Cooking - UNESCO HIV and Health Education Clearinghouse

What’s

Cooking AIDS Review 2005 Jimmy Pieterse and Barry van Wyk Series Editor: Mary Crewe

© Greg Marinovich/South Photographs

© Per-Anders Pettersson/AfriLife

© Greg Marinovich/South Photographs

© Nadine Hutton/PictureNET Africa

© Motlhalefi Mahlabe/South Photographs

© Sydney Seshibedi/Sunday Times

© Jodi Bieber/South Photographs


© Graeme Williams/South Photographs

Front cover: © Themba Hadebe/AP Photo Back cover: © Suzy Bernstein/PictureNET Africa

Authors: Barry van Wyk and Jimmy Pieterse are researchers at the Centre for the Study of AIDS at the University of Pretoria.

What’s

Cooking AIDS Review 2005

Barry van Wyk holds an MSc in economic history from the London School of Economics and an MHCS from the University of Pretoria. His professional interests include the South African political economy and the field of HIV/AIDS and development. He is shortly to undertake studies in modern Chinese at Tianjin Normal University in China. Jimmy Pieterse holds a BHCS (Honours) from the University of Pretoria and a PCE from the University of South Africa. He is currently reading towards an MHCS at the University of Pretoria. His professional interests include the history of HIV/AIDS, South African agrarian history, rural development and HIV/AIDS and education. Series editor: Mary Crewe Publisher: Centre for the Study of AIDS, University of Pretoria Language editing: Robin Hamilton Design and production: Jacques Lange, Bluprint Design Copyright © 2006, University of Pretoria and author. All rights reserved.

© Henner Frankenfeld/PictureNET Africa

ISBN 0-620-37024-6

© Paul Weinberg/South Photographs

Contents 4

Foreword

7

Introduction

23 Who gets to eat? 33 Cooking up a storm: Agriculture in South Africa 34 Resource endowment 35 Measuring growth 37 Repressed labour 40 Farming and politics 43 Dualism and regulation 48 Looking for a way out 53 Three-course meal: HIV/AIDS, agriculture and food insecurity 53 Global hunger 54 Rough neighbourhood 57 Synergy: HIV/AIDS, food security and rural African agriculture 59 Food security and South Africa 67 Adding HIV/AIDS 70 The more things change... 77 Food for thought 81 Endnotes 88 Bibliography 92 Acknowledgements 92 Centre for the Study of AIDS

Foreword Over the past five years the AIDS Reviews published by the

has determined the ways in which people living with HIV

Centre for the Study of AIDS at the University of Pretoria

or AIDS have been treated and the rights of populations

have become central to writings about HIV and AIDS in

affected. In 2003 we sought to understand the impact of

South Africa and Southern Africa. They have an extensive

the epidemic on families and interpersonal relationships.

distribution nationally, regionally and internationally. They

We asked whether the existing family structures are re-

are prescribed texts in many of the courses on HIV and

silient enough to cope with the additional demands of the

AIDS, and in development studies, and are widely consulted

epidemic in terms of care and orphan support and how

by donors, embassies and governments. All of the Reviews

community and social-political structures might have to

have had more than one print run and they offer a chal-

find creative new ways to cope with the many demands

lenge to the conventional wisdom about HIV and AIDS and

of the epidemic. In 2004 we looked at the ways in which

call for a vigorous and critical debate on crucial issues.

this epidemic has positioned men and the crucial role that men can play in the social and political responses to HIV

Each Review seeks to address a particular question and in

and AIDS. We addressed the construction of male identities

discussing and answering it, broadens our knowledge and

and ‘maleness’ and the ways in which masculinities and

understanding of HIV and AIDS as the epidemic matures

male sexuality has been understood.

in South and Southern Africa. In 2000 we traced the response to HIV and AIDS in South Africa, starting from the

AIDS Review 2005 focuses on the impact of HIV and AIDS

National AIDS Plan of 1994. In 2001 we addressed the issues

on agriculture and the politics of food access and pro-

of international, regional and local care and commitment

duction. The review employs an historical perspective in

to the epidemic and discussed the ways in which the

grappling with these issues, and argues that the effects

‘African epidemic’ have been constructed and the central

of HIV/AIDS and those of food insecurity are best under-

role of racism in the various responses to the epidemic. In

stood when one takes into account the specifics of the his-

2002 we looked at the relationship between AIDS and

torical development of South Africa’s political economy

human rights in eight of the SADC countries and how the

and especially the development of the agricultural sector.

ways in which rights-based or a policy-based approach

Food insecurity is as much a product of historical injustices

What’s Cooking

||

AIDS Review 2005

as it is of current policy decisions and to an extent the

with UN agencies, and is working with regional and

impact and effect of HIV/AIDS. What’s Cooking seeks to

national tertiary institutions to increase our knowledge

put these issues into context and to provide some possible

and develop effective responses.

explanations as to why South Africa faces problems of such magnitude in terms of food provision and the HIV and

This Review was made possible through the sustained sup-

AIDS epidemics.

port and commitment of the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), Canada.

Many studies have emphasised personal risk factors and psychological determinants of HIV infection. However,

The views expressed in this Review are solely those of the

since the link between HIV/AIDS and malnutrition has been

authors and the Centre for the Study of AIDS.

firmly established, What’s Cooking emphasises macroeconomic policies and how they give rise to socio-economic

Mary Crewe

conditions that exacerbate peoples’ vulnerability to food

Director, Centre for the Study of AIDS

insecurity and HIV infection and hasten the development of AIDS and affect the success of treatment. What’s Cooking critically examines the socio-economic conditions that underpin food insecurity on the one hand and perpetuate the HIV/AIDS epidemic on the other.

The University of Pretoria is committed to a comprehensive HIV and AIDS programme and institutional response that includes all aspects of the University – the Rector, the Vice Rectors, Deans, staff, students, community and government. The Centre for the Study of AIDS has international collaboration with key HIV and AIDS research units, and

What’s Cooking

||

AIDS Review 2005

© Gesele Wulfsohn/South Photographs

What’s Cooking

||

AIDS Review 2005

Introduction It must be remembered that privation of food is

posed, when it is poverty enough to imply scanti-

very reluctantly borne, and that as a rule great poor-

ness of food. And while the sum of them is of

ness will only come when other privations have

terrible magnitude against life, the mere scantiness

preceded it. Long before insufficiency of diet is a

of food is in itself of very serious moment ... – Karl

matter of hygienic concern, long before the physi-

Marx, Kapital.1

ologist would think of counting the grains of nitrogen and carbon which intervene between life and

Written in 1867, this passage from Marx’s famous text neatly

starvation, the household will have been utterly

describes the state of multiple deprivations, poverty and

destitute of material comfort; clothing and fuel will

food insecurity that was so pervasive among the English

have been even scantier than food – against inclem-

working classes during the latter part of the 19th century.

encies of weather there will have been no adequate

A hundred and forty years later, although now largely

protection – dwelling space will have been stinted

confined to the developing world, these issues remain of

to the degree in which overcrowding produces or

key concern to scholars and policymakers, and indeed to

increases disease; of household utensils and furni-

those who struggle to eke out a daily existence.

ture there will have been scarcely any – even cleanliness will have been found costly or difficult, and if

Globally, food consumption fell short of minimum nutri-

there still be self-respectful endeavours to maintain

tional requirements for an estimated 1,1 billion people in

it, every such endeavour will represent additional

2004. Of those 1,1 billion people, almost a third – 333 million

pangs of hunger. The home, too, will be where shel-

– were estimated to be living in sub-Saharan Africa, and as

ter can be cheapest bought; in quarters where com-

many as one out of every three people in the region were

monly there is least fruit of sanitary supervision,

reportedly going hungry. To compound matters, sub-Saharan

least drainage, least scavenging, least suppression

Africa is considered to be the region in the developing

of public nuisances, least or worst water supply, and,

world where the number of food-insecure people is most

if in town, least light and air. Such are the sanitary

likely to show the greatest increase (in absolute terms) in

dangers to which poverty is almost certainly ex-

the next decade.2 This is despite the fact that the world

What’s Cooking

||

AIDS Review 2005

is currently seeing – and is expected to see for some time

a social and international order in which these rights can

to come – steady increases in volumes of food production.

be fully realised.’ In the following decades, however, pov-

Furthermore, 32 of the 47 countries in the sub-Saharan re-

erty reduction would be measured solely in terms of eco-

gion currently rank among the 48 poorest nations in the

nomic growth – a very one-dimensional indicator. Food

world, and with the exception of South Africa, Botswana

security was seen as being purely a concept of food produc-

and Namibia, all southern African countries are listed by

tion; food insecurity and accompanying impoverishment

the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation

of communities were reduced to a supply-demand imbal-

(FAO) as food-deficit areas. The recent increased inter-

ance – a view that was to be held until the 1980s.5

3

national focus on poverty and hunger in Africa is therefore no real surprise.

Influenced by the work of Nobel economics laureate Amartya Sen, a paradigm shift occurred in the 1980s. Ac-

But it is not completely novel. In December of 1948 the international community adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the fundamental value basis of which is set out in Article 1 of the Declaration, which proclaims that ‘...all human beings are born free

Human dignity is identified as the bedrock of freedom, and is of prime importance to the study of food insecurity.

cording to Sen, famine does not only mean a lack of food, but also the lack of access to food by significant numbers of people in a given situation. Many famines, such as the Irish Potato Famine of 1845 to 1847, the Bengali Famine of 1942 and the famine in

and equal in dignity and rights.’ Human dignity is identi-

Ethiopia in the early 1980s, occurred at the same time that

fied as the bedrock of freedom, and is of prime importance

food was being exported en masse from the very same

to the study of food insecurity, because people who live in

areas affected by hunger. Access is thus just as important

chronic poverty and hunger are deprived of the enjoyment

as supply. The law – according to Sen and Jean Drèze – has

of many basic rights and can therefore not be considered

a key role to play in protecting people from hunger:

‘free and equal in dignity’. Importantly, the Declaration also proclaims the right of everyone to ‘a standard of living

When millions of people die in a famine, it is hard

adequate for the health and well-being of himself and

to avoid the thought that something terribly criminal

his family, including food ...’4 Article 28 of the Declaration

is going on. The law, which defines and protects our

sets out the basis for the implementation of measures to

rights as citizens, must somehow be compromised

abolish poverty by stating that everyone ‘...is entitled to

by these dreadful events. Unfortunately, the gap

What’s Cooking

||

AIDS Review 2005

between law and ethics can be a big one. The eco-

cultural acceptability and human dignity. People’s ability

nomic system that yields a famine may be foul and

to feed themselves consequently came to be seen as crucial

the political system that tolerates it perfectly revolt-

in sustaining their dignity. However, the sufficiency and

ing, but nevertheless there may be no violation of

adequacy of food is not solely determined by cultural or

our lawfully recognised rights in the failure of large

use preference, it is also influenced by a variety of other

sections of the population to acquire enough food

local factors that determine what kind, quality and quantity

to survive.

of food is required to meet nutritional needs. These factors include environmental and climatic conditions and prevalent diseases.

The point is not so much that there is no law against dying of hunger. That is, of course, true and obvious.

Change, of course, does not occur overnight, and it was

It is more that the legally guaranteed rights of own-

only in the 1990s that significant shifts in the

ership, exchange and transaction delineate economic systems that can go hand in

Rights of social security

reframing of poverty in the global develop-

hand with some people failing to acquire

can be made to stand as

ment agenda took place.7 In 1990, the United

enough food for survival.

guarantees of minimal

Nations Development Programme (UNDP)

...

protection and survival.

began publishing an annual Human Development Report series that elaborated on the

In seeking a remedy to this problem of terrible vulnerability, it is natural to turn towards a

notion of human development as an alternative to relying

reform of the legal system, so that rights of social

on economic growth as the sole signifier of poverty. The

security can be made to stand as guarantees of

2000 UNDP report emphasised investment in basic capa-

minimal protection and survival.6

bilities and securing rights in law as necessary to empower people to escape poverty. The Convention of the Rights of

Sen’s analysis also emphasised that availability of food had

the Child (1990), Action 21 of the UN Conference on Environ-

to be combined with improving vulnerable people’s access

ment and Development (1992), the Vienna Declaration on

to sufficient resources, including, but not limited to finan-

Human Rights (1992), the Cairo Conference on Population

cial, intellectual, physical and cultural resources. In addition,

and Development (1994) and the Fourth World Conference

food security is not only based on quantity, but also on

on Women (1995) subsequently contributed indirectly to

the quality of food, as determined by local food habits,

the inalienable and universal nature of the right to food.

