines to the tenth prominent centuries, some capital went and Baghdad (or Samarra'). Among those members,we have Photios, his disciple Constantine (the apostle of the Slavs), St. Demetrianos of Cyprus, Leo Sometimeearlier, the famousscholarLeo the Mathematicianhad Choerosphaktes. his the through the studentswho was caliphal-Ma'm5n, one of attracted attentionof 334, trans. C. Mango and P, Scott, p. 465, Constantine Porphyrogcnitus, De administrando imperio, pp. 78-79. SeeA. Khoury, Les th6ologiensbýýzanfins, pp. 180-182. 11 Chronicle of Leo Grammatikos,CSHB (Bonn 1842) pp. 152-154. 44 Ed. L. Tafel, (Munich 1859)pp. 105-106. 41 This story appearedalso in Zonaras,Epitome historiarum, pp. 214-216. 46 R. Casparct al., 'Bibliographic du dialogue islamo-chrddcn'lslamochristiana, 2 (1976) p. 195. 41 Euthymius Zygabcnus,PG 130,1332-1360. SeeA. Khoury, Les th6ologlensbl.ý7antins,pp. 240241. 41 M. Canard, 'Les relations politiques et socialescntre Byzancect Ics Arabes, p. 4 1. . 233
in Baghdad, Arabic the war and of allegedly surpassed all scholars.So the a prisoner
49 Leo Baghdad. to caliphurgedthe emperorto send It is almostcertainthat, none of those high rankingByzantineambassadors had ever any chanceto debate in the 'Abbasid capital. Presumably,they were under from Muslim the authorities. The only known exception to this constant supervision is the allegedtrip of the Constantinethe apostleof the Slavs. As for Photios, the only evidencethat he had been sent as ambassadorto the 'Abbasid court is an ambiguoushint in his letter to his brother Tarasios,50in which he had "After Assyria been by to the our appointment as ambassador confirmed says 51 by the the emperor". This tiny allusion raises a embassyand approved assent of
First did he by Assyria? Wasthat questions. of unanswered of all, what mean number the 'Abbasid capital in Baghdad?If such is the caseit would be an interesting for Byzantine his 'Abbasid to the great a scholar meet match at court, opportunity Furthermore, one would expect some Byzantine narratives about such meetings between leading scholarsin the east and west, or at least, Photios himself would find it a unique chanceto face Muslims and debatewith them, and subsequentlyto write
his Unfortunately, happened this new experience, none of andnot a singleword about (asfar asI know) confirmsor alludesto suchtrip. Interestingly, Hemmerdinger suggeststhat Photios, in his alleged trip, had
library in 'Abbasid he Baghdad, to the great where was able to read some access 52 in forbidden Constantinople books,whichwere at this time. Both F. Dvornik, andP. Lemerlevigorouslycriticizedthis theory.The first criticisedit, dependingon the fact 49 For a summaryand analysisof all Byzantine sourcesconcerningthe story of Lco the mathematician and the caliph al-Ma'man. SeeP. Lcmcrlc, Byzantinehumanism,pp. 173-177. The authenticity of this letter is questionedby someByzantinists, who believe that it is fictitious. Cf, Krumbacher, Geschichteder byzantinischenLiteratur, pp. 512,519; F. Halkin, 'La date de composeitionde la 'Biblioth6que', AB 83 (1963) p. 417. 11 Photios,Lihrary, I., p 15; P. Magdalino, 'The road to Baghdad,' p. 202 -
234
in it Samarra'; Baghdad, 'Abbasid the capital several north of political was rniles that
for days. leave for impossible Byzantine be the to several capital a ambassador would Furthermore he argues that, such heretical books were already available within the 53 boundaries of Byzantium. P. Lemerle, even went further to suggest that that the 54 if had Baghdad, Photios. never gone out to and so, surely without whole embassy To sum up, there is not any sufficient information about Photios' time in Baghdad, including in in himself, Photios Byzantine Muslim It sources, sources. nor neither if had Photios the to the trip, that even we accept assume, authenticity of seemssafe debate Muslims had to with either on this alleged trip or opportunity any never he have details. otherwise would certainly written some else; anywhere Constantine (Apostle of the Slavs).
Like Photios,his brilliant discipleConstantinetook the road to the 'Abbasidcapital. According to the Slavic vita written by Kliment Okhridski-
"After that the Ishmaelites,called Saracens,blasphemedagainstthe divine is "How Christians, Trinity, Holy that the saying: worshippinga you unity of by is Spirit? God, Him Son, If Father, that there triple claiming and a a a single have this, to sendunto us menwho cantalk of thesethings explanation an you 55 " andconvinceus. The emperor,however,oncereceivedsucha letter "called a counciland sending for him, quoth, 'have you heardphilosopher,what the foul Ishmaeliteutter against forth disciple Trinity, being Holy You, the and must go a servantand of our creed? 56
i. blasphemy, Muslim The e. previouspassagespeaksaboutso called opposethem".
52 'Notices et extraits' des bibliotUques de Bagdad par Photius', REG 69 'Les Hemmerdinger, -M. (1956) pp. 101-103. 53 Dvornik 'The embassiesof Constantine-Cyril and Photius to the Arabs', VIII in idem, Photian -F. idea introduced Ecclesiastical 1974) The (London Byzantine: 573. more same was studies p. and A. 750-850' D. Byzantine C. 'The books in by Mango, the empire, availability of strongly byzantine books and bookmen(Washington,D. C. 1975)p. 38. 54 P. Lemerle, Byzantine Humanism,pp. 35-41. 55 Kliment Okhridski, Life and acts ofour blessedteacherKonstantin, p. 55. 56 Kliment Okhridski, Life and acts ofour blessedteacherKonstantin, p. 55. 235
the Muslim teaching on the Trinity, as if it only occurred in the ninth-tenth century.
Otherwiseit could refer to one of theseunknownMuslim polemicalletters sentto Byzantium. When the young philosopher arrived at Baghdad (or Samarra?), he spotted 57 in Satan Christians' doors. Aptly, as the author narrates,he on the painting shapeof is "that because demons houses, the their sarcastically, are outside commented rather 58
inside like being than yours".
Soon the Saint engagedin theological debateswith
his Muslim hosts. The first Muslim objection was directed at the differencesbetween "Constantine Christian by Christian sects, and the complexity of the creed. replied dogma Christian deep the to a sea,which hardly could be understood by comparing
60 in his laity, Islam, be by the opinion, as a shallowseacould mastered any. while The sameissue was addressedby contemporaryMuslim theologianswho, in return,
61 Christianity. On favourite Trinity, the the the themeof all complexity of criticised Muslim-Christiandebates,Constantineslightly erroneouslyquoted the Qur'dnic hagiographer " We 17. The 19: wrote, sent our spirit unto a maidenand willed verse
that shedelivereda child.))62While the exactQur'anicverseis "then we sentto her 63 before he her in She and appeared as angel, a all respects. man said I seek our (Allah) (come from if dost fear Allah. He thee to thou most gracious near) not refuge 1,
less is historical fact, Other to the more or gives a which some authenticity credit of story. -This Christian Arabic writer mentionedthis. SeeEutychius, Sa'rd b. al-Batr1q,KItjb at-TarAh 11,p 63. 18 Kliment Okhridski, Life and acts of our blessedteacherKonstantin, p. 55 1, This is a common issuein almost all Muslim anti-Christian writings. Seesupra chapter6. blessedteacherKonstantin, p. 56. Okhridski, Life Kliment of our and acts if his his intellectual "Even AI-Miz, to exert all one all zeal says were and resourceswith summon a view to learn the Christians' teachingsabout Jesus,lie would still fail to comprehendthe nature of Christianity, especially its doctrine concerning the Divinity. How in the world can one succeed in grasping this doctrine, for were you to questionit two Nestorians,individually, sonsof the same father and mother, the answer of one brother would be the reverseof that of the other. This holds true also for the Melkites and Jacobites. As a result, we cannot comprehend the essenceof Christianity to the extent that we know the other faidis". A144i?, al-radd 'ali al-Nav&J, p. 22, English translation, J. Finkel, reprinted in, N. Newman, The early Christian-Afuslim dialogue, p. 709. c.f. supra chapter 6, on the Muslim polemic. 62 Kliment Okhridski, Life and acts of our blessedteacherKonstantin, p. 56. -
236
(to from Lord I "nay, thy a messenger announce)to thee the gift of a am only said
hagiographer Surprisingly, Muslims 16-19. 19: the the soon speaks of who pure son" is by fully doubtful It "silenced the truth this". to of certainly a narrative, accept were Muslim be learned scholars that most would speechlessby such wrong quotation
from their sacredbook. This striking fact, one may presume,underminesthe hagiographer Finally Muslims, the the the whole narrative. of claims, authenticity failing in their theological and scientific debateswith young saint, tried to flabbergast 64 by him the wealth of the caliph. To sum up, the text did reflect some points of the contemporaryChristian-Muslim debates.Notwithstanding, one can seeinconceivabletoleranceby Muslims in the face interlocutor, "Mutammad Christian the the says, statement of young who stunning of lust, but By and no commandments. not curbing wrath your gave you your actually
loose, did he into letting fling them not you only
abysS.,,
65
Such phraseswould
kind diplomatic immunity at that time, surpass any of of ambassadors certainly his hosts, him his Constantine The that other story, and could even cost neck. provoke in branches be Muslim knowledge the to scholars seems all all of not more surpassed than hagiographicalexaggeration. Hagiography and apocalyptic texts
While Byzantine polemical and historical sourcesdealt with Islam with a it, less tendency to and subsequently refute with a evaluate critical view, andmoreor different had Prima hagiographical attitude. sources the apocalyptic and another facie, there are, somefacts, which are clearly visible. Firstly, almost none of the 63 The exactQur'Anicword is = U.%jj (our spirit), but it meansangel(in its context-notliterary)and = in the Qur'Anseveraltimesreferringto angels. appeared 64 It is well-knownfact that the 'Abbasidcaliphswereverykeento showtheir wealthandglamourof They evenforcedtheseenvoysto wait several their courtsbeforethe Byzantineambassadors. 'Wad dar M. final Hilal Ruscon the touches to cd. al-khiljfah, were complete. al-Sabi', weeksuntil 1,p. 156. (Beirut 1986)pp. 11-17;Bar Hebaracus,
237
hagiographicaltexts had ever tried to investigateor examineIslam as a religion. The
in is life knowledge, Andrew Fool, the the the the to which my exception, only hagiographerattributed a narrative to his Saint, concerningthe Islamic notion on the
creationof
AdaM'66
andthe refusalof the Satanto kneelbeforehim, yet he did not
by He Islam says: name. mention "The Samaelis Satanwho was cast out of heaven,not becausehe refused to worship Adam, as some have assumed,telling mythic tales (for man formed yet)"67 was not Generally speaking, most of the Byzantine hagiographyignored Islam, paying
its hero The to to the primary aim; saint. writers of someof venerate attention more these texts usually expresseddeep and absolute hatred against Muslims and Arabs. They portrayedthe Muslims so: "Lord will be angry with them becauseof their blasphemyand becausetheir fruit is of Sodom's gall and Gomorrah's bitterness.Therefore, he will strike the he destroy him Roman them them the and will and rouse against emperor of fire"68 kill their children with and In the samevita, as well as others, the demonsmostly appearedin the form of
"' Christians. Ethiopian, Arab who alwaysconspireagainstthe righteous or an On the other hand,someother hagiographical texts had differentapproachto Islam.A few of them shedlight on thosebarbariansaints,Le. someof the Muslims hagiographical by One Christianity, these to of mostly miracles. who converted
from different Surprisingly, have deserves the same story we more attention. stories Byzantium Muslim the world, yet with someminor and within writers contemporary differences.It is story of a certainMuslim manwho lived in the Muslim world and Kliment Okhridski,Life andactsofour blessedteacherKonstantin,p. 56. "And behold,We saidto the angels:bow downto Adam,andtheyboweddown:Not soIblis (die Satan)he refusedandwashaughty:He wasof thosewho rejectedthefaith" Qur'an,2: 34 67 L. Ryddn,Thelife ofSt. Andrewthefool, p. 207. 6' PG. 111, cols. 852-873;L. Ryddn 'The AndreasSalosapocalypse: Greektext, translationand Fool, 263. (1974) 216; life 28 The Andrew DOP Idem, the p. p. ofSt. commenwy%
238
Christian inside his insult he the them, to churches and enter with camels until used
but he Eucharist the the of miraculously saw the priest eating a preparation saw his drinking blood II he boy When he that and realised only was singledout to young he Christianity to converted nýiracle, and later faced executionaccordingto seesuch a 70 the Muslim punishmentof renegadeS. Although the story has less important value but both is Coptic Byzantine text, the the texts, similarity of polemical and as a importance. It could be consideredas a part of the popular greater much of certainly Yet is in its Byzantine the text propaganda. relatively more aggressive anti-Muslim 71 Islarn. attitude against Finally there is a number of saints lives, which reflect tolerant and more
between Muslims Byzantine The Life Saint the understanding and world. of mutual Demetrianosof Cyprus, who travelled to Baghdad in a mission to save some of his
72 in is Muslim taken who prisoners were naval raids, one of thesetypes. people, Unfortunately, the contemporarysources,including the life of Demetrianos,give only life in Christian to the the attention and activities of saint the Muslim capital, scant he discussed Muslim thinkers ever met any and with them theological issues. whether
It is most likely, however,that the sensitiveand distressingnatureof his missionas desperate his hinder him to the elicit need caliph's sympathy certainly as would well
from any kind of discussions.Nevertheless,he receiveda kind treatmentfrom the in Baghdad. authorities 69 L. Ryddn, The life ofSt. Andrew the Fool, pp. 16,21,35,137,145,151,173,179,183. Gregory Gregory Dekapolites, Byzantine Dekapolites, A historical text see of very speech -The Saracen in and once had, and who, as mostpleasing many ways, a profitable about a vision which a result of this, believed and becamea martyrfor our lordJesus Christ, PG, 100, cols. 1201-1212, English translation, D. Sahas,'what an infidel saw that a faithful did not: GeorgoryDekpolites (d. 842), and Islam', GOTR 3 1, no. 1-2 (1986) 47-67. The Arabic Coptic version. SeeIbn al-Muqaffa, 11,3, pp. 110-111. 9 Seeinfra. Chapter 6, p. 303. 72 H. Grdgoire, 'Saint Ddmdtrianos,Mque de Chytri ( ile de Chypre)BZ 16 (1907) pp. 204-240.See Jenkins, 'The mission of St. Demetrianus of Cyprus to Baghdad' N. XVI in Idem, Studies on Byzantine history of the 9h and RYhcentury.
239
On the other hand,the fierce strugglebetweenthe two antagonists,Byzantines both heroes On had Muslims, the on sides. stories produced of martyrs and and Byzantine side there were severallives of those who have been killed by Muslims, in battlefields the or aftermath,and consideredmartyrswhose memoriesfived either andflourishedin the populartraditions. Evode and the other text of the martyrs of Amorium 73 The story of the 42 Byzantine officers who were taken prisoners at Amoriurn later and executed near Baghdad attracted several hagiographical writers. The first 74 is hagiographer, Evode. The Byzantine text attributed to an almost unknown called 75 by F. Halkin Both texts are similar in some other anonymous text was published . aspectsand completely different in others. Evode's text, however could be considered as a hagiographic and a polemical treatise directed against Islam, in which he quoted and used several arguments from other Byzantine works, mainly Niketas of Byzantium, while the anonymous text, was just a hagiographic and a bitter lament for the ill fate of the prisoners.
The maindifference,howeverbetweenboth texts, is that Evode's is a genuine polemic work-, following the stereotypeof the Byzantine polemic. The text was relateddirectly to the military strugglebetweenMuslimsand Byzantines.Evodewas keento accuseMuslimsof beinga" bloodstainedrace". He vigorouslycriticisedtheir 76 life, sexual and their notion of paradise, as well as the personalityand prophecyof 73 A. Khoury,Les thgologiensh5zzantins, 163-179. pp. 74 Evodc,Blos-Kai 68%7ais-r6v dy&)v TraaqpcfKovra, 60ojuqprc3v (Passionsof the forty two martyrsof Amorium)Acta Sanctorunt,mars 1, (Venice 1735)reprinted (Brussels1966)pp. 887893. Latin trans. 460-466;cdLP. A. Vasilicvskij, and P. Niktin, in: Mdmoircsdc impdrialedes Sciencesdc Saint Pdtcrsbourg(Sc. thst-phil), Scr. 8, VII, 2 (1905) pp. 61-78, partial English translation.J. Hamilton,andB. Hamilton,aristian DualistHeresiesin theB=ntine Morld (6501450)selectedsourcestranslatedand annotated(ManchesterUniversityPress1998)pp. 63-65. 7S Halkir4 'Passion in6ditc des Quarante-dcwxmartyrs d'Amorium'. Greek text pp. 152-161; -F. Frenchtranslation.162-169. 76 The future life in paradisewhich w-as Qur'An Iladith to for Muslims, the and according promised Ijur This haý been heavenly ha%ing aWin. word Niivcs the will give men pleasureof severalunique 240
Mubammad.The anonymoustext goes back some centuriesto recall the personal
hostility betweenoffspringof Abraham,which led, in his opinion,to the recent 77 Christianity. hatred Interestingly, he interpreted the Old Treatment Muslim towards
his Abraham two urives,(Gen. 21) that Sarahprophesiedthat Ishmael and story of 78 i. from his God These stories may (and offspring, e. the Muslims) would stray . reflect a popular attitude towards Islam, and yet a new diversion of the Christian
attemptsto seekexplanationof Islamin the Old Testament. It is noteworthy that Evode composedpolemicalworks againstIslam, still heavily drew in he, AKhoury on Niketas of unpublished, wWch as pointed out, Byzantium." It is noteworthythat A- Khoury seemsnot to haveseenor at leastused these manuscripts;inasmuchas he did not make use of them in his works on 80 Niketas' doubts his Byzantinepolemic,which work. criteriaon their relationto
Arctlias or Caesarea Among the Byzantine polemic againstIslarn, there is a letter attributed to Arethas." It is sent to a certain Muslim emir as a reply to an original letter sent from that emir, and now lost. Prima facie, one can realise that the pugnacious style of Arethas is surely far from any real exchanged letters between two distinguished persons in Byzantium and the Muslim world. As a polemical work, the letter reflects facts historical by Furthermore, Byzantine the this the given most of objects. common letter are ambiguous and completely contradictory with each other. The problems
mentioned in the Qur'An four times. See F. Rosenthal, 'Rcflcctions on love in paradise', no. 16, idcm. Muslim intellectual and social history (London 1990).
154. F. Halkiný d'Amorium', inMtc des 'Passion Quarantc-dcu: p. x martyrs 72 Halkin, 'PassioninMte desQuarantc-dcu: 153. d'Amorium'. p. x martyrs "-F.Chapitrcs de la faussc Ecriture de Muhammad (NIS unpublished), Athos 1854. : Ms. unpublished -
(Escorial 459) Cod. Athos Laurac 1854; A. Khoury, Les thgologiens byzantins, pp. 163-168; R. Caspar ct al., 'Bibliographic du dialogue Islarno-Clutticn, Islamochristiana 1 (1975) p. 172. so Unfortunately I %%-as not able to use these manuscripts. al letter Emir Damascus' Caesarea, 'Arcthas &ripta to the 233-245; 1, cd. at of pp. minora, -Arcthas P. Karlin-11a)-tcr,B 29-30 (1959- 1960) pp. 281-302; French trans. A. Abel, Ta Icttrc poldniique d'Mthas' A ltn* de Darnas' B 24 (1954) 343-370.
241
with
that
letter
begin
immediately
with
the
title.
While
it
says:
"T70s -r6v b AapaaK6 4TjpZW', we discoversoonthattheletterwassentto the 1=6 Emet "T& ToO of emir
*EIIET
&7roaTaMvTa
82
-rrp6Sýpo:S- . The question
imposes itself is did any Muslim enýr in the first decadesof the tenth century which senda polemicalletter to Byzantium?Furthermore,to whom did he sendhis letter, to the emperoror personaflyto Arethas?And who provoked him,to write that letter? One may ask who was the writer of the Muslim alleged letter, an emýirof Damascus
(or Ernit) or a theologiansponsoredby that en-ft? Unfortunately,in spite of the intensivediscussionsby A. Khoury, A. Abel, 83 P. Karlin-Hayter, and and others, there is no clear answer for most of these questions.Firstly one may supposethat the aggressivepersonalityof Arethaswould not allow him to have a chanceto exchangeletters with a Muslim emir. Hencethe only other option is that the letter was sentto the emperor,by a certainMuslim en-ýir, and the emperor askedthe brilliant theologianto refute the Muslims claims, as it reportedlyhappened. The letter itself has severalmistakesand some contradictions.Firstly, the author, an anti-Islamic theologian, was confused between Mubammad and his discipleandadaptedsonZayd84,caflingthe latter CPovcovXov;U) (Arabic -11LJj-".j
92 Arcthasof Caesarea, Scriptaminora, 1, pp. 233-234;Karlin-Haytcr,Arthas' letter, p. 293. , Vasilim Sahas, D. 'Arcthas' 'Letter Brzance lesArahes, 1, 420; (Canard), 2: 411to the pp. et -A. Emir at Damascus':Official or popularsiewson Islam in the 10thcenturyByzantiumT, ; A. Abel, ' La lcttre poldmiqucd'Artthas' A I'dinir dc Damas. 84 b. forbidden in klifithah, Islam after that) of (adoption a companion and adopted son was -7-Ayd NlOammad,,who marriedZaynabb. J#ýh (A relativeof Moammad). Accordingto the Muslim narratives,the marriagewasin crisis inasmuchasthe ladydid not like her man(a formerslavc)and complainedto Nloammad. 'Mis story had beenused in all Byzantinepolemical texts against Islam aswell asLatin. Houvvcr it is worth looking morecloselyat the sharplydifferentnarratives, aswell asattitudestowardsthat story.The Qur'dn dealtwith the storysaying:6'And whenyou said to him to i%homAllah had shownfavourand to whomyou hadshowna favour:Keepyour wife to )*ourselfand be carcful of (your duty to) Allah; and you concealedin your soul what Allah would bring to light, and you fearedmen,and AHah had a greaterright that you shouldfear I-lim. But Zayd hadaccomplishedhis want of her, We gaveher to youasa wife, sothat thereshouldbe %%-hcn 242
85 God). Furthermorehe refers to the Muslims' sacredbook (The = messengerof
Qur'In) and one of its names(al-Furqan)as two different books taught by 86 Mubamrnad. The internal contradictionsof the letter are best describedP. KarlinHayter, who summarised them by saying, "There is not, as far as one can see, any
perfect solution to the problemsset by this text, one can only look for the solution that offers leastobjecte'" The letter as a polemical work reflects some facts and phasesof the Byzantine
understandingof Islam. The writer of the letter, whetherArethasor not, seemsto be no difficulty for the believers in respectof the wives of their adoptedsons,when they have accomplishedthcirmant of them;and Allah's commandshall be performed." Qur'An 33.37. This brief allusion to the story, mademorecoriftision,and receivedsharplydifferent attitudes,as well as different attemptsand Nic%vs of the Muslim early and later scholarsto explain this issue. While on the other side, the story and Mubanunadmarriageof that divorcedlady had attracted more attention from non-Muslim polcmicists.Among the Muslim scholarsthere arc a very fCw who admittedthat Moarnmad had faflcn in love with lady, or at leastsheattractedhis attention when he %%-as %isitingthe couple. A]-Tabrr (in a little and relatively unknown book) says" the prophet (peacebe upon him) went to Zayd's houselooking for him, as Zayd was known as Ibn Mubarnniad4and the messengerof God may miss him and ask whereis Zayd?So he cameto his houseand did not find him. While Zaynabwelcomedhim, he left humming of something,only appearsfrom it " Glory to Godwho changesthe hearts".Zaydcamebackto his houseand his wife told him that the messenger of God,peacebe uponhim, cameto their house.Zayd saiddid you call him to enter to the house,she said I havebut he refused.Zayd asked,did you hear him saying anything. she said, I heardhim leaving and humming of something,from it I only recogniscd" Glory to Godwho changesthe hearts".Zayd went till he reachedthe messenger of God,peacebe told that you cameto my house0 messenger uponhini, and said: I %%-as of God,sowhy did not you enter, my parentsarc redemptionfor you, may Zaynabattractedyou, so I will leave her. The J Lj)after messenger of God said.keepyour wife. While Zayd could not reachher ( Xh- 44 F-Ua! this" The majority of Muslim narratives,agreedthat, Moammad hadbeentold by angelsthat lie would marry that lady, so when her husbandcomplainedto him and announcedhis intensionto divorceher, Moarrunadýwho knew that he would marry her, but fearing the gossipof peoplein society,lest they would not acceptthe idea of marriageof the former wife of an adoptedson, strongly advised7-lyd not to divorce her. Ilic main proof for this theory was the fact that, the versesdid not accuseNlubanunadof having looked at someoneelse' wife. Among the modem Muslim thinkers,thereis a sharpcontrastin their attitudetowardsthat story.While M. Haykal,the late Egyptianwriter stronglydeniedthe whole story and fiercely attackedthe Orientlistsfor their malafide. AnotherEgyptianwriter, 'Abd al-Rabinan,'Ashah,acceptedthat Moarnmad hadsome feelings towardsthe lady, and his words (Glory to God, who changesthe hearts)indicate his surprisefor such a suddenfeeling of that one whom he usedto seefor a long time beforeher marriage.AI-TabarLal-Afuntakhabmin bab zayl al-muzaylmin MPA-hal-phibah wa al-tahi, h, cd. De Gocjc,as a continuationof a]-Tabarfgreat history (Lciden 1890)pp. 2447-2448.SeeA. 'Abd al-Rabman.Triiim Said& &Vt al-nubuuah, (life of the ladies of Mubammad'sfamily), (Beirut n.d.) pp. 340-346;M. Haykal, ne life qfAfuýammad,English trans. a]-Fdffiqr,(North AmericanTrust Publications1976),pp. 294-298. letter, 'Arthas' 297; French Arcthas Caesarea, Scripta Karlin-HaytCr, 1, 239; p. of minora, p. translation,A. Abel. Ta lcttrc poldmiqued'Ardthas', p. 364.
" - Arcthas of Caesarea,Scripta minora, Lp 234; Karlin-Haytcr, 'Arthas' letter', p. 293; French translation, A. Abel, Ta lcttre poldmiquc d'Mtlias'.
243
p. 356.
fully aware of the common Muslim objections against Christianity. He cited accuratelyat least 5 of the major themesof Muslim polemics,which supportedthe hypothesisof an existing,yet missingMuslim letter, or, what is lessprobable,that the knowledgeof Muslim objectionsreachedthe Byzantineworld in suchaccurateform. However, a parael and careful study betweenthis letter and a Muslim letter which belongsto ninth century but attributed to the caliph 'Umar 1188shows considerable similarity betweenthe two letters which may suggestthat they are related to each other. The first Muslims objection,which Arethaschallenged,was the question,how God could be in unclean environrnent inside the womb of a woman?89 Arethas
refuted anotherMuslim objection which deniesthe divinity of Christ on the ground that his miracleswere not unique themselvesand severalprophets had preformed 90 divinity by being doing the similar miracleswithout claim so. Though this Muslim 91 by in Muslim the objectionused most of theologians their anti-Christianpolemic, here it standsas one of the severalsimilaritiesbetweenthe two letters, that is of Arethas and 'Umar 11's letter. Furthermore,another Muslim objection in 'Umar's letter and its reply appears again in Arethas' letter, concerning the Christian
Karlin-Ilaytcr, 'Arthas' Icttcr'. p. 287. -Anonymous, 'Un pamphlet musulman anonyme', pp. 27-28 (the Arabic text) p. 14 (French translation D. Sourdcl); English translation with comparing of other text of the same letter, seeJ. M. Gaudcul, 'T'he correspondencebetween Leo and 'Umar', pp. 146-147. 89 -77his question was asked and used in Muslim apologies by several Muslim theologians. The anonymous letter attributed to the caliph 'Umar 11and alleged to be sent to the emperor Leo 111, which most tend to date it to the ninth century, asked the same Muslim question. " In your error, your ignorance and your presumption in the face of God praise and Glory to him - you still pretend that God came down from His majesty, His sovereignty, His aln-dghty power, His light, His glory, His force, His greatnessand His power, even to the point of entering into the womb of a woman in suffocating gricf, imperfection, in narrow and dark confincs in pain." D. Sourdcl 'Un pamphlet musulman anonymc'. p. 27 (the Arabic text) p. 13 (French translation); English translation with, see J. M. Gaudcul, "The correspondencebetween Leo and 'Umar, p. 144; idem, Encounters and clashes, 1. p. 40. 90 Karlin-Haytcr, Arthas' letter, 295; French translation, A. Abcl, 'La lcttre poldmique d'Ardthas', p. p. 360. 91 Ibn Abi al-Layth, Letter du . caliphe H"n al-Rashid, p. 59 (the Arabic text) p. 77 (French trans. Hadi Eid) p. 77; al-MAturTdi, Kitib akawýJrd. pp. 211-212.
244
92 venerationof the crossand reliCS. Notably, Arethasdid not usethe reply of Leo and counter attack Muslim objection by accusing Muslims of adoring Muhammad's 93 clothes. There are still more parallel points betweenArethas' letter and the alleged letter of 'Umar, such as polygamy,the Muslim notion of paradise,Muslim holy war or Jihad. Although these points are commonin the Byzantine-Muslimpolemic as is shown here, the consistentsimilarity betweenthe two letters may help to support a new hypothesis. On the ground of the aforementionedcoincidenceof the two letters, and in light of the contradictionsand historical problemof Arethas' letter, there is no clear evidenceto support the notion of a real letter sent to Arethasby a certain Muslim emir. Also as I havesaid before,the languageof Arethas' letter seemsto be far from the traditionalletters exchangedbetweenByzantinesandMuslims,one may therefore hypothesisthat Arethasneverwrote to any Muslim emir, andthis treatisewas written as a responseto the so-called 'Umar's letter which was circulated in Byzantium 94 beginning sometimesat the endof the ninth century,or at of the tenth century. But the previoustheory is certainly far from being the absolutetruth in the light of an allusion in one of the Arabic sources on a certain polemical letter sent to the Muslims by the king of Rum, (Byzantium), upon the defeat and humiliation of the Muslims by the Qaramitans.95The referenceto the Qaramýitans appearedin Byzantine polemics, to my knowledge, only in Arethas' letter. For that letter, there was a lost Muslim reply written by Abmad b. Yaýya b. al-Munajim (d. 938-327), under the
92 D. Sourdcl, 'Un 17 Arabic (French 29 (the text) translation); p. p. pamphlet musulman anon)-mc', English translation, Ln Gaudcul, 'The correspondencebct-,%, ccn Leo and 'Umar', pp. 149-150. 93 Arcthas, &ripa letter Damascus', ' Arcthas' I, 238-239; P. Karlin-Haytcr, to the cmir at minora, p. p. 297, Frcnch translation. A. Abcl, 'La Icttrc poldn-dqued'Ardthas' P. 363. 94 IL Beck, Kirche und 7heologische Literatur, p. 338. . 95 'Abd al-Jabbar, Tathbir dali'd al-nubuwah, 11,p. 343. -
245
96
dilemma, (d. / b. The 'Ali'Isd 316 929A). the which of prominent vizier patronage its letter, dealing Arethas' chronology,and with puzzledseveralmodem scholarson the identity of the Muslim enýr (or vizier), will be resolvedby this narrative. One may assumesafely that a certain Byzantine letter, more or less, related to
been by best, diplomatic had Arethas' the one, sent or at a modified copy of our commandof the emperorand reachedBaghdad,wherethe pious vizier undertookthe task to reply and entrusted this to Ibn al-Munajim for that. On chronological ground, the first vizierate of 'All b. 'Isa, which lies between (301-304.H. / 913-914 A. D. ) is
just a few years after the historical events mentioned by Arethas (victory of Andronikos Doukas 904AD. /291H. ; naval victory of Himerios 905AD. /292H. ).
Furthennore,we know for certain that 'Ali- b. 'Isd exchangeddelegationsand letters 97 Muslim prisonersof war. %riththe Byzantineauthoritiesconcerning Recently D. Sahasexaminedall aspectsof Arethas' letter, as well as the 98 it. If, indeed we accept his reading of the theories of the modem scholars around title to be emperor Romanos (920-944), instead of the word Roman read by Popov in his editio princeps of the letter, this reading coincides perfectly with the second vizierate of 'Ali- b. 'IsS (315-316 H. / 926-929A. D.). However, Sahassupports the notion which dates the letter as early as 905.99 But who wrote the first Muslim letter? I have shown that there are some
letter, belongs 'Umar letter to between Arethas' the which sinfflarities and so-called the ninth or tenth century.The Tunisianwriter al-Sharficautiouslysuggestedal-J54i? 100 however, letter, letter. language The the seemssimilar to the that as of author of
-ldcm. See supra. Chapter 3, p. 162-163 in Islam official D. Sahas, Damascus': the 'Arcthas' 'Lcttcr Emir or popular views on to the at 10th century Byzantium? ', D. Sahas, "Arcthas' letter'. 77. p. 100 Al-Lharf 1. 160-16 Ida pp. al-MaAra, i, al-FiA:r at-islamrftal-radd -
246
Jabiz's. But the letter, refers severaltimes to a previousByzantineletter sent to the Muslims, which would suggesta chain of letters and replies with no chronological confirmation, so the theory of al-Sharfi offers more problems than solutions. Nevertheless,it is quite possibleto confinn the theory of al-Sharfi. Finally, there are some unique points in Arethas' letters, which were relatively
unknown (or unused)in Byzantinepolen&, such as using the allegedmiracleof the lights of the holy sepulchre of Jerusalem,which according to the Christian narratives,
' 0'Remarkably this alleged miracle light up during the Christmas celebrations. attractedsomeMuslim historians,ratherthan theologians,to speakaboutit aswell as "' it. refute Ritual abjuration of the converted former Muslim
The extremeside of the Byzantineattitude towards Islam is exemplifiedin a formal document designed for the Muslims who converted to Christianity in Byzantine lands. Those converts were required to go a through special ritual of abjuration, in which they had to anathematise their old religion. The text of the abjuration listed 22 anathemas against all elements of Islam including Muýammad and his God, as well as his family, a number of his disciples and some caliphs till Ya2ld (680-683). 103
10,
'Arcthas letter Emir Scripta Karlin-Ha)lcr Caesarea, 1. 240; P. to the at of p. minora, -Arcthas Damascus', p. 298; French trans. A. Abel, 'La Icttrc poldn-tiqued'Ardthas' A Itmir dc Damas'. P. 365.
