medieval Iceland saw a greater dependence upon ... subsistence stress in Iceland and Greenland in ..... standing the taphonomic history of the assemblage.
Enaironmcnfol Archncology 8, 2003;pp. 119-128
Comparing Levels of SubsistenceStress amongst Norse Settlersin lceland and Greenland using Levels of Bone Fat Exploitation as an Indicator Alan K. Outram
Abstrnct The background to the Icelandic and Greenlandic sites under investigation is outlined and prior work on the Norse economies of the two islands is discussed. The importance of fat in the diet and the use of levels of bone marrow and grease exploitation as an indicator of subsistence stress are explained. The methodology for establishing levels of bone fat exploitation is outlined. This methodology involves the detailed study of fragmentation levels of different types of bone, study of bone fracture types and many other taphonomic indicators. The results of the study are described and discussed. On Greenland, the Norse inhabitants exploited almost all available fat from land mammal bones, leaving only the ribs. lt is argued that this indicates a severe level of subsistence stress amongst the Greenlanders that is most likely related to a seasonal dearth in resources. On lceland, whilst a certain amount of bone marrow is almost certainly exploited, the settlers appear to almost totally ignore the potential to exploit bone grease. This is likely to be indicative of a much more healthy subsistence economy than on Greenland. These results are discussed in relation to differing climate, availability of good soil, fishing practices and seasonal rounds. BoNL MAnltow,BoNEGREASE/ Far, SunsrsrENCE Kevuords: Nor
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Figure 7. Typesof bonefrngments in differentsize classes at Sueignkot.
little option. The only type of cancellous bone that seems to have been systematically ignored is rib. It is interesting that Nunamiut informants told Binford (7978,32)that rib grease was not thought of as very desirable and was only exploited in bad times and for lighting.It canbe concluded that the exploitation of bone fats was very intense and probably indicates considerable economic stress. Even though there may have been sufficient stressto make the laborious task of rendering worthwhile, it seems that, on average at least, the settlers could still exercise a little taste and avoid the use of ribs. The situation on Iceland during the early part of its settlement seems to have been very different. It is clear that most cancellous bone was not being rendered for grease. In fact, there is no really good evidence for rendering at all. Fracture patterns show that bone marrow was being exploited, but not exhaustively. It seems that the Icelanders could afford to let much bone fat go to waste, just using easily extracted marrow when they felt like it.
of differentinl subsistence stress Cnuses
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lndex Score
Figure B. Frncture Freshnesslndex scoresfor shnft frngments nt Hofstndir.
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Figure 9. FracfurcFreshness Index sclresfor shnft nt Sueignkot. frngnrcnts
Discussion Leaelsof subsistence stress It is clear that the Greenlandic Norse were exploiting bones for their grease content very intensively. Such intensive exploitation is not a very efficient way to gain food, but one suspects that they had
It seems likely that there are three principal reasons for the apparent differences in bone fat exploitation patterns and inferred economic stresslevels between these two communities. These relate to the overall productivity of their environment, their seasonal rounds and the production of stockfish. A simple explanation for the difference is that the Icelandic settlers were far less limited in the grazrr.g land available to them. In the early period of settlement the soils would not have become too depl eted or eroded and, as such, the pasto r al economy could have been considerably more successful than on Greenland, where pasture was very limited. Another reason for the difference can perhaps be found in periods of seasonal dearth of resources and the need for stored foodstuffs. The Greenlanders sealed in the spring (McGovern 1985, 101). This activity would have brought both meat and much fat, in the form of blubber. The rendering of bones at this time would have been entirely unnecessary. Mi l ki ng w oul d have been possi bl e duri ng t he summer and it is likely that culling of some domesticates and the hunting of the odd caribou would have taken place before the onset of winter. Winter would see little in the way of new resources. There would be stored dairy produce, possibly some dried meat and a stock of fat-bearing bones from the autumn kills. That is the likely time when intensive grease exploitation became necessary. The winter situation in Iceland was different, principally because of the abundance of stockfish. This important resource of stored gadids could also
CompnringLcuelsof SubsistenceStressamongstl,IorseSettlersin lcclnnd snd Greenlnnd b e su pplem ent ed y e a r ro u n d by the abundant availability of freshwater trout and char (Byock 2001,52).Without an equivalent period of seasonal stress, the Icelanders need not have resorted to intensive bone rendering.
Conclusion The detailed examination of the nature and level of bone marrow and grease exploitation, when considered alongside other economic and environmental data, is a powerful tool for understanding levels of subsistence stress in marginal environments. This study has shown up clear and interesting differences in the patterns seen on Greenland and amongst the early Icelandic settlers. It raises some interesting questions. lt once again raises the conundrum of the lack of fishing on Greenland. Was this a purely cultural, if disastrous,decision or is there a clear practical reason why fishing could not be carried out? Such possible reasons could include a lack of time, a lack of wood for suitable boats or even the wrong conditions for air-drying fish. More work will be needed here. Another o b vi o us ques t ion, a n d o n e th a t c a n e a s i l y b e addressed in the future, is whether the nature of bone fat exploitation changes over time within Iceland. What are the effects of soil degradation, erosion and the onset of the Little Ice Age and the economic changes related to it?
Acknowledgements I particularly need to thank Tom McGovern, Clayton Tinsley, Sophia Perdikaris and Colin Amundson for allowing me to study the Icelandic material at the City University of New York and for the valuable information they have provided me with. Thanks also to Matt Brown for his hospitality during my stay in New York at a particularly difficult time in September 2001. My gratitude to the Copenhagen Zo oIo gical Museum, p articularly K. Aaris-Sorensen and J. Mohl, for their assistancewhile I studied the Creenlandic material. Thank you to Paul Buckland and Peter Rowley-Conwy for useful discussions and my parents, Derek and Helen Outram, for comments on earlier drafts. Anonymous refereesmade helpful suggestions. I am grateful to the British Academy for funding my work.
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The Greek Mesolithic: Problems and Perspectives edited by Nena Galanidou and Catherine Perlds "This book is the first major review of the Mesolithic agc of Greece," writes Colin Renfrew. "If the (Franchthi Cavepublications) representa first milestonein mesolithic studiesin the Aegean,this volume certainly constitutesa second. It establishesa perspectivegoing beyond that of the single key site, allowing earlier finds such as those fiom Sidari on Corfu to be re-assessed, and including more rcccrlt discoveriesat the Theopetra Cave,at the Caveof Cyclope on Youra, and fiom the I(isoura Gorge. The book moreover develops a number of methodological advances,along with a carefulreview of the chronology. It embarksalso upon detailed investigationsof the fauna and microfauna." 224 pngeq, 68 b/w i.llus (British Schoolnt Arhens Studies10, 2003) hb 090488743X
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