What’s Cooking

||

AIDS Review 2005

Other measures have contributed more directly towards

countries, with an immediate view to reducing the number

securing the right to food as universal and inalienable. The

of undernourished people to half their present level no

World Summit for Social Development (1995) recognised

later than 2015.’8

the multi-dimensional nature of poverty and emphasised the need to address and redress factors such as lack of in-

Accordingly, the UN Committee on Economic, Social and

come, malnutrition, ill health, lack of access to education,

Cultural Rights drafted a General Comment on the right

homelessness, social exclusion and discrimination. At the

to food in 1999. A coalition of non-governmental organi-

Summit, governments were called upon to give greater

sations also started developing voluntary guidelines on

attention to factors and risks defined to be outside the

the right to food – culminating in the Food and Agriculture

control of the individual. A commitment to reduce world-

Organisation producing draft Voluntary Guidelines on the

wide poverty – that was to be reiterated in the Millennium

Progressive Realisation of the Right to Food.9

Declaration – was made at the summit.

In 1996, world leaders congregated in Rome for the World Food Summit and through the resultant Rome Declaration on World Food Security they pledged to ‘...eradicate poverty

Many of the Millennium Development Goals that stemmed from the Declaration are relevant to the reduction of hunger.

In 2000, world leaders committed themselves to the Millennium Declaration, which states that ‘[w]e will spare no effort to free our fellow men, women and children from the abject and dehumanising conditions

and inequality and to improve the physical and economic

of extreme poverty...’ Logically, many of the Millennium

access by all, at all times, to sufficient nutritionally adequate

Development Goals that stemmed from the Declaration

and safe food...’ The summit also underscored the right to

are relevant to the reduction of hunger. These include:

food by calling for the clarification of the content of the right to food and the fundamental right for everyone to

• the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger (by halv-

be free from hunger, and emphasised the need for particu-

ing the proportion of people who live on an income of less

lar attention to the implementation and full, as well as

than US$1 a day, and halving the proportion of people

progressive realisation, of these rights. The Rome Declaration

who suffer from hunger between 1990 and 2015);

stated that ‘[w]e pledge our political will and our common

• achieving universal primary education (by ensuring that

and national commitment to achieving food security for

children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to

all and to an ongoing effort to eradicate hunger in all

complete a full course of primary schooling by 2015);

What’s Cooking

|10|

AIDS Review 2005

© Suzy Bernstein/PictureNET Africa

© Leonie Marinovich/AfriLife

© George Osidi/AP Photo


• the promotion of gender equality and the empowering

• improving maternal health (by reducing by three quarters

of women (by eliminating gender disparity in primary

the maternal mortality ratio between 1990 and 2015);

and secondary education, preferably by 2005, and in all

• combating HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases (by

levels of education no later than 2015);

halting and beginning to reverse the spread of HIV/AIDS and the incidence of malaria and other major diseases

• reducing child mortality (by reducing by two thirds the under-five mortality rate between 1990 and 2015);

What’s Cooking

by 2015);

|11|

AIDS Review 2005

• ensuring environmental sustainability (by halving the

no. 7), which entrenches the right of everyone to adequate

proportion of people without sustainable access to safe

food and a right to be free from hunger. This can be taken

drinking water and basic sanitation, and integrating

to mean that governments have a duty to respect, protect

principles of sustainable development into country poli-

and fulfil the right to food.11

cies and programmes); and • developing a global partnership for development (by

From this cross-section of international instruments meant

addressing the special needs of the least developed

to contribute directly and indirectly to poverty eradication

countries, by dealing comprehensively with the debt

it is clear that the right to food is a fundamental human

problems of developing countries, and by developing

right. Accordingly, it is consistently enshrined in interna-

further an open, rule-based, predictable, non-discrimi-

tional human rights laws.

natory trading and financial system).

10

The right to food is not explicitly protected in the African In July of 2001 the UN Committee on Eco-

Governments have a duty

nomic, Social and Cultural Rights requested

to respect, protect and

that the Office of the High Commissioner for

fulfil the right to food.

Human Rights develop guidelines for the

Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights, but has been read into the Charter – the ‘African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights interpreted the rights to life, health and

integration of human rights into poverty reduction strat-

development in the Charter to require governments not

egies. These were published in September of 2002 and

to interfere with, and to protect, access to food from

argue that the human rights framework is compelling

interference by powerful third parties.’12 In South African

in the fight against poverty because of its potential to

law, the right to food is protected in the country’s Con-

empower the poor through public participation, infor-

stitution, in section 27(1)(b), with respect to children in

mation and the right to make legal claims.

section 28(1)(c) and with respect to detained persons in section 35(2)(e).13

The most comprehensive description of the right to food in international law is to be found in the UN Committee on

Our modern sensibilities regarding food security have

Economic, Social and Cultural Rights’ General Comment

developed over the decades, and have reflected the zeit-

No. 12, interpreting article 11 of the International Covenant

geist – shaped by the dominant philosophies of the time.

on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (see endnote

Definitions are informed by these, and currently reflect

What’s Cooking

|12|

AIDS Review 2005

interlinkages between household, community, national

There also seems to be high levels of commitment among

and international levels. They also encompass concepts

influential members of international agencies and the

of availability, access and affordability, and recognise that

international community – ‘[c]ommenting on recent initia-

broader development strategies are needed to reduce

tives for debt relief for African countries, [the] World Bank’s

poverty and ensure sustainable livelihoods.

James Wolfensohn said he hopes that ‘there is a recognition now on behalf of the rich world that they cannot

The 1996 Rome Declaration on World Food Security thus

continue to be rich if the world is destabilised by poverty’,

defined food security as ‘[f]ood that is available all the time,

and ‘[s]peaking at the launch of the ‘Make poverty history’

to which people have means to access, that is nutritionally

campaign in London’s Trafalgar Square, Nelson Mandela

adequate in terms of quantity, quality and variety and is

commented that ‘like slavery and apartheid, poverty is not

acceptable, within given cultures’, while the International

natural. It is man-made and it can be overcome and eradi-

Fund for Agricultural Development similarly described it

cated by the actions of human beings ... While poverty

as ‘...the capacity of households to produce

persists there is no true freedom.’’15

a stable and sustainable basket of adequate

While poverty persists

food’. IFPRI’s 2005 assessment concurs in stat-

there is no true freedom.

ing that food security can be achieved when

Despite a concise and clear definition of the concept, a well-defined international legal

households can ‘...reliably obtain food of adequate quality

framework, international attention and strategies to ad-

and quantity to support a healthy and active life for all

dress hunger and poverty, almost a third of sub-Saharan

members’. Incorporated in these definitions are measures

Africans go hungry on a regular basis – a situation that

necessary to enhance and stabilise household access to

doesn’t seem likely to improve in the foreseeable future

food across seasons and transitory changes; activities that

(see p. 7). The lofty Millennium Development Goals are also

would sustain food supply in the long term; and provide

not – in sub-Saharan Africa at least – on track. In South

adequate nutritious food with the necessary safety require-

Africa, where an adequate food supply exists, it has re-

ments as well as cultural preferences. Further, these defini-

cently been estimated that an average of 43% of house-

tions acknowledge that access to food is governed by food

holds earn too little to afford their members a nutritionally

production, which, in turn, depends on land, labour and

adequate diet, and that over 14 million people are food-

other agricultural inputs; and food purchase that, in turn,

insecure.16 So, it seems safe to assume then that very many

depends on household income, social safety nets and

people’s fundamental human rights are frequently vio-

traditional support networks.

lated. Why is this the case?

14

What’s Cooking

|13|

AIDS Review 2005

© Gisele Wulfsohn/South Photographs

What’s Cooking

|14|

AIDS Review 2005

One explanation lays the attribution of blame. The AIDS

than fingering and tackling the other, more prickly

epidemic has been accorded a disproportionate share

factors – many of them tied to formidable interests

of the culpability in what is in reality a veritable melting

and forces – that are (also) at play. It can also be mis-

pot of causes.

leading, tempting short-sighted and inappropriate policy responses. When it comes to the epidemic’s

Because sub-Saharan Africa is the region in the world

mangling policy consequences, policy responses are

with the highest rate of HIV infection (with an estimated

more likely to make a genuine difference if AIDS is

25,8 million people living with the disease in 2005 and

made to take its place in the dock alongside the

an estimated 3,2 million new infections occurring in the

other culprits, which often include agricultural,

same year17) many writers have inferred that food inse-

trade and macroeconomic policies, land tenure and

curity and HIV/AIDS are inextricably linked, and that the

inheritance systems, marking and pricing systems,

epidemic’s effect on household labour supply, diversion of resources from agriculture, and loss of farm and non-farm income, coupled with other forms of psychosocial impacts that aversely affect productivity, would be such that a ‘new variant famine’18

The AIDS epidemic has been accorded a disproportionate share of the culpability in what is in reality a veritable melting pot of causes.

would invariably result. Some international agencies also

and the capacities of states to provide and maintain vital support services in rural areas. The over-privileging of AIDS lets decision-makers off the hook by endorsing fashionable courses of action that can fail to go to the heart

of the matter.19

found it expedient to blame HIV/AIDS for the food crises that ravaged most of southern Africa in 2002/3. Hein

These ‘fashionable courses of action’ frequently tend to be

Marais succinctly summarised the effects:

one-size-fits-all solutions and to generalise to the point of reductio ad absurdum. They consequently tend to be

...attention was deflected away from the main

insensitive to local nuances and often do more harm than

causes of food insecurity (which range from doltish

good.

policy decisions to the restructuring of the agricultural sector as an element of international loan

Factors that influence food security are in fact multiple

conditionalities, and more). Singling AIDS out as

and include marketing systems; food reserve stores; rain

a main or even salient culprit factor is a lot easier

patterns; soil quality; the affordability of seeds, fertilisers

What’s Cooking

|15|

AIDS Review 2005

and pesticides; security of tenure; the nature of inherit-

The link between poor nutrition and HIV/AIDS has been

ance systems; food prices; income levels; and access to

firmly established: ‘Food insecurity increases vulnerabil-

financing. To this list can be added HIV rates, economic

ity to HIV infection – poor nutrition contributes to poor

growth, levels of trade openness and political stability,

health, low labour productivity, low income, and liveli-

levels of infrastructure development, government invest-

hood insecurity.’22 According to Tony Barnett and Alan

ment in agriculture and agricultural research, provision for

Whiteside:

20

disaster prevention and mitigation strategies in national development strategies, control of corruption, literacy rates,

Poor nutrition leads to a compromised immune

degrees of inequality in access to food, rule of law and many

system, making individuals more susceptible to [HIV]

other factors that are often grouped together under the

infection in general.

rubric of ‘good governance’.

...

21

To start to understand how and

HIV-infected individuals have higher

To start to understand how and to what

to what extent HIV/AIDS

nutritional requirements than normal,

extent HIV/AIDS shapes food insecurity

shapes food insecurity in South

particularly with regard to protein

in South Africa it thus seems necessary

Africa it thus seems necessary

(up to 50% increase), and energy

to isolate the factors that contribute to

to isolate the factors that

(up to 15%). Illness may precipitate

food (in)security in the country and to

contribute to food (in)security.

appetite loss, even anorexia, thus re-

examine what effect(s) they have on dif-

ducing dietary intake at a time when

ferent groups of people, how they impact on household

requirements are higher. Such interactions are

economies (and how individual power differentials in-

thrown into stark contrast for the poor ... who are

fluence households, and how they, in turn, link to the na-

more likely to be malnourished prior to becoming

tional and global levels) and structures of social support.

infected. Onset of disease and death might be

Then, the impact of AIDS on all of the afore-mentioned

delayed in well-nourished HIV-positive individuals.

factors needs to be assessed. But the question is not sim-

Diets rich in protein, energy and micronutrients

ply one of determining how AIDS affects food security.

help in resisting opportunistic infections.23

One also has to analyse the ways in which food insecurity both directly and indirectly impacts on the epidemic.

The unavailability of food not only negatively impacts on people’s physiological susceptibility to HIV infection;

What’s Cooking

|16|

AIDS Review 2005


it is also a socio-economic determinant thereof.24 AIDS

many women, although educated, ‘say that they would

and food security very definitely have a gender dimension.

rather die of AIDS than hunger.’ But women do not always

‘Power relations between men and women are skewed,

engage in transactional sex purely out of necessity – some

and where sex is a currency ... women are frequently

women attest to trading sex in order to satisfy more eso-

expected to pay for life’s opportunities ... The trading

teric wants that they perceive as needs. Economic factors

of sexual favours has been dubbed survival ‘sex’’ and

can thus be seen as reinforcing unsafe sexual practices.25

What’s Cooking

|17|

AIDS Review 2005

Considering that ‘[t]he poorest households, especially

Initially, the ARV lobby groups’ opposition to pro-

those headed by women, find themselves pushed back

moting nutritional measures was to ensure that

in the queue of entitlement’ when it comes to accessing

ARV access was placed at the forefront of govern-

kin and community support systems to overcome hard-

ment responsibilities to those infected. This was

ship and adversity, it seems reasonable to assume that, as

understandable and laudable. Indeed, their efforts

a group, they may well be some of the people that suffer

were essential in making ARV more widely available

most from the effects of food insecurity on households

to those infected, and yes, more work is required

burdened by AIDS. Good nutrition not only delays the on-

to make drugs more widely available.