102 al-Qalanist, 67-77;al-Nlaqrfzl,Itt'JA 11.p. 75. pp. -Ibn 103
Nikctas Choniatcs, ThesaurusOrthodoxae Fidei, Orddo qui observatur super Us qui a Saracnis ad nostram Christianorum puram verinaquefidemfidem se convertunt, PG 140, cols. 123-136; seeF. Cumont, Voriginc dc la formule grccque d'abjuration imposdc au:x Musulmans' RHR 64 (1911) pp. 143-150; Clcrmont-Gann=4 'Ancicn ritucl grcc pour I'abjuration des Musulmans dans It9lisc Grccquc' RAO 7 (1906) 254-257. See D. Sahas, 'Ritual of conversion from Islam to the Byzantine church 112thccntury]', GOYR 36 (1991) 57-69.
247
Although some modem scholarssuggesteda westernorigin of the text,104it was a well-known practice in Byzantium,used not only for Muslims and Jewswho but from Christianity for to those also other Christian converted who repented heresieslike Pauliciansand Pogomils.lo-NiketasChoniatesreferred to the existence of this practice,when the emperor Manuel "contendedthat it was scandalousthat Agarenes,when being converted to our God-fearing faith, should be made to blasphemeGod in any matter."106
It is noteworthythat a Melkite hagiographicaltext in the ninth centurygavea glimpseof sucha practicein a legendarystory about the conversionof the CaliphatNla'miln107by saint Michael of Edessa,in which the bishopaskedthe caliphafter his heresies his Mubammad the to teachings of conversion anathernatise and as well as "'Ms Arians,and Manichaens.
text, which was on-kted from the Arabic version as
Vasiliev realised,109apartfrom its extreme imagination may reflect an existence of a
Byzantineritual for Muslim convertersinto Christianity,which coincidedwith the systematic policy of depopulating large numbers of Muslims and converting them,
110 Christianity. %rillinglyor grudginglyto In sum, this rite, whatever its date, reflects a deep mistrust in Byzantium
towards those Muslims who convertedto Christianity.It is written carefully and expressedan utter abominationof Islam and its prophet, to make an absolute
104 J. Mikan, 77teChristiantradition, a history ofthe developmentofdoctrine: 2 thespirit ofeastern . Christianity (600-1700)(UniN-crsity of ChicagoPress1974)p. 228. 105 Mcycndroff,'Byzantine heresies Christian dualist J. Hamliton in Islam', 124; al., ct p. -vicws of -L the Br. antine world, c. 650.4404,p. 102-110.Therearc someallusionsto a similar practicein the sc%, CnthcenturyCoptic Church,whenthe converterhad to anathcmatisehis old heresy.SeeMcna of Nikiou, 7helife of1saacofAlexandria, p. 65. 106 0 English H. J. Magoulias, Choniates, 1935) 278, Historia, 1. trans. Bckkcr, (Bonn p. ed. -Nikctas city ofBý-zantium,p. 121. 107 the Greektext it mentionsthe caliph asMu%%iya-whilein the Arabicversionthe caliph wasal-In Nla'man log A. Vaslicv, 'The life of St. Theodore Edessa,p.197. of l 09 A. Vaslicv, 'The life of St. Theodoreof Edcssa',p. 197,note.126. l 10 Seesupmpp. 177-180. 248
is However, the there conversion. of assurance also much evidencethat Byzantine authorities took a more practical, tolerant attitude to those who converted superficially or even those who kept their religion but served in the Byzantine 111 While the church, on the other hand,requiredsuchan absoluteassuranceof =y. the newly converted,presumablythis was a necessarystep to accept them socially within the Byzantine society.
On the other hand,the existenceof this anathemain the catecheticalbooksof the Byzantinechurches,as Niketas said, indicatesa policy of the churchto bum all bridgeswith Islam. Leo VI's Tactica Writing on Islam had attracted some intellectual Byzantine emperors to show
their masterlyknowledgeon the surroundingworld. Emperor Leo VI speaksbriefly of the Muslims' attitude towards JesusChrist and their denialof his divinity, as well as their recognition of him as Saviour of the world. He touched upon a point of Byzantine-Muslim polemic, I mean predestination, and accuses the Muslim of
attributing the evil acts (like war) to God. In his Tactica,the emperorLeo declares 112 holy explicitly a war againstthe Muslims. On the other hand,he realisedMuslim men fight against Byzantine armies voluntary, and he could hardly hide his antagonismagainstthem. He was well aware of the religious propaganda,which pushesmen to fight willingly. So he was surely keen to use that to provoke his because Christ fight the to the only of the empire,not soldiers and against enemiesof 113 but obligation, alsowith pleasure.
111 Symconis Magistri. p. 760. 112 in Byzantitun See J. F. On Tactica, b-d. 976 XVIIL PG 107: 972 recruitment c-d. cols. -Leo, 11aldon,'Recruitment and conscription in the Byzantine ariny c. 550-950' p. 48; c.f. P. Lcmerlc, 7he Agrarian history ofBý7antiumfrom the origins to the twefflh century (Galway 1979) p. 141f. 113 976 Leo, b-d. Tactica, Constitution AT711, 107: 972 PG c-d. cols. -
249
The emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus
The emperor ConstantineVII in his De AdininistrandoImperio, had almost imitated the text of Theophanesverbatim, and mixed it with additions from Hamartolos,to produce some lines on his explanationto the Muslim words "allah akbar", which had been invented and used by Patriarch Germanos of 114
Constantinople.
The poem of the emperor Nikephoros Phokas against Islam and Muslims"s
In the propagandawar betweenByzantiumandMuslims,it was the only time that Byzantium used the favourite weapon of Arabs, i.e. poetry. Between Arabs, before and after Islam, poetry was the main style of propaganda between the rival
tribes.In the struggleagainstByzantium,poetry playedan essentialrole. It provoked the soldiersto fight and eulogizedArabic heroism,while on the other hand,poetry playeda considerablylessimportantrole in the Byzantine-Muslimpolemic.The only known exchangesatirical poemsbetweenByzantinesand Muslims occurredduring the campaignsof the emperor Nikephoros Phokas in Syria in the tenth century. Extraordinarily,the emperorborrowed the traditional Arabic style and sent a long poemto the caliph. The writer is unknownbut presumablyhe was a ChristianArab working in the serviceof the Byzantineemperor. Primafacie, the languageand style of the poem looks simpleand is poorly presented.The poem has 52 verses,only 3 of which could be consideredpolemical. Thosesaythat: the throneof Jesushadascendedinto the sky while Mubarnmadlay in his tomb, and his offspring suffered killing, after his death.' 16 Furthermore he
114 Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De A&ninistrando Imperio, pp. 76-79. -
115-G.Griincbaum,'Eine poctischePolcmik',pp. 47-50,al-SubkT,TabaqMa1-Lhqf1r yyuh, 2, pp. 179181.
116
'AlaiNin (offspring the 50-52, he the of members of to verses, against alluded sm, attacks cral -In Ali, the cousinof the proplictand husbandof his daughterFalimah)xvhotried to rebelagainstboth 250
threatenedto conquerMecca and estabfisha new Christianrule in the Muslim sacred he soon after places, would spreadthe religion of the cross(Christianity)all over the ' 17 world. To sum up, the main theme of the poem is a political and military threat directed at the Muslim, and as a part of the political and military propaganda.
The Byzantine poem had wide repercussionin the Muslim world and provoked some Muslim thinkers to reply. Remarkably,it reached as far as alAndalus. Where Ibn I.lazm, replied using the samerhyme, which recalls the same 118 by Arabic in debates. the styleused poets their poetic Diplomatic polemic Byzantine-Muslims
missions were sent mainly for diplomatic
and political
between the two powers, such as making peace,exchangeof prisoners,or reasons even to deal with renegadesescapingto the other side. Notwithstanding,these missionswere a unique chanceand one of the meeting-pointsbetween the two differentsocieties. Recently,P. Magdalinopointedout that the choiceof four leadingByzantine learnedmen,119as headof missionsto Baghdadmay indicatethat there was a need 1200nthe other for philosophicaland religiousdiscussionswith the Muslimsscholars. hand,the emperorsseemedkeento embarrassthe Arab sovereignswith the wisdom 121 Greeks, in Christian Byzantium, the of still alive the contrary to rumours. What Magdalino meant by "rumours', can be explainednot as Arab rumours against 122 Byzantines, but a genuinepart of the Muslim encounterwith Byzantines,which the Umay)-ads and 'Abbasids but they vs-crcexposed to severe defeats and executions in most cases,or %vcrcassas inatcd earlier by their rivals. Verses, 4549. On the Muslim rcplics see infra chapter 5, pp. 297-300. 119 Lco Choirosphaktes. Grammarian, Photios Saint Constantine Slavs, the the and of apostle -John 120 P. Magdalino, 'The Road to Baghdad', 206. p. 12, P. Magdalino, 'The Road to Baghdad', 206. p. 122 Most insisted distinguishing but Arab knoi, bct,. Byzantine the thinkers on of admired vccn *-Icdgc Byzantincs (Christians) and the Greek thinkers who Nvcrc not Christian, and who were Uly
251
intellectual but a military struggle contact and a meeting was not only also an betweenthe civilisationsasweHas a part of the polemicbetweenthem. In that encounterof the two powers, eachmade claims of superiority. The Byzantinesclaimedthat they were superiorin their knowledgeand are the successors Greek the thinkers.The Arabs were keento distinguishbetweenByzantium of great and the Greekglorious and honourablereputationin the Arabic n-fflieu.Furthermore, find can one a repercussionof the Byzantine bride in their scientific superiority, appearedin the Muslim polemic.A]-Jibi? says: "They evenwent so far as to assertthat our scientistswere the followers of the Byzantinewriters andour writers their imitators.Suchis the stateof affairs"123 Unfortunately,neither Arab nor Byzantinesourcesgive adequatedetailsabout these the debates,if any, of the Byzantinethinkers and their discussionswith the Muslim learnedmen. Leo VI and Alexander and Abmad b. Tulfin In a unique narrative, Severusof Alexandria(Ibn al-Muqaffa'), the Coptic contemporary historian, speaks of polemical letters exchanged between Abmad b. Tul0n, the governor of Egypt (868-884 ADJ 254-270 H. ), and the emperors Leo VI (886-912 ) and his brother Alexander, (ruled alone 912-913). Unfortunately, we have only a part of the alleged Byzantine reply from which we know fragments of the Muslim letter, which was supposedto discuss the exchangeof prisoners of war, but turned to be a polemical letter, to discussthe divine filiation of ChriSt124Primafacie, . the discrepancy in the dates of both rulers casts strong doubt on the authenticity of
rcspcctcd by Arabs. For a fully discussion. See in particular, N. El-Chcikh-Saliba, By7antium tlewedbyArabs, Ph.D. 'nicsis (Hanard Univcrsity 1992) passim. Scc infra, pp. 292-291. 123 in, N. Nciman, (cd. ) 7he Finkci, J. 'alJ 17. English trans, rcprintcd al-radd al-Nas&J, p. -AWAW, early arislian-Muslim dialogue, p. 704. 124 Sc%-crus b. al-Muqaffa'. TjrA-h, 11,3, p. 75. -
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this narrative. It is noteworthy, however, that this letter alluded to some previous 125 insults. letters Byzantium, Muslim sentto yet without Leo Choirosphaktes Leo, a high-rank-mg Byzantinediplomat,126visited Baghdadseveraltimes.We know from the narrative of Bar Hebareus that he (Leo) had to wait for two months 127Sucha for parade to receive the Byzantine ambassador. until the caliph prepared time spacewould give him a chance for closer contact with the Muslims within their lands, but unfortunately there are no details about his daily life and contacts with the Arabs, either in his own writings or in others. Presumably,as a Byzantine ambassador he would not have the opportunity to debate freely with Muslim scholars, and more important, he did not allude in his letters to such debates.128Somemodernscholars 1290bviously internal letter Leo Choirosphaktes. Arethas' the the to attributed contradictions of that letter made it difficulties in attributing it either to Arethas or to
Leo, but the majority of modemscholarsagreedto attributethe letter to Arethas.Yet the trips of Leo to the 'Abbasid capital would certainly have given him more knowledgeon Islam, at least more than Arethas,yet mistakesin the namesof the prophet(seeabove)and other contradictionsmay ruled out the possibilityof Leo as a writer.
125 Scvcrus b. T&-A-h, IL 75. 3, al-Nfuqaffa', p. 126
G. Kolias Leo if See 'sl Ile on titles. and patrikios. ei nLco enjoyed some magistcr, proconsul Chocrosphactes. Uon ChoerosphacM magistre, proconsul etpatrice, passim. 127 Bar licbracus, 1, 156. p. 128 G. Kolias, Leon Choerosphactes, 474 9,90-97. 129 R. Jenkins, Tco Chocrosphactcs J. Mcycndorff his 167-175. Vizier'. Saracen supports pp. the and theory. See J. Mcycndorff, 'Byzantine views of Islam'. pp. 128-129. This was vigorously opposed by P. Karlin-Haytcr, 'Arcthasý Choirosphacates and the Saracen Vizir' No. IX in idcm, Studies in Br-antine Political history.
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The contribution of the Alelkite Church to Christian anti-Islamic polemic It is noteworthy that, the Melkite church did not contributeefficiently in the polemicaland religious antagonismbetweenMuslims and Christians.Obviously,its situationin the realm of Islam did not give the Melkites enoughfreedomto write real polemical works similar to that sharp tone of the Byzantine polemical works, inasmuchas the Islamic terms of ahl-al--Dhimmah, forbade any blasphemyagainst Islam or its prophet.130In the 12thcentury a MeMte Bishop, Paul of Sidon,131 aptly attributed his polemical work, to the Byzantine and Latin elite theologianswho obtained copies of the Muslim holy book. Yet he could have had some of his materialsfrom the Byzantinepolemic, but the very samelanguage,employmentof the vocabulariesare similar to his other works, wMe the accuracyof his Qur'dnic 132 quotations suggeststhat he is the actualauthor, who tried to avoid any fatal clash 133 Muslim with the authorities. Indeedafter the deathof the prolific Melkite writer TheodoreAbri-Qurrah(d. circa 825), we haveonly a few examplesof polemicalMelkite treatises;most of them
130-'Thcrearc two setsof conditions included in a tribute contract (of the non-Muslims): one obligatory and the other desirable. Tbe requisite conditions arc six in number: firstý to retrain from any dcfamation or distortion of God Almighty's scripture; secondnot to talk of the Apostle, God bless him and grant him sal%2tion,in terms of dcnial or disparagement;third, not to talk of Islamic faith in derogatory or slanderous language. A]-NU%%-ardL alýag-jm at-suItJniyya, p. 145 (English trans. Wahba, p. 161). See also: A. Turki, "Situation du Tributaire qui insulte I'Islam au regard de la doctrine ct dc lajurisprudcnce musulmancs', SI 30 (1969) 39-72. 13, Paulde Antiochc,dv6queMclkitc dc Sidon(Mlc) ed.et FrenchTrad. P. Khoury (s. d.) 132 Siddiqi in but M. H these arguesconvincingly that they arc some n-dstak-es quotations, minor -There arc due to the negligence of the later copiers, inasmuch as Ibn Tymiy-ah did not comment on such n-dstakcs,which he would certainly does if they wcrc indeed in the original copy. SeeM. H Siddiqi, 'Muslim and Byzantine Christian relations: letter of Paul of Antioch and Ibn Tayinyah's response', G07R 31,1-2 (1986) 33-45 133 Muslim theologians rcplied and refuted the letter of Paul of Antioch, but the most -SCN*Cral important and longest onctuas written by Ibn Taymiah (d. 1328 A. D./ 728 H. ) in four volumes. Ibn Taymiyya, al-Jauib jd44,0 Ii-man badal dh al-AfasLp(the right answer to whose who changed the religion of the Christ) (Cairo, 1905). English translation, (aI-Ja%%-ab al-sahihj A Afuslim 7heologian's response to Christianity, trans. T. F. Michel (New York 1984.) see M. H Siddiqi, 'Muslim and B)-Lantine Christian relations: letter of Paul of Antioch and Ibn Taymyah's response'.
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134 in form have been One of these manuscript and are still not published yet. it is in Yabyd to manuscriptsattributesauthorship al-Anlald, and private possession in Lebanon.133However, apart from that ambiguouswork, there is almost no polemicalwork from the clergy of that church. Qisla b. Lfiqa (d. 912) composeda singlepolemicalwork againstIslam.This is a reply to a message of the Muslim thinker and friend Ibn al-MunaLirn, in work he tried to use a rational and as he said, a mathematical theory to prove the which prophethood of Nlubammad. The most important part of the Christian Melkite reply, is an apology for becoming involved in such dialogue. He Says: "God knows, and he does know precisely, that I have not said this (his apology), trying to refute anyone, nor wishing to dismantle any strong will or straight belief And my strongest evidence for that is that I have not started or volunteered, (this debate) but only after a hard pressureand 136 insistence' great
The text reflectsclearly the wish of the Melkite writer to avoid any polemical disputewith his Muslim friend. However,in his mainargumenthe tried to refute the Muslim notion of divine revelationsof the Qur'An on the ground of its superior in literature eloquence.He referredto other masterpieces somenationsandalluded of that no one claimsa divine sourcefor them,which could be appliedto the Qur'Anas well.
134 J. Nasrallah, Ifistoire du du lliglise Afelchite Ve auXXe. (Paris 1979) litteraire dans mouventent . p. 202'. For a complete Bibliography of the Arabic Christian works against Islam, see R. Caspar ct al., 'Bibliographic du dialogue islamo-chrdticn', Islamochristiana, 1, (1975) pp. 152-169; 2. (1976) p. 202-237. 135 P- Gaspar 'Biblipgraphie du Dialogue islamo-chrdticn'. IsImnochristiana 2 (1976) 202;
p. ct al., G. Gr4 Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, 2, p. 51; J. Harper Fors)ih, 7he Br. antine-Arab chronicle, 1, p. 21. Ibn K Samir Hunain b. Ishaq ) Une Correspondance (cd. Islamo-chr6fienne al-Munaffim, entre -S. and Qusta ibn Luqa. p. 164.
255
Eutychius, Salid b. al-Balti1q, the Melkite patriarch of Alexandria,composedtwo known works, his annalsthat cover from the creationuntil 938 /326 H., anda lengthy in in Christianity he Jews, defended the treatise against rightness of which polenýcal in particular. general,andhis sect(the Chalcedonians) In his books, like other ChristianArab writers, he did not becomeinvolvedin any kind of polemic, or even criticism against Muslims. While he paid special attentionto the disputesbetweenthe ChristianArabsandthe Muslim authorities,over issueslike churchesor taxes,137he was extremelycautiousin his narrative.At the same time he tried to defend his creed as a Chalcedonianand refute the other Christian sects,138while Islam does not appear at all in his discussions. In sum he
clearly avoided any allusion againstIslam. Not%rithstanding, a close examinationof his annalsrevealssomeinterestingandnoteworthypoints. Prima facie, in the languageand style of the writings, one can find some
139 important, few More there tracesof the Qur'An'sstyleandexpressions points. at a are somescatteredhints in the two booksthat reflectmoreor lesssomerepercussions of the Muslim-Christian current dialogues. In the introduction to the annals,he thanks
God who createshis creaturesandgive thema free will to choosetheir action.140 One can safely see that as a repercussion of the issue of the free will and predestination,
whichwas oneof the pointscoveredin the Muslim dialogues. On other points he supposesa questionand tried to find an adequateanswer. One of these questionsis, why did not Christ say explicitly in the Bible "I am God"?141 This is a commonMuslim questionbasedon the text of the Bible itself, which chaflengesthe Christiandogmaof the divinity of Jesus,inasmuchas he (Jesus) 137 EutycWus,Sald b. al-Balrfq,Kimb al-TarAh 11,p. 59,82-83,86-87. , Im
- Eutychius, Sald b. al-Balrfq. Kitib al-TarAýh, H, pp. 35-37. 139 EutycWus,Sald b. al-Balrlq, Kitib al-TarAh, 1, p. 4 (Y=J -
140 Eutycl-dus,Sald b. al-Balrfq.Kitib al-TarAh I, p. 4 , 256
himselfdid not say that in the Bible.142In anotherpoint he refersto the collectingof
the Qur'An,by saying"the caliph'Uthmancollectedthelongsurdswith the longones 143 is This the the short with short ones7'. and statement a paradoxicalone. It may ignorance his of the collection of the Qur'an, or equallyit could be an allusive reflect attackon the Muslim sacredbook. He alluded to other polemicalbook, which he wrote, called the hook of the debatesbetweet:the Christian wid the heretic.144Yetone cannot surely identify the non-Christianinterlocutor with whom he debated,but presumablyhe was a virtual Jewsrival, thoughthe dialogueitself reflectedthe Muslim objections. His known surviving theologicalbook called,Kilab al-burhki, (book of the evidence),in which he did not deal with Islam directly, but his argumentsindicate somekind of Christianreply to the Muslim objectsagainstChristianityand Christian dogma.Remarkablyhe quoted verbatimsomeexpressionsfrom the Qur'dn and used 145 in his debatewithout referringto their origin. them The core theme of the book is defending the Christian faith against objections
of the others.Theseobjectionsseemasa part of the currentChristian-Muslimdebates in the tenth century. Obviously he put the Muslim (and Jewish) objectionsin his Hnd, while writing his verbosetreatise.He defendedthe Trinity, using evidences from the Bible and a few rational arguments,using the classicalexampleof the sun 146While he its denied light the attribution time. the and same as multiple and one at Mghty God, is God, human the to the that recognise of mind not able and asserted
141- EutycWus, Sa'Id b. al-Batr1q, Kitib al-TarýLh, 1, pp. 174-175. 142 See of the Muslim apologists: al-Qadl 'Abd al-Jabbar, Ta-thbffdaIJ71 al-nubuwah, pp. 111-115. Seethe disamion of A. al-ýsharff,at-FWx al-islamift al-radd 'ala al-Aravam pp. 313-334. JAI & Jjw 143 Eut)vMus, Sa'rd b. al-Balrrq. Kitib at-TarA ýh, p. J A+ Cw ytz) 144 Eutychiusý SaId b. I. 176 al-Balr1q, Kitib al-TarALh p. Seefor example, Eutychius, Sa'rd b. al-Batr1q, Kitib al-Burhin, 1, p. 102. 146 Eut)-chius, Sa'Id b. a]-Balrfq, Kilib al-Burhki, 1. p. 27-28,32-34.
257
147He Old Testament knowledge. is beyond the the tried to stories of our explain who in which God appearsin personto some prophetsand evenwrestlesagainstone of 14' them. This specificpoint seemsto havebeennoticed relativelylate by the Muslim 149 in debates Christianity, theologians their and ever sincebecameone of the against comerstonesof the modemMuslim polemic. Obviously,the main aim of the whole treatisewas defendingthe divinity of Christ, and explaining the nature of the Word of God as God himself 150Concerning the Trinity, he devoted a large part of this book trying to explain it and answering the
Muslim objections against Christian dogma. Furthermorehe warned his audiences (mostly Christians) not to think of any material world when trying to understand the
birth of the sonfrom the Father. It is clear that, he addressedChristianand non-Christianreadersin his book. There are severalresponsesto sometraditional Muslim objectionsagainstChristian dogma. Yet he was extremelycautiousnot to nameMuslims. Only in few caseshe usedthe comparisonbetweenthe Christian(he called him: the believer
and
non-Christian (whom he cafled, the dissident LILLJ)
Presumably,he was aware of the theological debatesnot only between Muslims and Christians, but also between the Muslim intellectual and religious 151 free schools. He turned to the issue of the will and predestination, which was one
He between Muslim intellectual his thinkers. time assertedthe the themes of of he Yet for free their the action. aptly avoided absolute mankind will and choice of his discussion but his Muslim trends reflect awarenessof the any aflusion to the theological debates of his time.
He denied the Muslim notion of the Bible's
147 EutycWus, Sald b. a]-Balrfq, Kitib 1, 7-9. p. al-Burhki, 148 EutycWus, Sald b. al-Balrfq. Kitib Gcncsis, 32: 24-30. Scc 1, 18; p. at-Burhki, 149 Ibn I lazm, 303. Hidjyat 1. Qa), 148; Ibn p. al-ýqyJra, a, p. at-flpl, )im al-Ja%vziy), 150 EutyýcWus,Sald b. al-Batrfq, Kitib 1, 25-26. p. al-Burhki, -
258
foretelling of Mohammed as a Paraclete, whom Christ promised his disciples. 152 he it is invisible body but Remarkably Eutychius assuredthat used spirit. not a an
153 from indicates his knowledge Qur'dn, the of which someexpressionor evenverses book. Muslim the sacred YabyA b. Salid al-AnIala, in his history there is no glimpse or hint of indirectly Furthermore, there against are no comments even polemical orientation. Muslim creed or Muslim rulers. This attitude is clearly understandablefrom an Arab Christian-Melkite writer, who is writing in Arabic and within the Muslim realm, in his last he he Antioch Byzantine Yet the paid spent years under rule. although his to the affairs of sect and their problemswith Muslim sovereigns, attention special
but explicitly he was extremelycautiousnot to show his personalattitudenot only here in is but he dealt Muslims It the noting also generally events worth with. against
two works havebeenattributedto Yabya,oneagainstJews that an allegedpolen-dcal it is "A Muslims" thought the treatise to the and on replying entitled other one and 154 in in Aleppo. that they are now private possessions SulaymAn al-Ghazi, a Melkite poet and bishop of Ghazza(10-1 I'h. Century). 155Sulayman had a figure his hazy. life are almost Like most of the polemists,this and divan, and some fragments of writings. His poetry is characteriseddeeply by his
identity as a Christian-Melkite.He alludedto the life of his sect during al-Hakim's Muslim bitterly though their the ruler, capricious suffering under and portrayed reign T51 Eutychius,Sa'ldb. al-Batr1q,Kitib al-Burhin, I, pp. 56-60. ' 152 Eutychius,Sa'Idb. al-Batriq,Kitib al-Burhin, 1,p. 140. Seefor example:Eutychius,Sa'Idb. al-Batriq,KitAbal-Burhin, II, p. 91,96 (N-Apji dUU);p. 102 (Ojjl, y 44 11LW ") Qur'dn, 19,34. It is noteworthythat, this particularversespeaksabout Jesusandis a part of section,which refutesthe Christiannotionon Christ. G. 114 Gasparet al., 'BibliographieduDialogueislamo-chrdticn'lslamochristiana, (1976) 202; 2 p. -P, der christfichenarabischenLiteratur,2, p. 51;HarperForsyth,J., TheByzantineGraf,Geschichte Arab chroniclei,I, p. 21. N. in by his big introduction his his life single the one volume editor of works and works see -On Edelby, in which he summariesevery possibleallusions to the poet and his life. Neverthelessthere be filled be to to answered. and some gaps questions still some are
259
he did not mentionhis name.In severalpoemsof his divan, he defendshis faith deny divinity he Christ. Yet those the against who of considerably announced his that adversariesare the Jews,but on the backgroundof the whole repeatedly poems, one can see clearly the repercussionsof the Muslims-Christiandialogues.He
dedicatedalmost the whole work to chant the miraclesof Jesus,which could be consideredwithout exaggerationas the main aim and feature of the whole divan. Of the entire divan, which consistedof 71 poems, he devoted only one poem (n. 5 1), as a dialogue with non-Christians,yet he did not allude to their identity, but one can assume that they are both Muslims and Jews. In that unique poem he discussedseveral issues of the current Christian-Muslim polemic. First he defended 156 divinity Christ, the of presumably against the Muslims' (or the Jews?) question,
then he turnedto the issueof the Trinity and stronglydeniedthat Christianworship 157SOon
three Gods,
he answeredtheir questionson the Eucharist,venerationof the
158 icons. he Notwithstanding, devoted the and cross a considerable part of his poetry to anti-Jewishpolemic,but he evidentlyavoidedany kind of polemicagainstIslam, jeopardise his life he would since was living in the realm of Islam. Albeit, he which
did not alludeto Islam, but at the sametime he could not hide his sYmpathywith Byzantium.In two rare cases,the poet showshis approbationof Byzantium,first he kings (of Christian Byzantium),who left the swordsandshieldsto others, the praised 159 in Jerusalem, and prayedwith their carry their crossesand visit the sacredplaces 160 in folk the churches. However, in one exceptionalcase he attackedMuslims directly and called them infidels who controlled the Christian sacredplaces in '56 Sulayndn al-Ghazi, al-Divan, p. 295, N. 3. 157 Sulaymanal-Gliazi, al-DAvin, p. 296, N.6-7. 158 Sulaymanal-Ghazi, al-DAvJn, p. 298-299. 159 Sulayman al-Ghazi, al-DAvin, pp. 167-168. The poet here are confused,first he mentions the _ kings of the Rfim by name (pjjl 4-4A)but in the next verses he speaksof them as visitors to c
260
161 he On another Empire. Byzantine Jerusalem,which considered still a part of the
162 by divinity Christ, he Muslim the the of quotingthe objection of occasion rejected 163 God. Jesus Qur'anicverse,which speaksof asspirit of On the other hand, he composedsome short theological treatises,in which he in his divan. his he like divan, In than these treatises, poor eloquences more shows
tried to give supportto his Christianreaders.Mostly he hadin mindthe objectionsof the Muslims and Jews against Christianity, and on that ground he wrote his works. Similarly he avoided carefully any direct allusion againstMuslim or their religion. In
from he Elias Nisibis, quoted verbatim of case and carefullyomittedthe word one 'Muslims' from the original text. In another casehe invented a Christian heretic that
he calledRip, and attributedto him a theory, which deniesabsolutelythat Christ him. his killed, but killed This thought they or enemies crucified were confused was is heresy less Christian Christ's Muslim the or on more notion alleged 164 listed As the amongthe editor pointed out such a notion was not crucifixion. Christian heresies,which were forbidden in the sixth council, as Sulayman 165Finally,yet interestingly, there is an alleged missing manuscript attributed claims.
in is be letter Muslim Ghazza, Sulayman to to cleric, to a certain of which supposed a
Jerusalem,who returnedback to their countries,which seemsmostly as normal Christian pilgrims not Byzantine kings. 160 Sulaymdnal-Ghazi, al-DAvm, p. 257. , 161 Sulaymanal-iihazi, al-DIWAn,p. 362. A 0_44AA C)A yt=
J11 (.,
JUO
$ihiin (Jerusalem)is flourishing for the faithful and the king, while being sackedby the infidels. The editor N. Edclby pointed out (note 43) that this verserefersto the reign of al-tlakim. $ihan is the southerndistrict of Jerusalem,p. 375, note. 1. 162 Sulaymanal-Ghazi, al-DAvin, p. 149. 163 He His Allah, Jesus Mary (no the and word, which of son of more) an apostle was -"Christ bestowedon Mary, and a spirit proceedingfrom Him" Qur'An, 4: 171. 164. "Thcy killed him not, nor crucified him, but so it was madeto appearto them, and thosewho differ therein are full of doubtswith no (certain knowledge),but only conjectureto follow, for of a surety the killed him not" Qur'An, 4: 157. tcrites See 165 68-69. the th6ologiques pp. also editor's note, al-Ghazi, al-DAvin, prose, en -Sulayman No. 100,115. 261
defended Islam Islamic Christianity Melkite the and and rejected writer which 166
claims . In all probability,his poetry andtheologicaltreatisesreflect someknowledge language influenced by Qur'anic I-Iis Qur'dn. the the and style clearly style was of borrowed poet
and the Muslims.
from some expressions
the
sacred book
of
167
Presumablyhis knowledge of the Muslim book derived from the Muslim
he have Muslim the sacred equally could or personal acquaintance of milieu cultural book.
To sum up, Byzantine polen-ft and Melkite polen-k both faced Islam from an
in between facts this different The them, context, only common approach. extremely both Certainly intensive Bible. them the their of their of employment and readers, are
hated Islam (or listener) Christian and was who simple-mindedreader, aimedat a hand, On there Islam the were not many other as a religion. poorly acquaintedwith Islamic While from both debates theology. the them, with of comparing rational Muslim thinkers, as we will see in the next chapter, tend to use rational arguments,
Christian Byzantine dependent Qur'dnic less the the apologists, on references, andare final heavily Bible, draw the Melkites, the mostly as and on using it and hand, On disprove foes' the their to other arguments. word, prove or unquestionable language, had Byzantine and paid special the writings were mostly aggressive, sharp living Melkite Mubarnmad, theologians the were while attentionto the personalityof them Muslim much cost would similar writings any and certainly rule under indirect, Consequently their and predominantly soft, polemicwas mostly suffering.
166 Sulaymanal-Ghazi. al-DAvki, Ecrites thgologiquesen prose, p. 194. ' tcrites Idem, NjSj 49,55,149,386,398; 41iSj) p. 167.Sulalman al-dazzl, al-Diwin, p. 55,126, no. 7 th6ologiquesen prose, p. 114.
262
for Christian faced both Melikte than a spiritual support a more reader who not was
MuslimsandotherChristiansectsin his dailylife.
263
Chapter Five Islamic polemic against Byzantium: A historical evaluation
The growth of Islamic anti-Christian polemic While the Byzantine-Muslim relations had been deeply characterised by during life Mubammad the the since earliest aspects military clash of religious himself Muslim polemic against Christianity in general and against Byzantium in
least before it itself form final two took to the centuries at which elaborated particular, Accordingly, Muslim know Christianity today. acquaintance and the with we
' begin late is judgement This Christiancreedseemsto certainlya relatively as well. do have from first texts the two Muslim not any survivingwritten conjectural,as we be the to certain,aswe shallsee. centuries,although existenceof suchworks seems However,it couldbe arguedthat the Muslim anti-Christianpolemicbeginswith the Qur'dn. To someextent,the Qur'dn was the first Muslim polemicaltext of any kind. It announcesIslam as the only right and final religion, and heraldsMuhammad
for it last At both Christians the time the mankind. same and prophet challenges as Jews,refutestheir creedsand accusesthem of alteringtheir sacredbooks. As for Christianity,the Qur'dn devotesonly 220 versesof a total of 6,236to the discussions 2 lead it. did follow (and Surprisingly, Muslim for the against) apologists not always in Christianity. They Qur'dn tried their the with of polenýcal encounters pattern and from logical their as well as quoting to use and rationalargumentswith adversaries,
theQur'dnicversesto someextent. There is a recent interesting study on this topic, J. Waardenburg,'Muslim studiesof other religions: the medievalperiod', in G. Gelder and Ed de Moor (cds.) TheMiddle East and Europe: Encounters and exchanges(Arnsterdam-Atlanta 1992). 2 A. a17Sharfi,al-Fikr al-islamL pp. 114-121.Seefor more details, chapter 1, pp. 56-61.