26

set of AIDS, but antiretroviral treatment is also only effective when it is taken by people who regularly eat the right

In response, some of the “nutrition only” protago-

foods. Malnourished people are more

nists escalated their efforts and claims,

likely to be unable to adhere to medica-

Good nutrition not only

telling people that ARVs are deadly

tion due to the side-effects, which include

delays the onset of AIDS, but

and that AIDS can be cured with plants,

nausea and lack of appetite. In a recent

antiretroviral treatment is also

letter to the Mail & Guardian newspaper,

only effective when it is taken

David Patient and Neil Orr linked food

by people who regularly eat

Why, in a civilised country, are people

security to the debate around AIDS treat-

the right foods.

[living with HIV and AIDS] being asked

ment. They wrote:

vitamins and minerals.

to choose between appropriate medication and food to keep their body healthy? [em-

South Africa’s anti-retroviral (ARV) medication

phasis added]27

versus nutrition debate is not unique in the world. But what is unique to this country is its scale and

Commenting on the recent Declaration of Commitment

that the government is placed within the “alter-

on HIV/AIDS made public by the UN in New York, the South

native” camp, with civil society ... the protagonist

African Minister of Health, Dr Manto Tshabalala-Msimang,

of mainstream science and medicine. This has led

stated that:

to a highly polarised situation, with common sense nowhere in sight and those infected being the

The Comprehensive Review and High-level Meeting

victims.

reflected how far the world has come to accept

What’s Cooking

|18|

AIDS Review 2005

© George Osidi/AP Photo

what President Thabo Mbeki sought to highlight as early as 2000.

He said that we could not blame the challenge of HIV/AIDS only on the virus, and should have a collection of interventions that addresses the correlation between the agent, the host and the environment.

The report of United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan to the meeting recognised that poverty, underdevelopment and gender inequality are among the principal contributing factors to the spread of HIV and AIDS. The success of a global response, therefore, requires the doubling of efforts in meeting the Millennium Development Goals.

Annan went on to emphasise the role of prevention as the mainstay of the global response to HIV/AIDS – the basis of the South African government’s response all along. ... The South African delegation’s presentation tried

and malnutrition [emphasis added] and focus our

to highlight the areas that we believe can assist in

energies on the emancipation of women and the

improving the global response. We emphasised the

protection of the rights of children.

importance of promoting a healthy lifestyle to maintain optimal health, and delay as much as possible

We also called for continuation of endeavours to

the progression from HIV infection to AIDS-defining

reduce the prices of medicines and other essential

conditions. We need to also address food insecurity

commodities.

What’s Cooking

|19|

AIDS Review 2005

© Lori Waselchuk/South Photographs

Shall I repeat garlic, shall I talk about beetroot, shall I talk about lemon ... these delay the development of HIV to AIDS-defining conditions, and that’s the truth.29 In response, Democratic Alliance MP Dianne Kohler Barnard said that: By the time the Soccer World Cup comes to South Africa, it will be too late for five million of us who will have to watch the games from a garlic- and beetroot-induced afterlife.30 Poverty contributes to the spread of AIDS, and seeing that AIDS treatment and prevention programmes are more effective when people are well nourished, it can be assumed that poverty alleviation is a precondition for combating AIDS. But since AIDS undermines productivity and economic growth and seeing that economic growth is necessary for sustainable poverty alleviation, it can be assumed that addressing AIDS is a precondition for addressing poverty.31 A sustained increase in resource allocation, and

Chapter 1 of this review, entitled ‘Who gets to eat?,’

implementation of programmes that make a differ-

focuses on the dynamics between income and employ-

ence to the lives of the people on the ground, is

ment, on the one hand, and food security, on the other.

what matters most to the government.

Chapter 2 provides a discussion of the political economy of

28

agriculture and its specific development in South Africa. Reiterating her views on nutrition and AIDS, Minister

Chapter 3 gives a more detailed discussion of the inter-

Tshabalala-Msimang said:

play between food security, agriculture and HIV/AIDS.

What’s Cooking

|20|

AIDS Review 2005

© Cedric Nunn/PictureNET Africa

What’s Cooking

|21|

AIDS Review 2005


© Shaun Harris/PictureNET Africa



© Ken Oosterbroek/PictureNET Africa

© Rob Brown/PictureNET Africa


© Steve Hilton-Barber/PictureNET Africa


What’s Cooking

|22|

AIDS Review 2005

Who gets to eat? Among the poor, food is the main household ex-

the vague outlines of food (in)security. It is crucial that total

pense. The food [poor] people consume is often

household income is analysed along with decision-making,

not enough and of poor quality. It is also monoto-

resource management and other socio-demographic indi-

nous, lacking variety and range. There is evidence

cators. Intra-household resource allocation is also critical,

that poor families in South Africa are unable to

and here gender-differentials play a very important part,

make the diet of infants, children or adults more

and so does the ‘general social principle of money’ or the

palatable and appetising in times of illness. Food is

way in which money flows down the social hierarchy.36

also a ‘flexible’ item in individual and family expenditure: it can be cut back or out altogether

Many changes with regards to employment have taken

when necessary.32

place in South Africa post-1994. On the positive side, numerous black South Africans have experienced upward

Most estimates hold that between 40% and 50% of the

mobility into the upper classes and upper income brackets;

South African population live in poverty. Of these, more

urban workers have generally been receiving higher wages;

than 14 million people, or about 35% of the entire popula-

and income inequality between racial groups has declined.

tion, are estimated to be vulnerable to food insecurity.34

But growing unemployment and the stagnation of both

Levels of unemployment are central markers of food in-

the informal sector and smallholder agriculture has meant

security in South Africa; in a country where most people

that the poor have increased considerably in numerical

purchase the food they consume, the ability to earn an

terms; income inequality has remained high (interracial

income is a major determinant of food security. This ability

inequality has risen); and a deepening divide has developed

is very much influenced by race, sex, geographic location,

in the labour market between workers in formal, regular

and skill levels.

employment and those in casual or contract employment.37

Income is definitely one of the most important determinants

In September 2005 Stats SA estimated that the labour

of food security. It has to be kept in mind, however, that

market (consisting of all South Africans between the ages

quantitative data on per capita income can only sketch

of 15 and 65 years) amounted to 29,7 million people. Of

33

35

What’s Cooking

|23|

AIDS Review 2005

this number only 12,3 million were employed.38 The pro-

of the education that is provided to the vast majority of

portion of South Africans who regularly go without a cash

South African children. According to the South African

income has risen in recent years: from 16% in 2000 and

Human Rights Commission:

2002 to 27% in 2004.

39

...the lived daily reality at school for many children in Proportionally, black South Africans still constitute the

South Africa, particularly those children in rural and

population group that is most likely to be vulnerable to

township schools, is incongruous with the legislation

food insecurity as a result of unemployment. According

and the policies of the Department of Education.

to Stats SA’s September 2005 labour force survey, only 8,5

Those children who are most disadvantaged in enjoy-

million of the 23,0 million black South Africans of working

ing the right to basic education lack the means and

age were considered to be employed. Of

the social power to speak out and claim

these workers, 4,9 million were thought

Proportionally, black South

their rights. And, whilst much has been

to be male and 3,6 million female. This

Africans still constitute the

done to improve the enjoyment of the

stands in stark contrast to the fact that

population group that is

right to a basic education, not all of

2,0 million of the 3,1 million white South

most likely to be vulnerable

these interventions have resulted in

Africans of working age were consid-

to food insecurity as a

the outputs that were anticipated.43

ered to be employed (approximately 1,1

result of unemployment.

million men and 867 000 women).

Low standards of basic education are likely

40

to impact negatively on the acquired skill levels of people Education is normally associated with higher earnings

who are subject to it. Considering the trend towards capital

and lower unemployment. However, a recent study by

intensification in the economy and the consequent bias

Leibbrandt et al has found that employment rates between

toward skilled labour, poor education may indeed con-

1995 and 2005 did not statistically increase in a manner

tribute to lower wages for the unskilled when they can find

that was directly proportional to the number of years spent

employment. Leibbrandt et al also found that overall wages

in education.41 This gives credence to Budlender’s state-

declined significantly between 1995 and 2005. The lowest

ment that education is often perceived to have a larger

earning workers suffered the most significant decline in

potential to ‘solve’ poverty than it actually has.

This

wages (their real income halved during the period). Black

might be at least partly attributable to the inadequacy

workers and women felt these sharp declines most

42

What’s Cooking

|24|

AIDS Review 2005

acutely.44 More than half of all South African workers

This burden of care for family members living with HIV/

(when the formal and informal sectors of the economy

AIDS might contribute towards explaining the growing

were combined) earned between R1 and R2 500 per month

numbers of ‘discouraged’ work seekers in the South African

in 2005.

economy. Stats SA defines ‘discouraged’ work seekers as

45

“... [people between the ages of 15 and 65, who] have [not] The increased casualisation of the labour force has had the

taken active steps to look for work or to start some form

result that “vulnerable, unorganised and unprotected in-

of self-employment in the [previous] four weeks...”48

formal workers run the risk of increasingly paying the price for increased profitability... in addition to offering more

Inequality of income coupled with poverty and food in-

security, permanent jobs also in general provide access to

security contribute towards phenomena called ‘survival

benefits and social security, both private such as pensions

sex’, where sex is exchanged for food (or other items that

and medical aid, and to state social security, such as contributions to the Unemployment Insurance Fund and the Compensation for Occupational Injuries and Diseases Fund.”

46

Inequality of income coupled with poverty and food insecurity contribute towards phenomena called ‘survival sex’.

Black South Africans – and especially black

may help meet a woman’s most immediate needs); and ‘transactional sex’, where sex is used as barter for consumer items or services that may fulfil more esoteric perceived ‘needs’.49 The women who engage in these transactions often find it very hard to nego-

women – are also hardest hit by the HIV/AIDS epidemic.

tiate prophylaxis use and are therefore very vulnerable

According to the Human Sciences Research Council’s 2005

to HIV infection. The literature is littered with examples

household survey, 19,9% of all black South Africans

of women who report that they would rather die of HIV

between the ages of 15 and 49 years are HIV positive

than of hunger.50 As women perform most of the social

(with higher overall rates among women than among

reproduction work in households, the death (due to AIDS)

men). This is likely to impact negatively on household

of an adult woman tends to be very disruptive to the

income, because “[income] may have to be diverted to-

functioning of the said household.51

wards buying medication for a member living with AIDS, the household may be deprived of a breadwinner, and

Poku describes the effects of HIV/AIDS on poor house-

other household members may have to sacrifice school

holds thus:

or work to take care of [a] person with AIDS.”

47

What’s Cooking

|25|

AIDS Review 2005


What’s Cooking

|26|

AIDS Review 2005

Poor families have less capacity to deal with the

of the family members to poverty which then in-

effects of morbidity and mortality than richer ones,

creases their chances of contracting the virus.52

for very obvious reasons. These include the absence of savings and other assets that can cushion the

Antiretroviral treatment is, at least in theory, now available

impact of illness and death. The poor are already on

to all South Africans with CD4 counts lower than 200. If

the margins of survival and thus are also unable to

everyone in need of drugs is reached, the effects listed

deal with the consequent health and other costs.

will most likely be mitigated. But if people on treatment

These include the costs of drugs – when available

suffer from hunger, they are likely to suffer from the side-

– to treat opportunistic infections, transport costs

effects of the medication. The Mail and Guardian Online

to health centres, reduced household productivity

reported the experience of one such person:

through illness and the diversion of labour to caring roles, losses of employment through illness and job discrimination, funeral and related costs, and so on. In the longer term such poor households never recover even their initial level of living as their capacity is reduced through the losses

The poor are already on the margins of survival and thus are also unable to deal with the consequent health and other costs.

I remember ... I would take the medicine without any food – just porridge alone. I nearly died. I got so weak, I developed ulcers which have not healed well until now.53

of productive family members through death and

Large numbers of black South African households already

through migration, and through the sales of any

live very precariously. Of an estimated 9,8 million of these

productive assets they once possessed. As a result,

households, less than 2 million live on more than R1 799

a true process of immiseration is now observable in

per month. The total expenditure of 2,4 million of these

many parts of ... Africa. There is ... enormous strain

households ranged between nothing and R399 per month;

on the capacities of families to cope with the ...

3,3 million live on R400 to R799 per month; and 1,7 million

consequences of illness, such that many families

households on R800 to R1 199 per month. Female-headed

experience great distress and often disintegrate

black households seem to be worse off than those headed

as social and economic units ... Even where they

by their male counterparts: out of an estimated total of

do not, by eliminating the breadwinners – often

4,0 million, 1,0 million households were living on between

the parents – the process further exposes the rest

nothing and R400 per month; 1,6 million were spending

What’s Cooking

|27|

AIDS Review 2005

between R400 and R799 per month; and 647 000 between

But South Africa’s urban centres also brim with great con-

R800 and R1 198 per month.54

centrations of poverty, partly because

Many black South African households also exist on limited

...urban geographies in South Africa have become

or very unpredictable incomes or mainly or even solely on

even more polarised and polarising, with the jobless

remittances of family members; disability, maintenance

and the poorly skilled corralled in the under-serviced

or child support grants of a household member; or the

and grossly underdeveloped perimeters of cities...

pension of an elderly person living in the same house.

55

Rising numbers of urban residents now live seques-

Out of a total of an estimated 9,8 million black South

tered in informal settlements on the outer perimeters

African households, salaries and wages accounted for the

of South Africa’s cities, which function as veritable

main sources of income for 5,2 million black households

holding tanks for the jobless and the under-skilled.

(of which 3,7 million were male headed and 1,5 million female headed); remittances for 1,4 million black South African households (636 000 of which were male headed and 801 000 female headed); and pensions and grants for 2,5 million

Rising numbers of urban residents now live sequestered in informal settlements on the outer perimeters of South Africa’s cities.

black South African households (975 000 of which were

Local work opportunities are scarce, and transport costs are high, infrastructure is poor, access to basic services is uneven and services are generally unaffordable. It’s also here, on the margins of urban South Africa, that

HIV infection levels are highest.58

male headed and 801 000 female headed).56 Furthermore, Debbie Budlender estimated that 89% of all households

Urban and rural poverty are also very much linked – when

that received old age pensions were black South African

unemployment rises in cities, remittances to rural families

households, and that two thirds of all pensions went to

are likely to decline, thereby exacerbating rural poverty. Social

rural areas.

welfare programmes are generally accepted as being key

57

components in poverty reduction or prevention.59 The South Rural areas are especially hard hit by poverty and un-

African government makes universal provision for pensions,

employment. It has been estimated that around 70% of all

provides disability grants for those too ill or incapacitated

poor South African households are located in rural areas,

to work, and provides child support grants for the care-givers

and that half of those can be considered chronically poor.

of children. This is unusual for a developing, middle-income,

What’s Cooking

|28|

AIDS Review 2005

© Rob Brown/iPictureNET Africa

What’s Cooking

|29|

AIDS Review 2005

country. In 1994, the new government raised the pen-

thus takes a twist: “When you ask them why they don’t

sions of black South Africans to the same level as those

want to take the medicine, they say they’re hungry and

provided for other race groups. Almost 10 million social

need food.” The article argues for a basic income grant to

grants are paid out every month.

be given to unemployed people so that they wouldn’t be

60

forced to put economics before individuals’ health.64 In South Africa three main types of grants exist in addition to pensions. The first of these is the maintenance grant,

The third category of grants is the child support grant. This

which was designed to assist single parents and children

grant is aimed at children of up to 7 years of age who have

where the other parent is not available to help provide

not benefited from maintenance grants in the past.65

for his/her children.61 Nattrass also notes that ‘perverse incentives’ to become and/ The second is the disability grant, which supports people with physical and mental conditions that render them unable to work. According to Nattrass, disability 62

grants rose from 600 000 in 2000 to around 1,3 million in 2004.63 People who

Rotating credit associations, or stokvels, serve as an adaptive mechanism that provides an alternative to the mainstream that mainly excludes the poor.

have progressed from being HIV positive to having AIDS,

or remain ill – which are generated by the current welfare system – put people in a position where they have to choose between income and health. She suggests that the root of the problem can be addressed by introducing a grant for

the unemployed (a ‘dole’) or a basic income grant.66

and who have registered CD4 counts of less than 200 are eligible for disability grants. Although the underlying

In the absence of reliable incomes and/or networks that

principle is sound, this can cause problems for people on

could help overcome hardships, credits and loans may be

antiretroviral treatment. The Mail & Guardian Online re-

significant in attaining food security. But due to inability

cently reported that some people in Lusikisiki in the Transkei

to repay loans, many people have no access to credit.

have stopped taking ARVs because of the fact that they

Rotating credit associations, or stokvels, serve as an adap-

would stop receiving the disability grant if their CD4 counts

tive mechanism that provides an alternative to the main-

rise above 200. In some cases entire households are depend-

stream that mainly excludes the poor. The members of

ant on the R820 per month that they receive from this

stokvels are usually acquainted and belong to the same

grant. The link between AIDS, poverty and food security

social group, which may be the neighbourhood, the church

What’s Cooking

|30|

AIDS Review 2005


or the workplace. These groups are seen to operate within

Many South Africans already struggle to find gainful em-

the female domain – men are usually excluded.

ployment, and are consequently vulnerable to food insecu-

67

rity. HIV/AIDS already compounds this quandary, and is Housing can also affect income – it can be an important

likely to do so for some time to come.

source of credit or a base for small business. It can also be rented or, as a last resort, sold.68

What’s Cooking

|31|

AIDS Review 2005


© Paul Grendon/South Photographs

© Nadine Hutton/PictureNET Africa






© John Robinson/South Photographs

What’s Cooking

|32|

AIDS Review 2005

Cooking up a storm: Agriculture in South Africa A strategy of conquest and dispossession was pur-

and black farmers, followed by a period of considerable

sued energetically by both Dutch and British settlers,

government support to agriculture up to the early 1980s.

and was generally supported by the VOC, and later

This prolonged period of state patronage contributed to

by Britain ... All farmers shared broadly the same

the commercialisation of white farming via the adoption

aims and methods ... For all of them, acquisition and

of modern mechanical and biological technologies, resulting

control of land, and thus of labour, was imperative

in growth in agricultural output within a policy environ-

if they were to attain a decent standard of living.

ment favouring large-scale owner-operated farms utilising

The territory in which they sought to do this grad-

wage labour.70 The sectoral development of the agricultural

ually expanded away from their entry point at Cape

sector in South Africa has also occurred in conjunction with

Town until they claimed possession of almost the

the gradual yet sustained disempowerment of African

entire country south of the Limpopo ... The assertion

farmers, and the resulting dualism was a sustained theme

of British power ultimately required that all inde-

of the structure of land and food production and utilisa-

pendent black states should be destroyed, and the

tion.71 This dual structure of agriculture in South Africa was

imperial government’s implementation of this policy

not the result of genuine economies of scale but rather of

thus reinforced the settlers’ own programme of

decades of government policies inspired by the general

conquest and dispossession.69

political and economic philosophy of white domination. The consequences of these policies included distortions in

The evolution of the South African agricultural sector in the

land and labour markets, input and output markets, infra-

twentieth century has been marked by structural change,

structure, agricultural credit and services, and the creation

characterised initially by macro-economic and sectoral

of large-scale white farms.72

strategies aimed at the territorial segregation of white

What’s Cooking

|33|

AIDS Review 2005


500 mm of rain per year and about one fifth receives less than 200 mm. Only 3% of South Africa receives rain throughout the year, while 86% only gets summer rain. Agriculture is the biggest consumer of water, using as much as 50% of total demand. The total area under irrigation in South Africa in 2001 was 1,2 million hectares, although only 1,1% of the country’s total surface area can be irrigated. Apart from small high-lying areas and the eastern escarpment, most of South Africa has hot summers and a long growing season. The surface area of South Africa falls naturally into two major physiographic regions: the interior


plateau, comprising level surfaces with a mean altitude of 1 200 m; and the marginal lands which lie between the plateau and the coast. A third element is the great escarpment, which forms the boundary between the plateau and the marginal lands. The total land area of South Africa is 122,3 million hectares, of which farmland occupies roughly 82%. Commercial and developing agriculture occupy surface areas of 86,2 million hectares and 14,5 million hectares respectively. Total potential arable land comprises 14,2 million hectares compared to grazing land, which comprises 72 million hectares. South Africa’s top

Resources endowment

field crops by gross value in 2000 were maize, sugar cane, wheat, hay, sunflower seed, tobacco and groundnuts.

With a mean annual rainfall of 497 mm, South Africa can

The top animal products by gross value in 2000 were

be described as mainly a semi-arid region with acute water

fowls slaughtered, cattle and calves slaughtered, fresh

shortages. Over 65% of the country receives less than

milk, eggs, and sheep and goats slaughtered.74

73

What’s Cooking

|34|

AIDS Review 2005

Measuring growth

investments,76 and the resultant capital-intensity of production was accompanied by widespread black unemploy-

According to the World Bank’s assessment of South Africa’s

ment, while white farmers, who were supposed to own

macro-economic performance in the twentieth century,

and utilise more than 87% of agricultural land, were

between 1946 and 1991 GDP growth at factor cost averaged

afforded substantial financial resource transfers in order

3,9% per year. Within this period there occurred cycles of

to maintain their viability.77

accelerated growth rates between 1946 and 1971 and increasing volatility between 1971 and 1991, with GDP

The contribution of South Africa’s agricultural sector to

growth rates declining from 3,49% during 1971-1975 to

GDP at current prices declined from 10,3% in 1967 to 3,5%

1,03% in the period 1986-1992. The single most important

in 2001,78 indicating the lower growth rate of the agricul-

explanation for South Africa’s decline in macro-economic

tural sector relative to the overall economy. This tendency

growth is the lack of significant productivity growth, emanating from the designated capital-intensive, inward-looking growth strategy which was a consequence of manipulating economic policy to conform to segregationist and exploitative social policy.

The contribution of South Africa’s agricultural sector to GDP at current prices declined from 10,3% in 1967 to 3,5% in 2001.

reflected a broader transition in the South African economy from a dependence on the primary sector (mining and agriculture) to a more diversified manufacturing and services economy. Hence in the period following World War II, the manufacturing, construc-

tion and electricity sectors registered the most prodiAt the end of World War II, South Africa’s exploitable

gious growth rates.79 Moreover, in contrast to conven-

reserves regarding human and physical resources, infra-

tional patterns of industrialisation in which proceeds

structure, technology, administrative capacity, financial and

are extracted from an agricultural surplus, South African

monetary services and supplies of low-wage labour com-

agriculture became a net recipient of surpluses generated

pared favourably to that of other developing countries. Yet

by the mining sector.80 Extensive subsidisation was extend-

South Africa embarked on a costly, capital-intensive import-

ed to white farmers, including disaster relief, research,

substituting path of industrialisation and hence failed to

interest rate subsidies and price supports via an agricul-

exploit its comparative advantage of developing labour-

tural marketing system.81

intensive manufactured exports.75 South Africa’s growth path thus relied heavily on investments, especially public

What’s Cooking

|35|

AIDS Review 2005

© Guy Tillim/South Photographs

What’s Cooking

|36|

AIDS Review 2005

Repressed labour

pared with rates of 23% on gold mines in Rhodesia, 18% in Australia, and 14% in the USA.84

The comprehensive state support provided for white farmers formed part of a broader policy framework of labour

South Africa’s white power bloc after 1910 was characterised

repression implemented in South Africa for most of the

by the co-existence of so-called imperial or foreign capital

twentieth century.

and indigenous or national capital. Foreign capital came to be largely concentrated in the mining sector, while agri-

By 1898 the Transvaal Republic had emerged as the world’s

culture and manufacturing came to be dominated by

single largest gold producer, accounting for 27,5% of global

national capital. Reflecting their bases in different sectors

output. The unique features of the South African gold-

of production, this bifurcation also mirrored the conflict-

mining industry from 1897 were that it was capital inten-

ing interests of English (mining and financial) and Afrikaner

sive, labour intensive, and export intensive.

82

The accepted way of restricting mining costs came to be the imposition of a low-wage repressive labour regime to effect a calculated distribution of non-white labour in all sectors of the economy. Reduced to menials

The comprehensive state support provided for white farmers formed part of a broader policy framework of labour repression.