264
on the other hand, in the prophet Muhammad's sTra(life), and I.Iadith, there
3 Christians, him to with as well as severalsayingsattributed on were someencounters However, the nature and time range of these sayings,as non-Muslims. relations with disputes the on the authenticity of some of them, require a much-extended well as beyond lies limits is It the this thesis. and scope of noteworthy however, work, which that someof the Hadiths attributed to the prophet were used later in propagandawars in M. Canard his Byzantium. article points to these traditions and their against in dream the the connection with of the conquest of Constantinople. employment
Other similartraditionswere elaborated(and may havebeeninvented)in the tenth Muslim the to support volunteers on the Byzantine-Muslim borders, as has century
4 beenshownearlier. Muslimswere not fully acquaintedwith the Bible duringthe first Presumably, Islam. However, information Muslims the of early apparently sought on more century
5 Christianityfrom their Christianneighbours,subjectsor friends. Althoughthere are somesayingsattributedto the prophetwhich recommendMuslimsto avoid reading 6 Bible, the or askingnon-Muslimsabout their religion. Consequently,someof the did disciples 'Abbas Bible; Ibn this trend the not approve new of studying prophet's (the cousinof the prophetand one of the earlyMuslim authorities)condemned those interestingly Christians that the and al-kitab, ahl pointed or asked none of out who
Supra. Ch. I. p. 58. SupraCh.2, pp. 119-120. Seefor example, Ibn al-Nad1m,al-fihrist, p. 33. He saysthat he askeda certain Arab Christian, for whom he shows considerablerespect, about the books of the Christians, which appearedin the Arabic tongue (i. e. translatedinto Arabic). 6- There is a Ijad7ith,narrated severaltimes in similar words. It saysthat 'Umar I, brought somepages from the Torah (in other narratives one of his Jewish friends has translated them for him); as the 'Umar began to read, while the face of the prophet colouredwith anger. AW stayed silent, prophet Bakr soon stopped 'Umar and drew his attention to prophet's angry face. So 'Umar stopped immediately, while the prophet said, "If Moses was alive he would follow me". Sunan al-DarmT, kitah al-Huqaddimah, n. 436; Musnad Mmad, Musnad al-Maldn, n. 15303,Musnad al-Kufln, n., 17613. Encyclopaediaof Hadith, CD. Rom edition, ver. 1,1, (Cairo 1991-1996); Ibn Ijazm, alFisal, I, p. 216.
265
7 Qur'dn. Similarly, In Jews asked about the
al-Nidi-m severely criticised the
(d. ) for from historian Ibn Istdq A. H. 797 D/150 copying non-Muslim prominent ' Christian (people knowledge). Jews booksandcalling and ahl al-'ilim of the These early objections against the knowledge of Christianity have vanished it is known for family had Umayyad that the some prominent members of gradually, intellectual contacts with their Christian subjects. Khdlid b. Ya2ld b. Mu'dwiya (d. 704 /85 H. ) the grandsonof Mu'dwiya I, was a disciple of a Christian Melkite monk, 9 him According Ibn he taught to medicine. al-Nadi-m, who gathered a group of from Egypt, knew Greek Coptic who and and entrustedthem to translate philosophers 10 books, first in Islam. translation apparently of philosophy; this was the some
Similarly,In al-Muqaffa' the Coptic patriarchof Alexandria,narratesthat a son of the govemor of Egypt, 'Abd al-'Ailz b. Marwan (father of 'Umar II), sought to learn
investigating Christian their attitude towards Islam, and some evil writings, about (sic) priestshelpedhim to translatethe Coptic texts." Furthermore,there are some indications of the existence of an Arabic copy, or at least Arabic fragments, of the 12 in first Muslim Bible the century. And some early Muslim religious writings did
13 knowledge Bible. of the reflectsome At the sametime, te growth of the Muslim kalAin,14hadreachedits climaxby the first decadesof the ninth/thirdcentury,thoughsomemodemArab scholarstendto
Al-BuILharl, Sapffi, 9, p. 136,187. In al-Nad7im,al-fihrist, p. 92. Ibn Khlikan, Wafyit, 11,p. 2 242. Ibn al-Nad7im, al-fihrist, p. b. Tffrlh, 1: Sevcrus 2, 143. al-Muqaffa', p. 11 C. Brokelman, Geschichteder arabischenLitteratur, 4, p. 90. Qur'dn in 408-409. 'Christianity Tabari Idem, the al-IslAm, pp. commentary al-fikr of -Al-Lharft, Islamochristiana 6 (1980) pp. 105- 148 14 in it Arabic literally but particular an word means speculative means or speech words, -Kalam theology, or the discussionsin matters of the creed,principally the attributes of God. Gradually it distinguished itself from the Muslim tradifionalfiqh, focusingon the principles of faith, suchas the Being and Attributes of God, using rational arguments,evenbeyondthe boundary of the Qur'An, to debatewith othersas well as to confirm the faith. SeeIbn Khaldfln, al-Muqddimah, p. 458; M. Adel
266
15 it back Western time, the to prophet's while some writers tend to give a greater set
16 influence Christian kalam. However, importanceto the the on origins of without into lengthy discussion foreign influences Kalam, here Muslim the a of any on going importance is is the coincidence and parallelism between three particular of what factors, Islamic in the coloured which cultural milieu the ninth century. These main kalam; Muslim logic; Greek the the of climax awareness and employment of and are the Muslims' gradual attainment of a comprehensiveknowledge of the Christian Trinity, the which was more or less related to the Muslim debateson chiefly creed, 17 God. Yet, the early Muslim kalam at first, like the knowledge of the the attributes of Bible, met a scepticaland hostile attitude from the early Muslim authorities.18Though these objections were gradually overturned, up to the 13'hcentury there were several 19 kalqm. forbade the authoritieswho
first Presumably the after centuryof Islamichistory,the Muslim knowledgeof the Bible becamemore detailedand graduallybecamemore deeplyrooted in early Muslim theologicaland intellectualworks. The first known polemicalwork by a 20 hand, lost, Muslim now was written by Pirar b. 'Amr al-Qddf (d. 806/ 190 H. ). But
'All directed Muslim to there al-Tabari, were several other early attempts according Haleem, 'Early Kalam' in S. H. Nasr and 0. Leaman, (eds.) History of1slamic philosophy, part I (London 1996) pp.71-88. 15 M. A. Haleem, 'Early Kalam', pp. 71-88. 11 Cook, 'The origins of Kalam', BSOAS43 (1980) pp. 32-43. Seealso, F.E. Peters,'The Greek A. -M. and Syriac background', in S. H. Nasr and 0. Leaman, (eds)History of1slamic philosophy, part I, pp.40-51. 17 For more discussionsseeH. A. Wolfson, 'The Muslim attributesand the Christian Trinity', HTR, 49 (1956) pp. 1-18. Someof the prominent early Muslim scholarsdid not welcomethe discussionson God's attributes and consideredtheseas innovations. Imam Malik b. Anas (d. 179n95) had been askedabout God on the throne, and after a long silence he answered11God's rising abovethe throne is known, but the stateis unknown and the belief (in it) is obligatory, and the questionabout it is innovation., and I think you are a Zind! q; and the Imam said 'pull him out of the mosque'. Al-Subkr, TabaqAtalLhatfl'iyya, III, p. 126. 19 Both Abil 'Umar b. 'Abd al-Bar (d. 1071/463H.) 'Abd Allah al-Anýdff al-Harwl (d. 1088A.D/ 481H.) and Muwafaq al-Din al-Maqdisf (d. 1223A.D./620H.) composedof book against kalam. BadwL 'Abd al-RabmAn,Mazjhib al-Islamh (the Muslim sects)2 vols, Yd ed. (Beirut 1983) 1, p. 15.
267
his introduction Christians. In 'Al-i the al-Tabaff severelycriticized these against lacking Christianity Christian for clear any understanding and people,andof of works language do Christians. Unfortunately to the complicated or address we usingpoetry full Muslim have hence judge texts the of any these early works, and one cannot not books leaving Thus, highly disputed their the and examine aims and styles. aside early letter attributed erroneouslYto the caliph 'Umar II, the letter of Harfin al-Rastild Constantine first VI known Muslim polemical to the the emperor addressed standsas directed Byzantium. against work I
Al-Q541-'Abd al-Jabbarnarratesthat someChristianswho convertedto Islam beganto use their previous knowledge in refuting Christianity". The only well-known
is 'Alf devoted his Islam knowledge to to the al-Tabaff, who converted and example defenceof Islam and the refutation of Christiandogmas.Likewise the prominent b. Qudamah Ja'far, Christian in Islam I Ohcentury, to who was a and converted writer 22 book dialectics. is but Though the the a called art of missing presumably composed heusedhis knowledgeasa formerChristian. In the light of the daily contactsbetweenMuslimsandtheir Christiansubjects, fierce by Byzantium, the as struggle against well characterised as which was religious
it did for Muslim thinkers to take two one may ask, why almost centuries zeal, kind Christians first Jews? The any polen-kal work of against and possibility produce is without doubt the recommendations of the prophetand someof his closedisciples knowledge from Christians The Bible Jews. to the or seek second read and not kalam looked Muslim the of scholars seemingly suspicion and upon with generation faith. discussions of philosophical
10 P, Casparct al., 'Bibliographic du dialogue Islamo-Chrdtien', Islamochristiana 1 (1979) p. 143. 21 Al-Q541'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbff daIJ71al-nubuwah, I, p. 117. 22 Ibn al-NadIm, al-f1hrist, p. 130
268
in difficulties found Muslim theologians For their part, early examining some
'Abd is interesting dogma. It the to Christian al-Jabbar at-QaTt of comments note the in facing Muslims, them, difficulties the the thinkers acquainting among the even on 23 if dogmas Al-Jdýi? "Even Christian to exert one were agrees, saying the complex . learning intellectual the to a view all one's resources with summon and all one'szeal Christian teachings about Jesus, one would still fail to comprehend the nature of Christianity, especiallyits doctrine concerningthe Divinity. How in the world can one in succeed grasping this
24 1 doctrineT
.
Though his aim here was to devalue the
Christian dogma, his words still reflect the struggle which early Muslim theologians had in their initial encounterswith the Bible and the Christian creed.
The long processof the conquestand establishinga new governmentalsystem in the conqueredlands made the Arabs a military aristocracyin their expanding from Arabs Shaban M. Furthermore, themselves the apart set points out, as empire. between led them to this a virtual separation segregation the conqueredpopulations; 25 Islamic The the their empire presumably was cultural milieu of subjects. and knowledge from Arabs Accordingly, by the this of non-Arabs. separationof affected in first Muslim began languages, two the slowly as well as other religions, other
Muslim that the It that realised and writers al-Maslidii other surprise is no centuries. UmayyadscaliphatewasArabicin natureandpower. Whenthe black Abbasidbannersemergedout of Persia,andthe political capital just Persian in Baghdad, to Muslim the and culture shadow of the moved world of it help Persian as as well a new political the marked supporters, of crucial with intellectual watershed in Muslim history. In field of culture, the early 'Abbaý'id era 23- Al-Qdi#'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbffdalj7l al-nubuwah,I, p. 92. 24 Al-joi?, al-radd 'ali al-Naýkj, p. 22.Englishtrans. I Finkel,reprintedin N. Newman,(ed.) The dialogue, Christian-Muslim p. 709 early
269
Those Muslims the conversion of several non-Arabs. converted newly witnessed included from different backgrounds. They Islam cultural and religious embraced Christians, Magi, Manichaean, Jews and pagans. The vivid Muslim cultural milieu different into its intellectual these trends assin-fflated sects and successfully In blood these to veins of the growing return elements pumped more new renaissance. Muslim civilization. Accordingly most of the greatest Muslim scholars in the ninth 26 and tenth centuries were non-Arabs. However, some of those newly converted influenced for Muslim According the the to al-Jahiz's also culture worse. elements 27
theory, they were the main sourcesof the wavesof heresyin Islam. Indeedsome 28 introduced in Islamic Christian heresies realm elementsof or Magi origin. In a word,, by the reign of the caliph at-Mutawakkil (847-861AD/ 232-247H.)
the Muslim caliphateappeareda hotbedof all kinds of heretics.The caliphsfelt the heresies life these effects of on religious and social and even on the pronounced increasing At daily debates their the time the of situation realms. same political betweenMuslimsand Christians,as well as betweenthe differentMuslim sectsmay
'5
Shaban, Islamic history (A.D. 600-750A. H. 132): a new interpretation (Cambridge 1971) 1, A. -M. p. 169.
26 E. al-Tabarr and al-Bukharl. - g.
27 Seethe commentsof al-Joi? on those new converts of Christian origin who introduced heretical ideas and spreadthem among the Muslim laity. He says" Is it not a fact that the majority of those who were executedfor parading as Muslims, while hypocritesat heart, were men whosefathers and from Even have Christians? the today people come mostly suspicion who are mothers were under their ranke'. Someother Muslim scholarsattribute the introduction of the problem of predestination and the creation of the Qur'An, to Christians or Jews who converted to Islam and deliberately imitated suchdiscussions.Al-Joi?, al-radd 'aljal-Naý&J, p. 17.English trans. J. Finkel, reprinted in N. Newman, (ed.) The early Christian-Muslim dialogue, p. 704. 21 Among them there are two sects,al-I Iditauh (ZAW) and al4jadLhyah (44al), who claimed that , the universe has two creators,the first the eternal God and the secondJesus.They also allegedthat it is Jesuswho will be the judge of the world in the Day of Judgment.Apparently they acceptedthe proplicthood of Mu4ammad. Another exampleof the Christian cffect on Muslim heresiesis that the ruthless and corrupt group of al-Qaran-dtahborrowed some elements of Christian doctrine "He described leader letters, Spirit. Holy In first they the their their concerning one of propagation is the preacherof Christ, that is Jesus,and he is the Word, and the malid-I... and Jesuscameto him, in human form and told him: You are the Holy Spirit and the final wor&'. Ibn al-AtliTr, al-kknil, 6, p. 69; al-MaqffzT,Itt'4,1, p. 153; 'Abd al-Qahir al-Biglidadf, kitAb al-milal wa al-nipal, (book of the religions and sects)ed. A. Nadir (Beirut 1986) p. 115.
270
have producedunrest in the society, or even clashesbetweenadherentswhich jeopardisedBaghdaditself from time to time. This spiritualunrestcoincidedwith the growth of power of the Turkishtnilitary decline the steady of the caliphs' power, as well as their personal elements and began Accordingly, some caliphs arrangementsto suppressmost of these prestige. heresies,as well as banning all kinds of discussionson matters of creed, or even the 29 books kalam of philosophy, and magic. Obviously, these arrangements selling of
harsh began the treatment to to with meted out non-Muslimsubjects,which coincided 30 in Abbasid At keener the the time, the second era same caliphate appeared occur . 31 before Muslim Christianity. to than sponsorand encourage polemic against
One may add that the piety and personaldesireof somecaliphsto follow the lead of the prophetandto complywith the Qur'dnicinjunctionto invite non-Muslims to accept IsIaM32helped more or less to fastenMuslim polemic againstByzantium, or
branch least the official of this polemic. at IAU a]-Tabari (c. 855 A. D. )
In spite of the importanceof the works of 'All b. Rabbanal-Tabaff,he did not in Baghdad. Muslim the thinkers considerable reputation any among elite enjoy Surprisingly,Ibn al-Nadi-mgivesa list of his books,which were mainlyon medicine, 33 kilAh his famous but omits polemicalwork al-dli wa al-&nvlah. Furthermoremost historians, late do book, Muslim theologians to this the refer at all and or make not of 29 issued kind debates Qur'an. banning the caliph al-Mutawakkil a public order of concerning any -The Furthermorethe caliph sentthesedecreesto his governorsto applythemoverhis entirecaliphate. Later his sonal-Mu'tamid issuedin 892/ 279H. a similar banandforcedthe booksellers to swcar that theywould neversell anybooksof philosophyor Wain or magic.Justa fewyearslater in 897 Al-YaqiibT,TjrAjh 2, AD./284H anotherdecreeconfirmedthe prohibitionof anykind of debates. 4, p. 592;al-Kindf,Kitih 'Umari'Mi§r, TheGovernorsandjudgesofEgypt, p. 197;al-Tabarr,111: I, p. 151. p. 213;Bar Hebraeus, 30 T. Arnold, Thepreachingof1slam,p. 76. 11 On the statesponsorship 305-313. the of pp. polemic next see chapter, 32 16: 125; 41: 33. -Qur'dn, 33 Ibn al-Nadi7m, 296. p al-f1hrist, -
271
it. It book that the of seems use or the copies of it were not known in the substantial
by the Islamicmilieu, or, which is more likely, were not approvedor recommended Muslim thinkers.One can assumehowever,that the structureof the culturedMuslim in formed Baghdad was of chains of teachers and disciples. Those disciples elite usually make a proper propagandafor their Shaykhs(teachers)and their works, which
be began distributed to used, copied and soon on a wide scaleall over Islam.We learn 34This fact, one that 'Al-i b. Rabbanal-Tabaff converted to Islam in his late seventies. him put out of the traditional Muslim chain of authority, and certainly suppose, may his for obscurity among Muslim thinkers. Furthermore, his conversion to accounts Islam would undoubtedly provoke the Arab Christian writers, and they at least would
have his to cared copy or preserve works, eventhe medicalones. not 'Ali al-Tabaffcertainly makesa watershedin the Muslim knowledgeof the Bible; he offers the Muslim theologiansa closer look at the Bible, or at least books Christians. have Though them to the the reread of an earlier encourages we knowledgeof the Bible,35the effortsof 'AliMuslim text which showsa considerable in turning the Muslimunderstanding a point were al-Tabaff of the Christiantext. 'All al-TabarT the Christians,in composedtwo works; a shorttreatiseaddressing he divinity trinity the the and refutes of Christ, on the basisonly of a careful which His Biblical inexact, Bible. the of quotations are slightly study obviouslyhe changed but here there, words or without alteringthe meaning,and his referencesto some insignificant is The longer, treatise some contain mistakes other, chapters as well. kitAbal-dýqwa al-dawlah,which showscleartracesof the caliph,andincludesmore directquotationsfrom the Qur'dn,thanin his first treatise,wheretheyarerare.
34 'Allf al-Tabarl,al-Radd'ala al-Nasard,p. 119. 35 SeeIbn Abi al-Laith, Lettre A CalifieHdran al-Ras[da VempereurConstantineP71,seesupra chapter1.
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Unfortunately,'All al-Tabaffdoesnot alludeto Byzantiumor the ByzantineMuslim struggle,but one can find some repercussionsof the Byzantinepolemic discusses issue He in Islam. Mubammad's the theme of miracles, a main against Byzantine polemic and lists severalmiraclesattributed to the prophet. He also touches God's issues Muslims to support such as as a proof of the righteousnessof their other 36But the main contribution of his writings is the intensive study of the Bible, religion. firstly to disprove the Christian creed and secondlyto find and confirm prophesieson Mubammad in the Bible. Significantly he offers a different interpretation of Daniel's
in his belief in Mubammad to the the Old Testament; support prophecy of vision, ironically the very same vision was used to support opposite argument against
37 Islam. Another repercussionof the Byzantinepolemic can be seenclearly in his 38
defence of the asceticismof the Muslim caliphs and rulers. Although he enthusiastic he is defending the prophet disciples, the repercussionsof the Byzantine that says
39 lives Muslims of their contemporary seemclear. polemicagainstthe materialistic Surprisingly,a carefulreadingof 'Arf al-Tabaffshowssometracesof sympathy i. his Christianity. Firstly, his is language in old religion, e. with mild comparisonwith
he had Muslim his family in Christian his sources; presumably other mind when
"
1-dawla, Kitih 50-54; A. English Mingana, N. A. trans. al-Tabaff, wa pp. al-dTn reprinted -'Ali Newman, (ed.) The early Christian Muslim dialogue, pp. 611-614. 37 For a Christian interpretation of Daniel's vision and its application on Muslims seeTheophanes, English trans., Mango, p. 47 (in his commenton the caliph 'Umar I Chronographia, I, p. 33922-24, entering Jerusalem);H. Putman, L'ýglise et l7slam sous Timoth6e1 (780-823) 6tudessur 1'6glise Nestorienne au temps des premiers Abbasieds avec nouvelle 6dition et traduction du dialogue Timoth6e 29-30. pp. et al-Hahdi, entre 38 1-dawla, KitAh 54-65 al-Tabarl, wa al-dh pp. -Ali 39 English in The Syrian A. Palmer, in translations the partial seventh century west -Pscudo-Methodius, chronicles, pp. 230-242; John of Damascus,De haeresibus,PG 94, col. 767, English trans. D. Sahas,John ofDamascus, appendix,I, p. 133; Niketas of Byzantium, refut., PG 105,cols. 720,781; Anna Conmena,A 16xiad,ed. B. Lcib, II: 10, p. 208, English trans. E.R.A. Sewter,p. 3 10; SeeA. Khoury, Pol6mique býzantine,pp. 260-269. It is noteworthythat someMuslim sourcesnarratethat the caliph al-Mutawakkil (benefactorof 'All al-Tabari) wasfond of wine and had 4,000 concubines. Al-Mas'fidf, Huriy al-dhahab, 4, p. 90,116. While Ibn Klialdan, bitterly criticised al-Mas'adi's works for their defamation and insinuations, at the same time, lie acquitted the early 'Abbasid 'Abbasids. later followed in Ibn Khaldan, alhis the al-Mas'fidi criticism of caliphs and Muqddimah, pp. 4,15-17,206.
273
he Secondly, his both Bible, Old texts. the the accepts authenticity of entire writing
(talifto is Testaments, Bible, New treats the the and alteration of which and in Qur'Rn, Christian the as only a matter of misunderstanding, ratherany mentioned deliberate altering of the text itself He praises both New and Old Testamentsand their "good maxims of morality, remarkable advice, sublime wisdom and excellent 40 Furthermore, he says, "The wicked Zind-iqshave abusedand employed parables". invective against these books (i. e. the gospeIS)".41 The most striking allusion, however, is that he says he was converted by
j Lr9b.-P), that is to say, by
42 in Nevertheless, his book, he 'ald ffr, ý and stick. other al-Radd al-Naý, says carrot 13 his late his for the sake of material advantageS, that conversionin seventieswas not
be honour he have from to the caliph. an allusion some may may gained which The vivid and dynamiccultural milieu in the third and fourth Muslim centuries intellectual The differences between these schoolsand several schools. produced trendssooncreateda culture of debatesand disputesbetweenthem. SeveralMuslim devoted intellectual their works to supporting their views and refuting those scholars Prom Muslim the this the core of very milieu, others. anti-Christian polemic grew of
his theologian the each and made substantial use of of work progressively, predecessors. My main concernhereis to focus on thoseworks which havesomethingto do Byzantine-Muslim relations,ratherthanto re-examineall the extentof polemical with lie beyond bounds task the certainly a would of this research. which works,
Kitib 1-dawla, A. Mingana, A. Newman, 46; English N. trans. al-Tabarf, al-dh wa p. reprinted -'All (cd. ) The early Christian Muslim dialogue, p. 607. Idem. Kitib al-dh wa 1-dawla, p. 144; English trans. A. Nfingana, reprinted N. A., al-Tabarf, -'All Newman, The early Christian Muslim dialogue, p. 657. It is may be noted that Mingana's is not related to the word translation is not accurate here inasmuch as the Arabic word, 40-0 dissuasion; its precise meaning is intimidation. 'Ali al-Tabarl, al-radd 'ahl al-Nagrq, p. 119.
274
Al-Jahiz
He is one of the greatestthinkersin all Arabic literature.His unique style, his interests brought him and sarcastic criticism several admirers as wide range of He School in Mu'tazila Iraq the was an active member enemies. of severe as and well a prolific writer. The importance of al-JdW for us here lies in two facts. Firstly, becausehe Byzantine-Muslim to the attention special struggle, not taking the traditional pays historians listed Muslim the annual raids and major activities on the who approach of
borders,nor the broad polemicaltreatisesof the Muslim theologianswhich aimed believed infected be Christians Muslim they to as a as well whole as what against
but because he brings light heretical to the schools, someuniquenarratives sectsof in details Muslim-Byzantine to the and minor mostly obscure allusions and about his intellectual because his Secondly, to thanks curiosity. anti-Christian conflict, treatisewas part of the official policy of the caliphal-Mutawakkil,andcontainssome Byzantine-Muslim to the struggle. allusions unique The rational and liberal mind of al-Jdjýiz,as well as the mild tone of his anti-
Christian treatise actuated J. Finkel, his first publisher, to conclude that "he intentionally strengthensthe arguments of the Christians in their attacks upon the
44 Qur'dn". Thisjudgement,however,seemsabsolutelyimplausible.In the pagesupon hypothesis his from (p. builds 37 Finkel of the text); al-Jahizspeaksof the which Qur'dn by the taken out of context and used which were paradoxicalversesof MUSliMS.
Christiansto supporttheir argumentsagainst
45There
is no explicit evidence
44 j. Finkel, A risli ofal-jjpiz, reprinted, N. A. Newman, (ed.) Theearly Christian-Muslim Dialogue, _ p. 698. 45 E.g. 'Strongest among men in emnity to the Believers wilt thou find the Jews and Pagans;and in love Believers to the them wilt thou find those who say, "We are Christians": nearestamong becauseamongst these are men devoted to learning (lit. qsTsln= priests) and men who have Qur'5n, 5,82; (i. they there arc severalother arc the and not e. monks), arrogant' world renounced
275
Christianity. Furthermore, towards the sympathy of any al-JdýiZ work of whatsoever
himself the guidanceof an enthusiasticcaliph,who saw of aWati? was written under Islam, Orthodox hero and certainlyany sympathyof al-JdlýiZ with the causeof of as a Christianity would have cost him the fury of the caliph and waves of criticism from Muslim theologians. other More important, al-JabiZ comments on the confusion caused by Christian Qur'dnic of some verses:"You have askedus about our book and misunderstanding in language is is did our perraissible and our speech; you not ask us what what 46 language is One to and your speeclf. wonders whom al-Jahiz acceptablein your his Certainly Christians, but they argument? were obviously they were not addressing
Arabs,asthey couldnot understandArabic.Onemaysafelyassumethat he meantthe Byzantines,inasmuchas he speaksof Christiansin generalandis suddenlymovedto he Byzantine Obviously the their thinks of of castration practice of children. criticise
ChristianArabstogetherwith the Byzantinesin this treatise,in which he presumably borrows part of an alleged letter sent to Byzantium. More probably he was aware of Islam. Byzantine po emic against some As for as this Byzantine polemic is concerned, the Tunisian researcheral-
Sharficautiouslyattributesthe Muslim anonymousletter addressed to Byzantiumand 47 letter he builds known 'Umar's The to evidence on al-Jahi?. only which as widely his argumentis the similarityin languageand style.Howeverif one addsthe previous different language, in foes to treatise, speak a which address who al-AW's allusions the evidenceof al-Sharfi,it seemssafeto assumethat al- Jahizwas involvedmoreor less in Byzantine-Muslim polemic, and he may have been the writer of the
On 5: 69) in Qur'an 17; Christians 22: (2: 62; the repercussionof these the the which praise verses 66,76-77. Arabic Christian de Antioche, Paul pp. writings, see verseson 46 Al-Jahi?, al-radd 'ahl al-Naý&A p. 36. 47 A. al-Lharfi, al-Fikr al-islamr, pp. 160-161. -
276
by it D. Sourdel, have been text the published which was suggested could anonymous
'Umar II" Leo "letter to the of emperor missing
111.48
AI-JdtiZ, however, attacks the Byzantines and their treatment of their own 49 in Muslim they to castrate, addition captive children. Furthermore, children, whom
he bitterly and sarcasticallycriticisesboth monks and monasticismin Christianity, it lazy individuals like live to the to nature of certain only who without attributing 50 burden doing any work as a on others. To sum up, although the anti-Christian treatise of al-Jahiz is not complete and his lost, have of are so works we no solid ground on which to stand other polemical
he him, have judging to seems overall not mademuchuse eitherof the Qur'dn or on the Bible. He uses his rational argument, coloured with his sarcastic style. Nevertheless,his short bitter comments and valuable allusions are very important,
inasmuchas he was not -only a highly respectedMuslim scholarwho spenthis life betweenbooks and disciples,but he was aboveall, a prolific writer, a psychological between laity the author, standing a comic somewhere and the elite. observer, Al-Q0-1 'Abd al-Jabbiir
Like his great predecessor,al-JalýiZ,al-Qdd! 'Abd al-Jabbarhas a special importance in Byzantine-Muslimpolemic. He devoted his various works to his the al-Mu'tazila, and made a considerablecontributionto school, supporting Muslim intellectuallife, as well as to Muslim anti-Christianpolemic.The maintheme in incarnation, Christianity focuses his Trinity the the and which on attack against of 'Furthermore, he from few Bible the he usesrational argumentsand a quotations .5 M. Gaudeul, 'The CorrespondencebetweenLeo and 'Umar: 'Umar's letter re-discovered'pp. 109157 49 Al-J#iz, al-Ilayawin, I, p. 59,80. 5' Al-J54iz, al-tlayawAn, 1, p. 130. 51 For a survey of his polemic against Christianity seeS. M. Stem, ' 'Abd al-Jabbar'saccountof how Christ's religion was falsified by the adoption of Roman customs'JTS, 19 (1968) pp. 128-185; A.
277
devotes a huge book to the defence and confirmation of the prophethoodof Muýammad. The last book, Ta-thbildal.971al-nubuwah(confirmationof evidencesof the bears importance in Muslim-Byzantine The a special polemic. prophethood) writer touches some religious and social issues across the borders between Byzantium and Muslims. He deals vAth the religious life, the forced conversion of the Muslim Byzantine local the of war, and propaganda to justify this obligatory prisoners 52 it kind to some of miracle. He seemsto be acquaintedwith conversionand attributes Byzantium and Byzantine polemic and dismissesthe Byzantine claims of miracles attributed to the so-called true cross on which Jesuswas crucified according to the
53 Christiancreed. Obviously,copying from al-JabiZ,he doesblameByzantinesfor 54 large their ruthlessness,as they used to castrate numbersof Muslim children, while
in Byzantine the victories the tenth century are interpretedby 'Abd al-Jabbaras a 55 by Christianity the sword, refuting the theme which often proof of the spread of
56 is Christian Christianity by individual polemicthat spread poor apostles. appearsin The Muslim theologian launched a fierce attack against Byzantine women as
He the general, society in saysthat the Byzantinesacceptedprostitutionand as well house, have in family to their unmarried especially ones, women, affairs even allowed is born, him baby dedicate him Christ, they their to to the carry church and once and him but the accept not only clergy will also pronouncethese women virtuous and so
al-Mr al-islamT,pp. 154-159;idem, 'Quotationsfrom apocryphalGospelsin 'Abd alal-ýSharfl, Jabbar'JTS,newseries,18(1967)pp. 34-57. 51 179, 2, 122. chapter p. note supra, -See 53 Al-Q54I 'Abd al-Jabbar,TathbTtdalall al-nubuwah,I, p. 125. 54.Al_Qjj# 'Abd al-Jabbar,TathbitMAT al-nubuwah,I, p. 168. 55 Al-Qa4T'Abd al-Jabbar,TaýthbTt dalaT 183. 1, al-nubuwah, p. 56
Scripta Minora, 1, p. 235, French trans. A. Abel, La letter poldmiquedArdthas', p. 357; S. -Arethas, K. Samir, Une Correspondance islamo-chr6fienne, PO, 40, Fasc. 4, n. 185, p. 178; Paul de Antioche, p. 35; 'Ammar al-Bagf, Kitib al-burh&i, cd. M. Hayek,Apologie et controverses(Beirut 1977),p. 34.
278
157 He Byzantine that also narrates nuns, used to go to monasteriesas well saintly even 58
for God. to themselves to the these to offer garrisons single men sake of as remote
Equally, 'Abd al-JabbRrpays specialattentionto refuting the miracleswhich Christian Surprisingly he to the saints. mingles miracles with magic attributed were Byzantines breed in to their sarcastically why were not able wonders camels and lands, although being very keen to do so? And why they did not use their magic to 59
solve suchproblem. 'Abd al-Jabbar saw Byzantium as a main factor in the deforming of true
Christianityand establishinga falseone,which, in his opinion,is far from the religion has He Christ. New theory Testament.He narrates the the a unique about writing of of
that the Christiansand Jewswere living togetherunder Romanrule. The Christians Romans After Jews. Romans to the the to the against complain a while askedthe used Christiansto leavethe Jewsand follow the Romansin prayingtowardsthe eastand (presumably do foods, Jews While the same pork which not eat). someof the eating followed Romans, Christians the others escapedand took with them the true early Bible. The other group, who followed the Romanshad to write a new Bible which is
the currentone, so they recalledwhateverthey could of the originalBible with some 60 in He attributed a special spreadingthe currentcorrupt and additions. role alterations it, he his Constantine Christianity, Helena. the to sees emperor as and mother, version
57 dahlil al-nubuwah,I, pp. 167-168.On the Arabic views of the 'Abd Tathbff al-Jabbar, -Al-Qa4i ByzantinewomenseeN. el-Cheikh,'Describingtheotherto getat the self.Byzantinewomenin the Arabicsources(8h. -110'.Centuries)',JESHO40,2 (1997)pp. 240-250. 58 AI-Qd4i 'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbirdald'il al-nubuwah,I, pp, 170-171. Conventshada badreputation in Arabic literaturein general.SeveralArab knightsandpoetsallegedthe adventures which they hadwith nuns,eitherwillingly or grudgingly.Seeal-JoiZ, al-MaP&inwa al-a(lid, pp. 184-185. this attitudemaybe reflectedin a formal edict(undatedbut apparentlyit is circa 13century)to the Melkite patriarchby the authoritiesin Egyptwhich warnsthe monksnot to haveprivatemeetings with women.Al-Qalqashandf,Yubbal-a'shf, II, p. 100. 59 pointedout that wasnot because breedin centralAsiawhere because arc camels of cold weather -He daldil al-nubuwah,1,178. it is verycold.Al-Qd4f'Abd al-Jabbdr,Taýthbff 60.Al-Q5i# 'Abd al-Jabb5r,Tathbitdald'il al-nubuwah,I, pp. 152-153.Seethe studyof S. M. Stern, 'Abd al-Jabbar'saccountof how Christ'sreligionwasfalsified',
279
In his theory, Constantinedestroyed all the philosophical schools,killed all the pagan
61 in Afterwards, books, Christian burnt their their place. monks and put thinkers, all 'Abd al-Jabbar says, 318 men gathered at Nicaea and formulated the Christians' Nicene Creed, and henceforth, Christians began to venerate the cross, eat pork and 62
follow the religion of the Romans. Even the Christian celebrationof the Nativity of Christ (Christmas)was, in his theory, a Roman celebrationheld in January,and taken it; Christians Christians by their the as own, although early never celebrated that over fast Christian days, from Romans taken the to the which were over and also applies 63Finally he summarised his theory in these words "The Christians al-$Rbi'ah. 64 did Romans To the not christianise". some extent, the theory of the while romanised
be doctrines Muslim to the to theologian of a relativelyseems similar tenth century 65 Chfistian founded sect. newly The accusationmadeby the ByzantinepolemicagainstIslam appearbriefly in 'Abd al-Jabbar'sapology.He says,"The Rum, are the origin of Christianity;they did in be him, blemish God (i. Muýammad), find the messenger of peace upon any e. not in him for him, (polygamy). blamed They the this they sword and women censure so God prays for him, while they allegethat God had Mary as the mother of His son, yet
66 her Another he Byzantine do the a wif6". place undermines same they not call killed huge Old by Testament to the the stories prophets of who polemic, referring (poll did the to them their chance and al-Jizya even not pay enemies, offer numberof does. if freedom having He Jesus, for Islam in that, argues of religion as tax), return 61 Al-Qa47i'Abdal-Jabbar,Tathbffdaldil al-nubuwah,I, pp. 160-162. 62 AI_Qa4-l daldil al-nubuwah,I, p. 163. TWO 'Abd al-Jabbar, it . 63 Al-Qd4I'Abd al-Jabbdr,Tathbffdalail al-nubuwah,I, p. 164. Tathbiffdaldil at-nubuwah,1,p. 173;the sameattitudeappearedin late 64 'Abd al-Jabbar, -Al-QddI Hidjyat al-ýfiyjra, p. 264. Muslim writings,seeIbn Qayyimal-Jawziyya, 65 The Seventh-day Adventistchurch,which was establishedin the secondhalf of the nineteenth do States. The followers United in this the church not eat pork, or celebrate of new century Christmas,andtheyconsiderSaturdaytheir Sabbath.SeehUp://wmv.adventist. org. 66 daldil al-nubuwah,I, p. 173. 'Abd al-Jabbdr,Taýthbff . AI_Qdi#
280
had God, Christian sent all those prophets and acceptedtheir warfare and killings, the
he Mubammad's is then with war against calls the non-Muslims, whom what wrong 67
infidels?.