(rural farming and urban worker) traditions. At the time of the unification of South Africa in 1910, the political landscape was made up of these conflicting interests, and came to be constituted collectively in the political form of the South African Party (SAP).85

in a white-dominated economy, blacks were denied political organisation or any serious measure of social mobility.83

In 1914 the National Party (NP) was formed as a collective

Like the Transvaal government before unification, the

exclusively disposed towards national capital and

South African state after 1910 likewise took to exploiting

Afrikaner nationalism. National capital’s interests lay in

the mines for profits in order to finance its political agenda

restricting foreign competition and maintaining an in-

of providing assistance to white agriculture and manufac-

ternal market for their products based on higher than

turing. Not only the exploitation of South Africa’s mineral

average world prices. Industrial protection was thus a

wealth but also the secondary industrial capitalisation of

favoured policy for national capital, especially when faced

South Africa was thus to a large extent facilitated by

with increasing international competition due to fluc-

profits derived from the mining sector. Indeed, the level of

tuating world prices. Mining capital’s interests, on the

mining taxes was high: 42% in 1920, for instance, com-

other hand, lay in minimising the prices of commodities

What’s Cooking

|37|

AIDS Review 2005


The increasing use of cheaper non-white labour on the mines gave rise to a mining strike by white workers in 1922, which was suppressed with force by the SAP government. Such heavy-handed actions drove white workers and farmers further into the arms of the NP, partly explaining why the NP emerged victorious in the 1924 general election. The NP state proceeded to intervene directly in the economy to the benefit of national capital, and this meant in practice the appropriation of more mining surpluses to subsidise the development of national capital. One of the most important of the state’s interventions was the establishment of a comprehensive system of tariff protection with the passing of the Tariff Act in 1925, and this effectively raised the cost of wage goods and stores for the mining sector. Other state interventions included the restructuring of the railway tariff, and the establishment of the state-run Electrical Supply Commission (ESCOM) and the Iron and Steel Corporation (ISCOR).87

The NP also introduced statutory protection for white workers in the division of labour, as well as an unprecedented number of measures regulating non-white labour. The internally (as the commodities produced by national capital

ruling apparatus of national capital after 1924 considered

were cost items for foreign capital), and hence with a need

itself unable to serve the interests of white farmers and

to minimise costs amid a fluctuating gold price, foreign

workers via the free market, and hence took recourse in

capital favoured a policy of free trade. Both factions,

extra-economic coercion and institutionalised racism that

however, were united in their interests to exploit non-

were the distinctive features of a labour-repressive regime.

white labour in the pursuit of industrialisation.

As the NP relied on the mining sector for most of its revenues,

86

What’s Cooking

|38|

AIDS Review 2005


and as the state’s repressive labour regime and industrial protection policies directly impinged on the profits of the mines, one can conclude that the state’s politically-motivated restrictions directly inhibited its initiatives to spur industrialisation. In fact, had it not been for the advent of the Great Depression and South Africa’s subsequent departure from the gold standard, the NP’s political preponderances might have led to substantial economic decay.

When the NP came to power in 1924, the total dividends declared on the mines stood at £12,8 million; by 1929 the declared dividends on the mines had declined to £11,5 million, and with the added effects of the world depression the dividend had declined further to £9,6 million by 1932. After 1932, however, when the state reluctantly departed from the gold standard the dividends declared on the mines increased rapidly, eventually reaching £22,6 million in 1939. Accordingly, the state was able to appropriate vastly increased revenues from the mines after 1932 to provide subsidies to agriculture and to support expansion in the manufacturing sector.88 dominance of the ruling national capital class dictated the The entire white ruling bloc thus favoured some form of

structuring of a racist and exploitative society. This labour-

unchallenged white hegemony, and this militated against an

repressive regime became an integral part of the South

extension of political rights to non-whites that was likely

African economy, and adapted forms of labour repression

to threaten the existing hierarchy. The decisive electoral

remained in force during the first three quarters of the

groups, white agriculture and white workers, sought com-

twentieth century and formed the basis on which racial

plete control of unskilled non-white labour, and their

capitalism was founded in South Africa.89

What’s Cooking

|39|

AIDS Review 2005

Farming and politics

arrangements to private and state ownership, and African farming was widespread in the interior.90

Yet before such cumbersome exploitative instruments had been refined in South Africa, during the latter half of the

The discovery of diamonds and gold drastically altered South

nineteenth century and in some areas well into the twen-

Africa’s farming systems, as it did the entire economy. A

tieth century African family farming was viable and success-

substantial market for agricultural products was created

ful in responding to the increased demand for agricultural

in the interior, and African farmers were able to compete

products from the mines. In fact, African owner-operated

successfully to supply these expanding urban markets. With

tenant farming proved to be as efficient as the large-scale

simple technology and abundant arable land available,

settler farming of the period, and African farmers adopted

labour was the critical factor of production, and large settler

new technologies, entered new industries and competed

estate farmers found it difficult to offer substantial wages

successfully with large-scale settler farmers in some of the emerging agricultural markets.

By the time of the discovery of diamonds in the 1860s and gold in the 1880s, farming areas occupied by settler farmers (in the Cape

The discovery of diamonds and gold drastically altered South Africa’s farming systems, as it did the entire economy.

to attract African labour. Due to the resulting labour shortages on settler farms, many settler farmers were unable to compete with African farmers as the latter were able to cultivate more land and produce higher grain yields per hectare. Thus the settler

Colony and to a lesser extent in Natal and the Orange Free

farmers persuaded the colonial authorities to intervene on

State (OFS)) were geared to producing for the market, while

their behalf by artificially restricting African competition

farming in the Transvaal and the northern OFS were mostly

and establishing native reserves on minimal land to create

subsistence orientated. The farming structure at this time

a land shortage, thereby forcing Africans to seek work on

consisted of large white settler farms with hired labour,

manorial farms. Various measures ensued such as hut and

settler estates with African tenant farmers, free African

poll taxes, road rents, and pass laws. The Glen Grey Act of

farming on African-owned land, and subsistence farming

1894 was one the earliest measures designed to serve the

in both white and African areas. Commercial farmers pro-

needs of commercial farmers in the Cape Colony by levying

duced horticulture, livestock and crops for the domestic

a tax on all men living in the reserves. In the period of British

market and exported wool, wine and fruit to Europe.

rule following the Anglo-Boer War up to 1910, Africans

The land tenure of these farms varied from communal

in the OFS and the Transvaal bought land as individuals

What’s Cooking

|40|

AIDS Review 2005

or as syndicates, and Africans were also allowed to convert

of the new state was committing itself to racial segre-

their labour tenancies to share-cropping or fixed-rent ten-

gation on an enormous scale.’94 Colin Bundy likened the

ancies or to purchase land outright.91 Yet while African

Act to the proverbial swish of the curtain on black peasant

farmers were forced to pay higher income taxes than whites,

agriculture in South Africa.95 White farmers, however,

white farmers were afforded government subsidies and

were afforded a plethora of supportive mechanisms, such

grants as well as other supportive measures.92

as financial assistance from the Land and Agricultural Bank of South Africa (established in 1912), research, extension

After unification in 1910, one of the foremost goals of the

services and infrastructure.96 In fact, between 1910 and 1935

new South African government was to ensure adequate

the Union Parliament passed 87 acts rendering support

labour supplies for the mines, and hence the infamous

to farmers, and while raising £148 million in taxes from the

Land Act was promulgated in 1913. This act attempted to

mining industry between 1911 and 1936, £112 million of

severely restrict Africans’ access to land outside the allotted reserves (7.8% of the country’s farm land),93 thus outlawing labour tenancy and sharecropping and transforming tenants into wage workers for the mines. In the long term the Land Act ended African farming

The political leadership of the new state was committing itself to racial segregation on an enormous scale.

these funds were invested in agriculture.97

The Great Depression contributed to much reduced domestic agricultural prices, increased unemployment and a general contraction in the economy, yet economic recovery began

above the subsistence level outside the reserves, thereby

soon after South Africa left the gold standard in December

eradicating the capital, wealth, farming skills and informa-

1932. Nevertheless, the agricultural lobby maintained pres-

tion base African farmers had accumulated over genera-

sure on the state to increase agricultural prices, paving the

tions. In conjunction with various other measures such as

way for the 1937 Marketing Act. This Act, repromulgated

labour bureaux regulating the supply of labour between

but not fundamentally altered in 1968, provided the legal

mines and farms and exclusion from marketing coop-

framework for statutory interventions in agricultural

eratives or farmer unions, the Land Act effectively reduced

marketing in South Africa until 1996. By means of the

the African (in the words of Sol Plaatjie) to a ‘pariah in

Marketing Act, a system of farmer-dominated control

the land of his birth’. Although the Act turned out to be

boards was established which had all the necessary legal

difficult to implement, its symbolic value, according to

powers to determine not only agricultural prices but also

Johnny Hyslop, was appalling: ‘the political leadership

which persons could produce, handle, process and trade

What’s Cooking

|41|

AIDS Review 2005


agricultural commodities. Between 1948 and the 1980s the

the co-operatives handled the vast majority of South Africa’s

NP constantly utilised the control board system to support

most important crops, i.e. 98% of the wheat crop, 93%

agricultural prices, and similar legislation modelled on

of the maize crop and all exports of deciduous and citrus

South Africa’s 1968 Marketing Act was promulgated in the

fruit. In addition, the co-operatives also financed 90% of

homelands. The 1937 Marketing Act also significantly

the fertilisers, 85% of the fuels, and 65% of the chemicals

strengthened the co-operative movement in South African

used by white farmers.99

agriculture and the rural economy98, so that by the 1990s What’s Cooking

|42|

AIDS Review 2005

Dualism and regulation

The Tomlinson Commission104 of 1954 stipulated that the ultimate size of the homelands would be about 17 million

The NP victory over Jan Smuts’ United Party (UP) in the 1948

hectares, yet the commission was concerned that the

election was unexpected, as the UP had maintained strong

quality of the land in the homelands could not adequately

support in rural constituencies in the Transvaal and OFS

support the 500 000 African families residing there and

during the 1938 and 1943 elections. During World War II,

hence proposed a cut in the number of farming families

however, the UP neglected the interests of farmers in

and ‘betterment’ schemes aimed at stopping soil degrada-

favour of the new generation of urban industrialists, espe-

tion, stock-culling, water conservation and erosion control.

cially in light of Smuts’ wartime cheap food policy which

The commission saw the fostering of small-scale commercial

kept maize prices relatively low.100 Increased black urbanisa-

farming as integral to the development of the homelands,

tion during wartime was also a significant issue in the elec-

yet when the government dismissed the proposal that £30

tion,101 and in contrast to the UP’s apparent conciliatory approach amid the exigencies of the war, the NP favoured a more rigid separation between white and black and among blacks on ethnic lines. Thus the Native Authorities Act of 1951 and the Bantu Self

The homelands remained overcrowded, povertystricken labour reservoirs and dumping grounds for surplus labour.

million be spent for secondary and tertiary industrial development in the homelands and cut the projected £12 million for urban development to £3 million, the prospects for viable commercial agriculture in the homelands were effectively doomed. The

Government Act of 1959 artificially created eight black

land use system implemented with ‘betterment’ was more

ethnic communities whose boundaries coincided with

inflexible, and people found themselves with smaller fields

those allocated by the Land Acts.102 The Transkei became

and gardens, and having to walk greater distances to fetch

the first self-governing homeland in 1963, and the Bantu

fuel and water.105 Thus the homelands remained over-

Homelands Citizenship Act made every African resident

crowded,106 poverty-stricken labour reservoirs and dump-

in South Africa a citizen of a particular homeland, while

ing grounds for surplus labour. It was estimated in 1989

the Bantu Laws (Amendment) Act of 1972 justified forced

that agricultural production met only 16% of the popu-

resettlements of African people and removed their right

lation’s food requirements, while in 1985 8,4 million blacks

to object to such forced removals.103

(or around 60% of the homeland population) lived below the poverty line.107 Due to South Africa’s experience of

What’s Cooking

|43|

AIDS Review 2005

‘de-agrarianisation and the destruction of peasant agri-

into planned settlements that separated access to

culture under apartheid’, ‘most food is produced by large,

residential land from access to land for productive

capital intensive commercial farms’. The effect is that ‘[g]iven

use. Gradually the reserves came to be used as dump-

that only a small proportion of household income is gener-

ing grounds for the population not needed by the

ated by subsistence agriculture, the bulk of this ‘employ-

formal economy, and landlessness became wide-

ment’ is in fact large-scale underemployment. The impact

spread, particularly among women.

of AIDS on the economic security of poor households in South Africa is thus felt primarily through declining income

In white-owned areas that became commercial farms,

rather than food production.’108 The fact that only 6% of an

labour tenants and farm workers were at the mercy

estimated 1,7 million households in the former bantustans

of landowners, and had continually to renegotiate

with access to farming land actually sell

the terms of increasingly limited access The impact of AIDS on the

to the land. For labour tenants, the basis

economic security of poor

of the contract with the landowner was

households in South Africa is

the exchange of work for access to land...

thus felt primarily through

labour tenants came under pressure to

In the reserves ... the population had

declining income rather than

release their hold on the land and adopt

tenuous and insecure access to land,

food production.

a straightforward wage relationship

any part of their produce attests to this.