Al-Miqillaniq Abo Bakr Mubammad b. al-Tayyib. Among the Byzantine-Muslim polemicists the name of al-Bdqilldtfi bears a for importance, is He Muslim the theologian who several reasons. only special very faced the Byzantines in Constantinople and it is beyond doubt that he had several
debateswith Byzantineclerics. A]-Qd(yi'Iyd4, the MoroccanMuslim historian(d. 1150AD./544H.), compiledthe most completebiographyof al-Bdqilldrfi,in which he lists 49 books. Unfortunately the majority of these works are missing. Of great
importance of them, is a book called "al-Masa'il al-Qustanriniyyaý'(the " issues) by-product his journey Constantinople. Constantinopolitan to as a of Regrettably,it seemscertainthat this no longerexists.Fortunately,however,al-QdTi On the other hand,al'Iyad quotessomeof al-Bdqilldtff'sdebatesin Constantinople. QaTi 'Iyad also saysthat al-Baqillatffwas a judge in the ThughUr(the Byzantine69 borders). This means that our theologian was involved, more or less, in Muslim
between Byzantines Muslims in debates the and as well as clashes polemical military betweenthe Muslimsandthe Christians. The text under discussionof the alleged dialogue between the Muslim importance. is Byzantine It is the only clergy certainly of great theologian and
between direct dialogue Byzantine Muslim The text of alpolemicists. and surviving Qadi'Iyad says:
67 Tathbl dalj'il 188. 1, al-Jabbdr, al-nubwah, p. _AI_Qd4-l'Abd 68 The text of the dialogueis in the manuscriptof al-Qa4i 'Iyaq's, Tarlib al-madirik wa taqrjb alUn it Ii Milik, a was publishedas an appendixof almadhhab maryat al-imkn and masilik (ed.Cairo)pp. 242-259. BaqillW, al-tamhTd 69 Ijy54,p. 243. . AI_QA41
281
Wad al-Dawlah sent AbU Bakr Muhammad b. al-Tayyb (al-B5qill5n1),in king him Rrim. He by his to the this of singled out embassies great some of (choice) to show the sublimity of Islam and (his?) repugnance towards Christianity. When he set out, the judge and vizier of 'A4a4 al-Dawlah said: the horoscopesupportsyour departure.The JudgeAbri Bakr askedhim what he meant; when he explained his what he meant, he (al-Bdqilldrfi) replied: I do not believe in it, becauseall fortune, misfortune, good and evil are in the handsof God Almighty,,for the starsnever have a whit of capacity 70 ... . I" departed and we went into the lands of Rlim till we reached the king of Ram in Constantinople. The king was informed about us, and he sent he 'Do before king to the and meet us, said, not enter with your someone 72 light I 'I take them
turbansunlessyou
off, or wear a
mandil.
said,
will not
do this, and will not enter unless I appear dressedmy normal clothes; you books (the diplomatic letters) take this otherwise my or accept read must them and give me a reply to them so I can go back'. The king was told about that, and he said, 'I would like to know the reason judge he The treatment the customary my of ambassadorsT rejected why (al-Bdqilldni) was asked about this; he answered'I am a man from Muslim is desire from us subservienceand self-abasement. scholars and what you But God raised us through Islam and cherished us by our prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him. Also it is a custom of kings that if they king, he to their another will raise and not humiliate ambassadors send them, especiallyif the ambassadorin question is a scholar (min ahl al-'ilm). badly his his lowering affect would reputation among Muslims as status and informed in God's The king his translator the eyes. about stature well as 70 debateon the capacity if God betweenal-Baqillanl and this seeminglythe formal a short -Following decline in debate latter in judge, to the engage with a professional such as ala which state Baqillaff, howeverthis short dialogue is out of our context here. 71 Here suddenly BAqillanT appears to be the narrator of the story. Presumably al-Qddi 'Iyad is Constantinopolitan book "al-Masa'ail (the issues) Bdqillanl's the al-Qustantinyd" missing copying 72 Mandil Lýý from Latin/Greek mantel (e-um, ium) a word which enteredArabic languagein preIslamic times, presumably through Aramaic, it mainly means kerchief, though it is used with being head's them a covering. Presumably,the reluctanceof al-Baqillanl of one meanings, several to take off his headgear reflects the Muslim tradition, which consider an uncovered head as disgracefulfor learnedmen. In someinstancesstripping any man of his turban in public was a kind of punishment. On Mand1l, seeEls. art, 'Mandli'. It is noteworthy that Liudprand of Cremona,in his embassyto Constantinople,complainedbitterly head. Liudprand of Cremona, before had forced been he to the stand that emperorwith uncovered Theworks, P. 249.
282
73
this, and he said: 'Let him and his companionsenter as they wish ... He 74 is before the the authority of under great sultan, who our entered Obefore have faithful, to the allowed our generous and was of commander 76 do his So God to and prophetorderedus obey. why sultan, whomalmighty from I And Muslim this to me when am a man chosen scholars? refuse you if I enterednot in my normalguise,as you askedme to do, I would insult the science(al-'ilm) myself, and my reputation among Muslims would (the interpreter his his him 'Tell He told emperor) we accept excuse vanish. his his here, but status and class not ambassadors, equalwith other andraise like thosewho aregood andpious.Your king told us aboutyou in his letter; know debater, I Muslims to the tongue their that you are of andare and wish (alinformed from ' Q5dI have been The I from them. this aboutyou you as Baqilldrfi)said: 'as the king wishes'.He (the emperor)said: 'Stay whereI have prepared(a place) for you and the meetingwill be held later'. The 77 for 'So Q54i-said: we went to the placewhichwasprepared us'. if we This verboseintroduction,which seemsto be colouredwith exaggeration, indeedacceptits authenticity,tendsto glorify the Muslimtheologianandat the same between favourable Byzantine treatment the the ambassadors empire of time reflects Muslim the world. and Thefollowingnarrativestates: The Qa4t-said,'On Sundaythe king sentfor me,and saidit is a customfor have banquet king, to eat our the to the so you of the ambassadors attend that I am one of the food and not reject our customs.I told his messenger Muslim scholars,andwe are not like other military ambassadors who know knows king that the scholarscannot the the traditionson suchoccasions,and the text that to the treatment the 73 text of convincingly part alludes the suggests missing of -Theeditors Muslim the to the Byzantine authorities who were allowed and caliph meet ambassadors the of be in have been Muslim custom, their clothes may unacceptable which own himself wearing Christian 252, Al-QA41'Iy54, 2. p. symbols. note similar or crosses presumably Bdyidsthe defactoruler in the Abbasidcaliphate, 74 He referredto 'A4aq al-Dawlahthe Daylamýite . the the authority of caliph. under theoretically was who '5 Byzantine clothes or Christian symbols. 76 The caliph. 77 .
250-253. 'Iyaq, pp. Al_Q54i
283
(suspect? if know (sic) ) I in they thing something. am afraid engage such a lest his table has pork or somethingelse which God forbids his prophet and Muslims (to eat). The interpreter went and cameback saying:The king says in food, like I is table there or my and on you will not my nothing to you, have like but are said and you not other ambassadors, even admirewhat you (such is What as) pork not presentedand a curtain you are afraid of greater. 78 it between (is drawn) and me. However, I went and sat down while the food was being presented.I put out my hand, and pretendedto eat, but never displeasing there though was nothing on the table. ate anything, When the banquet was finished the place was incensed and perfumed, then he (the emperor) said: You claim that one of your prophet's miracles 79 believe do I dividing that this? the say about said we moon; what you was it is true; indeed the moon was seen as cleft asunder in the days of the in it happened be God, there to those saw as such. and who messengerof The king said, 'How is it and all the people did not seethis? I said 'Because be it He that cleft'. said, would the people were neither ready nor promised 80 is kinship (sic) between 'And the moon, there any you and the moon?
78 The curtain here is certainly a metaphor,the sentencemeansthat offering pork is far from my inind. his flight, he Some before Moammad's Muslim years of was narratives miracles. the of -One infidel he Arabs his disciples met some who of on a moonlit night when walking with some God, he God him if he him to of could not ask really asked why, was a messenger and challenged divide the moon. Soon Moammad prayed and everyone present saw that the moon appeared The between two the the to sides of moon. nonable see a they even mountain divided, were between had Moammad the earth and that that the Arabs reached said magic of Muslim who saw d. / deeply 232) 847 (Mu'tzili Muslim thinker thinkers, Some the as such al-Nazam elite of the sky. doubted such a story, while others such as al-Qa(yi 'Abd al-Jabbar strongly supported the is is Qur'anic "The Hour (of Judgment) it. The the nigh, and moon cleft verse of authenticity it by deny for it does is 1 such a 54: miracle, yet some confirm used not or a paradoxical, asunder" Muslim thinkers such as 'Abd al-Jabbar to confirm the story. However, there are three possible I- Referring to and confirming the previous story, that the moon for this verse. explanations his in Mecca the companions and some nonsight of prophet, within asunder cleft appeared in it happens Qur'an, (as indicates future times the tense the several 2past the prophetic Muslims; is 20-21) 50: the the a sign of approaching of the moon 68-74; cleaving asunder of and (e.g. 39: became is the that 3the matter day; that clear as the moon. metaphorical, meaning verse Judgment 3, Ijadith two that the this are of whom were not present narrators of rcalised Ijaiar Ibn al-'AsqalMff dali'd See 'Abd TathbR I, 55-59; flight. the al-Qadl before al-Jabbar, al-nubuwah, pp. Mecca in by Presidency English the translation and short revised edited of comments, with Tafs-iral-Qur'an, Ibn Guidance, Ijajar (Saudi Arabia 1990); Fatp Call Iftd, al-'Asqalani, and Researches, alIslamic Cairo) 6, 73 (ed. 0. p. hjr. Fjj-Lh_arP sapýhal-BuLhiri, lengthy briefly, discussion. See this to a very without alnarrative unusually, Al-BaqillW alluded I ýr an ! Kitabal-Bijdnbaynal-muyizatwaal-karknitwaal-pa ýy alwaa-kh ahwaal-S wa BaqillW, . between differences the miracles, charismata, tricks, divination and the the (book V, of al-narinj, 1958) p. 91. (Beirut McCarthy J. R. magic) ed. 4wj liljýj family it however to the seems applied only questionwas a relations, Arabic The words from the emperor. comment sarcastic
284
Why is that the ROm and the others did not see8lit (cleft), but only you? I " is 'This is the table there story about which circulated amongyou, replied, between it, because it, you and only you saw relationship not the Jews, any Magi, Brahmans,the pagans, and especiallyyour neighboursthe Greeks,83 for all of them deny this; while only you saw it'. The king confused,said in his own language'Glory to God', and called a
debate to come and priest with me, saying,'we cannotbearhim. His certain master('Adad al-Dawlah)said,thereis no equalto him in my kingdom,nor 84 amongpresent-day'. Suddenly,a wolfish-lookingman, with blondehair, (Sic); down hairl listened issue, to the sat and wearing andhe said'What the Muslim saysis the truth, and I haveno answerexceptthis'. I askedhim; 'Do you saythe eclipseof the moon canbe seenby all the peopleon earth live in by those who a region, which is parallelto itT He replied or only 'Only thosewho areadjacentto it canseeit'. I said,'Apart from your denial if it fission the the of moon; was on one side,is it not true that thosewho of it, in but that sidecansee are only thosewho arereadyto seeit, while others in from to those ready not see and who were places who were which they is 'It He thisT said as you say;no one can refute this. The could not see controversycomesthe narratorswho tell the story, but the doubt which is raisedis not valid'. The king said, 'How could the transmission(of the narrative)be doubtedT The Christian (priest) said: 'Such news, if it is indeed true, would be by huge (of it but till numbers people) reached us, sincewe arenot narrated infer it is factitious false'. king The that this, turnedto me of we and aware Theoriginal Arabicword 4. sO means'know it'. Al-BaqillW refersto the storyof the table,wl-dchappearsin the Qur'An(5: 112-115)" Beholdl The disciplessaid "0 Jesusthe son of Maryl Can thy Lord senddown to us a table set (with fear if Said Allah, John Jesus have faith". from Heaven? ye of Damascusrcfcffcd to this viands) Qur'Wc verse,yet without comment.SomeMelkitc writers usedtheseversesfor a differentto theysawthemasa confirmationand referto the breadandthe wine of theEucharist.Remarkably, De haeresibus, PG 94, col. 772;EnglishtranslationD. supportto Christianity. Johnof Damascus, Sahas,John of Damascus,appendix1, p. 141,Paul de Antioche,pp. 67-68(Arabic text) p. 175 Arabica,ff. 120-121,citedby S.H. Griffith, (Frenchtranslation).Anonymous,SummaTheologiae 'Islam andthe summatheologiaearabica;RabVI264A.H.', p. 251. 83-Al-BAqillAnlfollowedthe leadof al-Joi? and otherMuslim thinkerswho sawthe Byzantinesas Arabs; Greeks, by the the and there was no relation of ncighbours admired who were simply betweentheseByzantineandthe Greeks,only geographical coincidence. whatsoever 81-This seemsto be a later interpolationby a Muslimwriter, whichreflectstheMuslim appreciationof the role playedby al-BAqilldnTas the defenderof orthodoxIslam againstnon-Muslimsand also Sunni heretics. by intellectual Muslims the scholars schools, which areconsidered againstother
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him in his 'It I 'The the table, to story of replied, applies answerl' said; and if be It in that, the the to moon. may said narrativeabout what applies me by huge have been it is true, then the table narrated would the story of ipso facto, know Jew, Christian, Pagan this about would numbers;so every indicates is do fabricated. The then this the they not, equally story andsince finished king, Christianwas flabbergasted, the the so was and meetingwas at this point. The QdTi said, 'The king asked me in another audience,'What do you 85 be him? Jesus, Mary, 'a I son of peace spirit of upon replied, say about God, I-Esword, I-Es servant and His prophet, like Adam, He (God) created 86 him dust He 'Be', I him from then to then the text. and said and recited do'. is 'We 'yes', Christ I '0 Muslim, said: and you a servantl' said asked, He said, 'Do not you say that he is the Son of God? I replied, 'God forbid, "No son did Allah beget, nor is there any God along with him')87You utter a is his if Christ God, dreadful then the saying; you make who son of most 88 his brother, father, grandfather, and uncle? And I listed the relatives. Perplexed,he said, '0 Muslim, can a worshipper create, bring the dead to 89 'The lepers'. I heal bom blind life, causedeath and those the replied, and 'How do but He Almighty'. that, the can asked, only servant could not Christ be the servant of God and one of his creatures;while performing all these miracles and doing all thisT I answered, 'God forbidl Christ never became healed blind dead, lepers'. He the the confused and nor and raised lost patience, and said, '0 Muslim do you deny this, when it is well known learned 'None I that: the ones said among peopleT replied, of accepted and but (peace be their them) own, upon the prophets performed miracles on hands. '90 by God their testimony the and acted as a through works
(peacebe uponhim) is certainlyof Muslim origin. 85- This sentence Jesusbefore Allah is that Adam; He as
createdhim from dust, Then said to
"The similitude of of him "Be" and he wae' Qur'An, 3:59. 87 Qur'An, 23,9 1. 11 Al-BdqillW presentshere the traditional Muslim view on the notion of divine filiation of Christ, issue, but it Christian does the tends to the accept same understand not views on which usually human concept. a within 3: 49. It is certainly implausible that the Byzantine emperor would use the Qur'Anic 89 -Qur'an: later is it likely text Most the a rcediting of and missing of al-Baqill5nT. original terminology. in be found See (ed. is to al-Tamli7id al-Bdqill5nT, 10 of at-BaqillanT. al-tamhTd, argument sindlar -A Beirut) P. 98.
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He said, 'Some of your prophet's offspring and others who are well-known here in have in is that they this came my presence, and said of your religion 91I answered back, '0 king, in book is by leave book'. God, this our of your 92) is in Qur'dn "by leave" 'The I the what recited my added, and .I is indeed from God's will alone, with no these of miracles performance
if bring Christ dead life, heal blind lepers the to the can and and partner; and by himself, then it can be arguedthat Moses parted the seaand got his hand harm (scar)9' by his own will; and the miracles of the any out without be upon them, were performed by their actions and will, prophets, peace is Creator. If it is the the this of will accepted, not so unacceptable without to attribute Christ's miraclesto him alone." The king said, 'All the prophets were begging Christ until he answered them. I replied, 'Are there any bones in the Jews' tongues (sic), so they Christ Moses? And to praying say, was every prophet's adherent cannot is his difference Christ Hence that to there prophet. say prays no would betweenthe two cases. The Qaq-i,God have mercy on him, said, 'We debatedin a third meetingand
I askedwhy the Divine shouldhaveunitedwith the human(i.e. in Christ)'. He humans from destruction. ' 'He he know I 'Did to save asked, wanted replied, that he would be killed and crucified,and exposedas such?And evenso, he took no stepsto saveHimselffrom the Jews.If you sayhe did not know what the Jewsintendedto imposeon him, thenindeedhe is not a God,or the Son(of God); andif you sayhe knew andchoseto be involvedin all this deliberately, then he is not wise, becausewisdom preventsone from exposingoneselfto 94 death'.He (the emperor)wasstunnedandthat wasour last meeting.
11 This is a very important allusion to someprevious debatesbetweenByzantines and their Muslim guestsor captives, which were alluded by someMuslim sources,such as the prominent poet Abu Firds al-HamadanT.The stresson his previousMuslim interlocutors' relationsl-dpto the prophetand their high rank as Muslims, eliminate any possible suggestionthat his knowledge (or Byzantine knowledgein general) was derived from formal Muslims who convertedto Christianity, as claimed by Nikctas of Byzantium. 92 Qur'An, 5: 110. 9' Exodus, 4:6; 14:21-29; d Qur'dn, 26: 60-66; 20:22; 27: 12; 28:32 94 'IyA4, pp. 252-256. . AI.Qq(yl
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Sometime after these debates,the Muslim cleric was invited apparently to a
banquetor celebration,which was attendedby the patriarch" as well. Accordingto intelligent Muslim ambassador the the the patriarch of the narrative, emperorwarned 96 display his Christianity, hoping find him hint to to a of mistakeson the advised and foe. When Patriarch him in Muslim the the entered, at-Bdqilldrfi greeted good of part
him his by Stunned then this rude asked about and wife and children. manner, became frustrated drew the sign of the cross on their attendances all and question, faces. Al-Baqillatff asked them sarcastically,'if you deem this man far above having how dare GodT They to to the thing children, you attribute same almighty and a wife deeply imam (al-Bdqilldtff). by Finally this the the and respected stunned were
hasten back he Muslim the to the to emperor send evil; otherwise patriarchadvised be him back feel Christianity king that the sent would safe, so with a reply could not 97 Qur'dn. Muslim the of prisoners of and some copies war of presents and This is clearlynot the whole text of the debatesbetweenthe Muslim scholar book "al-MasVil (the Byzantine the the clergy, as al-Qustanf-iniyya7l original and Constantinopolitanissues) is missing. But the text reflects some genuine aspectsof furthermore, in Byzantine-Muslim there the texts no alien are elements polemic; the
links between dialogue. Moreover, there text the the some strong are of the of 98 dialogue and other works of al-Bdqtlldni. At the same time, the historical backgroundand small details on the protocol of the Byzantinecourt seemto be 99 is dialogue be itself The the to appears unquestionable,and embassy accurate.
11 He must be Nicholas II Chrysoberges(980-992) 9' Presumably,to show signs of Christianity such as crosses. 97 'Iya4, p. 256. Apart from the clear exaggeration,it is well-known that Byzantium usedto -Al-Qa4l book, Muslim Muslim the sacred as presentsto pacify prisoners of as copies war, well as of send Muslim rulers. E.g. al-Tabari, III, p. 1931; seeA. Vasiliev, Byzanceet lesArabes, II, p. 8. 91 C.f. al-BIqillW, al-tamhld, (cd. Beirut) p. 98. 99 Al-Khapb al-Baghdadi, Tirl-h madhat BaghdW, 5, pp. 379-380; Ibn al-JawzT,AN! al-Fad 'Abd Ibn (Cairo 1970) 118; M. intellectuals) ý4'(Storics the p. al cd. of -Khall al-Rahman,okhbar al-odhki _
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have been by the the text to surviving portion of yet seems altered some authentic, late Muslim writers, presumablyadmirersof al-Baqillatfi,who wantedto add to his The if Byzantine tolerant the the whole and apparent patience of emperor, reputation. be in be is light his desperate trusted, to the can explained of need for support story 100 of 'A4a4 al-Dawlah. The striking fact about al-Bdqillarfi, that he is the sole Muslim theologian who debated Byzantine in Constantinopleand devoted most of his with clerics reportedly defending Qur'dn the to againstthe attacks of others. One wonders whether writings
Or his journey this a merecoincidence? whether and debatestherehadinfluencedto in his defence tendency to the specialise extent of the Muslim sacredbook? some Furthermore,what is the connectionbetweenNiketasof Byzantiumandal-Baqillaru-? For Niketasof Byzantiumwhosedatesof birth or deathsare not certainbut widely been have decades before to some al-B5qill5rffl,and who devoted his accepted lengthy Qur'dn. While treatise to the the second,alarguments against relatively Bdqilldtff,who visitedConstantinople severaldecadeslater anddedicatedmost of his defending book, Qur'dn? Still one may wonder, to the the arguments same writings by Niketas? The the any means, aware, of of works al-Baqilldtff practical answer was
to suchquestionmay be reachedthrough comparativestudybetweenthe works of find Byzantineto the common possible points within any general context of each Muslimintellectualandreligiousrelations.
al-All!:ffur,al-kknil, 7, pp. 110-111.On the political backgroundof this missionseeW. Farag,
Byzantium and its Muslim neighbours during the reign of Basil H, pp. 82-99. 100 In 982AD/371H. the date of al-Baclillani's embassy,the young emperor Basil II faced the disruption of rebellion by his general,Bardas Sklcros, who was defeated,by the yet more ambitious general Bardas Phokas seeH. F. Amedroz, 'An embassyfrom Baghdad to the emperor Basil Il', JRAS (1914) pp. 915-942.
289
While Niketas, as J. M. Demetriadespointed out, omits the first Sura (chapter)
101 devoted books large his defending Qur'an, to the a of al-Bdqillarff chapter of one of the authenticityof the so-calledMushaf 'Uthman (the formal and completecopy of the Qur'dn), and resolving the doubts over the authenticity of the first sura of the 102 Niketas constantly speaks of the Muslim notion of predestination and Qur'dn.
Qur'dn (of God, the the to of attributing evil actions mankind) as the source accuses Al-Baqilldtff, his both and evil equally. good on side, challengesall the accusations of (al-Qadriyya) Muslim Byzantine theologians the the and sect and denies that evil of 103 issue, God. Another Niketas to attributable are which points out and mocks actions 'O' is Muslim between the trotting two practice of pilgrimage, which requires against, "5 by holy in Muslim hills Mecca. the called at-5afa and al-Marwah, mosque small 106 it. defends Al-Baqillaff this practice and refutes any accusationsagainst
it is well knownthattheissue(al-Qa4d'wa al-Qadar As regardspredestination jailli
107 intellectual in from Islam. it PWA111) almost all sects attracted much attention
be both Niketas that therefore, a surprise of not, our writers, and al-Bdqillani, would dedicate a large part of their argument to the issue of Divine justice and
108Moreimportant,al-Baqillari7i Niketas, to the refer may work of yet predestination. he doesnot evenmentionhis name,but says"Most of the criticismof it (the Qur'dn), 101 J. M. Demetriades,Nicetas ofBy7antium, p. 20, note 1. I" Al-Baqilldnl, al-IntiW 10- Qur'An, fols. 177-185. 103 idem, lilQur'jn Kitab 303-327,334-337-, (Justice to the al-inti§jr pp. al-tamh1d, -Al-Baqillani, Qur'dn), folios, 446-474,486-487,489-500 PG 720. 105, Byzantium, Niketas col. of refut, follow the lead of Hagar, when she is intended Muslim According to tradition, this to the practice was left alone in the Meccan desertwith her young son. Afraid of a drought and fearful for her son, shebegan to run betweenthe two hills looking for water. Finally and miraculously, a well revealed itself from under the feet of her son. 106 Al-BAqillanT,Kitab al-tamh1d,pp 119-121 I'% For a wider discussionon the predestination, seeW. Watt, Free will and predestination in early Islam (London 1948); M. B. 'Alavi, Fatalism, free will andAcquisition: As viewed by the Afuslim Sects, (Lahore 1956); A. Guillaume, 'Some remarks on the free will and predestinationin Islam, togetherwith a translation of the Kitabu'l Qadar from Sallih of Bukliari'JRAS (1942) 43-63. 108 Niketas, Refut, PG, 105, cols. 732,757,764,780;al-Baqillanf, KUM al-TamhTd,pp 287-295,303327; Idem, al-'intiýjr lil-Qur'jn (Justiceto the Qur'dn), folios. 446-474,486-487,489-500.
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(i. ignorance because their the the the of e. critics) or of meaning manner occurs only 109 important Such Arabic an allusion applies precisely to the non-Arab the speecW'.
Byzantines had Muslim the the theologian with whom polemicists,presumably debated. certainly The above comparison does not solve the whole issue nor even give solid between issues There for the two connection men. a are and still many verses ground dealt with by Niketas and simply ignored by al-Bdqilldrri. The question of whether the Byzantine clergy who met the Muslim imam made use of Niketas's work is One than more provides questions answers. and may cautiously suppose problematic
does in Niketas background discussions to the text the the not seem exist of that of of forgetting in dialogue, if Constantinople that the text this not of we al-Bdqilldrff indeed accept its authenticity, is not the complete one and the book written by al-
Bdqilldtffhimselfabout his discussionsin Constantinopleis sadlymissing.However, it shouldbe noted that both the imam and Niketas wrote their works with a coin Hence between their writings mind. any possible reader connection religionist
be than to a remotepossibility. more no seems Abfi 'IsA al-WarrAq (d. 910/ 297)
Among the Muslim theologiansin the ninth/third century standsthe unique figure of al-Warraq.Although his Muslim contemporaries mostly consideredhim a 110 his heretic, dangerous nevertheless, apologia surpassedmost of the Muslim knowledge highly deep in its Christian the creed of and rational treatises
109- Al-Baqillanl, 7y& al-Qur'An,p. 193. find the namesof Ibn al-Nadimandal110 him heretic theologians those considered who a we -Among Qad-i'Abd al-Jabbar,though the secondmadesubstantialuse of al-Waffaq's works. Also alMatriid! devotedsomepagesto refutingthewritingsof al-Warraq.Ibn al-Nadim,al-Fihrist,p. 338; 'Abd 231-232, kitab TathbIt MAW 1, al-MaturTdr, al-Jabbar, al-taw4Td, pp. al-nubuwah, al-Qadi ppl86-202.
291
"' In his surviving works there is no single quotation from Bible the either arguments.
in highly Qur'an, language. from the only rational arguments a eloquent or In his treatise, al-Warraq challengesthe Trinity and the differentiations between substanceand Hypostasis, showing an accurate knowledge of the Christian differences between Christian the the and main sects concerning the Trinity creeds, Christ, Melkite (Byzantines), he does the of especially nature and yet mention Byzantium or Byzantinepolen-dcor even allude to the Byzantine-Muslim conflict. Secular polemic AI-Marwazl
(12ý'. Century). What he says about Byzantium and the Byzantine
importance: is it of great science
"And so to the sciencesand occult philosophiesand (other) worthy matterswhich are attributedto them,do not truly belongto them,but to the Ionian sageswho mixed with them and who are celebratedfor their 12 keenness intelligence"' thoughtandthe of their Three centuriesbeforeal-Marwail, anotherMuslim thinker (at-Jahiz)adopted the same idea,that is the distinction between the ancient Greek thinkers, who were by Arabs, Byzantines. It the the and was only geographical coincidence adýnired Byzantines Greeks. the the connected with which
In his polen-kaltreatiseagainstChristianandChristianity,al-JdtiiZ., says: "It was by chanceof geographicalproximity that they got hold of the Greek books. Either the authorshipof some of the books they falsely ascribedto themselvesor they tamperedwith their contents so as to make 113 Christians". them appear
'Isd al-Warraq, Anti-Christian polemic in early Islam: Aba "rsj al-TVarriq's "against the -Aba triniV', cd. with a parallel English translation, D. Thomas, (Cambridge 1992) introduction of D. Thomas, p. 3 1. 112- Marwa2l, seeV. Nfinorsky, 'Marvazi on the Byzantines', p. 458. 113 Al-Joi?, al-radd 'ali al-NasjrJ, p. 17, English trans. J. Fenkel, reprinted in N. A Newman, The Christian-Muslim Dialogue, p. 704. early
292
In this short and extremelyimportanttext, the Arab thinker showsthat he was Greek between Ancient the the philosophy the and contradictions conflict of aware he but fully Not Bible. logical the teachings the this, theories was of only with and Christianity Greek Yet, to the the made reconcile attempts with philosophy. of aware text goesbeyondthis to tell us about the religious encountersbetweenthe two and the Byzantine attempts to link themselveswith the intellectual superiority of the Greeks, Christianity (i. Arabs to that the the supremacy of as extol a religion over e. of and
Islam),JewsandI-Endus: They would tell us that they (i. e. the Greeks) were a group of Byzantine tribes and would boast of the superiority of their religion over those of the 114 Hindus. Jews,Arabs, and This unique text undoubtedly reflects some of the themes of the intellectual, debates between A]Muslims Byzantines. and theological, political, challengesand Marwaii- is trying to argue that these enemiesof Islam are not the great thinkers of
it was the chanceandthe geographicalcoincidence Greeksor eventheir successors; He Greek the thinkers to them seem so. respects and appears reluctant made which The Byzantium Byzantines the towards the as same people. attitude same was accept
between distinguished Greeks, Ancient Muslim by the thinkers, who espoused other 115 Byzantine enemies. whomtheyadmire,andtheir Literature of war and polemic (poetry and speeches)
In the propagandawar betweenMuslims andByzantines,as well as between Muslim rivals, Arabic poetry plays a crucial role. Poetryundoubtedlywas the mass belittle Arabs. It to the used was others,encouragesoldiersandvolunteers, mediumof
114 AWOiZ, al-Radd 'ali al-Naý&A p. 17, English trans. J. Fenkel, reprinted in N. A Newman, The . Dialogue, Christian-Muslim p. 704. early 115 Kitib tabaqjt al-Umam, (book of the categoriesof the nations) ed. L. Sd'id al-AndalusT, -Ibn Cheikho, (Beirut 1912) p. 35; for a similar view from other Andalusian writers, see M. Marin, 'Ram in SpanishMuslim Geographers',Graeco-Arabic 3 (1984) pp. 109-117.
293
but aboveall, to chantthe heroicdeedsof the emirsor caliphs,andfinally, it mustbe bestowed In to the to poets. splendid gifts or money such as earn remembered 116 has Byzantine-Muslim struggle, poetry always a place. Though the aims and the nature of the poetry as well as the trends of poets themselves,was not always Arabic the or war religion, still some verses of poetry as a whole with connected dispute between the two antagonists. the religious touched on Al-MutanabVi-praises Sayf al-Dawlah, and alludes to the crucifixion of Christ, he how death from (the he Byzantines), himself the them could push when wondering (Christian) Byzantine hero His killed, the creed. according appearsas the only was fight Byzantine Apart Gods. the to three against polytheists who worship monotheist
from the obviousexaggerationof the poem,it doesshowthe war as a confrontation betweenIslamandChristianity,monotheismandpolytheism. Theyseekhelpfrom the onewhomtheyworship Who,,theybelievehadbeencrucified. To protectthemfrom what he alreadysuffered(the death) 0 men, how astonishingH I seethe Muslims againstthe infidels.' 17
Eitherimpotentor terrorized You aloneareon God's side Sleepless andendlesslyweary As if you arealonea monotheist Whilethe restof the creationbelievesin a Fatheranda Son'18
has been dedicated See Arabic N. 'Abd full in Byzantine-Muslim to the struggle. study alpoetry -A Rahman,Shir al-ýirj'maa al-Kim, (the poetryof the strugglewith Rum/Byzantines),(AmmanJordan1977). he calledthe infidels. 117 Byzantines, The whom "I Al-Mutanabbr,pp. 370-373;citedby M. Canard,SayfAl Daula:Recuellde texts,pp. 180-181. -
294
Again in another poem, he sees his hero not only as a sovereign fighting
(i. fighting but Islam) also representing monotheism e. against against other, polytheism. You are not just a king defeatinghis counterpart But you are the monotheismdefeatingthe polytheism119
On another occasionhe mocks the decision of a high Byzantineofficial 120 be live in Phokas) (Bardas to tonsured and a monastery. He also alludes ironically to the cross, when his emir was planning to cross a river. In a highly imaginative and he for Muslim fleet from that the the the ropes verse says were made well-constructed braided hair of Byzantine women while the ships were made from the wood of the 121
crosses. Sometimeearlier,al-Buýtuff alludesto the Muslim attitudeview that the Jews deliberately Christians hide Bible the to the prophecy of altered early and 122 in his b. Yrusif Mubammad. Mubammad.He says praiseof the enýr You imposedupon the Bible and its people Humiliation, which showsthem the glory of the people of the Musl.iaf. 123 You embitteredit by the shining (swords), but
In fact you pleasedit, if it wasnot distorted.124 In theseverses,the poet alludes,albeit indirectly,to the Biblical prophecyof Mulýammad.In his notion, if the Bible had not beendistortedby the Christians,that
119 Y. Divan, F. 1995) 11, by M. Bad (Beirut 836; shar4 al-Yazji, ed. p. also cited -Al-Mutanabbi, Canard,SayfAI Daula,Recueilde texts,p. I 11. I"-Al-Mutanabbf,pp. 306-307;citedby M. Canard,SayfAl Daula:Recuellde texts,p. I 11. 121 divan, Y. F. Bad 1995) 11, 792. (Beirut shar4 al-Yazji, cd. p. -Al-MutanabbT, 122 prominentMuslim emir contributedto the war againstByzantium.The caliph at-Mutawakkil -A by rebelArmeniansand killed in appointedhim as a governorof Armenia,but he wasambushed 852/237H. al-Tabari,111,3,pp. 1408-1409. 123- Mq4af is derivedfrom the Arabic word ýa4lfah,pl. ýu4f,which meanspiecesof parchmentor Le, for Mqlýaf is (passive) derived denoting directly from the the name verb ausýlf writings: paper that somepiecesof paperor parchmentswerecollectedinsidesomething,that is to saythe book which containsthe Qur'5n. Accordingly,peopleof the MuýýafaretheMuslims.Al-Razi,Mukhtir 1996) 180. (Amman p. al-sa44, 124- Al-Bu4turl,p. 185.Citedby al-Sharff,al-fikr al-7slami,p. 455.
295
is, to hide the prophecy of Mubarnmad,other Christianswould certainly have followed it and embracedIslam. Accordingly,there would have been no need for between Muslims Christians, for Islamic fighting the and struggle against the more Byzantines,who followed a false Bible is justified in undistorted Bible who supports the prophethoodof Mubammad. The famous poem of AbO Tammam, in the occasion of the Amorium's / ) (838 A. includes D. 223H. directed some verses which are against campaign Christianity and its symbols. The poet links Christian crosseswith idols, which is a
in found Muslim polemic. themeconstantly If the starscould foretell anythingbefore its time
Thefate of idols andcrosseswould not havebeenkept hidden125 Byzantinesasidolaters. Thenhe describes You left the fortune of Banii al-Islam ascendant126
And in declinethe fortuneof the idolatersandtheir abode. Besidethe poetry of the fight againstByzantium,the Arab poets deal with Christians, their religion and religious symbols as well as the monasteriesinside the
However, hints Islam. the number of vast of scattered which relate to realm Christianityin the Arabic poetry makesit impossibleto examinehere,especiallyas it 117 Christian Arabs Byzantium. is concernedmainly with rather than In sum, for Muslim poets the war against Byzantium was a war of Islam
language it In Christianity. their was a war of monotheismagainstpolytheism. against The repercussionsof Muslims polemic appear in their poems.Presumablythese in hints fighter for the the such war-poetry represent or caliph emir as a religious 121- Englishtranslation:S. P. Stctkcvych,, 4bu Tammamandthepoeticsof the Abbasidage.(Lcidcn 1991)p. 188. 126 S. Stetkcvych,, P. Tammam, 189. 4bu English translation: p. -
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Islam, and certainlyplay an unmistakablepart in the religiousas well as the political Muslim sovereign. any of prestige 128
The poemof al-Qaffa-Ial-ShAsh!
In the climax of the Byzantine victories over the Muslims in the tenth century, favourite Phokas Muslims, Nikephoros the their challenged using the emperor his lengthy In the the poem caliph and emperor attacks only not poetry. weapon, Muslim rulers but also threatens to spread Christianity all over the world, and to kingdom in in Christian Mecca, Whether Islam. the most sacred place a new establish it indeed Byzantium the territory written within of presumably or not, the poem was had an immediate and deep impact all over the Muslim world. Unfortunately our
do full background Muslim the of sources not give a account of whole contemporary it in but Muslims, Khurasan, that to assumes one aroused several especially this poem, inflamed Rhad hearts local for Rum, Christians, their the against and against volunteer Melkites. the especially The first known Muslim reply to the Byzantine poem was a lengthy poem
by in Ghazi Muslim the al-Shashli, who al-Qaffa-l was a cleric and armies composed 129 in is This 74 Byzantium the tenth century. consists and poem of verses, against
been Nikephoros have Arabic Phokas, the to to to emperor sent poem refute an said Abbasid Al-Subkf former him by Muslim the caliph. a narrative of a records sent ('Abd (of 'When that al-Malik al-Shastfi) al-QatTa-1) poem who says prisonerof war (al--Shasifi) Muslim Byzantium, there the the monks and poet wonderedabout reached his city, and assuredone anotherthat they did not know anyonelike him in all the
127 Among Ns poetry there is a very interesting battle betweentwo poetsof the Umayyadperiod. One Muslim Jar% In is Cluistian the them called called al-Aklital. a a series of and seconda of both of them use religious symbolism. poems, satirical 12' Al-Subkf, Tabaqjt al-Eharfl'iyya, 2, pp. 181-184. in Muslim 121 the Byzantine-Muslim struggle, seesupra, chapter 2, pp. 115the clerics the of role -On 119.
297
130 Muslim realm'. This narrative seemsto be nothing more than a hagiographical is into the the the that one of relatives story of taking narrator consideration addition, Byzantine has to the the alleged reaction poem. exaggerated probably the and poet of However, the authenticity of such a narrative cannotbe completelydismissed. Among the 74 verses of the poem there are only 16 which can be considered
In the touches these some al-Qaffal refutes emperor's claims and verses polernic. as lunches fierce issues. He the the a attack against crossand of veneration polemical deniesthe divinity of Jesus,who was, in al-QaffVs opinion an ordinarychild, being fed by his mother. Al-QaM alludedto the famous story of the Mandil of Jesus, icon by divine Christians; Muslims the a surprisingly, poet sees considered is which
Jesus'use of a handkerchief,presumablyto wipe awayhis sweat,as evidenceof his 131 biblical Humannature.However,al-Qaffalrefersto the prophecyof Mutiammad. The mainthemeof the poemis to challengethe threatof the emperor,belittle his victories, and threatenhim with the might of the Muslimsvolunteers(especially itself Kburasaniti) Constantinople fellows, the and who will conquer al-Qaff-al's in Nikephoros Byzantine the the slavethe arn-des; even emperor stand will annihilate "' the prisonersof war. among market The poem of Ibn
133
.
azm
This Byzantine poem soon reached al-Andalus and motivated the great Muslim thinker Ibn Ijazm to reply. Although his poem presumablydid not reach it important known by less Muslim lands Byzantine writers, sill reflectsmore andwas Christian-Muslim the polemic. themesof
130
_
ft'iyya, 2, p. 179. Al-SUbld,TabaqNalýshar
131 On the Bible and prophecyof Moammad, seethe following chapter. 132 Ibid, verses63-74. -
133- Al-SubkI, ;rabaqdtal-sharfliyya,II, pp. 184-189;Ibn KaLhIr,at-BidJyahwa al-nihlya, 11,247252.
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The poem consistsof 138 verses,38 of them an apologia defendingIslam and deals In Ibn Hazrn these the with severalpoints emperor. verses, refuting the claims of in the Byzantine-Muslimpolemic. Theseare excerptsfrom the poem: 0 defeated! How can you couple a triune religion, which is far from logic and (has)visible sins? ................. Your gospelsare fabricated, and their first ones' speechestell lies about the great things which they brought.
And you still prostrate yourself before a wooden cross. Oh minds of grazing animals!! Perverseones, you believe in the crucifixion of your God by hands of sinful and Jews vile In the religion of Islam, monotheism, there is no other religion which could challengeus. 134
I-EsGod supportedhim by victory, and humiliated his enemies. Poor and lonely, no tribe supportedhim nor pushedthe slanderof the vituperators. He had not enough money for partisans nor for pacifying enemies or for an adherent.
He neversufferedcaptivitynor hiswasbodyexposedto beatings As every sinful one of you claimsin lies and counterfeitconcerningthe face of Jesus. Evenso,you havesaidhe is your God.Whatfoolishness anddelusion!I Godneverhada sonor a partner.The heraldsof atheismwill repent. honoured by is (Jesus) he But a and prophet creature people,not as a a servant, someclaim. How could God's face could be slapped?How astrayyou havegone!Indeedyou ignorance in everywrongfulones. exceed your How many miraclesMuhammadperformed,and how many bannershe showed whichannihilatedatheism.
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All peoplewere equal in his support, for all were servantsof his glory. Arabs, Ethiopians, Turk, Berbers, and Persians;indeed only those who contributed to Islam prevailed. Copts, Anbat, K-hazars,Daylms and Rum, they throw you by weapons to defend him. They rejected the atheism of the (their) ancestors and hence became I.lanf-a'135. Indeedthey won a great shareof happiness. By him, they all embracedthe right (religion), and obeyed the obligatory laws of God. 136 brought before him, becametrue. Daniel By him, the vision, which
Like al-Qaffalal-Shdsý,Ibn liazm devotedmost of his poemto disparaging the Byzantinevictories, consideringthem, from his point of view as a temporary he, launched Furthermore, unlike al-Qaffil al-Sh4Ssl, a severeattack against ordeal. the Ijamdaindemir Sayfal-Dawla,callinghim andhis familyimpure.
Ibn Hazm's other works
From the other sideof the Muslim world, Ibn I.Iazmbegana new stageof the Muslim polemicagainstChristianity.The intellectualrich climateal-Andalusoffered him a betterchancethanmostMuslimthinkershaveto studyin detailthe booksof the between Christiansandthe Jews.Furthermore,he waswell awareof the discrepancies Unlike his Christian different sects. most predecessorsamong Muslim the of his he, superiorknowledge,targetedthe authenticityof the Bible, theologians, using He doesnot often quotedthe Qur'dn as his final both the Old andNew Testaments. 134- In somepoorly written verses,Ibn Ilazm listed somelocal Arabic tribes in Yemenand around ife Islamduring the 11 of the prophet. Gulf who embraced 135- The Ijunafd' are thosepre-IslamicArabswho, accordingto Islamictraditions,hadfollowedthe kept Abraham their monotheismin the paganArabia.Later the word wasusedto and of religion it in QurAn Muslims the and appears as well, severaltimes. refer
300
internal focuses but Bible, the the the through on contents and contradictions of word, 137 four Afterwards, he the accurate study of mostly gospels. carefully a careful and New launches Testament fierce the of and stories a attack againstthem, some selects language as as analysis well sarcastic and offensive rational against the writers using 138 he discusses At Trinity incarnation, the time, the the the same gospels. and using of the traditional Muslim approach of rational arguments, without relaying heavily on 139 the Qur'dnic text.
As for Byzantium,Ibn Ijazm was relativelyfar from the direct contactwith it, but neverthelesshe contributes substantiallyto the Muslim polernic against Byzantium. He follows the lead of other Muslim theologians, especiallyal-QR(r,'Abd J in laying Constantine the the the Great stress on responsibility of emperor al-Jabbdr, 140 by Christianity for spreading the sword and violence. Finally, he confronts some Christian in Byzantine the the of polemic, which objections polemic can be major he defends Firstly the Muslim notion of denying the crucifixion of traced clearly. Christ, though it was acceptedby huge numbers of Jews and Christians.141Then he
136 7. -Daniel,
137_ Ibn Uazm, al-fipl, IT, pp. 6-15. 138 is the story of Jesusand Satan (Matthew 4- Ibn I,lazin erroneously he the selects stories -Among gives it the number 3) in which, according to the Bible, Satan tempted Jesusfor 40 days, and promisedto give him the kingdoms of the whole world. Ibn klazm wonderssarcasticallyhow Satan God, Almighty to creator of all (i. e. Jesus,according to the Christian creed) the was able offer kingdoms of the earth. Ibn Ijazm, al-fqal, IT, pp 16-17. A similar criticism of this story appearsin 'All al-Tabaff's work, yet in more courteouslanguage,presumablyas a gestureof respectto his Christian family. 'All b. Rabbanal-Tabri, al-radd 'ahf al-Nas&J, pp. 132-133.c.f al-Qaqi'Abd alJabb5r,TathN7dali7l al-nubuwah,p. 166. Among other stories he comparesthe gospelsand their different narrativesabout the attitude of the two thieves who were crucified besideJesus.As Mathew (27: 43 as usual, Ibn I.lazm gives it as 28) and Mark (15:32) narrate, they were mocking him, while Luke (23:43) saysthat one of them was praying before him. Ibn Hazm, al-fqal, IT, p. 50. Among other stories lie dealswith the identity of the personwho was forced to carry the cross. For a wider discussionon Ibn Uazm's Christology. seeK Arnaldez Grammaire et Wologie chez Ibn Hazm de Cordue, (Paris 1956) ; Idem, 'Controvcrse thdologiqueclicz Ibn Hazin de Cordouect Ghazali', Mardis de Dar-cs-Salam(Paris - Ic Cairc 1956)207-248. I, 51-57. Ijazin, Ibn pp. al-fqal, 140 Ibn Ijazin, al-fipl, IT, p. 87. He saysalso that the emperorwas an Arian and neverbelievedin the Trinity. 141 Ibn ljazm, wrote a scenarioor reconstructionof the day of the crucifixion. He claims a conspiracy between some secret supporters of Jesuswho managedto get him off the cross later, when the
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in detailthe ChristianaccusationsagainstIslam concerningthe corporallife discusses in paradiseaccordingto the Qur'dn. In a word, Ibn Ijazm pays particular considerationto the languageand contents Unlike Bible. Muslim the theologianswho, to some extent, most the of early whole of Bible, Old it in Testament, the the their the of especially and use authenticity accept dogmas, Christian foretelling to to the some refute or confirm of polemic, either 142 in denies Bible, Ibn Ham Bible the the authenticity of the Mubarnmad as a whole. Though he also makes use of the Old Testament to support his debates,but it is it in At he than the the time, tactic, of use reference. rather same repeatedly merely a language Bible, his the the and style of which suggests comprehensivereading mocks in Arabic. Bible the entire of
To sum up, Islamic polemic against Byzantium was only a minor slice of the
Christians Jews Muslim Muslim against and and equally against other polemic whole It Muslim tradition and almost an a strong obligation of was every scholar to sects. his Muslim discussing the and explain sects and support all own while and expose
143 long In Christian this the the established practice, polemic others. against refuting became Jews an essentialpart. and It seemsthat the Muslim theologianswere moreacquaintedwith Arab Christian few Accordingly, Muslim Byzantines theologians than writings. only a with rather
had lcft. Furthermore he hints thatwhosewhosawtheactualcrucifixionwere and attendants guards be Qur'dnic This klazin's Ibn trusted. the tiny explanation of cannot number who notion verse was a "they killed him noL nor crucifiedhim, only a likenessof that wasshownto them" (4: 157).Ibn Ijazin, al-fqal, I, pp. 57-60. 'All b. Rabbanal-TabarT,who madean intensiveuse of the Old and New for See example, Testament.Ibn Ijazm, vigorouslyblamedthe Muslimswho acceptedthe authenticityof theBible. In Ijazm, al-fisal, I, p. 215. 143- Among thoseMuslim thinkersare al-Jabi?;al-Asharr, Ibn kIazm;al-Q5qI'Abd al-Jabbar;alMaturidi; al- Mas'fidf.
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is latter directed in Byzantine the the to peculiarity of polemic, as a pay attention
differentway andmostlyto the non-Muslimreader.
303
Chapter six General themes in Byzantine-Muslim polemic
Byzantine-Muslim polen-dc is relatively a small component of the whole Muslim-Christian polemic. Nevertheless,it has its own unique features, as well as its background. Although historical Byzantinethis poletnic a was crucial part of peculiar Muslim relations, only political circumstancesand will of the sovereignsconcerned
broughttogetherthe theologiansfrom both sidesto face eachother. To someextent the correlation between the polemic and the politico-military affairs between Arabs hazy but it is impossible dismiss Byzantium to the and obscure, appears even so and in role of religion this context. Since Byzantium stands at the forefront of the Christian world facing Islam, in its Muslim the role crucial conflict against a played world, though the religion
between Muslims Christian disputes thinkers and emergedmainlywithin the religious Muslim realm. But the state's intervention in such polemic appearedearly during the
life of Mubammadhimself,whenhe set an exampleby the letter which he sentto the letter, Whatever it Heraclius. the this authenticity of was certainly a pattern emperor
for someof the pious early caliphsto follow their prophet and invite their foreign Islam. Henceforth, between in both to the embrace relations authorities counterparts Byzantiumandthe caliphates,in the sphereof religion,rangedbetweenthe direct and individual involvement the some caliphs of and mere or emperors efforts on personal both theologians of some the part on sides.On the Muslim side, during the period by have few hazy Muslim this thesis we only a of rulerswho tried examples covered Falinfi'd Byzantine The debate their personally with caliph al-Mu'izz counterparts. to
debate his desire in diplomatic to to take to part such polemic,and personally alluded
304
he fact he However, Byzantines the that the to as said, the expected emperor. with ' idea. Islam invitation his to crippledsuchan embrace refuse State sponsorship of polemic In the Umayyads' caliphate,apart from the polemical letter which was attributed bears II, text 'Umar evidence of either direct or indirect no surviving polemical to intervention on the part of any caliph as well as any Byzantine emperor. This may be fact both in the that the to the seventh poletnic on sides was of slow growth attributed Yet, Umayyads' from the while caliphate centuries. suffered several eighth and
internal conflicts againstMuslim rivals, the religious sectsand their sharpdisputes betweenall elementsof the communities,Muslims,Christianandothers,andeventhe failed heresies, to to the state, or the offer any substantial all menace of waves in harmony have the community general, would of which ý provoked the spiritual One intervene. Umayyad that the to may add personality of some caliphs authorities does not imply much interest in religious disputesor the propagation of Islam among known The only exception to this rule is 'Umar II, who their non-Muslim neighbours. letter 111, Leo lengthy by to the emperor a polemical sent who replied a reportedly
letter to confinn his faith andrefutethe objectionsof the caliph.Notwithstandingthe disputesbetweenmodemscholarson the authenticityanddatesof thesetwo letters,it 2 did letter to the emperor. is almostcertainthat the caliph senda In the 'Abbasidera, however,the whole situationchangedcompletelyin every intellectual flourishing The the of schoolscoincidedwith the spreadof waves aspect. involved between became in Some disputes Muslim heresies. the caliphs sects,and of 3 formal At their the same some of views policy of as a state. promulgated part of even
intellectual Not its Muslim-Christian the the polemicreached climax. only time elite S. M. Stem, 'An embassyof the Byzantine emperor', Arabic text pp. 256, English trans. p. 248. Seesuprachapter 1,pp. 96-98.
305
began in No debates. laity that the but took caliphs wonder part also the theologians daily debates heresies, to the to these growing as as well to attention pay seriously
betweenMuslimsandChristians. According to al-Mas'adi, the caliph al-Mahdi-(158-169 H./ 775-785 A. D. ) was the first caliph to entrust some Muslim philosopherswith the responseto the new from he Persia; different heresies from the mainly appeared which challenge 4 Islam. Some years instructed them to refute their teachingsand their attacks against later, his son HdrOn al-Rastfi-d,sent a polemical letter to the Byzantine emperor Christian did defend Islam In VI, try to refute Constantine as much as not which dogmas, and advise the emperor to avoid further destruction of his empire by 5
Islam the al-Jizya. pay or accepting
It was mainly during the reign of the caliph al-Mutawakkilthat the 'Abbasid deep heretical felt the the threat the as as movements, well of present authorities in his debates between different increase the sectsand religions public of massve decrees 'Abbasid began is that the It to to a series of era witness surprising not realm. 6 harsh Remarkably, freedom the this the of non-Muslim subjects. attitude tighten intellectual debates their traditional the the schools on and against equally extended
b. his introduced book 'Arl Rabban the polemical al-Tabaff saying: creed. problemsof "By the blessingof his Caliph, the imam JaTar al-Mutawakkil 'ala-Allah, life faithful God his the prolong commanderof - may - who guided me and heard from is him. by He earnestand eagerthat such words mademe profit E.g. al-Ma'mdnandthedisputeoverthe creationof the Qur'An. AI-Mas'fidi,MuriWal-dhahabwama'jdin al-jawhar,IV, p. 289. 5- On this letterseesupra,chapter1,pp. 98-101. decreesagainstnon-Muslimsubjects.He forcedthem 6- The caliphal-Mutawakkilissuedthe severest forbade in liang distinctive their the them to work and ordered clothes, offices, some official to wear Satanicsignson their doors.In 295H. his grandson,thecaliphal-Muqtadir,issueda decreeagainst his non-Muslimssubjectsforcingthemto weardistinctiveclothes.Ibn al-Muqaffa',(ed.Cairo)11,1, II, 62-63; Subh 13, b. 1', Sa'1d 4; p. al-Qalqashandf,, al-a'shifi al-tarkh sinj'it al-Batriq, al-insh. p. _Kliment Iiyzanti-ne decrees in The these the 369. sources,see of appeared repercussion p. Okhridski,Life and acts,p. 55. cf. Bar Hcbraous,I, p 141(on thecaliphal-Mu'taýimandhis antiChristianpolicy). 306
books shouldbe spreadand perpetuatedin order to strengthenthe motivesof its his faith, to triumph to the and convinceof make proofs merit, credibilityof 7 it do for God has ignore and not recognise,and afflicted thereinthosewho 8 in his its followers time" Islam and
In this text, 'All al-TabarT, who wrote underthe personalsupervisionof the caliph, indicates that one of the aims of the caliph's support of such polemical works is "because of what, happened to Islam and Muslims in his reign7,9 and what was '() (dignity) in his kramat Islam tim6". Thesetwo allusions referred "renewed of the of
himself feelings hero the of caliph, and policy who saw the as a of to personal Orthodox Islam. He was struggling to tighten his grasp on state affairs facing the new
At he Turkish the time, the elements. same madesubstantialefforts growing powerof his he harmony Furthermore, troubled to empire. was personally to restore spiritual
interestedin spreadingIslam and supportthe Muslim creed,especiallythe Orthodox in face (ahl the the of others. al-Sunnah) sect Likewise, another Islamic author indicatesthis situation clearly and gives having details discussions the the confusion among general public; while about more
in "they dust in Christian throwing the theologians succeeded eyesof staunch with " bewildering in in faith". Both the those believersand n-dndsof who are weak daily debates between 'Ati the show al-Jahiz, of and affects al-Tabaff writers, MuslimsandChristians.
Arabic 4ý4 Ibtali meansprecisely, single out with harm or bad things or tempt, a word repeatedly humans hard by in Qur'dn imposed God. I'lic to test the translator on a signify usually used for translation. chooses single out erroneously
9 Ali al-Tabarf,Kitib al-dh wa 1-dawla,p. 8. Englishtrans.A. Mingana;reprintedin, N.A Newman, -, Theearly Christian-Muslimdialogue,p. 571. Idem 10 -Idcm. AIJA4i?,al-Ra(ldalif al-Na$&J,p. 20.Englishtrans,I Finkel,reprintedin, N. Newman,(ed.) The dialogue, Christian-Muslim 707 p. early 307
One may wonder where the Byzantine polemic was. Did it really form any
kind of threat to the Muslim creed or the Muslim public?Prima facie, the borders betweenByzantiumand the Muslimsin mattersof religion were not the sameas the fiscal ones. The Christian Melkites, who were more or less Byzantines even if they founders Byzantine for As Muslim Arabic, the the actual of polemic. were spoke Melkites, those they were suspicious always against who presumably authorities, debates Muslim have As the the to with public. we seen,there were some contributed Byzantine but Arab-Christian of support ones, and rare patronage of some cases, bilingual in between Islam their the capacity against propaganda used war writers who 12 the Muslims and Byzantium. Furthermore, the Byzantine propaganda machine,
includingthe polemicipso facto, was employedto whitewashthe depopulationand forced conversionof thousandsof Muslims in northern Syria in the tenth century. 13 borders. Muslim Theseactivitiespresumably wereconductedwithin Aimed directly against Byzantium, there was a form of state sponsorshipof is Muslim the polemic, which the mission of al-Baqilldrff, who was chosen"to show the sublimity of Islam and repugnancetowards Christianity". Although the religious is the of al-Baqillarff not precisely obvious, the peculiarity of the mission aspect of
former judge Thughar, the who was a on al-Bdqilldtfi, and the great personalityof defenderof OrthodoxIslam againstits rivals, certainlyindicatesthe religiousaim of diplomatic-polemic the suggest existence the mission,,or evenmay of alongsidethe between is It 'Aqa4 the two that relations noteworthy alworlds. tnilitary andpolitical Dawlah, the very same Muslim prince who sent al-Bdqilldtfi on his mission to Byzantium, entrusted him to teach his own son, and more important to write a wide-
in is book, "what to al-Baqilldrff commissioned write which was requiredto ranging 12 Al-Joi?, al-gayawan, 4, p. 143. Seesupra,Chapter4, p. 226-227. 13 Al-Qai# 'Abd al-JabbAr,Tathbit daljil al-nubuwah, I, p. 183. Seesuprachapter3, p. 179,note122. 308
its branches the known and evidence of creation of be world aboutscienceand ... Christians the finally and on of non-Muslim, and other sects on comments and Jewe'.
14
The coinciding of the polemic and politics appeared in Byzantine-Muslims both Muslim Byzantine Muslim According the to and sources prominent relations. 15 diplomatic Byzantium, b. 'IsR 'Aliexchanged missionswith and concurrently vizier by he Muslim diplomatic informed that some sources sponsored polemic we are for he Muslim Alimad b. b. Yal theologian Byzantium, entrusted a called ya against ) letter by / 327H. (d. 938AD. to the refute a sent emperor which al-Munajim
disturbances Muslim hands the the at caused at of expressedschadenfreude
" Qararnitans. Finally, it should be stated that presenting an image of any Muslim caliph or
benefactor (in Islam theologians their and of polemic)would of protector a as emir his his his as personal and political as well prestige among certainlyassist reputation, boundary his beyond Such had the political of authority. a reputation subjects,even between in Sunni 'Abbasid been Shiite the the the war propaganda and used already 17
Fatinu s.
On the Byzantine side, the state sponsorship of the polemic against Muslims
There investigated emperors obvious. were several more who undoubtedlyappeared
11 Al-Bdqilldnl,al-tamhjd(ed.Beirut) pp. 2-5. 15.Al-TanakhT,Nishwir al-Mupidarah,pp. 30-31,Englishtranspp. 32-33.;NicholasI, Letters,pp. 373-38.SeeR. Jenkins,"The emperorAlexanderandthe Saracen prisoners" I 'Abd al-Jabbar,Ta-thbirdalj'il al-nubuwah,II, p. 343. 17-On severaloccasions,speciallywhen they werepreparingtheir conquestof Egypt, the Fatimids announcedthat the main aim for their movementwasnot to expandtheir state,but ratherto take East leadership, i. God for Muslims in Jihad the the the to sake and save of whose e. the of part 'Itti'Jir, I, pp. 104,108,115,133; 'Abbasides,hadbecomeincompetentandparalysed.Al-MaqrTzT, Ibn Hani' al-AndalusT,the Fatimid poet usedthe JihadagainstRum in his poemsin which lie by N. 'Abd ShPralFatimides for Jihad. In Hani', their the cited al-114man, support of praised Byzantine 346-347. However, Fatin-dds' the treatment prisonersof war made of good pp. sirX, Muslims. 'Abd Al-Qa4i the Sunni Byzantines them the against scholars accuse of siding with some daljil 342-343. 11, Tathbj7 pp., al-nubuwah, al-Jabbar, 309
least debates Muslims the to or at against Islam and personally contributed Niketas Byzantium, According the to the of polemical works. of most commissioned book faith his the the to as refute of of people well as promote ought emperor 18 Mubammad. Exactly like 'Art al-Tabaff, Niketas began his work by calling down a 19 is he have been It the blessingon may referring to, whether not clear what emperor. for his Byzantine Muslim direct a sovereign a polemical work of against patronage the book just by this their or whether a scared was merely a gesture added and enemies Niketas in seekingthe support of the emperor?
in the vita of Constantine,the apostleof the Slavs,we find a similarallusionto Reportedly, the emperor called to the young the emperor. the patronage of foul heard, Ishmaelites "Have philosopher, what utter against you philosopher, saying: disciple Trinity, forth Holy being You, the of must go and a servant and our creed? dispatched debate Baghdad Soon "'O to to the them. was with an embassy oppose Muslims. Despite the fairy tale nature of the whole story, the emperor appearedas a it Muslims. Like Christianity the against other similar stories, reflects some patron of if its be doubted. historical strict authenticity may reality, even sort of
In a unique narrative,the Muslim tenth centurytheologianal-Qdd-i'Abd aljabbar,says: "The Rum pay very special attention to knowing the circumstancesof their is Even They their permanent. and cynical, vigilance until are always enemies. its (sic), have is debilitated Islam they send spies gone and people now, when have (even) (lands), Muslim Khurdsan they some who go to to and all over Mecca every year to attend the season(of pilgrimage) and return to them with 12l newe
Niketas, Refut. col. 673 Nikctas, Refut. col. 673 20 Klimcnt Okhridski, Life and acts ofour hlessedfather, p. 55. 1
310
if this narrative is to be trusted, and I have no reasonto undermineits is It Byzantine-Mu it slim polemic. opens new on a window authenticity, certainly but Byzantium their to to sending spies against see enemies, why possible quite Mecca? Unfortunately there is no satisfactory answer to such a question. However, if Byzantine Mecca, to that they ever existed, were such spies one may suppose Christian Arabs who were fluent in Arabic, so they would not be identified among the
Muslim crowds. At the same time, while the secular authorities in Byzantium were extremely interestedin depopulatingMuslim lands in northern Syria mainly in the tenth century, bringing the people inside the boundary of the empire, and soon after making attempts
few have We them. examplesof specificattemptsto use or rather a also to convert Arabs Christian Islam. According to to write polemic against genuine alencourage
iatiZ, a certainChristianArab composeda book againstIslam,underthe patronageof 22 Arab Christian Most Byzantine another probably, anonymous writer the emperor. lengthy by Nikephoros Phokas the to emperor write a polemical poem, was entrusted know Muslims. Though to the almost nothing about these we which was sent Christian Arab writers, both casesalluded clearly to a policy of state sponsorshipof
beyond boundary the the expanded which was even polen-kists, of anti-Muslim empire. The poem of emperorNikephorosPhokasreflectshis personalambitionsand it it, is he knew Muslims. On face Islam that the the towards unlikely and of attitude 23 from his Arab language Arabic alleged apart origin. Whoever wrote this poem, it is
21 Al-Q5411'Abdal-Jabbdr,Tathbff daljil al-nubuwah,II, p. 335. 22 Al-Joi?, al-,ffayawan, 4, p. 143. 23 In verse 29 the poet alludes to the Arab origin of the empcror,and to his family origin in the city of Damascus.Al-SubkT, Tabaqdt a1-EhqifNyya,II, p. 180. Some other Muslim sourcesspeak of an Arab origin of Nikephoros, see Ibn al-AthTr, al-kimil, 5, p. 38; Ibn KathTr says the father of the 11, Ka_thfr, from Tarsas. Ibn Muslim the al-Bidjyah wa al-nihjya p. man of city a emperor was ,
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direct he the the that patronage of emperor and certainly worked under certain almost
ideas be his Greek is translation translation of a missing of or may a a the wholepoem by Another Byzantine Leo VI, (or the emperor. emperor, approved) wrote text written implications Muslims the the the and on of religion and religious zeal comments some 24
in the war againstByzantium. These remarks reflect his personal awarenessof the His Constantine his VII Islam foe to son, empire. paid special attention of and main the Muslim creed, although his contribution to the Byzantine polemic against Islam from Theophanes Confessor. the others, mainly passages some copies merely Another Byzantine text was reportedly written as part of state diplomacy; this is Cesarea. Karlin-Hayter P. Arethas letter of argues convincingly that the letter the of Romanos I Lekapenos, D. the the of emperor command while under was written
Sahascorrectedthe title of the letter, and showedthe originallymissingMuslim letter Romanos, "Roman" letter to the than to the emperor rather addressed as was that Popov read it, yet D. Sahaslater datedthe sameletter to 905.25Indeedwe havean 26
letter. in Arab to the the same sources very allusion
Consequently,setting aside the
disputebetweenthe modemscholarson the attributionof the letter to Arethas,one is local letter formal hypothesize text the the that of current a copy of a missing may letter sentto the Muslims.For the harshlanguageandthe hazyreferencesto Muslims 27 distniss it Sahas "they" the "you" pointed out, possibility of considering as as and as
268. However,Von G. Grfinebaum,Tine poetischePolemik'p. 49. Grancbaum(P. 57) doesnot Arab is It be the that this to origins poem as an evidence of emperor. of convinced of possible seem Nikctphorosas"in colouran EtliiopiaW'which may interest that Liduprandof Cremonadescribed in Liudprand Arabic Cremona, Arabs The their thinking the emperor. of an of some origin of misled Thokas', However, On Phokas's family, ODB., 236. the the poetmay s. v., origin of see p. works, in Damascus, Nikephoros' Roman to the over rather ruling emperors who were predecessors refer thanhis directfamily. 24- Leo VI, Taktika,XVIII, cols.972b-d. 976c-d 25 p. Karlin-Hayter,'Arethas'letterto the emir at Damascus',pp. 284-285. 26. 'Abd al-Jabb5r,TathbitdaWil al-nubuwah,II, p. 343. 27 D. Sahas,'Arethas' 'Letter to the emir at Damascus',p. 77. 312
document it Muslims. likely Most the formal to the and actual copy sent was a a
for Christian a reader. modifiedcopycustomised Sometime before Arethas, we have another example of alleged Byzantine Muslims by to the the command of the emperors. were sent which replies official Niketas of Byzantium statesclearly that his letters are "Refutations of the letter sent to 28 29 If is Michael". be trusted, it may be safelypresumed, such narrative to the emperor both his Niketas replies at the emperor's request. that wrote
In the Christian communitiesunder the Muslims' rule., it seemsthat the decisive, in played a monasteries yet a and very cautions role, sponsoringthe churches indirectly Although involved, fearing they were only writings. presumably polemical
Muslim authorities, nevertheless,we of know several examplesof apologetic kept, copied and translatedwithin monasteriesor with the manuscriptswhich were 30 individualsupportof someclerics. In Byzantiumitself the churchadoptedthe very Muslims like the text to convertto abjurations of of of ritual who would vehement Christianity and kept it in the "book on Catechism".Remarkably,the clerics resisted Manuel "have I to the anathematisationexpungedfrom all the emperor the attempts of
31 beginning books Great Church". with the codexof the the catechetical
28 Niketas, Refut cols. 807-808,821-822; seeJ. Demetriades,Nicetas,p. 68. 29 J. Demetriadeswrote a careful comparisonon the terminology of the anatrope and the two letters Of Niketas and he hypothesizedthat the two letters, allegedly sent to Muslims as replies to early letters, were not written by Niketas and may not evenbe actual letters sent to Muslims. However, language differences is from the there no concreteevidenceeither to attribute the letters to apart Niketas or to deny their authenticity. See J. Demetriades,Nicetas,pp. 103-120 , 30 The monasteryof St. Sabanear Jerusalemwas the main sourcesof manuscripts.In this monastery St. in Catharine's in Mount Sinai, most of the polemical Arabic treatiseswere especially others, and kept. As regards, the anonymoustexts known as SummaTheologiaeArabica, were copied at the bishop Griffith, (Basil). See S. 'Islam of a certain and the summatheologiacarabica;Rabl'I request 264 A. H. ', JSAI 13 (1990). P. 230. 31 Niketas Choniates,Historia, ed. 1. Bekker, (Bonn 1835)p. 278, English trans. H. J. Magoulias, 0 1. 12 p. city qfByzantium,
313
Forms of polemic
The Byzantine-Muslimpolemic was intermixed among the political and it both Simply, lying theological on sides. was a encounter within a military relations different Byzantine-Muslim in pair of contexts, yet relations and all their wider in Christian-Muslim polemic general. aspectsand In Byzantium, relatively few works the between eighth and eleventhcenturies devoted Islam. best-known The to arguments against entirely examplesare the were Obviously Byzantium. Niketas of most of the polemic came within other works of hymens, It comments, vitas, songs and sermons. chronicles, was a common works, historians for Byzantine Islam to the speak generally about and add some practice
Muýammad, Byzantinethe the about comments and origin of aggressive mostly Muslim wars. At the sametime, we havea few examplesof direct polemicalletters Muslims. Remarkably, between Byzantium Muslims and mostly took out exchanged diplomacy, least in initiative this at polemical comparedwith normal diplomacy, the from Byzantine Presumably incentive Muslims' the the side. started usually which follow least desire the the in to theoretically, their example of prophet, at while was have figured it for Muslim to as personal propaganda appears certain cases other some 32
sovereig .