109

According to Stephen Greenberg:

with few legal rights, as the land was

with landowners. Despite the eventual

administered and owned by the state, ostensibly

outlawing of labour tenancy, however, tenants have

on behalf of the population living there. This meant

held tenaciously to their meagre access to land in

that the bureaucracy of the state at national and

some parts of the country...

local level could determine rights to land at any time. As the state manipulated access to land for its

In contrast, farm workers did not have any historical

own purposes, landlessness became increasingly

claim on access to land in the commercial areas. While

common. In particular the ‘betterment’ planning

some farm workers had access to a small plot for

from the 1940s and 1950s rearranged traditional

cropping, or the right to run a small amount of live-

settlement patterns. This forced the population, un-

stock on the farm, this was entirely based on the

fortunate enough to be residing in the reserves,

charity of the landowner. A change in ownership

What’s Cooking

|44|

AIDS Review 2005

© Lori Waselchuk/South Photographs

often meant the summary loss of access to the land,

As the agrarian economy came to be structured between

with no legal basis for challenge. Millions of families

1960 and 1983 (in the midst of forced removals), the major-

lived in these conditions, with employment – under

ity of the black population came to be unable to produce

harsh conditions bordering on coercion – the only

food and also (due to artificially low wages) unable to

link between them and their hold on the land.110

buy adequate supplies of food.111

What’s Cooking

|45|

AIDS Review 2005

Thus while African family farming had been all but elimi-

farmers defected to the Conservative Party, contributing

nated in South Africa by the end of the 1980s and African

to the CP’s brief flowering of support in the mid-1980s.112

peasants transformed into wage workers on large farms, mines or secondary industries, white and especially Afrikaner

The government’s increased implementation of statutory

farming was actively supported by the government after

interventions in the agricultural sector since the 1920s

1948. After the election the NP proceeded to reorganise

eventually raised concerns on whether to remove or

the labour bureaux in an attempt to prevent Africans from

strengthen these controls. To the extent that these controls

migrating from farms to cities, and the price of maize rose

negatively impacted on a section of the agricultural market-

by almost 50% between 1950 and 1954. In addition, it has

ing chain, it was often difficult to reduce the level of controls

been estimated that more than 50% of all the funds spent

once problems arose. Hence for the period 1920-1987

by the government on research in the 1950s and 1960s was

there was a tendency for controls to beget more controls.

related to agriculture.

The majority of large-scale white commercial farmers remained vulnerable economically, however, due to their over-reliance on debt, government sub-

In spite of or perhaps due to the substantial state support the agricultural sector did not succeed in attaining independence and self-sustainability.

Thus control boards became reluctant to accept limits on their scope of activity, and efforts to raise domestic producer prices frequently encountered complications because of the resultant surpluses produced and cost inflation accrued.

sidies and cheap African labour. In spite of or perhaps due

Statutory control of the agricultural marketing system was,

to the substantial state support the agricultural sector did

however, no guarantee of an advantage to a particular set

not succeed in attaining independence and self-sustain-

of producers, and there was a tendency for developments

ability. In fact, the almost total dependence of Afrikaner

in the agricultural sector to result in the concentration of

farmers on a plethora of state interventions rendered them

influence and power in the hands of an agrarian-industrial

possibly ten times less efficient than their European and

upper-class increasingly removed from the farming public.

United States counterparts. The state’s patronage of agri-

In the long-run South Africa’s agricultural marketing sys-

culture was thus an economic failure, and when the NP was

tem proved to be financially, economically and politically

unable to maintain the inflated level of subsidies from

unsustainable.113

the late 1970s onwards, a significant number of white

What’s Cooking

|46|

AIDS Review 2005


What’s Cooking

|47|

AIDS Review 2005

Looking for a way out

Reforms in the agricultural sector began slowly in the 1980s, and gathered momentum in the 1990s. The Marketing

During the late 1970s and early 1980s South Africa’s macro-

of Agricultural Products Act of 1996 repealed the 1968

economic policy was altered to allow greater market-

Marketing Act and the various pieces of homeland market-

oriented control. Fiscal policy in this period had become

ing legislation, and stipulated that all agricultural control

severely affected by the rising costs of financing the

boards should close by the end of 1997. Thus agricultural

apartheid system, and increasing deregulation and market

price determination in South Africa has been transformed

liberalisation were implemented in the agricultural sector

to be controlled by net domestic supply and regional supply

from the mid-1980s, following on the extensive liberali-

and demand conditions, import and export parity process

sation of the financial sector in the late 1970s. Changes

and tariffs. A significant number of South Africa’s large

to the reserve requirements of the banking sector made it virtually impossible for the Land Bank to continue subsidising farmers’ interest rates, and the use of an interest rate policy by the Reserve Bank led to interest becoming the single largest cost of production in the agricultural sector. Furthermore, the decline in the value of the rand resulted

The new government created a legal framework for victims of forced removals to benefit from restitution, and statutory grants were made available for the purchase of land.

co-operatives have also converted themselves into companies.

The interim Constitution of 1996 stipulated a division of competencies between government at the national and provincial levels, and in the years after 1994 a process of decentralisation of responsibilities from

114

in farm input prices rising faster than farm output prices.

the National Department of Agriculture to provincial depart-

Budgetary allocations in favour of white farmers were

ments has occurred. The fiscal stringency implied by South

cut by about 50% between 1987 and 1993, while real pro-

Africa’s Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR)

ducer prices of commodities marketed through fixed price

macroeconomic policy, implemented since 1999, contributed

schemes such as maize and wheat had declined by 25% in

to the budget of the National Department of Agriculture

real terms since 1984. Following the momentous political

falling in real terms,116 while South Africa’s agricultural

transition that was set in motion in 1990, the Land Act

import restrictions were tarifficated, in line with World

and related legislation that underpinned the racial seg-

Trade Organisation commitments. Conforming to its land

regation of access to land were also repealed.

reform objectives, the new government also created a legal

115

framework for victims of forced removals to benefit from

What’s Cooking

|48|

AIDS Review 2005

restitution, and statutory grants were made available

(1998) and the Employment Equity Act (1998) now also

for the purchase of land.117

apply to farm workers. In addition, a minimum wage for farm workers was implemented in 2003.118

Agricultural policy in South Africa since the 1990s has seen significant institutional restructuring, with such insti-

The implementation of the new government’s land reform

tutions as the Land Bank, the Agricultural Research Council,

programme commenced in 1994, and was to consist of

the Department of Regional and Land Affairs and the

land restitution and redistribution, and tenure reform pro-

Development Corporations in the former homelands being

grammes. The Reconstruction and Development Plan (RDP)

subjected to restructuring programmes with the aim of

committed the newly elected ANC government to the

realigning them with the development priorities of the

transferring of 30% of land in farming areas previously

new government. The former ‘own’ and ‘general affairs’

deemed ‘white areas’ in terms of the provisions of the

departments were consolidated into the new National Department of Agriculture. The new government also embarked on a process of trade policy reform intended to reverse decades of ‘inward’ industrialisation strategies. In agriculture, quantitative

Government embarked on a process of trade policy reform intended to reverse decades of ‘inward’ industrialisation strategies.

Native Land Act (1913) to black smallholders within five years (by 1999). The RDP was based on the World Bank’s ‘Options for land reform and rural restructuring in South Africa (1993)’ that had as its guiding principle ‘political and economic liberalisation’, and

restrictions, specific duties, price controls, import and export

it has been argued that the World Bank’s assumptions

permits and other regulations were replaced by tariffs

rested on ‘misleading intellectual foundations’.119 The RDP

after South Africa became a signatory to the Marrakesh

was supplanted by the neo-liberal GEAR in 1999. The proc-

Agreement in 1994. South Africa also participated in the

ess of land policy reform was altered in 1997 with the

renegotiation of the Southern African Customs Union

publication of the White Paper on Land Reform, yet dis-

treaty, agreed to the new Southern African Development

satisfaction with aspects of the redistribution programme

Community Protocol, and concluded a free trade agree-

resulted in a redesign of the programme in 2000.

ment with the European Union. After 1994 labour legislation was also progressively made applicable to farm workers,

The Department of Land Affairs invested considerable

and the Labour Relations Act (1995), the Basic Conditions

time and effort in mobilising communities and assisting

of Employment Act (1997), the Skills Development Act

them in accessing government grants to acquire land.

What’s Cooking

|49|

AIDS Review 2005

In most cases, however, farms financed with these grants

and labour saving. Moreover, between 1985 and 1996 the

and settled by groups of households were too small to

sector has also shed about 200 000 regular employees and

support all the beneficiaries as full-time farmers, resulting

an additional 200 000 casual and seasonal workers. Even

120

in concerns about the apparent slow pace of land reform.

so, agriculture creates one in seven job opportunities in

A new approach to land reform was thus formulated which

South Africa and involves 10% of the population. The agri-

envisages an extended scale of grants, dependent on an

cultural sector has become more efficient and more flexible

increasing own contribution from emerging black commer-

due to the processes of deregulation that have been imple-

cial farmers. Nonetheless, concerns have again been raised

mented, and the sector’s productivity has increased, as well

on the viability of this reform programme, especially in

as farmers’ abilities to adjust production processes to chang-

regard to incentives for agents to broker land transactions

ing relative prices. Agriculture has also made a significant

and to providing support services for agriculture, i.e. re-

contribution to foreign exchange earnings, and the value

search, extension, finance, information and infrastructure to ensure an environment conducive to a vibrant and successful agricultural sector.

121

The government has re-

cently again set itself the target of transferring 30% of South Africa’s arable land to black owners by 2014.

122

While reforms in the agricultural sector from the 1980s have led to a vastly altered political environment, certain inefficiencies have lingered unerringly in the sector.

of agricultural exports has shown the biggest increase in comparison with other sectors in the economy since 1993. But small farmers as a group have not substantially benefited from the reform process. Land reform has been slow and has affected only a few, while little has been achieved in addressing the needs of poor farmers in the

While reforms in the agricultural sector from the 1980s

former homeland areas. So, while the sector as a whole

have led to a vastly altered political environment, certain

may have become more efficient, it still displays a bias to-

inefficiencies have lingered unerringly in the sector. Data

ward capital intensity, which is not justified by the relative

provided by Van Zyl et al (2001) indicate that the bias in

factor endowments of South Africa.123

South African agriculture since the 1970s has remained capital using and labour, land and intermediate goods

Stephen Greenberg has argued that ‘the post-apartheid

saving. The bias toward capital using has declined at times,

government has merely continued with an agricultural

but never on a sustained basis. Indeed, the advent of nega-

restructuring programme started by the apartheid govern-

tive real interest rates in the larger economy in 1987-1989

ment, which has led to further concentration of resources

resulted in an increase in the bias toward capital intensity

in the agricultural and agri-processing industries ... [and

What’s Cooking

|50|

AIDS Review 2005


© Lourens Uitenweerde/Eyescape

that] the positive aspects of restructuring have been skewed

• that the underlying principle of private property rights

towards that segment of the population with relatively

with respect to tenure law for communal areas ‘has

greater wealth and resources at their disposal. The poorest

meant that African tenure systems are misunderstood

segments, and in particular women, are increasingly margin-

or ignored’;

alised, their foothold in the formal economy less secure.

• that there have been limits to changes in patterns of

Restructuring has also resulted in unstable and rising food

women’s ownership and control over land;

prices’.

• that land reform benefiting farm workers has generally

124

failed; This might be due to the overt class character of the govern-

• that farm workers have been put in an even more pre-

ment’s economic policy post 1996, and that it ‘was unabash-

carious position due to a massive reduction in employ-

edly geared to service the respective prerogatives of na-

ment and the casualisation of the agricultural labour

tional and international capital and the aspirations of the

force; and

emerging black bourgeoisie’.

In the resultant capitalist

• that neo-liberal macro-economic policies have tended

market economy there is thus a flow of food away from areas

to work against small-scale, resource-poor, and remote

of food insecurity towards areas of effective demand.

farmers (i.e. new farmers and farmers in the former

125

126

bantustans) because of a tendency to concentrate proOther criticisms levied against recent agricultural reforms

duction and land in the hands of large-scale producers

include:

and agribusiness.127

What’s Cooking

|51|

AIDS Review 2005




© Joao Silva/PictureNET Africa

© Sydney Seshibedi/AfriLife

© Sipho Futshane/PictureNET Africa

© Junko


© Joao Silva/PictureNET Africa

What’s Cooking

|52|

AIDS Review 2005

Three-course meal: HIV/AIDS, agriculture and food insecurity Global hunger

Africa has increased by 20% since 1990, while the number of underweight children has similarly increased in most

According to the January 2006 edition of the Food Security

parts of Africa between 2000 and 2005.129 The Food and

Early Warning System Monthly Update of the Southern

Agricultural Organisation (FAO) of the United Nations

African Development Community (SADC), by the end of

estimates the number of undernourished people in sub-

January 2006, commercial farmers in South Africa had

Saharan Africa to have increased from 170,4 million in

planted only 1,5 million hectares of maize crop, which

1990-92 to 203,5 million in 2000-02;130 35,7 million of

constitutes a mere 44,9% of the previous season’s planted

these people resided in southern Africa during 2000-2002,

area. The sharp drop in production, the Update conjectures,

constituting 40% of the total population of the southern

may be ascribed to South African farmers’ expectations of

African region.131

lower prices during the 2006/2007 marketing year. Given that South Africa normally produces roughly half of the

In conjunction with hunger and malnutrition, two thirds

SADC region’s maize output, in a frank assessment of the

of all people globally living with HIV reside in sub-Saharan

situation the Update proclaimed, ‘The current food security

Africa. It is clear that HIV/AIDS operates in a close nexus

situation remains poor in most Member States, with the

with poverty and food insecurity. Officially, HIV/AIDS in

number of households running out of food continuing to

this region has resulted in two million deaths in 2005,

increase as the region enters its lean period before the next

while 24,5 million people were still living with the disease.

main harvest.’