On the Muslim side,polemicaltexts variedin their nature,aims,target reader, (or language, Muslims. they the reception enjoyed suffered) among and other style, As the Muslim polemic coincidedwith the growth of Muslim kalam, graduallyit becamean essentialpart of the Muslims' intellectuallife. Accordingly,one of the first letter of the caliph Harfin al-Raslild to the emperor the can extent, one count a certain -To Constantine VI in this category. Similarly, Aýmad b. Tulan (governor of Egypt) replied to what diplomatic letter of the emperors Leo VI and Alexander with a polemical one. be to a normal seems on a smaller scale, Skylitzes narrates that the Muslim emir of Melitcne wrote a sarcastic letter to the Byzantine general Anderas, wondering whether Jesus son of Mary would help the Christians
314
dialogue, direct the forms of the polemicwas reflection of the daily which was a debatesbetweenthe thinkersfrom both sides,or eventhe laity who tried to contribute 33 issues. is into It these that, complex no surprise their wide, words own and cast Christian their Muslims thinkers personal speak encounter of with other several 34For the outstanding feature of the Muslim mulkalmin issue. thinkers about religious doctrine debating their the of to sects and others, as well as againstother was expose Christianity became However, polen-dc against soon a crucial part of any schools.
kalarn work, and most of these works dedicateda chapteror a short sectionto 35 discussing the Christian creed, while there was a growing tendency to devote
36 deal Christian Islam. individualtreatisesto objectionsagainst with Aims of polemic: A- Substantiation of faith and protecting the simple-minded laity The commonnotion that any polemicalwork hasbeenwritten in the context of
is between from dispute kind two the certainly a rivals paradox of religious some Byzantine-Muslim perspective.The Byzantine-Muslim polemical writings are of two distinct groups. The first one contains some actual or alleged dialogues or letters
individual have between their two own character,and antagonists,who exchanged The form the of whole polen-& small portion main group a somewhat those mostly
has different to co-religionist; each mostly addressed a a consistsof severalwritings different implies circumstances. readerand On both the Byzantineand the Muslim sides,the aims of the polemicaland One first the the texts essential and aims of whole similar. of almost were apologetic Skylitzes, Synopsis, John 143-144, H, Ibn Tar1h, 2, his 75; pp. al-Muqaffa', assault. p. against GermanTrans. p. 180. in N. A Newman, The 33 20. English 'alf J. Fenkel, trans. reprinted p early al-Na§&A, al-radd -Al-Jahi?, Christian-Muslim Dialogue, p. 707. 34 Ibn al-Nadim, al-f1hrist, p. 33; al-Mas'udi, at-tanbih wa al-7shrJf, p. 115. 'Abd al-Jabbar;al-Baqillaff, Ibn Ijazm and al-Maturldf. 35 E.g. al-QA471 -
315
laity. in This different the to types of simple-minded aim protect appears polemic was
faith, the to or to refute the accusationsof the other side,or confirm treatises,either be by in the the to questions rnight which raised adversaries order to even answer 37 first Qur'an, Islamic The deals the text them. polemical with this problem. In refute it in Muslims logical the to them and explains addresses and simple way many verses God, how in Christians the of their belief in oneness and and n-ýistaken are the unity it Then Trinity. addressesthe Christians and challenges their creed, besides the refuting any possibleobjection they might make. One of the first crucial steps in the Islamic polen-ýcwas to reinforce the in the tackle 'Al-i the missing points or and correct others works, early works. previous
the previousworks: criticising says, al-Tabari " Someof them haveshortened,curtailedand contradictedtheir argumentand havenot explainedit satisfactorily;someof them havearguedin poetry against the peopleof the book andin ignoranceof their books;andsomeof themhave faces books the two their of with addressesto Muslims rather than to crammed have forth in then their put and a most elaborateand difficult proofs polytheists 08
discourse
Then he, a former Christian offers his conception of an ideal, effective polemical
best the and most understandable way to addressthe work, which will explain Christians. In the Muslim lands,especiallyin the ninth and tenth centuries,the Muslim different intellectual from assimilated milieu currents newly convertednoncultural 36 g. 'All al-Tabarl-,al-Jgi? (hemadesomereferences his otherworksaswell) Christianity to within -E. andAbd 'Isd al-Warraq. 37 on the Byzantinesidethe clearestexampleis the dialogueattributedto Johnof Damascus. On the Muslim side, the Qur'An institutedthe first exampleof teachingthe art of dialoguewith nonMuslims.Qur'An,2: 93-95; 3: 20,61-66;
316
39 legacy Ancient Greek thinkers. In sum, the vivid Arab Muslims as well as the of the
muslim cultural milieu produced severalintellectualschools,as well as waves of different heresies.At the sametime, daily life in such an active renaissancegenerated between from different debates between the either scholars schools, or numerous Muslim and non-Muslim laity. Interestingly, the Muslim thinkers felt annoyedby the involvement of the laity in such debates,as they realisedthat an increasingnumber of Muslims were becoming bewildered in their debates with non-Muslims. AI-Jal.iiZ, looks himself Muslim "How that every unfortunate upon as a theologian and says, is fit lead discussion Consequently to those that a an atheist". with everyone thinks Christianias"succeededin throwing dust in the eyes of the staunch believers and in 40 in faith". bewildering the n-ýinds of those who are weak
Apart from the intensiveefforts by Muslim theologiansto warn and protect later, Qayyim Ibn laity, al-Jawziyyanoticed the failure of their some centuries dialogues in Christians, his Muslims the the title sophisticated with even of common book (the guide to the perplexed in answeringthe Christians and Jews) indicates the hostile laity Muslim to the scholars against support of propaganda. specialconcern
However, the waves of heresiesand intensivepublic debatesirritated the The Islam annoyed, caliph al-Mutawakkil was personally and saw as well. authorities
he orderedthe suppression in danger.Consequently, of all kind of public debates.At 41 Muslim he time, a series of apologetic works. sponsored the same Another aim of the polemicalwritings in Islamwas to respondto challenges in i. from form letters Christians, the the the side, other e. of official and objections Kitib al-din wa I-dawla, p. 7; English translation A. Hngana, reprinted N. A. al-Tabarl, -'Ali Newman (cd.), The early Christian-Muslim dialogue, p. 457 39 On the translations from Greek into Arabic, see the intensive discussionsof- D. Gutass,Greek thought, Arabic culture: the Graeco-Arabic translation movementin Baghdad and early Abb&id society.
317
from Christian foreign thinkers from the clergy, or even rulers or within sent
42 boundariesof the caliphate. One may assumethat the main theologicalchallenge from the Christianthinkers was essentiallywithin the Arab lands, rather than the Byzantinetheologians,who mostly addresseda Christian-Byzantinereader. On the Byzantine side, the earliest polen-ftal works such as those of John of Damascus and his disciple Theodore Aba Qurrah, seem to have been written Christian facie, Prima dialogues for these reader. a alleged with some specifically
Muslimswere written or modifiedlater to show the Muslim interlocutoras a stupid deliberate be in to That, to the gambit give confidence may a opinion, my one. Christian reader and confirm his faith as well. More important, these dialogues are
in daily life in Christians Muslim intended their to guides normal a as certainly 43 dominatedsociety. In the dialogue attributed to John of Damascus,we have if by Sarac; Sarac him "if the tell tell a and are asked you; you suchas: expressions hinf'. to that; reply
44
This is clearly a didactic dialogue written for teachingsand as a
help in laity daily debates Christian Muslim for them to their their the with guide in later Byzantium, in Most the which were written other works of seem neighbours.
direct didacticism. Interestingly lack this the to character of enough, comparison 40 AI-JoiZ, al-radd 'ali al-Na§jrj, p. 20.Englishtrans. J. Finkelreprintedin, N. Newman,(ed.) The a dialogue, 707. Christian-Muslim p. early 41 This includestheworksof Al-Joiz, and 'All al-Tabarl. Christian between Arab Muslim 42 thinkers, and correspondence most of polemical some was -There interpolated be fictitious least later, however, lost to had been seems at some or we while which havesometextsaswell asallusionsin the Arab sourcesconcerningsuchmissingletters.The first known exampleof thesedialoguesis the allegedlettersof al-Hashiffiland his Christianfriend betweenIn al-Munjimandtwo of Christianthinkers Kindf. Moreauthenticletterswereexchanged Ibn Hunain b. Correspondance Samir, Une islamo-cWtienne K. his time. entre al-Munaggim, of IsahqandQustaibn Luqa; Ibn al-Nadim,al-Rhrist (Theindex)p. 295;Theletterattributedto Paul friends, his Muslim Muslim Melkite Antioch, to theologian, one attracted sent of several a of theologiansto replyto andrefuteit. Themainreplywasthemajorwork of Ibn Tayymiah(al-Jawjb SeeM. H Siddiqi, 'Muslim andByzantineChristianrelations:letterof Paulof Antioch 36 In Taymyah's response', p. ct seq. and 43 One may add also the anonymouswork known asSummaTheologiaeArabica, which was intended faith" S. Griffitli, 'Islam be "a instruct the Griffith to to and the practical manual out, pointed as 233. thcologiac arabica', p. summa
318
book De Porphyrogenitus Constantine imperio, wrote a administrando which emperor
45 instructions for dealing Empire's it, In 4manual with neighbours'. practical of was a his short passageon Islam may be written to offer the chancefor officials of the court be heirs fiercest to throne the the to their enlightened on creed of enemy, the and
Muslims. B- Polemic and missions
It is noteworthy that the first known Muslim polemic was directed against Christians in general,without regard to their different sects.This was the Qur'Zin,the Muslim sacredbook, which undertook the task of inviting the Christians and Jews to the time their the at same refuting religion, claims. new embrace
One can assumethat this attitude from the Qur'dn was the first and main Muslims Islam Christian to their to propagate among encourage neighbours motive Qur'dnic At for time, this the the same polemic was strongest reason subjects. and Christianthinkersof all timesto want to reply againstit. However,following the lead its Muslim fulfil Qur'dn, invite the tried to the of most their rulers message and of Christian neighboursand subjectsto embraceIslam, but in reality, most of them were busy either with their internal problems or hindered by their personal non-religious Arab Byzantine indications Unfortunately, sources neither nor gives any of character.
late by figures the of caliphs, mostly any who were mere andshadows suchan attempt have We letters, First three the only their examples of such predecessors. great of between'Umar II andLeo 111,46 the secondletter of which disputablecorrespondence is a lengthytreatise,sentfrom the caliphHaran al-Rashfid to the emperorConstantine
Damascus,Disputatio saraceni et christiani, cols. 1336-1348;English translation, D. Sahas, of -John John ofDamascus, appendix11,pp. 142-155. 45 A. Toynbee,ConstantinePOrphyrogenitus,p. 582. 46 SeechapterL pp. 96-98. _ 319
b. Egypt by Abmad Tul(in letter to the of The governor sent third V1.47 was reportedly
inquired he in brother Alexander, his VI Leo about which reportedly and the emperor filiation divine Trinity the of and the
JesuS. 48
On the Byzantine side, the idea of missions in Muslim lands seemedto be a initiate to there are no recorded attempts or sponsor such remote possibility, as in incidents Byzantium Arab Yet tribes to there are some which called some activity. 49 lands, later Christianity. Byzantine But to the nature of the to and convert n-tigrate
(BanU liablib) tribe the this mostly particular was political, and main of conversion had Muslim it, for the to they sources, was maltreatment received according motive from the Muslim authorities. Unfortunately, our sources on both sides are absolutely Byzantine these tribes they among activity missionary while previous any on silent lands. However, in Muslim Muslim living the the theologian, narrative of still were
dismissed Byzantine 'Abd the and refuted circulated who al-Jabbdr, al-QaTi displaced Muslims the the which occurredasmiraclesof of conversion on propaganda 50 is important in this context. It indicates some the Byzantine patriarch, extremely kind of Byzantine propagandaactivity among Muslims in the newly conqueredlands,
boundaries beyond the physical aswell. andpresumably In sum, we have no letters or missionssent to Muslims to invite them to On Muslims fell Christianity. the the contrary, once unfortunate under embrace Byzantineyoke, they were mostly exposedto relentlessefforts as well as generous bribesfrom the authoritiesto convertto Christianity.The most vulnerablegroup was during Muslim those the who especially prisoners of war, were captured of course their childhood. 47 Seechapter I, pp. 98- 101. 48 In al-Muqaffa', TArAh, 11,2, p. 75. 49 ibn Ijawqal, Kitib surat al-ar(f, p. 211-213. 50 AI-Q541'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbit dalJil al-nubuwah, 1, p. 183. 320
C. Polemic and the politico-military challenge Within the lengthy course of the struggle between the Byzantium and Muslim be challenge. called politico-religious can which of polemic, there sort a was world, is a poem written under the patronage the The unique example of such polemic Muslim Likewise, the Phokas, to the Nikephoros caliph. sent was which emperor it level. First Caesarea Arethas of all was a letter of reflects a challengeat another of joy his in Byzantine letter, the the expressed which writer at news of schadenfreude full boasting Furthermore, theological the were Muslims' turmoil. arguments of the Byzantine victories. recent about On the Muslim side, we have a very few examplesof such politico-polen-& Haran letter the the at-Rashidto the emperor caliph of Among them one may count letter b. Tul(in Abmad VI. to the politico-polemical similar sent a Constantine 51
local Byzantine historian On Alexander. his brother the VI Leo a scale, and emperor letter Melitene Muslim to the the that a sarcastic Skylitzes wrote emir of John narrates Byzantine general Anderas, wondering whether Jesus son of Mary, would help the by letter, Stunned his the Byzantine commander such'a Christians against attack. 52 blasphemy. help Christians Mary icon this the to against the to of prayed These works were characterisedby the direct linking of the political and Accordingly Muslim-Christian their the polemic. motive was with struggle military issued They personal as a principally challenge, were mostly totally religious. not directly their purpose and were connected circumstances between secular authorities; between No the two wonder that their theological sides. to the actual relations be to the the and not compared writings of overall with professional poor was contents theologians. 51 Ibn al-Muqaffa, Tjrlh, 11,2,p. 75. 52 JohnSkylitzes,Synopsis,pp. 143-144,Germantrans.p. 180. 321
At the same time, the outcome of the military struggle is used often in the for God's the The right support of a sign as often portrayed was victory polemic. 53while the defeatswas seenas a punishmentfor sins of these true believers, religion, 54 Christian from apologists. especially D- Deforming the other Among the essential aims of the Byzantine-Muslim polemic was black the the required obviously exposing shortcomings of vices and which propaganda, hiding disparaging In this their cases, most or virtues. simultaneously other side, last foe. This deliberately inventing to the them stories and attributing meant it in it fact known in Byzantium; even and made very common well was practice between Muslim distinguish the the creed to harder actual misunderstandingsof is facts. The deliberate the the this of of altering of work clearest the example and he his Edessa. Islam, In Bartholomew treatise shows a short of against the monk Muslim knowledge that may not of some very n-dnor even ones rites, precise 55 At invented) MUSliMS. he (or by the time same several some narrated realised 56 in family Muhammad's his (sic). Mecca There tomb about and stories strange by Nicetas Byzantium. them among some of points raised examples, are several 57
kinds Muslims he that the to are allowed eat all of animals. For example, says
Byzantine devoted the sources of considerable attentionto the Remarkably,most
Lettre du CalifeHdranA I-Rastd,p. 130,135(the Arabictext) pp. AbT Ibn al-Laith For example, , 56,62 (Frenchtrans.); 'All al-Tabri,Kitib al-dh wa 1-dawla,pp. 50-54.On the Byzantineside, Nikctasof Byzantium,Refut.,col. 672;Ardhas, ScriptaAfinora,I, p. 243.,Frenchtrans.A. Abel, Ta Icttcrpoldmiqucd'Ardthas',p. 368. Oratio, col-*3206;AnastasiosSinaitcs,PG 89,1156 c; Vita Euthymii, p. 107;seeW. 54 SophronjoS, Kacgi, 'Initial Byzantinereactionsto the Arabconquest',pp. 139-140;R. Hoyland,SeeingIslamas 67-73 it, pp. otherssaw 55 He explainedthe customof ablutionin Islam,and pointedin detail the virtual ablutionMuslims is (tayymum). Bartholomew Edessa, Elenchuset there do no sand when water of haveto using ConfutatioAgareni,col. 1408.SeeA. Khoury,Lesth6ologiensby7antins,p. 284. Elenchuset confutatioAgareni,col. 1412. 56 Bartholomewof Edessa, NiketasofByTantium,p. 36; c.f. Refut cols.720-721.PartialEnglishtrans.J. Dcmetriades, 57 -Niketas, by7antins, 144. Les p. th6ologiens Khoury, A. 322
"Yet lust. it could life, them Muslims' sexual andoften portrayed as slavesof their be arguedthat while such an attitudemay reflect Byzantinemisunderstanding of frequency life did Muslim tales the about of sexual massive reflect a polygamy deform Muslims' desire the to moral reputation. clear On the Muslim side, such practices were well known as well. Most of the Muslim authors have absolutely denied all virtues to Christian monks and clerics discount life by to tried any the possible appreciation of monastic even and Muslim laity. Some writers accused Byzantine nuns of committing fornication
for God the monks other sake of and with soldiers
(SiC), 59
while somelate Muslim
intercourse interpreted to to help women's confessions priests as sexual thinkers
60 the womanattainsalvation. Polemic and its readers
One of the differencesbetweenMuslim andByzantinepolemicwas the target in interest both Generally them savingandguiding of showedmost speaking, reader. Christian Muslim. fellows, Byzantinepolen-ticgenerally,exceptin a very or their own few cases,did not have in mind any Muslim reader;even in casesin which the it foe. Muslim a only virtual supposed reader, was polemicist addresseda
In Byzantium,onemaywonderaboutwhethersucha reader,wasa memberof A Constantinople? the the of capital? normal member mob of the elite classesof just in Or from the Someone a monk a monastery? To answersuch provinces? individually, before has the to en mise scene of each work examine one questions, is known, have build It theory. to coherent as general a well we seen,that the trying
51 Almost every Byzantine polemical work alluded somehow to Muslim sexual life. 59. Al-Qa4VAbdal-Jabb5r, Tathbj7daIjiIaI-nubuwah, I, pp. 170-171; al-Jahi?, al-radd'a/ja/-Araý&A for Christian ýIazni4 1, 74-75; Ibn Muslim the 20; the pp. al-fiýal, on monks and their respect p. Qutayba, 'A. Ibn Kitib life, 'Uyrin 368; II, al-ýSharfl, al-Fikr al-is1knift see see al-Akhbir, p. ascetic 440-444. 'aIj pp. al-Nas&J, al-radd 60 Ibn Qayyim al-jawziyya, Hidjyat Hidjyat al-Payira, p. 265. -
323
for the spiritual support of the were written as guidebooks works early polen&al
Christiancommunitiesin Muslimslands.In Byzantium,far from the Muslim danger, less for there was certainly need such guides. Prima facie, most of the Byzantine polen-k was written mainly for a Christian
knowledge limited Islam far from The of was whose and comprehensive. reader, hostility in language, the the works of Niketasof Byzantium,for example, vehement impossible hypothesis it A. to Khoury the maintain that Niketastried to argue of make 61 imaginary Muslim However, for Byzantine C. the Mango reader as an reader, with . books in Byzantium: "In Byzantine Empire between the 750 of availability elucidated books by A. D. 850 were very scarce and, ordinary standards, fantastically and did library, there the time not exist at a central except the one at the expensive; ...
This theory, if it indeedis accepted,castsdoubt on the effectiveness Patriarchate'62 for if Even the the availabilityof works ordinary reader. poletnical and availabilityof books has somehowhad improved by the revival of learning in the ninth-tenth have it is been dramatic to such unlikely a changeto have copied and centuries, distributed these polemical works on any considerablescale. Furthermore, both the Porphyrogenitus Anna Comnena Constantine VII and seemnot to have read emperor in Niketas Byzantium. This the particular of works, polemical of most striking fact
it Niketas' dates late to the of work, or authenticity a period,or equallyit eitherstrains in its imperial doubt the even availability court. canseriously Yet, there are severalByzantineletters, reportedlysent to a certainMuslim Obviously, the mise en sceneof eachof them offers more problems caliph. or emir different than solutions, and suggests assumptions.Apart from the lack of rather by held the and problems of authenticity most of them, the violent out coherence 61 A. Khoury,Lesth6ologiensby7antins,p. 115. 62 C. Mango,'The availabilityof booksin die Byzantineempire'p. 43. 324
tone of some,suchasArethas'letter, entaila theorythat they languageandaggressive drafts best Muslims they to of actual or copies were or at sent actually not were 63 letters. diplomatic and respectful From their different approach and n-fflieu, the Melkites had an extremely different task. The spiritual leaders of the Melkite minority in the Muslim realm had first Christians different the types other non-Chalcedonian of religious opponent, two in imperial by in forgive the the the role played past armies supporting not who could Melkites; second,the Muslim dominantmajority.
between Melkite After a careful exan-dnation the the of polemicalwritings facts. facie, Prima them twelfth centuries, one realises some striking all of and seventh direct Islam. There are some alleged antiagainst any polemic carefully avoided 64 but these are missing, presumably never having been Muslim polemical works, likely they the circulated some secret pamphlets, among were more or, written
is directed fact Another that they their the of many sect. striking membersof large devoted for Jews they as enen-ties, a part of their virtual argumentsagainst (supposed) Jewish less the to to objections, are more which or similar answer efforts
had in Presumably, Muslim Muslims. they the objections mind while tackling thoseof however, One feet harmless Jews may, confidentthat someof thesetexts rivals. the as both Jewish polen-ýic, apologetics while others against were were genuineanti-Jewish 65
Muslim objections. and
On the Muslim side,the majorityof works wereaimedat a Muslim reader,but lest Christians. tried to the number addressed address or at considerable a relatively
63 For example,comparethe styleand languageof the actuallettersentby the patriarchNicholasI andthat of Arethas. Caspar k 'Bibliographic 64 YOyd b. Sa'Td to the see attributed ct al., alleged works al-AntdkT, as -Such der christlichenarabischenLiteratur, 2, du dialogueislamo-chr6tien',p. 202;G. Graf,Geschichte The ByTantine-Arab 2 1. Forsyth, H. 1, J. 5 1; p. chronicle, p. 65 E.g. SaId b. Batriq (Eutychius)kitib al-Burhin. 325
'AR b. al-TabarTfrequentlyaddressedhis Christianfamily and friends, softenedhis language,and showeda considerablerespectto their Bible. SimilarlyseveralMuslim 66 friends. beyond Christian However, debated their the political with theologians boundary of the Muslim realm, only by the will of a few Muslim rulers efforts were But, knowledge, Byzantine is to the there to emperors. my no attempt made address laity Byzantine the on the part of Muslim theologians, as the language to address barrier and the long history of hostility madeit seeman impossibleundertaking. The problem of the authenticity of polemical works Broadly speaking, polemical works are often harder and elusive to examine. The religious zeal of the authors and later copier often affected their work and their
dialogues have, by In the which all we are often represented one of the credibility. find dialogue the the to makeone side author, repeatedlystarting speakersonly, we demolition his Unfortunately, in the the absenceof of opponent. win, endingwith full is impossible it the text of the actual to almost reconstruct opposite narrative, 67 dialogue. One may say that almost all the Byzantine polemical texts fall into one of
threedifferentgroups: 68 A- Authenticworks of well-knownauthors. B- Doubtfulworks, attributedto genuinewell-knownauthors" 70 C- Ambiguousworks of unknownauthors.
'6- For examplethe correspondence betweenIbn al-Munjim,andhis ChristianfriendsI.Iunainb. Istiaq andQustaibn Luqd. 67 In the Byzantine-Muslimpolemicthereareseveraldialogueswhich reportedlytakeplacebctwcen from both 'Umar E. b. dialogue the sides. and officials of al-'As (or 'Umar Ibn g. scholars some Sa'd ?) and the JacobitepatriarchJohn1; alsothe dialoguesof Johnof Damascus, ThcodoreAba Qurahandal-Bdqillanf. 68 E.g. Theophanes,emperorsLeo VI and his son ConstantineVII; GeorgeHamartolos;Anna ComnenaandEuthymiusZygabcnus 69 E.g. Johnof Damascus,TheodoreAbu-Quffah(althoughour knowledgeof his life is hazy)and Arethasof Caesarea. 326
Unfortunately, the third group includes the most important polemical texts in Byzantium, Niketas lengthy is, treatise the of about whom almost of Byzantium, that
have by known, is theories are some all modem scholarswithout and we nothing for itself has The the the text. text of authenticity no chronological concrete evidence is it Michael III, to the the emperor reference gives only as a pious and and allusions., it is implausible to even so accept that such a panegyricand claim emperor; victorious be drunken Michael important, 111. More to the given emperor could of greatness Niketas' treatise, despite its extreme importance as the main Byzantine work against Islam, seemsto be almost unknown to succeedingByzantine theologians, as none of his The him, name. sameproblem of ambiguity characterised nor mentions them cites Bartholomew Edessa Evode. their such as of works, and and other authors
On the Muslim side, the problemis certainlydifferent. Relatively,there are have authors, yet we some examplesof anonymous of unknown not many works 71but on a very small scale compared with those from Byzantium. The first authorS,
in is Muslims' long the the context of authenticity problem main established and tradition of copying each other's works, not to say plagiarising. This widely known
in dilemma, it impossible the a and researcher makes modern sometimes practiceputs Although be in historical this identify tolerated the the could writer. real case of to be facts from in the can examined and reassembled other where sources, narratives, impossible it is figure it to almost out who specificauthors polemic,when occurs in Furthermore, plagiarism polemicalwritings complicatesthe task of actuallywere. decidingwhetherthe authorswere awareof the Bible as they seemto be, or whether here from just tradition or or there. The samecriteria again copied they used oral 70 E.g. Evode; Nikctas of Byzantium; al-Kindl wa al-HashimTand the anonymous vita of Saint Theodoreof Edessa.
327
knowledge Byzantium; towards be to their and attitude while some of applied could borders have the the to Constantinople, of approached never appear others visited its had Muslim Still, the the plagiarism of sources own unique advantageas empire. 72 large it the to portions of some missing work, or referred existence preserved well; helps in which prompts and of some authors, modern scholars works of some missing 73 their work on anonymousmanuscripts. Among the most controversial texts in the Christian-Muslim polemic, there is 74 it has Fatimid had to the though treatise caliph al-Mu'izz, attributed a short from (from The little text scholars. modern explains a very attention comparatively Christian point of view) why God cameto his creaturesin a humanform as his mercy, be beings human God. Then to the declares the that see able glory never of will and its image (the light, heat) Christian to explain the traditional sun and and text uses a
Trinity. The final part of the treatiseseemsabsolutelyimpossibleto attributeto any Muslim caliph. It says,"Christ is one of one, descendedfrom the heavenand is him, God his it. He to the the to of sanctify nameS75 whole world, glory ascended 76 ýj, from eternity,now and until the end of the world . The text eventuallyseemsto Christian Muslim to theologian, to the the an echo a caliph a similar story of convert 77 This the text caliph al-Ma"m(in. unique of presumablywas conversion alleged in Christians Egypt, Muslim the and among never reached circulated producedand 'Umar 11.The anonymoustext was published by D. Sourdel, and the letter to caliph attributed -The it to be the tend the missing treatiseof altext the consider to caliph, some of while missing thought Joiz. 72 The best example is the Ibn Ishaq's Skat rasOlAllah which is usedalmost verbatim in the work of Ibn 11isham,and later restoredand published. Ibn Isbaq, Skat rasrd Allah, English translation A. Guillaume. The introduction of the translator, pp. XXX-XNM, 73 g. al-Qd471 'Abd al-Jabbaralludes to missing book of al-JahiZ.al-Q54r 'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbj7 -E. dal.Vil al-nubuwah, I, p. 148,198. 74 'Un traild christologique attribue au califd Fatimide al-Mu'izz' No. XVI, Idem, Troupreau, -G. budes sur le christianisme arabe au Moyen age, Variorum (London 1995) Arabic text pp. 15-20, French trans. pp. 21-24. 75 This expression"namesof God" is certainly of an Islamic origin. JP jPj 71
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78 is foes Fatimid. In this text the a word, certainly of the 'Abbasids,the vehement fictitious, yet it offers another lucid exampleof the nature of the way in which in handled Muslim-Christian texts and used context. were polemical Handling the polemical texts (rewritings- interpolations) One of the major features of the Byzantine (and Melkite) polemical texts is the in influence the of place which they were written on the tone and style of the obvious in lands, Byzantine While those were composed which such the works of Niketas text. by George Hamartolos Byzantium characterised were or pointed and aggressive of language against Muslims, their practices, life and their prophet, the works of the
towardsIslam. ChristianArabsweregentler,moremetaphoricalandlessaggressive This phenomenonsurely reflects the influence of the place upon writings of
In Saint tone. the John the texts same and connection, style works upon of polemical in kept Greek, Islam Damascus were written and presumablyto avoid concerning of Muslim Furthermore, Theodore Abuthis time. authorities at with problems any Qurrah, the Christian Arab theologian, remarkably, wrote some of his general his in Arabic, while main polemical works against Islam were theological works
he himself in know Greek, Greek. though Similarly, to appeared not only preserved
77 A. Vasiliev, 'The life of St. Theodoreof Edessa' Is It is well known that the 'Abbasid, who were stunnedby the victories and claims of their rivals the Fatimids, held a special conferenceof notableMuslim scholarsto refute the Fatimid's claims to be descendantsof the prophet's daughter. However, some Muslim Sunni scholars, such as al-Q54i 'Abd al-Jabbar, who wrote a long list of accusationsagainst the Fatimids, even accusedthem of being non-Muslims, co-operatfingwith the Qaramitans,and betraying the Muslims by having close Byzantium he Muslims, but against neveralluded to sucha text wl-dch,if with remarkably relations indeed it had existed,would have given him a greater chancefor yet more attack. Al-Qa4r 'Abd aljabbar, Tathbit da1J71al-nubuwah, II, p. 342 ct. Seq.
329
Edessa Saint Theodore the the the name of Arabic of omitted of vita of version the 79 times. Mutammad several prophet 80 have Among the notable facts we a story, written by two different Christian by by Gregory Dekapolis, Ibn in Byzantium of and other al-Muqaffa', authors, one Coptic writer tenth century the
The most striking and substantialdifferencebetween .81
hero Byzantine is the text tends to the that seems and texts aggressive of two the feeling insults Spanish Muslim their type and even prophet public seeking a challenge 82while the Coptic writer draws his hero as a peacefulyoung man who of martyrdoM, difference, indicates This his in obviously, a sharp religion. new peace seeks between Islam, Byzantines and the Arab Christians in towards the distinction attitude
Muslim living rule. under who were Another clear exampleof this coincidencebetweenthe place of writing or is in Nicetas Byzantium. text the tone the the text the works of of of and even reading
language, Ms mainwork, the analropeusesa very vehement and containsa long list for Qur'Nn, Mutammad, Muslims God the and even against of epithets of unpleasing Mutammad.But his two lettersto Muslims,apartfrom their doubtfulauthenticity,are Y. Meinarisand A. Sclim,'An Arabicversionof the life of St. Theodoreof Edcssa(ar-Raha)the 2 (1983)p. 116;A. Vasiliev,'Thc life of St.Theodoreof Edessa',p. 197, Sabaitc'Graeco-Arabica note.126. 80 -The story tells of a young Muslim man, who tried to force his camcls into a church, but interrupted Muslim in but On died. this the occasion service another man a church, miraculouslyall drained he blood (sic); the child, whom and a young slaughtered carrying a priest saw suddenly kill he but his lie is hastened he to the to the prised, surprise, realised only one this scene of stunned is Henceforth lie Christianity. It this. to this saw converted one else no and vision who saw known Vita Ruwalý, Antoine the that as of which wascirculatedamong story a similar noteworthy lamb. Muslim in the Arabs, the Christian cutting priest meat off a young man saw white which the See Gregory Dckapolites, Sancti Gregorii Decapolitae sermo historicus ulilissimus ac juncundissimusde vision, quam cum habuissetSarracenusquidam,creditit et propter Jesum ChristumDominunnostrummartyria affectus(A historical speechof GregoryDek-apolites, very Saracen had, in a many ways, about once pleasing a vision which andwho,as most and profitable Christ), PG became 100, believed Jesus 1201-1212, lord this, cols. a and martyrfor our of a result Englishtranslation,D. Sahas,'What an infidel sawthat a faithful did not: GeorgoryDckpolites(d. 11, 842),andIslam', GOTR,31, no. 1-2,(1986)47-67;the Copticversion,Ibn at-Muqaffa, T&Ayhh, deDamast 25 ddc. 3, pp. 110-111;Dick, 1.' La passionArabiede St.AntoineRuwah,ndo-martyre 799', Le Musdon,74 (1961) pp. 109-133. 81 Ibn al-Muqaffa',TArPh,11,3,pp. 110-111. -
330
is language here in However, tone. their to and my main aim softener remarkably
factors the target the and such place of writing certain of the effect emphasise clear from text every point of view. reader on the polemical Another factor which clearly affected the tone of the polemical works is the diplomatic nature of some letters reportedly exchanged between Byzantine writers it, On face letters, fully Muslim the these those the of sides. even which are not and by irenic language. They relatively characterised soft are and more authenticated, tended to take rational approach,yet are often mixed with somemockery. In the other 83 interpolator fake, later introduces the accepted as aptly texts, which are widely colouring of politenessand respect.