Almost 90% of the total number of children living with

128

HIV resides in sub-Saharan Africa and fewer than one in ten Current indications of food insecurity in Africa are nothing

of these children have access to basic support services. A

new. According to the International Food Policy Research

third of global AIDS deaths in 2005 occurred in southern

Institute (IFPRI), the number of hungry people in sub-Saharan

Africa; almost one third of people living with HIV globally

What’s Cooking

|53|

AIDS Review 2005


Rough neighbourhood In most of the developing world HIV infections are primarily transmitted via heterosexual contact. Yet the rate of transmission is not exclusively a consequence of sexual behaviour. An established public health literature has demonstrated that people with nutritional deficiencies, with poor general health, with little or no access to health services, or who are economically disadvantaged have an increased susceptibility to infectious diseases. To put the HIV epidemic in sub-Saharan Africa into context, it is important to note that calorie intake per capita in the region has not increased since 1970, and remains only 70% of the consumption level of industrialised countries. Clearly host factors go a long way toward explaining the very high rates of HIV in sub-Saharan Africa, and the most profound of these is malnutrition, due to its detrimental effect on the immune system. When HIV/AIDS appeared in sub-Saharan Africa during the 1980s, the region was experiencing worsening poverty, drought, and malnutrition. Average daily calorie and protein intake declined between 1980 and 1989, and roughly 30% of the population remained vulnerable live in this region, as do about 43% of all infected children

to malnutrition. Of 19 famines worldwide between 1975

under 15 years and 52% of all infected women. In South

and 1998, 18 occurred in Africa.133 In terms of economic

Africa alone, 5,5 million people were living with HIV in

development, sub-Saharan Africa registered a rate of -0,7

2005.132

for the period 1975-2003, while life expectancy at birth in 2003 was only 46.1 years. GDP at purchasing power parity estimations in the same year amounted to US$1 856, compared to US$25 915 for the OECD group of countries.134

What’s Cooking

|54|

AIDS Review 2005

In light of the above, and considering moreover that more

of Eileen Stillwaggon, and in partial answer to the question

than 90% of the world’s malaria cases and more than

posed above:

80% of schistosomiasis (bilharzia) cases occur in Africa, it is apt for us to consider the question posed by Eileen

What needs to be reiterated is that STDs (including

Stillwaggon:

HIV) are not a special case; they are infectious bacterial and viral diseases that can most easily be

Was it too much sex (as some have suggested), or

transmitted to a host whose immune system is weak-

too little food, too little medicine, and too many

ened by malnutrition and by the synergistic effects

parasites that triggered the wave of susceptibility

of other infectious and parasitic diseases. STDs find

to HIV engulfing sub-Saharan Africa?

their most fertile ground in the most nutritionally immuno-suppressed population, such as we find

Increased susceptibility to HIV infection occurs as a result of both protein-energy malnutrition (macro-nutrition) and deficiencies of micronutrients such as iron, zinc and vitamins. Undernutrition and micronutrient deficiency severely impair

The prevalence of HIV in these countries is strongly linked with income inequality, falling protein and calorie consumption, and to a lesser extent, urbanisation.

in Africa.135

Thus in countries of medium and low human development strong correlations have been identified between HIV prevalence on the one hand and changes in

the immune system. The effects of even moderate protein-

calorie consumption and Gini coefficients on the other.

energy deficiency include atrophy of the lymph system,

The prevalence of HIV in these countries is strongly linked

as well as reductions in the size and weight of the thymus,

with income inequality, falling protein and calorie consump-

affecting T-cell production. In fact, protein is integral to

tion, and to a lesser extent, urbanisation. The conclusion that

resistance to infection as the immune system’s cell replica-

can be drawn from this analysis is that HIV prevention

tion cannot occur without it. Vitamin A is also essential to

policies for poorer countries relying only on behaviour

the immune response. Vitamin-A deficiency reduces the

modification are misguided. While such policies may have

number of natural killer cells, inhibiting natural defence

been more successful in the developed world, for much of

mechanisms against antigens. Vitamin-A deficiency is wide-

Africa HIV prevention strategies need to have a much

spread in sub-Saharan Africa, and is especially responsible

broader health-promotion and poverty-reduction pro-

for producing a greater susceptibility to STDs. In the words

gramme that includes nutritional treatment for infectious

What’s Cooking

|55|

AIDS Review 2005


diseases and health education.136 The excessive state of

ment encompasses everything from the microbiological

the HIV pandemic in Africa has much to do with the fact

environment of a person’s nutritional and health status

that the continent comprises the easiest target populations

to the macro-environmental level of policy, culture and

for the epidemic to thrive in, and recurring malnutrition

economy.137

and chronic poverty are central to this state of affairs. HIV epidemics are environmentally driven, and this environ-

What’s Cooking

|56|

AIDS Review 2005

Synergy: HIV/AIDS, food security and rural African agriculture

capital usually bear the brunt of the impact of HIV/AIDS. AIDS-affected households also tend to incur significantly higher medical costs, while consuming less food and having

Agriculture is a significant source of livelihood for people

less monthly income at their disposal. Households expe-

affected by HIV/AIDS in Africa. Yet the presence of an HIV

riencing adult deaths also are not likely to recover to pre-

epidemic in a rural African setting introduces insidious

shock levels of consumption, increasing their vulnerability

synergies on all levels from the individual to the macro-

to food and nutrition insecurity.139

economic and societal. After an individual becomes infected with HIV, the progression of the disease and the person’s

Yet the significance of HIV/AIDS in undermining household

worsening nutritional status reinforce each other in a down-

food security is often underplayed by members of house-

ward spiral. An HIV-affected household’s risk of food insecu-

holds, governments and external actors. According to Carolyn

rity and malnutrition increases because infected family members eventually have to stop working, family members must spend time extending care; income declines, health-care expenses increase, and less time is available for adults to care

The significance of HIV/AIDS in undermining household food security is often underplayed by members of households, governments and external actors.

Bailies, the unevenness of the impact of AIDS within communities often contributes to it being seen as an affliction affecting individual households rather than the general population. There are numerous factors contributing to food

for young children. Food insecurity, in turn, may lead to the

insecurity, but households whose members are routinely

adoption of livelihood strategies that increase the risk of

on the move via migrant labour or where poverty leads to

contracting HIV and could render the household more

unsafe liaisons are more likely to be directly affected by HIV/

vulnerable as the disease progresses.138

AIDS. When the epidemic enters a household, it tends to be initially dealt with through coping strategies utilised in

In farming systems with small windows of opportunity to

previous experiences of illness. Care is generally perceived

undertake labour-intensive tasks such as planting or harvest-

to be predominantly the responsibility of women, and the

ing, farming households are particularly vulnerable to HIV/

prevalence of stigma further encourages households to

AIDS. Such households with a highly seasonal demand for

turn in on themselves, intensifying the relegation of primary

labour, specialisation of tasks by sex, interdependence of

responsibility and absorption of the costs of HIV/AIDS to

labour inputs, and limited ability to exchange labour for

the household. With minimal state welfare provision and

What’s Cooking

|57|

AIDS Review 2005

with few realistic alternatives, thus, the ability of the house-

by selling off lesser assets, yet to the extent that households

hold in coping with illness and death becomes critical. Yet

jettison assets and reduce cash inputs in agriculture, the

AIDS renders some households unable to sustain themselves

number of farmers able to produce a marketable surplus

as not only an economic unity but also the entire social

is reduced. In short, AIDS-affected households face a multi-

fabric of the family is potentially disrupted. Of particular

faceted loss of labour, capital and knowledge, and in the

importance to rural households is the way AIDS removes

process the HIV epidemic contributes to a progressive

labour resources of young adults in the prime of their

decapitalisation of affected rural communities.143

productive years. At the same time, the impact of AIDS is profoundly gendered: because women are the primary

Yet while HIV/AIDS may have serious and lasting effects

care-givers in most rural African households, AIDS places

on rural African agriculture, it appears the pandemic has

huge burdens on them, and the loss or displacement of

not in its own right led to famine for sizeable populations,

their labour can have additional severe implications.140

Most African households also derive some form of income from non-agricultural activities; in fact, a study of the house-

Of particular importance to rural households is the way AIDS removes labour resources of young adults in the prime of their productive years.

even in the most AIDS-effected regions of southern Africa. Rather, by itself HIV/ AIDS is more likely to exacerbate chronic food insecurity, although the epidemic is clearly one of a host of factors contributing to malnutrition. The food crisis that

holds of seven African countries141 conducted by the Uni-

occurred in southern Africa during 2002-2003 was initially

versity of Leiden during 1995-97 found that 50-80% of

attributed to a combination of bad weather, bad govern-

income was derived from non-agricultural sources.

In

ance and underlying poverty. The potential role of HIV/AIDS

an effort to capitalise farm production, households tend

in the crisis was the subject of much contention, and al-

to utilise off-farm income primarily to afford expensive

though evidence derived from vulnerability assessments

assets such as oxen, ploughs and fertiliser. Such sources of

carried out in 2002-03 suggested that HIV/AIDS did impact

income, however, are often jeopardised in AIDS-affected

negatively on some households, the scale of these impacts

households. Financial constraints on farm intensification

remain unclear. Indeed, in the words of Paul Harvey,

142

are exacerbated during illness and death, when medical and funeral expenses rise and labour hours are devoted

...empirical evidence about the scale and severity

to care-giving. Cash-strapped households often respond

of HIV/AIDS’ impact on food security in southern

What’s Cooking

|58|

AIDS Review 2005

Food security and South Africa

Africa remains weak. The pool of surveys is small and the geographical areas they cover are scattered, case studies are small-scale and the analysis of the

South Africa does not appear to be in the high-risk catego-

data is problematic in large-scale assessments...

ries of any international rating on food insecurity, and

Disentangling the relative importance of HIV/AIDS

despite its comparatively unfavourable natural resource

compared to bad governance or bad weather is and

base, in most years South Africa is a net exporter of agri-

will remain difficult. The state of the current data

cultural commodities. Furthermore, South Africa does not

means that the scale and severity of HIV/AIDS’ con-

have foreign exchange constraints, is not landlocked, and

tribution to both acute and chronic food insecurity

its constitution entrenches the right to adequate nutrition

are simply unknown.144

for all its citizens. The same set of favourable circumstances, however, does not apply beyond South Africa’s borders.

Nevertheless, the fact that there is some degree of linkage between HIV/AIDS on the one hand and food security and malnutrition on the other, cannot be in doubt. Indeed, it seems a vicious cycle exists between

All of South Africa’s southern African neighbours have vast proportions of their populations who are undernourished.

HIV/AIDS and malnutrition: malnutrition

All of South Africa’s southern African neighbours have vast proportions of their populations who are undernourished: estimates range from 12% of the population in Lesotho and 19% in Swaziland to as high as 47% in Mozambique and 49% in Zambia.

increases the susceptibility to HIV infection, while HIV exac-

In Zimbabwe alone, 7 million people were estimated to

erbates the cycle of inadequate dietary intake and disease

have been in danger of starvation during 2003.146 Indeed,

that causes malnutrition. The scale of the pandemic and its

according to the All Cereals Balance Sheet for the 2005/

unique characteristics in Africa also mean that it is having

2006 season issued by the SADC Food Security Early Warning

a profound impact on people’s livelihoods and on the

System, Zimbabwe has a cereal deficit of 1,62 million tonnes.

policies, institutions and processes that influence livelihoods.

In fact, all southern African countries except South Africa

Again, there is an element of synergy at work: increased

currently have a domestic shortfall in cereals, with Angola,

food insecurity may lead to increased HIV transmission,

Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zimbabwe all having

while HIV/AIDS severely affects households’ ability to

cereal deficits in excess of 500 000 tonnes. While South

escape the cycle of poverty and malnutrition.