Translation of the Qur'An into Greek. Unfortunately,there is insufficientinformationaboutor evenreferenceto any Byzantineformal or individual attempt to translatethe Qur'5n into Greek. Khoury had Arabic Byzantium Arabic Niketas to that able and of was read an copy suggests 84To in is he his it be fair, impossible Qur'an, to eliminate the used anatrope. which of knowledge it is Arabic, but Niketeas' of equally possiblethat he had the possibility of
in Qur'dn. hints However, Niketas' Greek the translation some of writings and also a in otherByzantineauthorsindicateclearlytheir lack of accurateknowledgeof Arabic. The mistakesin Niketas' readingof the Qur'dn castdeepdoubt on Khoury's theory. As Demetriadespointedout "his translationof the Arabic namesin Greekdoesnot
On this Spanishphenomenon,seeK. B. Wolf, Christiankfartyrs in the Muslim Spain, (Cambridge University Press 1988). Suchas the dialogue betweenal-Kindf and his Muslim friend HashirnT. 14 Khoury, Les Th6ologiensByzantines,pp. 112-120;1 Dcmctriadcs,,Nicetas ofB=ntium, p. 100. -A.
331
in important his Arabic but several grave mistakes most show any originality"'85
16 language. Arabic he had the that not mastered clearly show words,andsomeverses However, the wide, accurate and verbatim quotations of Nicetas of Byzantium from the Qur'dn indicate the strong probability that he had accessto a copy of a is book in likely Greek. It Muslim that the most such a sacred translation of complete have been bilingual it did if the a work exist at all, would of one of translation, Christian Arabs or Arab renegades,who emigratedform Muslim lands, and worked in Byzantine authorities. of service it well known that the Byzantine emperors obtained some copies of the intact kept importance these they the copies and realised Qur'dn, and apparently of the Muslim sacredbook. The Arab sourcesconfirm Byzantine possessionof some copies
87 in diplomacy Muslim to Qur'dn as gifts mollify some used rulers. the were which of in it Byzantine Muslims But the seized raids on cities. Thesescopiespresumably were it in intact? left Was Byzantines them to be the order study and why asked may is book? likely, Or, Muslim to them to the give sacred as more as a gesture examine Muslim caliph or emir? any
In the light of a narrativeof al-Qd4i'Abd al-Jabbar,concerningthe Byzantine 88 in Muslim Mecca the their being to to examine sacredcity, one might rites sent spies dare to suggesta formal policy by Byzantium of investigating Islam, which would be 15 Demctriades,Nicetas qfByzantium, p. 100. -J. 96 Arabic words, which appearedin the Byzantine sourcesare misunderstood.The most -Several famous one is al-ýa=4 ("-A), which was misunderstoodby Byzantine authors as a sold stone(see D. Sahas, A Byzantine devoted Tolosphyros? D. Sahas to this point, the perccption of of study a the God of Muhammad'. Al-'alaq (LUM) appearedin the treatise of Niketas of Byzantium as 11cech',from which the human being was created,while in its context meanscoagulatedblood or J-o, God, is in ) Arethas (At between title messenger j of which confuses allah -. a rasal clot; Moammad (rasialallah) for his formal adoptedson ZAydb. I.Tarithah. Arethas again confusedtwo Arabic words, the Qur'An (Muslim sacredbook) and the Furqdn, which is simply another name of is John One text to the the the Qur'An. attributed which of of add also, confusion of may writer the Damascusbetweenthree someArabic words (seechapter 1, pp. 88-92.). 87 In 265 H. Sept. 878 Aug 879, al-Tabar! speaksabout an embassyfrom the Byzantine emperor . (Basil I) to Aýmad b. Tuldn, with somepresentsof Arab prisonersand somecopiesof the Qur'An. Al-TabrL TjrLh, III, p. 1931.
332
Qur'Rn Mecca. likely, Most keeping by the to and sending spies copies of achieved it Presumably, Byzantine policy. was a normal this was not the ulterior motive of in if it between Mediterranean. Even the two main rivals east matter of espionage inside lands Muslim book, it their and studying exploration sacred religious were a for fruitless Byzantine been have theologians, the to who appeared make no would 89
use ot
ose spies.
Warfare in polemical writings Byzantine and Muslim theologians were sharply different in their attitude to
borders, knew taking the that the the place on were amount the military activities it. discuss It Byzantine it to that the their theologians seems willingness and about 90 Jihad. Niketas Byzantium Islam dealt to special consideration paid of with who his followers kill Mubanimad to those of ordering attack and who accused repeatedly 91 Arethas Caesarea Likewise, his to of vigorously attacked religion. accept refused
however he pointed it Remarkably, Byzantine-Muslim linked to Jihad and warfare. 92 Muslim
kill Muslims Qur'dn to the that commanded not women or children. out
involve in issues, to tended themselves the theological theologians generally with Muslim-Byzantine The is the to the struggle. only exception minimum attention
Mu'tazl-ithinkerat-W['Abd al-Jabbar. It is noteworthy that some Arab Christian theologiansabandonedtheir Byzantium in its towards some and showed sympathy war traditionallycautiousways Jihad Muslims' They Byzantium Muslims. the the consider against an against Al-Qd4-I'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbff daljil al-nubuwah, II, p. 335. Niketas of Byzantium declaresexplicitly that his sourceon the Muslim Haj was a former Muslim in his hazy information Christianity lived Byzantium. However, to and on al-Haj converted who 720 different Niketas, Refut, this col. c. and suggest a source. may confute 10 A. Khoury, Polemique byzantine,pp. 243-259. 91 Refut, cols. 721,837,840,744; AW Quffah, Maymar ft wujw al-Ailiq wa al-dit al-Niketas, Hgarenie, 1433; Elenchus f. 246; Bartholomew Edessa, J. M. col. of c. p. confutatio et qawrm Demetriades,Nicetas of4wantium, p. 36; A. Khoury, PoMmiqueby7antine,pp. 243-259.
333
describes In former bloodthirsty text, the act. an anonymous author a unlawful and in Byzantium Islam took the to war against and part only Christianwho converted because of "his ignorance, youth and the evil company (i. e. the Muslims)" so he 93 despoiled the "killed, women of the enemy". The same property, and violated 94 in life former Muslim the of another anonymous convert. expressionwas repeated Abu Quffah alluded to Muslim jihad in his comparisonbetween Christianity and other he by Islam his though avoids mentioning cautiously name, nevertheless religions; " is allusion explicit. Mubammad: prophet or military leader? One of the main differencesbetween the Byzantine and Muslim polen-ks was
Mulýamrnad. While Jesus Byzantine different to the and attitudes authors, the sharply George Hamartolos Bartholomew Byzantium, Edessa, Niketas and of of especially
horrible Muhammad, list Muslim long the the against epithets most of use a very in him Jesus, Qur'dn though they followed to to the considered paying respect writers 96 divine be human and a prophet with no nature at all, which was considered
blasphemyin the Christianunderstanding andresponseto Islam.It is noteworthythat Muslims' Christ the Byzantine aware of veneration were of writers and even some in their against that apologetics used
MUSliMS.
97
Interestingly, in the Byzantine epic
98 honour' 'too find Muslims him. an allusionthat DigenisAkrites,onecan 92 Arcthas,ScriptaMinora, I, pp. 242-243,Frenchtrans.A. Abel, 'La letterpoldmiqued'Ardthas', p.367. 93 S. Griffith, 'The Arabic accountof 'Abd al-Masni an-nagrAnT al-Ghas5nl'ed. and English English 33 1-374, 3 62. The (1985) Mus6on 98 Le translationof Griffith is not pp. esp. p. translation, accurateat this point. 94 1.Dick, ' La passionArabicde S. AntoineRuwO, ndo-martyrcdeDamas, Le Musdon74 (1961) his in Byzantium thejiliad The 126. contribution against considers convert asa sin alleged new p. he becomes forgiven be a martyr. unless not will which 95 Aba Qurrah,Maymarjj-wujadal-KhWiqwa al-dhi al-qawItAp. 246. 96wQur'dn,3:59; 5:75; 9:30; 4:172. 97- The letterattributedto theemperorLeoIII, seeA. Jeffery,' Ghevond'stext:Thelettersof 'Umar to Leo' p. 286; Arethas,Scripta Minora, 1, p. 234, Frenchtrans. A. Abel, 'La letter poldmique d'Ardthas',p. 358 Akrites,p. 55. Digenes 334
My main concern here is the depiction of Muliammad as a military leader, and its connection with actual Byzantine-Muslim
" Doctrina Jacobi is certainly relations.
I'Mfi The Mubammad. Christian to text explicit expression speak about the first ever &ppaTos ýLq)OVS Kal PETa' -upoq)fi-raL p y,a
9PXOVTaL"loo establishes the
fundamentalnature of the Byzantine attitude towards -Mubammadas a prophet and a i. in Muliammad Obviously, this the particular point, e. perception of and statesman. his life, the Byzantine theologians took the leading role. For the Christian Arabs, this 101 land heavily, dangerous mine which would cost them while topic was taboo and a For freer they their to opinion as vehemently as wished. Byzantines express were the his book for by the Mutammad the were only motive and war waged most of them 102 be " Saracens. "convert Romans to the Muslims againstthem, to
Muslim theologianswere aware of such accusationsagainsttheir prophet. had led find Testament Old to prophets who of armies examples They turnedto the did Muslims Even they the the killed out, not offer pointed their so, as enemies. and but Jizya Islam, Muslim triple simply annihilatedtheir war, choice, or or traditional 1030nly al-Qddi-'Abd al-Jabbarto repliedthe Byzantineaccusations,and at enemies. in Syria Muslims Byzantine the the northern against advances time exploited the same 104 in the tenth centuryand their captureof 20 million Muslims, who were forced to 105 his "There is He theory Islam. summarized saying, sword no simply to convert lengthy in A. Khoury, Byzantine the the study see of MOammad's sources, representation -On PoMmiqueby7antine,pp. 21-140. 100- DoctrinaJacobi,P. 209. 10'- Seetheanswerof patriarchTimothyin his allegeddialoguewith thecaliphal-Malidi,whenlie was in "He Timothy 1, L'&ise He the the Moammad. propliete'. of said, walked path et askedabout L'Islam sousTimothge,p. 31. 102-Niketas,Refut., coLs 840A;Q54-i'Abd al-Jabbar,saysthe Rum (Byzantines)did not find any blemishin Moammad, so they carp at his swordand polygamy.Qadi 'Abd al-Jabbar,TaIW7 daIJ71al-nubuwah,1,p. 190. 103. tAli al-Tabari,Kitib al-dh wa 1-dawla,pp. 130-131; Qa4i 'Abd al-Jabbar,Taýthbffdalf 71al188. 1, P. nubuwah, 104 - An extremeexaggeration. 105 QA4!'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbj7daIj 71al-nubuwah,I, pp. 182-183. 335
106 Christian " He Ibn I. Iazm the the except one. and unfairly recall carried was which Constantine Byzantium to the history the a crucial role and attribute emperor of early 107 by Christianity the sword, while only a few Great in supporting the spread of Muslim theologianshinted at Jesus' order to his disciples to sell their clothes and buy swords-108
The Old Testament between Muslims and Christians:
Evidently, the Old Testament became the battlefield upon which the Muslim
Since Christianity, before the Christian clashed. early centuries the of polen-kists and had Christian Old Testament, for Islam, thinkers turned to the searching of rise
"' debates Jews. Christian exegesisto support their against
Similarly, when the
debatesagainstMuslims reachedtheir climax in the ninth and tenth centuries,both MuslimsandChristiantheologiansusedthe Old Testamentto supporttheir argument. It seemsthat the vision of Daniel greatly attracted Christian and Muslim interpretation different Each them on the samestory to confirm of put a theologians. 110 it kind of prophetic support. Remarkably, one point of view or another and give a Liudprand of Cremona alluded to some kind of sharingbelief by Muslims and Greeks "' in Daniel' vision. Presumably,he did not realise that this "Vision of Daniel" comes
from Old Testament,and had heardsomepopularinterpretationsof Daniel's visions "- Ibid. daljil al-nubuwah,1,pp. 161-164;Ibn I.Iazm,al-fipl, H, p. 87. 117 Qa4T'Abd al-Jabbar,TathbJ7 , log 'AlT al-Tabarf,Kitib al-dThwa 1-dawla,p. 133.(Luke22: 37) , 109J.Pelikan,TheChristiantradition,a historyofthe development 11,thespirit ofeastern ofdoctrine: Christianity(600-1700),pp. 208-210. Coptic Christian dialogue the texts text, the using vision are, an anonymous of thepatriarch -Among TimothyI with the caliphal-Mahd7r, seeP, Hoyland,SeeingIslamasotherssawit, p. 289. As for the Muslim sourcesthereare: 'All al-Tabarl,Bookof thereligion and empire,pp. 113-118, he alsousedseveralprophecies of the Old Testament;Ibn Ijazm in his poemagainsttheByzantine fl'iýya, Il, p. 189.A laterMuslim theologian, emperorNiekphorosPhokas,al-Subki,Tabqatalýsha ibn Qayyimal-Jawziyya(d. 1350A.D. n5l H.) usesthis visionaswell asothers,seeIbn QayimalJawziyya,Hidjyat al-ha Ara,pp. 165-167. it is interestingthat in the nameof Daniel'svisiona certainmanforgedvisionsconcerningsomeof disguisedmenin the court,attributingit to Daniel.EvenhewasknownasDanyallf.Al-ýIamadw, TakmilattarPh al- TabarL,p. 64.
336
important it is fact between the this as shows overlap rather than polemical writings; myths. popular and polemic professional
However,one of the themeswhich seemto be extendedfrom the Jewish112 is Muslim-Christian law. Moses' debates the validation of to Christian polen-k
both Moses' Qur'dn the of and Jesus' mission to While the end announced 113 late Muslim thinkers, the the humankind, ones, upon mastering the especially knowledge of the Bible, particularly the Old Testament, observed suspiciously life Christian Bible, them that the to and compared and practice with of contemporary from God had the true Christians way of as well as noting gone astray that prove
114 (the Old Testament) Qur'dn. issues Bible between The the the and concurrence by Muslim theologians dispute the are eating pointed out pork, were which under ' 15 finally Sabbath, the circumcision. direction of prayers,observingthe and
At the sametime, Muslimshad often usedstoriesof Old Testamentprophets had If Mubammad Christian dogmas Islamic defend severalwives, polemic. against to had by Christians. Jesus If did these those admired performed all prophets all so 116 had had If Jesus the prophets, and even previous more, so no wonderfulnuracles, father, neither had Adam father nor mother.
On their side,the Byzantinepolemicistsdrew heavilyon the Old Testament. heralded by Jesus declared that other propheciesin the Old was They repeatedly before, andthe sacrificeof the Sonof God Testament,the crucifixionwas announced
"1- Liudparnd of Cremona,Theworks, pp. 257-258. 112 On the justification and continuation of Moses' law betweenChristians and Jews,seeJ. Pclikan, The Christian tradition, a history of the development of doctrine: H, the spirit of eastern Christianity (600-1700)pp. 214-215. 113 Qur'An, 3: 85. -
Al-Qd4VAbd al-Jabbarreferredto the confirmation of Jesus(Mathew 5: 17) thathedidnotcameto destroy the ancient laws, but to fulfil them. Qd4i 'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbj7daIJ7l al-nubuwah, 1, p. 188. 115 Al-QA4! 'Abd al-JabbAr,TathhRdalj7l al-nubuwah, I, pp. 149-152.(He listed pork, the Sabbath, . inheritance) do fasting, the to the divorce, with circumcision, and regulations 116 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya,Hidlyat al-ha!vjra, pp. 278-293. , 337
I
Muslim Interestingly, theologians the hinted the to used mankind. same at was Mubammad in Old Testament that the to the prophecy of prove technique,searching 117 in in Old Testament. The Byzantines, however, had been announced advance the judged the righteous of Islam on the grounds of the Bible, especially the Old 118 Testament. While most of the early Muslim theologians tend to accept the authenticity of New Testament, yet they maintain the Testament, Old the some and parts of the 119 Christians Bible. Ibn I.Iazm that they altered the Qur'dnic accusations against Testaments, he both Old New denied the though the and authenticity of made totally 120 Mulýammad. This Testament Old to the prophecy of the confirm new attitude use of developedgradually in Muslim theology and most of the late writers vigorously reject
both theNew andOld Testaments. The icons and relics in polemic
Among the main differencesbetweenIslam and Christianityis the attitude icons While Islam forbids the and relics of saints. strictly of venerations any towards icons known Christians. the the widely was cult of among relics, or of icons veneration
In the Byzantine-Muslimpolemic, as well as military and political relations with Almost icons attention. Muslims,relics and receiveda considerable all Muslim writers lifeless C*4a) direct these of objects, worship this actual and an a cult as saw 121
ido development atry. of
111- Ibn klazm,al-fipl, I, pp. 112-113;'AITAl-Tabri, Kitib al-dh wa 1-dawla,pp. 73-124;In AbI alLaith, Lettre du CalifeHdr0n,pp. 55-58(Arabictext) pp. 64-66(Frenchtranslation);Ibn Qayyim 109-173. Hidlyat pp. al-ýqyjra, al-jawziyya, 118- Nikctas,Refut.,cols.704. 111 For a collectionof fragmentsfrom mostof theMuslim theologiansconcerningtheMuslim notion 'Textcs le dcriturcs', Bible, R. Caspar; I des M. Gaudeul, tahrif the sur see and of alteration of Islamochristiana6 (1980)61-104.Arabicfragmentswith Frenchtranslationandcomments. 120Ibn klazm,al-fipl, I, p. 112. 121 Tathbitdal.171al-nubuwah,p. 167;Anonymous,'Un pamphletmusulman al-Jabbdr, -Al-Q541-'Abd Sourdei, D 29. French 'Abbaside les trans. d'dpoque p. contre chrdtiens', and ed. anonyme 338
discovery (on the true the the Ijazm of so-called cross, of story Ibn recalled belieO to common and wondered according crucified, Jesus reportedly was which intact Jerusalem have the city of was while whole stayed how theserelics could 122 desertedfor 270 years, when its Christians populations were a persecutedtninority. (the bowl) Muhammad, the sword and which were relics of He comparedthis with 123 in Muslim despite the the lost, the sovereignty continuation of east and west. almost Evidently the Muslims collected the relics of their prophet with a certain
124 degree of veneration, but certainly without religious orientation or attributing had Presumably, than these a political relics rather them. religious to miracles
importance.They were used by the 'Abbasid caliphsas the legitimateheirs of the 125 Notwithstanding, the caliphs. symbols of prophet, and were widely regardedas "6 have faded. Only few Byzantine to a appears gradually this role symbolic even it. Muslim their have this to of relics and to veneration alluded realised writers seem 127 who alludesto this practice. To my knowledge,it is only Arethasof Caesarea Still, the sacredplaces on both sidesreceived some attention from the writers, between Muslims Byzantium. We having the polemic on and impact some as as well
do have storiesof both sidesattributing miraclesto their sacredplacesagainstthe is One foes. these a Christianstory of a light or fire, which blasphemyof their of
by Roman A. D. in Titus, 70 the the 11 Jerusalem destroyed army under command sonof the of was in but Jews ), A. D. Seven the (69-79 the Vespasian so, some stayed even of ruined city. emperor later,theRomanarmiesrestoredthecity againandcalledit Aelia Capitolina.On Jerusalem decades beforethe Arabs,seeJ. Wilkinson,'JerusalemunderRomeandByzantium:63 BC-637AD', in K. J. Asali, (cd.) Jerusalemin history,(Essex1989)pp. 75-105. 123 - Ibn Ijazm, at-fifal, 2, p. 87.pp. 88- 130. have his (Qa4-ib), 121 the they and symbols the sword of caliphate stake and were prophet, -Thecloakof Al-Maward-1, beenusedin severalcelebrations. al-alzkknal-sulj&Vyya,p. 171;al-TabarT,T&A, _Lh, ThriLh 273 (979 /369H. ) 1646; 111:2, p. 771,925,111,3,p. al-DhahabL al-'Islam,p. 125 Al-Tabarl,TjrlLh, 111:2, p. 771. lie 126 Ibn K-haldflncountsthe symbolsof authorityin Muslim civilizations(mainlythecaliphate)-, -Ibn Remarkably he did ). drums (the banners, the throne? to the not refer al-Sarir and coinage, mentions I. 1azm, Ibn 2, 88. Khalddn, 257-268; Ibn al-fipl, p. pp. al-muqadimmah, relics. prophet's 127 Arethas,Scripaminora,I, p. 238-239;P. Karlin-Hayter,' Arethas'letterto theemir at Damascus, 363. d'Ardtlias' A. Abel, 'La lettre p. French translation. poldmique 297, p. 339
discussesand ig nites miraculouslyin the holy Church in Jerusalem.Ibn al-Qaldns7i in light Church Holy Christian the the the the of of miraculous claims refutes 12" in Sepulchre Jerusalem. This was used in the Byzantinepolemic as a proof of 129 Surprisingly, Christianity. al-Mas'fid-iseemsto acceptthe miraculous of r-ightness 130 laity fire. Presumably, Muslim have had this some members of may of the nature Muslim Equally, feeling. various writers attributedmiraclesto the mosqueand same Byzantine the against tomb some prophet workers who tried to desecrate the of 131
(danas)the sacredp ace. Miracles in the polemic
The disputeover the issue of miraclesgradually absorbedmore and more it if in in Muslim though theology, the received scant attention, not at all, attention 132 in have kalam; Muslims their Muslim the and varied attitude towards early 134 133 it Christian-Muslim the Nevertheless, theme of polemic. a main was miracles.
" 67-77; Ittia?, II, 75. See E. F. Peters, Jerusalem, 261-267. al-Maqrizi, p. pp. al-Qalanisi, pp. -Ibn I, p. 240;P. Karlin-Haytcr,' Arcthas'letterto the emir at Damascus',p. 129 Scripa minora, _ArethaS, 298;Frenchtranslation,A. Abel, 'La lettrepoldmiqued'ArdthasA I'Emir deDamas'p. 365. 2, p. 200. 130 Murqf al-dhahab, -AI-Mas'odl, Muslim sources,supra,chapter2, p. 147,note2 10. 131 Rustah,p. 99. Seea discussion of other -Ibn 132 SeveralMuslim thinkersdevotesometreatisesor booksto discussionof the natureof the miracles down between Al-J#I? distinguish those to them and put magic. and composeda the prophets of lostbookor treatiseon the miraclesandmagic.A144i?, al-,ffqyawM,1,p. 5. Fortunatelya similarwork of al-Baqilldnlsurvivedandhasalreadybeenpublished.KIIAbal-BiYk? baynal-muYizjt wa al-kar&njt wa al-ý4al wa al-k-ahinhwa al-siýr wa al-narinjit (A treatiseon differentiation from its charisms,trickery, divination, the miracle and apologetic the natureof (Beirut 1958) I McCarthy P, cd. magicandspells) 133 in their attitudetowardsmiraclescanbedividedinto two mainparts,ahl al-Sunnahor Muslims -The OrthodoxMuslims,who stronglybelievedin the miraclesattributedto Mu4amniad.Amongthose Muslimsonecanlist the namesof 'All Tabarl,al-Maturldl,andIbn Ijazin. A largenumberof this in by believe distinguished later the to tended Muslimsas the miracles other ones, scct,especially Muslims these The somehow accepted cautiously most of miraclesof the proplictIN-hile other well. denyingsomeof them, especiallythoseattributedto Muslim Sulis. Al-Mu'tazialah formed the towards However, this were sceptical second group who miracles. of part al-Qaýfi'Abd almajor Jabar,a prominentmemberof this school,acceptedthe authenticityof thesemiraclesand cvcn denied fellow am, his someof theprophet'smiracles.Apartfrom these al-Na? who scholar attacked in attributing all kinds of two main groups,there were severalsmallersectswho exaggerated but Muslims. to Al-Ash'arl, kitib maqNs al. the to some also Pious prophets only not miracles ,isl&niyyin, pp. 438-439; al-Qdqf 'Abd al-Jabbar,TathbA dalXil al-nubuwah,1. pp. 55-59. does he 181) (p. he that not acceptany miraclesof anyoneaflcr the proplict, Remarkably says increasing Muslims tendency the among to is to attributemiraclesto piousand allusion which an by In I. Iazm, The 11, Muslims. 74. expressed views were same al-fiýal, p. prominent 340
In the biography of Muhammad,and late Muslim theological works, a large 135 him by Muslim Among to these several writers. are attributed orrraracles number 136 is fceding huge the the a number of men with milk of only one sheep. A rniracles similar narrativeoccurredin the raid of TabGk,when there was a shortageof food in the Muslim camp. so 'Umar sug,gestedthat the prophet should bless the rest of the food. According to the narrati%-,, - once he did, the food was enoughfor the whole 137 army. Thcre are several other miracles attributed to Muhammad, either in performingsupernaturaltasks,or foretellingof the future. D. Sahasarguesthat the Nfuslims' writings about the miraclesattributed to their prophet%vcrcdevelopedand eveninventedin responseto the Christianpolemic, 138 him Jesus Mubammad. Ms which usually uses the miracles of comparing with h)l)othcsis,howc%crseemsto be a mere generalisation,inasmuchas the accountsof the miraclesin Islam were developedin a different way. Firstly, the miraclesand stories of the extraordinmy power of the individuals were a part of the pre-Islamic 139 in kept Arabs' Islam. Yet there is a milicu, and alive the memory after the advent of significant similarity, as D. Sahas has pointed out, between some of the miracles attributed to Mubammad and those known of Jesus; but one may say also that the JjU
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JSS 3 D. Islamic 9/2 (1994) Tbomas. Jesus in 11c 221-43. polemic'. of early miracles KiiJbal-taw4id, 1bri1jazmal-fisd. I. 105.11.2. 82.84.86-87; al-lýliturldl. pp. 203-204; 'Abd p. p. . allah b. Abi 'Illn from Mu'uzilah (dL 4091L) composed a book about the prophet in which he attributed more thin 1000 miracles to the prophet. Ibn TaghrTBardf, 4, p. 243 Ibn 1.13nbal. Musnad, 3: 377. ibn II Musnad, 3: 11. nabal. Byzantine Sahas. formation later Islan-tic doctrines The 'the to the a response as polemics: of -D. miracles of Muharrunad. GOTR 27 (1982) 307-24. I latim al-TA'T (the man most - Among these storim is a story of a miracle attributed to the tomb of &re famous of his generosity man in Arabic history). Some narratives say were some stone statues of girls near his tomb, %ihichused towail all the night. Another story saysa foolish man stayedone night near this tomb and asked the dead person (presumably sarcastically) to host him; later at night in his dream he saw 1j3tim telling him that he killed his camel and will use it to host the man and his fcllcr.%-s. In the morning the nun found his camel slaughtered.Some days later on his return, hc met the son of 1.1atimlooking ror him. and told him that his father had appearedto him (in a dream)
341
documentationof Muhammad's miracles had coincided with the tendency to attribute 140 late Muslims, Muslim theologians and some even pious to even or miracles early Muslim to bitterly the clerics or some attributed miracles of range of wide complained 14' SUfiS. This seemingly general and fast-growing tendency cannot simply be Kennedy "If Christian H. Muslims had that the the to polen-k. pointes out attributed
inventedtheir Muhammadto rival Christ, they would certainly have stressedthe 142
rrftaculous". in fact, the Qur'dn is consideredto be Mubammad'smain miracle. Its future foretelling the the stories as of well as narrative of and eloquence preternatural 143 its Almost from the the miraculous of nature. all main aspects past, are stories
Muslim theologiansacceptedthe Qur'dn as a miraclein its languageand style,which knowledge, is human being. by The to be only exception, my a cannot reproduced (Mu'tazili d. / 847AD Mu'tazilah, thinker, them al-NaZam among smallnumberof itself his In language denied ) the opinion, the actual the 232H. who uniquenessof 144 future its being or past stories. able to tell unknown of consist miracles
Al-Joi?, in his this to place of other. al-Maý&in wa al-a(fj(f, p. 82; alcamel give and ordered Mas'fldfi,Murq al-dhahab, II, pp. 169-170. Moammad's "0 Muslim the accounts of miracles, the simultaneously with century, ninth -As early as had begun Muslim take to Sainthood those shape of a phenomenon, and and growing was notion of laity; from Muslim the this point began to among reputation a growing enjoy saints *VJ henceforth,the notion of miracleswidened in Muslim life. Seeal4.lAldm al-TinnidliT, (d. circa 905910 A. D. / 295-300 A. H.) The concept of sainthood in early IsImic mysticism: two works by alfflakim al-Tirmidhr, trans. B. Radtke and J. O'Kane, Curzon Sufi Series(1996 Surrey). In this book the author explains the position of thosefriends of God. For a wider discussionon this topic seeR. Gramlich, Die Wunderder Freunde Gottes (Wiesbaden1987).
daldil al-nubuwah,I, pp. 210;Ibn I.Iazm,al-fqal, II, p. 74. It is 141-Al-Qd4VAbdal-Jabbar,TathbJ7 Orthodox Muslims) the (like most of ahl al-Sunnali, that acceptedthe al-Bdqilldff noteworthy Kit. 48. On 1b (Awliyya') the Muslims the al-Biyki, the al-BaqillanT, p. attitude of pious of miracles Muslim sectstowardsthe miraclesof the pious,seeAl-Ash'arl, Abil al4jasan,kitib maqalatallehrcnderanliangcrdesIslam)cd.H. Ritter 'islkniyyin wa 7khtli,Ffa1-mu#iyyh,(diedogmatischen (Wiesbaden1963) pp. 438-439. 357. The Kennedy, H. the the p. age of caliphates, prophet and like Qur'An, they Jinns to if the this "Say to the produce of and gather of mankind were whole help backed if like they the thereof, each up other with and support" even produce not could Qar'An, 17:88. Al-BdqillW devoted one of his books to the miracles of the Qur'An, in which lie focusedmainly on the linguistic aspects.Al-BaqillW, IY& al-Qur'jn (Cairo 1930). 144The other thinkers who deniesthe miracles of the languageof the Qur'An are, Hilisam al-Foli and 'Abld b. Sulayman. Al-Ash'arf, kitih maqaljt al4sl&n1yy1n, p. 225; al-Q5di 'Abd al-Jabbir,
342
However, the issue of miracles was employed widely in the Christian polemic in Byzantine Jesus' in Byzantine particular. writers used in general, and polemic Christianity. At his the of proof of rightness testimony and a of message miracles as a basis lack Mutiammad denied the the the they time, on prophethood of of of the same 145In a few cases,when they appearedto be acquaintedor informed of such miracles. denied best Mutammad, they the to narratives or at mocked some miraclesattributed 146 thern.
In the Muslim polemic, al-Qddi 'Abd al-jabbdr wrote a lengthy critique of Christian hagiography.He summarisedsome miracles of the saints, presumablythose 147 Arabs, Christian He known their the mocked and exaggeration. among who were Muslims the that copied same attitude and attributed miracles some out pointed even 48 b. Ahmad Hanbal Ma'raf figures Muslim and at-Karkwi. such as to prominent Similarly, Ibn Ijazm adopted the same attitude and associatedthe Christian claims of Muslims, to attributed pious of miracles which miracles of their saintswith narratives were widely circulated
149 in the Muslim world.
But Muslim theologians, though they accepted the miracles of Jesus, at the To denied hypothesis, their this they support uniqueness. time strongly same Tqthbff dald'il al-nubuwah, I, pp. 55-59. On al-Na?am, his life and works, see 'A. BadwT, Madhihib al-lslknh, L pp. 198-279. 145 AW Quffa, Contra Haereticos, Judaeoset Saracenosvaria opuscula, Opusculum 19, cols. 1544. 1545; Idem,' Deux dcrits inddits de TheodoreAbu Quffah', ed and French translation, I. Dick, La Mus6on 72 (1959) pp. 63-64.;Niketas of Byzantium, Refut. col. 76; Arethas, Scripa minora, 1, p. 234; P. Karlin-Hayter, 'Arcthas' letter to the emir at Damascus', p. 293, French translation. A. b. BAtriq, kitib Sa'Id 357, d'Ardthas' 91-96; lettre 'La p. al-Burhmj, Abel, pp. poldmique Bartholomewof Edessa,Elenchuset confutatio, col. 1302.SeeA. Khoury, Polemiqueby7antine,pp. 42-58. 146 Bartholomew of Edessa,PG 104,1429d, 1432d; the emperorBasil Il commentedsarcasticallyon Muslim in dialogue his theologian al-Baqillanr, seeal-Qaýll Moammad, the with the miracles of 'Iyd4's, Tartib al-madirik wa taqrjb al-masilik Ii maWfat a Un madhhab al-InI&I AfAlik, Cairo) 254, Nikctas (cd. Byzantium, p. of appendix of al-Baqillanl, al-tamhrd an as published Refut., coL 769. (ffis allusions do not seemto indicate his awarenessof the miracles attributed to Moammad related to the moon) 147 'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathb.17daIj7I al-nubuwah,I, pp 202-208.Remarkably,lie (p. 208) quotes -Aj-Qa4I Yfinis (d. /328 b. 940 H. ) describing the Mata Christian (Matthew) thinkers the the commentsof Christians' narratives of the miracles of their saintsas worthless.
343
in Old Testament, I the Jesus the to stories of ancient prophets with miracles compared
' 50 in Jesus terms the Byzantine of of superiority miracles. of claims the refute Moral life in polemic Presumably,Byzantine perceptions of the Muslims' moral life was a kind of idea Such thousand have that to one and to of one nights. an seems similar myths 151 for long in time. One may explain this been deeply rooted the Byzantine writings a facts. historical First, basis the certain the some of misunderstandings of on luxury fantasy life the the and echoes of repercussions and second, even of polygamy; Byzantine Eventually, less the Muslim polemical writers were more or rulers. some influenced by the news or even rumours of the life led by some of the contemporary Muslim rulers. The luxury life, the harem fantasy stories and the legends about the
impact deep had life on the polemicalworks. Theseallegedstories Muslims' sexual a Byzantine life, the lustful through reached world, apparently merchants, of such 152 from both Byzantines sides. writers, and most prisonersof war and ambassadors behaviour Islam laity through the their worst the saw well, of some as of probably just in Muslims, West is times, Islam the thinks as modem when of contemporaneous At the time, terrorism. the same with exaggerations,and connected somehow "'-Al-Qdi#'Abdal-Jabbdr, TathbRdaWilal-nubuwah,I, p. 210. 149 Ibn Ijazm, al-fiýal, II, p. 5; V, p. 4. Anonymous,'Un pamphletmusulmananonyme',(thesocallcd'Umar Il letter)pp. 27-28,French (cd. Cairo) 14-15; p. 255; al-Maturrdi,kit5h al-tawýrd,pp. al-tainhid al-Baqillanr, translationpp. Hidfyat al-p8yjra, pp. 278-287.SeeD. Thomas,'The miracles 211-212;Ibn Qayyimal-Jawziyya, JSS 39/2 (1994) 221-43. Islamic in Jesus pp. polemic', early of Scripa 832; Arethas, 829 I. 234; P. Karlin-Hayter, Refut, Byzantium, cols. minora, p. of -Niketas 'Arethas'letterto the emir at Damascus',p. 293,Frenchtranslation.A. Abcl,'La Icttrepoldmique d'Ar6thas' p. 356; Abd Quffah, MaymarftwujW al-KhJliq wa al-dh al-qawhrgp. 246.Anna Alixiad, cd.B. Leib, 11:10,p. 208,Englishtrans.ERA. Sewter.p. 310.SeeA. Khoury, Comnena, PoMmiquebyzantine,pp. 260-269. 152 'Idharay,narratesthat the AghlabTemir of North Africa, lbraliTmb. al-Aglialab(800-812AR/ -Ibn 184-197H.) fell in love with a pageand evenhad his nameengravedon the coins.Notably,the from /294 Constantinople, 907AD in H. the same year an embassy whichmeans sameemir received that suchan extraordinarystorycouldhavebeencarriedtheByzantinelands.AnotherMuslim ruler IIzz al-DawlahDaylamiteBu-yidsdefactoruler of Baghdad,losthis belovedpagein a battleagainst into joke he deep his treated thereafter wl-dch as plunged sorrow, a was among emir, a rival
344
deliberate distortion of Islam and Muslims in some Byzantine writings should not be
ignored. Muslim theologianswere consciousof this attitude, and their reactionto the Byzantine accusationswas varied. While some merely recalled and elaborated stories Muslims, especiallyearly ones, others turned to a counter-attack pious of asceticand b. 'All Rabban Christian standards. moral al-Tabari was aware of the against Christian's colouring the whole of Islam with the luxury life of certain Muslim he Subsequently, in his paid special attention, rulers. address to the contemporary Christians, to bringing out stories of the humble Muslim caliphs, as well as some 153 Muslim Contrary the to most of the of early community. members pron-dnent Muslim apologists, he carefully avoided any direct attack against Christian moral
his Christian family. Al-J51. to iiZ pointedto the standards,presumablyout of respect lack of IjudW (punishmentimposedby religion) in Christianity,which in his point of 154 in daily life. free His fellow left Christians their to restriction act without view, Mu'tazili, al-Qa4i 'Abd al-Jabbar,devoteda considerablepart of his book TaMN7 dalj'il al-nubuwahto attacking the Christian moral life, especiallythose of the Byzantines.His strategywas far from defendingIslam againstany possibleChristian lengthy it Byzantine and attack against a vigorous women, accusations;rather was 155 in nuns,andthe wholesociety general. In Qayyim al-Jawziyyaposed an interestingquestionas askedby a nonMuslim. The questionis, how canwe accept(0 Muslim)the rightnessof Islam,when (presumably in his He Muslims time) that are sinful? challengedand most we can see by hence "Muslims this saying are monotheistic, question,simply any other refuted ldharay, Tjrýl-t-h I, 139-140; Ibn al-DhaliabT, al-baytn al-mughrib pp. al-Islkli, subjects. (976 /366.H) 153 'Ali al-Tabarf, KRA al-din wa 1-dawla,pp. 54-65. , 154 Al-Jabi?, al-radd 'alJ al-Naý&J, 22. -
345
p. 263
devoted Christians, large he Jews Soon forgiveW'. turned be and a against sins may in dogmas his their their book mistakes, which his and exposing to refuting of part 156 Muslim than commit. might sin a any greater were opinion, At the sametime, monastic life and monogamy had helped to spread a notion hard Christianity laity, they that Muslim a was religion; were used more or the among divine Christianity Christian to in as a religion which less some supporting writings
life live Aba-Qurrah, its believers than to rather a spiritual a material one. encouraged Muslims Arab-Byzantine of paying too much attentionto their accused writer, the 157 lusts andpassions. Muslim theologiansdeniedvigorouslythe Christianaccusations for Christianity the to the a religion without as restraints, nature of referred and often Christians, QaTi 'Abd had the the Christ of all sins which as away washed sacrificeof 15' immoral life. live Even to the people an encouraged out, al-Jabbdr pointed
hard in their that andrequiredmoreselfreligionwas Christians"claims their apology he believe "' is 'Abd that this view; al-Jabbar's not a discipline, in the conflict with be better, Indian its they the would religions as otherwise rightness, of valid proof "' Christianity. than havemoreasceticism Another phaseof the debateson moralsappearsin the allegationexchanged Muslimsand Byzantinesof being cruel and merciless.In this uniquepoint they mix issue, On lays Nicholas I the the patriarch the considerations. polemic the military and 161 benevolence". In he "mercy Roman tone, and a sharper the adds, on stress special a 162)1 imitate does Muslim theologians Roman savagery not your the "the mercyof race in inasmuch they them their be controvert as claims such to with acquainted appeared 1,pp. 167-173,190-191 Al-Qa4-t'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbffdaljil at-nubuwah, Hidjyat al-payfra,pp. 243-299. ibn Qayyimal-Jawziyya, 157- Aba Qurra,Maymarftwujad al-khAfiqwa al-dh al-qawlin,p. 246. I, pp. 187-188. 151 Al-Qa4l'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbffdalf 71at-nubuwah, 178. 159 S.K. Samir(ed.) UneCorrespondance islamo-chrMenne, p. 160 Al-Qai# 'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbffdald71al-nubuwah,1,p. 187;Ibn Ijazm, al-Fisal,11,p. 74. -
346
far from being Byzantines Al-jatiZ that the they are merciful, as argued apologies.
163 1 Abd Muslim the children whom capture. al-Jabbar castratetheir children and infinitely if Jesus he different that that they argue merciful, approach, argues,takinga 164 for deaths, diseases God) (as their and suffering of animals. is responsible all the Evidently the mounting attention or rather aggression from the Byzantine brought fore Muslims' issue. to the the towards standards moral a similar theologians This is the Muslims' notion of life in paradise, which, according to the Qur'dn, will 165 heavenly honey The wives and rivers of milk, and wine. reward the virtuous with Byzantines were fully aware of these promises made to Muslims, and as early as John became in in life Byzantine the the Damascus, the paradise one of essential points of 166 Islam. polemic against
Surprisinglya Melkite Christianwriter from the eleventhcentury used the Qur'dnic his the Muslim to phraseology quoting verbatim even motivate notion, same 167 in Christianreadersto be steadfast their religion. On their side, Muslim theologiansusedthe Bible to defendtheir creed and 1
168
in They Christian Bible the to eating the allusions accusations. mostly used refute
169 Christians Ibn Ijazm in if the God (i. drinking at mocked asking, paradise. e. and if is human beings honey, in heaven, fish had Christ) what strange and eat even eaten
161 Nicholas1,Letters,p. 375. 162 Nicholas1,Letters,p. 379. 163 Al-Jgi?, al-gayawAn,I, p. 59,80. 164 Al-Qddf'Abd al-Jabbar,Tathbffdaljil al-nubuwah,I, p. 189. 165.Qur'dn,44: 54; 52:20; 55:72; 56:22;al-Aýbhani,$ifat al-Jannah,(accountof paradise)cd.A. Ri4a, 3 vols.(Damascus1995)pp. 199-224.SeeF. Rosenthal,'Rcflccfionson lovein paradise'. 166 W 210,252; Arcthas, Scripta Minora, Maymarjj-wuj Quffa, wa al-dh pp. al-khMiq al-qawrrn, -Aba I, p. 243,Frenchtrans.A. Abel, Ta letterpoldmiqued'Ardthas, p. 368.SeeA Khoury,PoMmique byzantine,pp. 304-311. 167 20, 20. Sulayman verse p. al-Ghazi, al-DiwAn, Lýýj Lý.JAA q3t. 00-A+ 4+4 ljj-%e4j..ý Yj 161 'un pamphletmusulmananonyme',p. 31 (The - Ibn Ijazm, al-fqal, II, pp. 108-109;Anonymous, Arabictext) p. 22 (D. Sourdel'sFrenchtranslation) 169 15; 22: 29,18. 14: -Luke 347
170 like He become Old have the the used story angels or angeIS? of they after
171 in Abraham his food, which they ate and Testamentof the visit of the angelsto human beings in if the these that angeliccreaturescan eat so can commentsagain 172 heaven. In anotherpart of the samebook, Ibn Ijazm puts a more spiritual colour on in "The life heaven, including He food and there says, corporal the notion of paradise. human but different from is has that the concept merely similar entirely other aspects, 173 beings it". human can understood namesso that the Christian councils in polemic
Christianecumenicalcouncils and their crucial role in the formation of the Christian dogmas were, from the Muslim point of view, the de facto founders, or Most Muslim Christianity. distorters the of writers paid special attention of rather the
interventions human divine inspiration to change and to what they sawas uniqueand 174 intact. be dogmas, whichshould sacredand religious AI-Qa4i- 'Abd al-Jabbar consideredthe ecumenicalcouncils as human interventionsanda non-divinesourcefor Christianbelief.He narratessomeexamples human by councils,suchas allowingmarriageof the of alterationsanda changemade in bishop Samarqand forbade tells of who allegedly a story a eating clergy and 175 in form descended Spirit Jesus dove Holy the because to the of a pigeon. pigeons
SirnilarlyIbn I.Iazm readsthe words attributed to Jesus,"Verily I say unto you,
In Ijazm, al-fiýal, II, pp. 45,106-107 Genesis,18:8. Ibn Hazm,al-fipl, II, p. 45. 173 ilazm, 107-108. II, In pp. al-fiýal, 174 Amongthe laterMuslim theologians,Ibn Qayyimal-Jawziyya,drawingheavilyon the narratives issue in detail. deals Althoughhis knowledge b. SaId Batr1q, the of councils considerable with of be hazy inaccurate, inasmuch to these the seems and of councils chronology ashe considersthe on e Chalcedon, Councilof asthe council.Furthermorehesaysthattheninth councilwaslicld during / 41-60H.). Presumablythesemistakesare originally from the reign of Mu'dwiya I (661-680AD. Sa'rd b. Batriq who provedto be unacquaintedwith the eventsin Byzantium.In QayyimalJawziyya,HidJyatal-48yAra,pp. 313-339. 173 Al-Qa4i 'Abd al-Jabbar,TWO.& dahVilal-nuhuwah,1,pp. 174-175.c.f. Luke,3: 21-22;Mathcw, 3: 16. 348
be bound in heaven: bind earth shall on and whatsoever ye shall whatsoever ye shall 176 in how heaven", loosed be the legislation could be and loose on earth shall wonders handed to those disciples, while Jesus himself said "I did not come to change the '77 Furthermore, Ibn Hazm wonders, how Christ, (the Christian God) can Law". bestow such great authority on his twelve disciples, including Judas,who would soon 178 him. betrayed
Some late Muslim theologiansinterpret the phenomenonof the Christian fierce differences between Christian the habitually the and sects, who councils, Christianity, from that against each their point other, as sign a anathemas exchanged different from the original one revealed to Jesus entirely religion an was of view, 179Taking different and a softer approach,'Ati al-Tabari alluded to the council CMSt. influenced 318 by "kings that the Rum's Nicaea, the attendances were supposing of of (sic)" in they Bible, the misunderstood and some problematic verses philosophers 10 his 20,000 humanity to the compared all count, verses confirming on of which are, 180 Christ.
Similarly,the sharpconflict betweenChristiansects,which appearedclearly in in the church's councils,was Muslims' eyesenoughto discreditChristianity.181 important issue this played an Evidently, part in the polemic within the Arab Muslim deep When theologians to the some alluded controversies community.
176
-
Matthew, 18:18.
177 5: 17-19. Ibn Hazm, al-fqal, II, pp. 22-23. Again he erroneously attributes the text to -Matthew, Matthew. four of chapter 1711 Ibn Ijam '
al-fqal,
II, p. 22.
179 Qayyim al-Jawziyya devoted one chapter to expose the role of the Christian councils in the -Ibn formation or deformation of Christianity. He says, "These ten councils were attended by around 14,000 bishops, patriarchs and monks. All of them anatlicmatised each other. So their religion by the them witnesses the of some of against others, and all of them anathemas, on stands Ibn been Qayyim have Hidlyat anathcmatiscd", al-Jawziyya, and al-p8yjra, pp. 313. anathernatised 339. 13 8. 'ali 190 'All p. ý&J, al-Na, al-radd , al-Tabarf, Qayyim Ibn Hidjyat 22; 'aIj "' p. 338-339. al-Jawziyya, al-ýayjra, al-Naýkjl pp. al-radd -Al-Jd4i?,
349
betweenChristiansects,in responsea number of Christian Arab writers devoted 182 Muslim dismantling these claims. to treatises Monasticism
Although the Qur'an and someMuslim sourcesevince a certain degreeof life, describe Christian their Muslims and monks ascetic and often of pious admiration 183 Muslim apologists either refuted the monasticismor accusedmonks and monks, as Al-Jdlýi? "If lazy... Christian says, a certain misconduct. was reluctant to nuns of inasmuch he became (he) the and monk wore wool, as a was sure that whenever work he wears this uniform and declares his intension, all the wealthy ones have to 184This notion is quoted by al-Qdcti-'Abd al-Jabbdrwho wonders how hiný, ). subsidize began become have their monastic life with no they very rich when these monks 185 belittled Hazm, Ibn the the adopted same attitude, and presumably property at all.
life of monkscomparingthem with Indiansand peopleof other nations,who in his 186
view aremoreascetic.
Niketas of Byzantium was apparently aware of the Qur'anic criticism against 187 discuss did he Islamic the though monasticism or not attitude towards it. the monks,
in Melkite Antioch the Paul of writer, contrast,usedotherversesin the Qur'dn which 188 Christianity. the rightnessof of proof a as monks praise 182. Ali b. Dawudal-Arfa-di,'le live de l'unanimitdde la fbi de 'All ibn Dawudal-Armdi' cd. and Frenchtrans. G. Tropeau,Etudessur le christianismearabeau AfoyenAge, Variorum (London 1995)N. XIII, (Arabictext andFrenchtranslation) 183 Qur'dn 5:82; Al-Qd4l 'Abd al-Jabbdr,Tathbff dali 71al-nubuwah,II, p. 325; AW Yjjsuf, Ya'qob, 0 Kitib al-kharV, p. 20; 1 Ibn Qutayba,'UOn al-akhbdr, 2, p. 368; al-Nasyby, (Elias of Nisbis) 'Entretiens avec:le visir Ibn 'Aly al-Maghribi sur l'unite et la trinitd' cd. and trans. S. K Samir, Islamochristiana 5 (1979). In this text the Muslim vizier allegedly told his Christian interlocutor, that he was cured of his illness by the blessing of somesimple food in a monastery.On the general Muslim attitude towards monasticism,seeS. Sviri, 'wa-ralibabaniyatanibtada'iffia: an analysis of traditions concerning the origin and evaluation of the Christian monasticism' JASI 13 (1990) pp. 195-208;E. Beck Tas Christliche Mdnchtum im Koran', SO 13 (1946) 3-29 184 Al-Ja4i?, al-,ffayawin, 1, p. 103. -
195 daWil 'Abd Tathbff 175,208. I, Al-Qa4i al-Jabbar, al-nubuwah, p. 11, Ibn Ijazm, al-fqal, 1,pp. 74-75. 197 740A, Niketasof Byzantium,Refut, col. 188 de Antiochc, 66. Paul p. 350
In sum, the Byzantine-Muslim polemic has its own peculiarities, together with
issues Christian-Muslim On features. the the major of polemic,suchas someunique is Christ, Byzantine Trinity poletnic not singledout this debate.But the or natureof there are some issueswhich appear mainly in Byzantine polemic, such as Jihad, life Muhammad, the of which were taboo subjectsfor the Christian Arab personality and is Generally, Byzantine by harsh language polemic characterised apologists. against Islam and its prophet. This heralded a similar anti Islamic polemic, which arose in Western Europe, following the Byzantinesin their vehementlanguageagainstIslam.
351
Conclusion The Muslim-Byzantine struggle was not only a military clash or series of intellectual It between two medieval rivals. and religious was a military, battles in key history of the between the the the players greatest powers and confrontation hostile, The Mediterranean. and cross-influences peaceful or relations, eastern in Surprisingly, time. two at any between these cultures never eased spite of these internal the the on side acquaintanceship each with other's opportunities of contacýs, but it This disappointingly may puzzling, appear nevertheless, slender. affairs seems least from deal the religious point of view. truth, at has a great of Although the Byzantine-Muslim polemic was a small portion of the Muslimits features, it has some of which unique and peculiar Christian polen-& as a whole borders. Broadly the the to speaking, directly conflict on actual military related were Byzantine texts the were characterised polemical of majority the overwhelming is important The the by problem of of all most characteristics. deeply special certain inasmuch less them these all of works, as almost are more or the authenticity of Hardly do find to their contents. problems as ever we obscureand raise chronological
interlocutors, their or any contemporary rulers, or supposed the names of Byzantium,Evode, Bartholomewof Edessa,almost Niketas hints. of chronological lives. Those their them is known who are relatively or well-known about nothing have biographies from have Qurrah, to their Ab(i tiny reconstructed Theodore suchas Even different in with the works of well-knownauthors,suchas sources. fragments is doubtful Caesarea, Arethas authenticity still of matter. and john of Damascus Althoughalmostall of the ByzantinetreatisesagainstIslam,are written in the the the same and same phraseology, vocabulary employing even style, same
352
between from lineal had them, which extended connection Byzantinepolemicists one follow They Paliologos. 11 Manuel the all the same till Damascus emperor John of in Perhaps the their only exception apologies. mistakes the line, and even samemake illustrate Byzantium, Niketas is whoseworks a solid and wide comprehension of of ironically, his the Even this may undermine authenticity of uniqueness, Islam. so, in him least the theories, tenth the put accepted which ninth or widely at or work, century.Byzantine polemic as well as the Melkite polen-k are mostly aimed at a
(or full hatred listener) Islam Christian of of reader, and poorly simple-minded dogmas. Even Islamic those texts which allegedly addressa certain with acquainted directed be hardly Muslim text to foe, a real as genuinely accepted any Muslim could
highly language Arethas the The of and offensive vocabularies vehement whatsoever. far from irenic letters the Byzantium are certainly real Niketas and mostly of of have severalexamples Byzantines, Muslims between we of which and exchanged from
'which contemporary sources,
were obviously characterised by
mucli
diplomatic language. The delicate the and specific nature of polemic considerable, is its that to say, to offer a spiritual protection to the indicates one of essentialaims,
by debates the the confused were propaganda or with who people simple-minded the Islamic exception, majority of was no works as were aimed polemic side. other in Muslim similar mind. reader, aims with parallel a at mostly While Muslim thinkers,especiallyal-Mu'tazilah,tendedto use more rational less dependent Qur'dnic Christian the references, on relatively arguments,and were draw heavily Melkites, Bible, final the Byzantines the on and as and apologists, disprove foes' For Muslim their to the arguments. or prove word, unquestionable
353
interlocutor, it was crucial for him to ask his Christian opponent to answer with an but form Scripture form "not also universally acknowledged your only explanation 2 ideas". While the Byzantine thinker would reply "in conformity with the holy gospel 3 like look but it This did may a mere the generalisation, reflect a general reason". and in Byzantine-Muslim the polemic. phenomenon it is notable that, in Byzantine-Muslim polemic, while the Byzantines entirely
deniedany kind of authenticityfor the Qur'Rnas a divine book, most of the Muslim different Bible. As for had to the the Old Testament,it seemsthat approach a thinkers it. was generally accepted, yet with some scepticism and accusations of lahr'Y' (alterations) againstthe Jewish Rabbis. Most of the Muslim theologianstended to use in Christians, Testament their Old arguments against either to prove the message the Mulýammad Christians had to from that the or show of gone astray prophethood and lives itself, to the Bible some expose examples of of the ancient prophets who or the
by Christians life the to the clarify some venerated aspects and of of were accepted Mujýammad,such as his polygamy or his personalparticipation in the war against his from There Bible more the still citations and are stories which were enemies. include, Muslim These divinity by theologians. the the Jesus, his of employed
by the achieved ancientprophets,and most controversial, ones similar and miracles in Old Testament. Mu4ammad the on the prophesies To sum up, Byzantine-Muslimpolemic in somewaysreflected various features both of intellectualand religious worlds. The Byzantinecomponentwas fought closely with only scant attention to establishing extremelyaggressiveand
for examplesthe lettersof the patriarch Nicholas I, al-IklishTd,the caliph Harfin al-MshTd, Compare Spain. Muslim letter to the of caliph the and 2- Theodore AW Quffah, Opus. 22, PG 97, cols. 1552-1553,cd with parallel German translation: Schriften zumIslam, p. 108io.
3-J. Pelikan,Thespirit of easternChristendom, p. 243.
354
indicates foe. less It dialogue to the the nature convert more attempting or or genuine isolation fear its its feeling Byzantine and constant of of neighbours. society, of Muslim polen-k, rich, vivid and varied, certainly reflects the multicoloured Islamic The Muslim in the the cultural milieu. thinkers contributions of of character from intellectual Byzantium the come almost all against the polemic and religious have We form in Muslim Orthodox fundamental the the world. works currents Muslims (Ahl al-Sunnah)4,who draw heavily on the QurVnic text, apply a literary its defend Muliammad the to and verses, miracles of and other Muslim explanation free different thinkers the of al-Mu'tazilah school adopt a while and more saints; Christianity. They less towards are generally attitude aggressive,tending to rational instead Qur'dn. Remarkably, the of arguments, simply quoting rational more even use heresy thinkers the who accused of were contributed substantially to the some of Muslim polemic against Christianity5. Furthermore we have also some Shiite in Christian-Muslim considerable contributions polemic, yet theologians who made 6 their writings are outsidethe scopeof this presentwork. One may hypothesisethat the Muslim polemic came as a reply to internal as however, It internal factors. heretics that the seems, waves external of as and the well intellectual and fiqhi schools, substantiallyfastenedthe Muslim between the struggle Muslim polemic tradition, while the role of Byzantine polemic as a provocateur of the less influential Muslim seems relatively on the growing Muslim theology. in Byzantine Nevertheless,, polemic played a unique role the wider context of MuslimChristian dialogue. It offered a vehementfoe which was able and free to addressany issues,whatever their sensitivity and impact on the Muslims, such as the personality 4- Amongthem:ai-Baqllani, al-Ash'ari,Ibnt1aztnandal-Maturl& 5- SuchasAba'Isdal-WaffAq.
355
7 in Muslim life Christian life the their as moral as well general, prophet while of and
in by heavy taboos their Muslim dominated milieu. Arabs were restricted Accordingly,there had to be someMuslim repliesand challengesto suchvehement polen-k-
in a word, on both sides the polemicistswere mostly shouting in separate heard few the the times when tile echoes were on other only side, except a valleys, barriers were broken and both sidescameface to face in a direct debate.On those few it the the of sovereignsand political circumstanceswere which will was occasions, behind the direct clashes.
At the same time, the nature and length of the military struggle, which lands both borders, brought the over of control vast on sides changes of a witnessed large numberof civilian populationsunder the yoke of their enemies.Thesemostly ill-fated civilians suffered not only in their lives and propriety but also in their books holy freedom. Their their objects, and and religious places sacred religion, destiny led them in most cases either to the flourishing slave markets or to forced different within a new and society. conversionand assinýlation
As the war lastedfor centuries,a largenumberof peoplewerecapturedeitherin direct fighting or by any other means.Tens of thousandsof people, soldiers or borders the freed crossed either as captured prisoners of war, or reportedly civilians bitter them traces a experience and some with of cultural and carrying all ones, lands. influences, their as news and narratives as well of enetnies' religious In this thesissomelight hasbeenshedon the religiouslife of the prisonersof Although lives in Byzantine-Muslim the those struggle. the of prisoners of war war For instance,al-ImamTurjumdn al-Din AbUMoammad al-Qftsim(d. 860A.D./ 245A.H.). SeeDi Matteo,'ConfutazionecontroI cristianidello zayditaal-Q5simUbrAhim'RSO 9 (1922)301-364 (Arabictext 332-464)
356
in new andusefulstudiesin Arabic andWesternlanguages,there havebeenexan-dned have had had from of who almost war no prisoners attention two of groups are latter These two the groups are slave girls and children; were modem researchers. lived (in lives Byzantium) both their This and as eunuchs on castrated sides. mostly - dissertation has traced and examinedthe lives of these two groups in both Byzantine 8 (or Muslim unused) sources. and somerelatively unknown The eunuchsplayed a hidden role in the relations between Byzantium and the Muslims. This thesis shows the systematic Byzantine policy of capturing and its Muslims to territory. These children were later thousands of children transporting from disappeared into this history. they the and point masse, en mists of castrated Apart from Samoans,whose story of escape brings him to the forefront of our knowledge, the thousandsof other eunuchssimply vanish. Nevertheless,using some it in Muslim the that these sources, emerges some of eunuchs allusions unique lands determined Muslim thereafter to take to and revenge against escaped Byzantium. While the same sources point to some Muslim raids which specifically targeted monasteriesand churches only to capture eunuchs either to free those of Muslims origin or simply to capture whomever they could found and use them in the Muslim harems,as harmlessand trustworthy guards. As for the Byzantine slave girls, it seemsthat, despite their large numbers,
influence Byzantine-Muslim have on no relations, almost yet we they enjoyed some however the married caliphs or who emirs; women narrativesof their of examples indistinct. The lives be and obscure only utterly exception, are which and may role Melkite is FaJimId here the She the who married girt caliph al-lAilt. and her cited fromtheeleventh byLatintheologians 7- Thisrolewasundertaken century onwards. bothal-Joi?andhisfellowWWII al-Qa4i'Abdal-Jabbar, Although arerelatively wCllknown have theology their Western treatises beentranslatcd and some of and of into works scholars among
357
influence had the have state and its attitude towards on some to family seem in for first the time Melkites, centuries,some who enjoyed, Christians,mainly the imperial forces Byzantine their the lost were support. when their power, taste of is known life in Muslim the about of captured nothing women Unfortunately, almost Byzantium. There are still some issues to be addressedby future researchers.The most individual is to and obscure works and their mostly unknown important re-exan-dne into language, but by from just translation a modem a studying each authors, not 9 historical As have I their theological his treatise own and context. within author and
havetaken the sourcesat the in to thesis, studies of modem some seem this shown doubtful. these the though face authenticity of clearly works appears value, their be to text needs re-exarninedphilologically, and at the sametime Consequently,each
sources. contemporary other with compared in Muslim theological the unknown works still widely There are also several importance Byzantine-Muslim to the in their study of relations. I utmost West spite of
importance illustrate but the these of sources, to and editing or use have tried length beyond this thesis. of scope and them are translating
have both been almost ignored by Western Byzantinists, and languages, they European modern in Arabic. still important are works someof their in Germany Gcli R. the been had under supcnision recently of and A. Yjioury, started A new series have Islamo-Christianum, Corpus of volumes which some appeared with a new of the name under the lives. German translation, their some To and comments on authors and my a parallel cclition and 5 Latin onesand one Christian Arab, arc published. Byzantine 4 far works, knowledge,so
358
Appendix
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The English translation:
In their conduct,the piousnunswho live in conventsanddevotethemselves to worship go to single men and monks, as well as to the castles,where single men arc
staying,and allow themselvesto be usedfor the sakeof God, the eternalabodeand does for Whoever these this, they appreciateand pray for, compassion singlemen. her, "Jesuswill not forget this mercy and piety on your partl". to they and say In their lands, a man is not allowed more than one woman. It is not lcgitimatc
for him to haveconcubinesor womenas his slaves,but if he befricndsa womanor a is in be in known he disgrace ROm,similar this or criticised,and well servant, will not to the adultery.Mqbal.i al-Td'i, Aba 'Abd Allah al-I.Iusaynb. al-ýaqr, 'Abd al-Ral. im3nSSI. iib for severalyearsin b. al-Zayat,and othersof Ghazis,who stayedin Constantinople for other reasons,narratedthat: whentheir ordealwasextendedandthere or captivity invasions, Muslim they pretendedto convert to prisonersor was no exchangeof Christianity,lived vAththe Byzantinesandmixedwith them. Someof thosebraveoneswho werebaptizedaftcr long distrcsssaid:'the king his find to and ordered and servants assistants somerich women gaveme generously, to marry the new Christians,so their conditionswould be improved.' A manamong father her died 'So-and-so, has the court and officials of said, she a country estate, livestock and a lot of money;let us many her to this man' and signalledto me,
thereforeI marriedher, and shewasa beautifulandhadlot of moneyso I stayed happilywith her. The king chosea group to go for on expeditionand I was one of thm, to for be in to protect a place which therewas a crop rcapcdsoon, fear that the enemy
362
for forty days, it. We harvesting from to and wererequested stay would preventthem families. So to we wcnt then anothergroup would replaceus while we returned our I them for time till the of aboutmy wife; some asked came. new group a andstayed they said'Your wife marriedafter you left. I madequite certainof this from the new have been desperate (p. 1 172). they told the all me same and quite arrivals, and 14
overwhelmed. When I returnedto the city, I avoidedmy houseand stayedin the cattle' her My the told they other arrivals aboutme, aboutmy returnand market. wife asked that I wassafe,so shediscoveredwhereI was. My mother-in-law came to me in a fine processionof the ncighbouring beautiful jewellery My 'Why clothes. and mother-in-law asked me women,wearing did you avoid your houseand your family and stay away?We arc missingyou and trying to find what happenedto you'. I askedher 'What canI do with a womanwho, I left (for a while) and she got married?I will seethe king and in his presenceI will to me'. breakmy sword,cut my belt andtell him everythingthat hashappened 'You are mistakenl' Shesaid. 'Who told you that?Your vvifedid not marry. How could a Byzantine(ROmiwoman)marry two mcn?That was hcr friend. Whcn her. knew he But he left, took once we with arc coming stayed you cameand you lefl'. She bed his askedthe other womenand neighboursto confirni what and away ffiend, husband, just he They that and no was not a was a confirmed she said. home back involved. 'Go Then and came and said my mother-in-law misconductwas lcft have you still thcrc, not touched seewhat you storedup andwine andeverything but still kept well', as if shewas telling me good news,that my wire's fdcnd should
14 The litcral translation"and sorncthingtooknic up anddown" -
363
Doesshethink is pleasing havesavedme the cost of providingfor her in my absence. by favour doing this? mea meor All thosewomen,who are the wives of distinguishedmen,said 'Go back to liappcncd. has health. house, God Nothing unpleasant unusual or may give you your
So I got up, pickedup my things,went home,and stayedwith my wife without any badfeelingandthejealousyhadgone. So, 0 Aba al-Fatb,whoeverentersthe Rom lands,will not mind if his wife has friends; he will lose his true nature; give up jealousy, his heart and will lose the
he had he wasa Muslimls. which when enthusiasm
(p. 181) If someoneaskedyou, 'You also, the first of your matter (religion) is
in inasmuch has its time there to as performedmiracles,so similar end, no one your (i. is What be? Mul. point e. similar'. will your answer your starting iammad) We answered:There is no problemto us in this issue,becausewe do not believein any miraclesof anyoneafler the prophet, and what we do claim as a is it. known is has heard That to the Qur'Snand what is every one who of n*acle is 'There from (Muslims), is testimony no say we people similar, and except what to
do with Mul.iammadpeacebe upon him. So you know the differencebetweenwhat (p. 182) mean. what we and you mean Anotheranswer:that everyonewho hasheardthe newsof the proplict, peace
be upon him, whoeverbelievedor disbclicvcdhim a fortiori knows that he (Mutiammad)claimedto be a propliet, and that lie has miraclesand proofs. If the Christianssaid, 'Our first was Christ, and you acccpthis miracics',how canyou say
first is our similarto our last? 13 Al-Q3di 'Abd 1, 171-172. dali'll TaLhbil pp. al-Jabbir, al-nubust-ah, -
364
it may say to them; who agreedthat Christ (peacebe upon him) was your in from dissentcd Christ that this, first?We refutedyour claimson andelucidated you in his broke his prcccpts a his principlesand subdivisions,recanted covenants,and lie has is Christ know deny. We that preformcd a proplict and way which you cannot but [not] through that writings, nor your claims, your narratives,nor your miracles, from the sayingsof our prophet (peacebe upon him).
You claimedthat thesenationsacceptedChristianityonly throughthe miracles (mark) like You [George] Murqus Jidis Paul, them. apa and others recorded and of
? You (Manichaeanism ), Magi just like books in the andothers. that your al-Minaniah but do they traces or origins the time, not see any this you, watch people and all claim first They the tyranny the compulsion, and and of this matter this. sword, seeonly of (Christianity)existedonly through sword and coercion,as we haveexplained.And increased. has but is even true, that still nevereasedor altered, We found that you targetedthe peopleof Majiph, 'ayn Zarbah,the islandof Crete, Cyprus, ArwRd, at-Lhugh(iral-&rnyah, al-1hugharal-Jazdah,lbughar of Armenia, and Azerbaijan,and what the expertsestimatedtoday as one thousand Farsakh (leagues)of continuouslyinhabitantlands and minarets.The number of but keep faith, to thcir were captiveswas twenty million, who were not allowed forcedto convertto Christianity,by threatsor promises... And you claimedthat these ROm from by Christianity the the with and I)apRI came a miracle, embraced people hat on his hcadl and in his soldierswearingJuzba,Katayn (flax ?) and al-vvidarI6 ,a
his handal-kirar.17Ile resurrected the deadfrom the tombsso theyall roseup and lands. to tile peopleof al-MaýTph, Michael ROm the came towards the monk walked "- SeveralArabicdictionariesdo not haveclearanddirectmeaningsof thesewords;presumablythey arc somedistortionof original Greekwords. 17 The plural of al-Kurt, a rope of palin leavcs.Al-kirir is a pieceof inatcrial to stand on for praycr. -
AI-Fayrilz5b,ldr, al-QjmOs al-Afuft
(Beirut 1987)
365
into horses; into therefore they all came, their Sayýiin'8 sheep all oil, and turned
did lands, for RUm left the peopleof $miýaj,and I.Iiýn the kissedthe crossand and so Manýiir. These people (the Byzantines? Or the Christians Arabs?) have no problem lies laying they the accept of their chiefs. or slander,as with There was no Mag (country) of these countries and Lhughor had not been
targeted by kings of the Rilm for many years; they Byzantines reaped their crops, besiegedand starvedthem, they even had to eat dogs, dead and cats. They killed them fighters, hunger, their led their thirst captured slaughtered and offspring and with them in chains and robes. They imposed on them tribulations which would take too
long to repeat.So this is their matterfrom the starttill the end.Thereis no swordwas have Christian inequitably the one,aswe explained. except carried
is Pyramus. 11 This is a clearmistake.The river whichpasses by al-MaýTpli -
366
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