Africa produced a cereal surplus of 4,1 million tonnes,

145

even with South African exports the SADC region as a

What’s Cooking

|59|

AIDS Review 2005


What’s Cooking

|60|

AIDS Review 2005

whole has a shortfall of 1 million tonnes for the 2005/

October Household Surveys conducted annually between

2006 season. Considering the centrality of South Africa in

1994 and 1999 by Statistics SA contained a question on the

the transport, trade and infrastructure network of the

ability of households to feed children as an indication of

southern African region, its responsibility in terms of

food security. Although the quality of the information

regional food security is beyond doubt.147

was slightly impaired due to the inconsistent phrasing of the questions over the years, the surveys revealed that

Yet despite South Africa being considered food secure and

between one quarter and one third of households nation-

apparently self-sufficient in terms of food production,

ally were unable to purchase food to meet the dietary

by the end of 2003 more than 14 million South Africans (or

requirements of children at any given time. Again, the

about 35% of the population) were estimated to have

impact of food insecurity was felt most acutely in rural

been vulnerable to food insecurity, 1,6 million children were

households in poorer provinces, especially in the Eastern

stunted by malnutrition, and approxi-

Between one quarter and one

mately 43% of households were suffer-

third of households nationally

ing from food poverty. The National Food

were unable to purchase food to

Consumption Survey carried out in 1999

meet the dietary requirements

found that of South African children

of children at any given time.

aged between one and nine years, one

Cape and Mpumalanga. On the basis of the Food Consumption Survey of 1999, 52% of households nationally experienced hunger during 1999, 23% were identified to be at risk of hunger, while only 25% appeared to be food secure.

in ten was underweight while about one in five was stunted

Consistent with other studies, the impact of food insecurity

(low height for age).

also seems to

was found to be greater in rural areas, with the highest

suggest that malnutrition in South Africa has worsened

prevalence on commercial farms.151 Research carried out

over time: the prevalence of underweight children, for

from 1998 to 2000 in 15 randomly selected rural and urban

instance, increased from 9,3% to 10,3% during the 1990s,

areas in the North West province used a set of indicators to

while stunting among children aged one to six years

determine household food security by dividing households

increased from 22,9% in 1994 to 23,3% in 1999. The preva-

into categories of ‘very insecure,’ ‘insecure,’ relatively secure,’

lence of underweight, stunted and wasted (low weight

and ‘secure.’ Remarkably, 74% of households in the sample

for age) children was also consistently higher on commer-

were classified as insecure or very insecure. These house-

cial farms and in rural areas compared to urban areas.

holds either regularly experienced food insecurity or did

148

Empirical evidence

149

150

not feel secure that they had enough food to eat.152

What’s Cooking

|61|

AIDS Review 2005

A rural household study surveying 677 households in

holds. A major coping strategy adopted by some

Limpopo province during 2001 found that 24,3% of the

households involves the withdrawal of their chil-

households could be described as AIDS-affected

dren from school.154

153

house-

holds. The average annual income for affected households (R13 314) was found to be approximately 35% lower than

The more critical food security situation in rural areas is

that of unaffected households (R20 606), and affected

given some perspective when viewed in context of the

households spent more money on transportation, medical

findings of Stats SA’s Rural Survey, conducted in 1997.155

care, and funeral expenses, but less on education and other

The overwhelming majority (93%) of the households

cost of living items compared to unaffected households.

surveyed were engaged in subsistence farming, and income-

Many affected households, the study concluded,

generating activities were insignificant. Only a small proportion (3%) of the sample relied on farming activities for

...tried to supplement their household income in various ways. Some households engaged in diversification of their income sources, for example, some household members started petty trading in agricultural products such as fruit and vegetables, while

A major coping strategy adopted by some households involves the withdrawal of their children from school.

their main source of income. A full 72,2% (N=1 700 544) of the surveyed population had no access to electricity, while 78,2% (N=1 841 829) had no access to piped tap water. The main sources of income were specified as: salaries and wages from members

other households started selling second-hand clothes.

of the same household (37%); pensions or grants (31%);

Many households adopted borrowing as their

and remittances/allowances from family members living

survival strategy. Loans or credit were obtained

elsewhere (21%).156 It has been estimated that over two

from relatives, friends and funeral agencies to cope

thirds of ultra-poor households are located in rural areas,

with the HIV/AIDS-engendered problems of medical

and as the ultra-poor spend over 50% of their income

treatment, increased transportation and funeral

on food, increasing food prices have a disproportionate

costs. Some households adopted sale of their house-

impact on them.157

hold assets such as cattle, goats and chickens to generate additional income to meet up with house-

The poverty and malnutrition prevalent in South Africa’s

hold’s cash requirements. This was a popular coping

rural areas amid the country’s apparent wealth of food

strategy adopted by smallholder farming house-

resources remain a sombre testament to a heritage of

What’s Cooking

|62|

AIDS Review 2005


What’s Cooking

|63|

AIDS Review 2005

entrenched inequality. South Africa’s levels of inequality

The survey found unemployment to be twice as high in

in income and consumption remain staggering: the poorest

rural areas compared to metropolitan areas, and as was

20% of the population has only a 3,5% share of national

confirmed by subsequent studies, poor households devel-

consumption, while the richest 20% has a share of 62,2%,

oped coping strategies of multiple sources of income. Thus

giving South Africa a Gini index value of 57,8 (with a value

social pensions and remittances were found to each play

of 100 representing perfect inequality).158 The excessive

as significant a role as wages among the poorest 20% of

or indeed appalling long-term impact of inequality and

households. Eighty per cent of poor rural African house-

discrimination in South Africa is reflected in the findings

holds were found to spend an average of four hours a day

of the 1993 SALDRU survey,159 undertaken at the advent

fetching water and firewood, and more than 80% of the

of the new political dispensation. Unlike official statistics

people performing these chores were women. The survey

hitherto, the SALDRU survey sample included the nominal

also included a physical examination of the heights and

homeland areas. The survey found South

The legacy of apartheid has left

Africa’s poverty rate160 to be 24%, with

the majority of the population

the level of poverty in rural areas alone

in poverty, with little access to

accounting for 77% of this total (three

employment, education, health,

times more than metropolitan areas), even

or other basic services.

though rural households only made up

53% of the population. The geographical distribution

weights of a sub-sample of children, and among the poorest 20% of households 38% of children below five years of age were found to suffer from stunting. In his analysis of the findings of the SALDRU Survey, Stephan Klasen concluded that

the survey

of poverty was found to closely resemble the administrative structures of the old political dispensation. Thus

has shown that the legacy of apartheid has left

the Limpopo and Eastern Cape provinces (which were

the majority of the population in poverty, with little

largely constituted of homeland areas) carried a higher

access to employment, education, health, or other

burden of poverty, as a poverty rate of 92% in the Transkei

basic services. It offered a spatially unsustainable

attests. Despite containing only 50% of the population,

residential pattern, leaving a majority of the poor

the homeland areas in total carried 70% of the poverty

economically marginal areas of the country, depend-

burden, and black Africans were estimated to account

ent on transfers and whatever incomes they could

for no less than 96% of national poverty.

eke out of the available resource base...The analysis

161

also shows that income poverty is closely related

What’s Cooking

|64|

AIDS Review 2005


to other capability failures such as poor health, poor mobility, poor education, and poor access to services.162

By 1999, in the wake of considerable and auspicious political change, the National Food Consumption Survey (which surveyed 2 894 children between one and nine years of age nationally) found one in five fathers in rural, tribal and informal urban areas to be unemployed, and no less than 50% of mothers to be unemployed. Fifty-five percent of the households surveyed still used paraffin, wood/coal or an open fire for cooking. As has been noted, this survey found stunting to be by far the most common nutritional disorder affecting children, and it emphasised that this disorder was considerably more prevalent on commercial farms, and in tribal and rural areas.163 In response to the findings of the National Food Consumption Survey, a research team from the University of Pretoria conducted a needs assessment research study in a community on a commercial farm in the north-eastern Free State province. The aim of the study was to conduct a situational analysis in order to verify the national findings of nutritional problems on commercial farms. Focusing on 18 homesteads (with

hygiene, as

an average monthly income of R650) on a farm covering

they don’t practice personal hygiene, don’t wash

an area of 1 500 hectares, the study found 53% of the sur-

themselves, don’t brush their teeth, and don’t wash

veyed children (n=20) to be underweight, while 63% were

their hands after defecation. Children don’t use pit

moderately or severely stunted. The participants were

latrines but go to the field. Faeces were observed

also found to be lacking in personal and household

within 5 metres of the houses... All the children

What’s Cooking

|65|

AIDS Review 2005

appeared very dirty, and were wearing dirty clothes.

Statistics SA’s Income and Expenditure Survey of 2000

They also indicated that they had not bathed within

revealed that 57% of all South African households derived

that particular week. During food preparation times,

their main source of income from wages or salaries, followed

no surfaces were cleaned when fresh vegetables

by social grants (14%) and remittances (10%), while only

were cut. Hands were also not washed before prepa-

4% of households reported agriculture as their main source

ration started... Only 4 of the 18 houses could be

of income. Thus while agriculture is no doubt a significant

described as domestically clean...

component of household food security and rural livelihoods,

164

other sources of income (especially for the poorer echelons Analyses of chronic food insecurity (under-nutrition) and

of the population) have come to play an equal or more

acute food insecurity (famine) in Africa have begun to pro-

significant role. Poor households have diversified their

duce an emerging consensus which examines a household’s

livelihood strategies by constructing a portfolio of income-

food security in the context of both limited food availability

generating activities and social support capabilities in order

and restricted access to food. This bifurcation is an essential point of departure in understanding patterns of poverty in South Africa.

165

We have seen that South

Thus it is not a question of the availability of food, but rather of people’s ability to access food.

to survive. This implies that people’s ability to acquire food has come to rely almost solely on their ability to engage with the cash economy – hence the direct link be-

Africa is a net exporter of food, easily seeing to its own needs

tween malnutrition and factors such as poverty and unem-

in cereals, yet we have also seen that malnutrition and food

ployment. Thus it is not a question of the availability of

poverty affects at least 35% of South African households.

food (which is clearly no concern, given South Africa’s agri-

This anomaly has much to do with the way the largest part

cultural export statistics), but rather of people’s ability to

of the population was systematically denied independent

access food. The historical trend of socio-economic develop-

farming opportunities or economic and social mobility under

ment in South Africa has ensured the erosion of a funda-

a segregationist political dispensation until late in the twen-

mentally agrarian existence for the poor and an increased

tieth century. The dire social circumstances that persist today

reliance on non-farm and even non-rural incomes. With

in the former homeland areas and much of rural South

the state of economic underdevelopment of the majority

Africa166 have made people’s access to food persistently

of the non-white population this has exposed a great

problematic, and the resulting malnutrition has consequently

number of people to food insecurity and malnutrition.167

interacted insidiously with HIV/AIDS and other illnesses.

What’s Cooking

|66|

AIDS Review 2005

Adding HIV/AIDS

ill and more resources are needed to care for them, households have less money to purchase seed or to pay for

Household income In South Africa is thus especially impor-

ploughing services, resulting in under-utilisation of the

tant in terms of food security as it directly affects households’

available land. The study also found that because land

access to food. Income earned from both on-farm and off-

left under-utilised became vulnerable to seizure, households

farm activities allows households to access food either via

would opt to hire casual workers. Different options such

the money economy or through bartering. HIV/AIDS under-

as renting or selling the land or engaging in sharecropping

mines food security, however, through its impact on incomes

agreements were either disallowed or perceived to be

and food purchasing power, its impact on the ability to

too risky to undertake. The impact of HIV/AIDS, the study

engage in agriculture for both food and cash crop produc-

concluded, exacerbated

tion, and its effect on diverse livelihood strategies. In the process HIV/AIDS increases households’ vulnerability by gradually undermining the basic capacity to perform work, cultivate fields, interact socially and implement diverse livelihood strategies. Poorer

AIDS-affected households thus increasingly rely on children or the elderly for a greater proportion of income, and on pensions and other forms of state support.

households are much less able to cope

the termination of cultivation due to a lack of inputs (which) has resulted in many households becoming increasingly dependent on the cash economy, lending associations and state welfare grant, or dropping fur-

with the impact of HIV/AIDS than wealthier households,

ther into the poverty cycle. The impact of HIV/AIDS

which can hire casual labour and better absorb shocks. AIDS-

...usually severely undermines existing resources

affected households thus increasingly rely on children or

so that agricultural activity no longer is an option

the elderly for a greater proportion of income, and on

for many households.169

pensions and other forms of state support.168 Individuals and households affected by food insecurity will One study conducted during 2002 on the impact of HIV/

engage in experimentation and adaptation as they attempt

AIDS on issues of land and land livelihoods in four sites in

to cope with immediate and long-term shocks. Thus house-

rural KwaZulu-Natal found that one of the earliest and

holds under stresses of hunger, poverty or disease will adopt

most direct consequences facing rural households was less

a range of multiple livelihood strategies, which can be either

labour available to work the land. As individuals become

erosive (unsustainable, undermining resilience) or non-

What’s Cooking

|67|

AIDS Review 2005

erosive (easily reversible). The sale of selected livestock,

labour organisation or legal protection, African farmers

for instance, may not result in increased poverty, yet at some

were exposed to human rights violations and other work-

point household livestock holdings may be reduced to a

related abuses, inhibiting their skills to engage in the wider

point where they are no longer sustainable. Consumption

economy and prospects for advancement. Research172 on

reducing and switching strategies are generally the first

the health of farm workers underlines the fact that they

option utilised in the face of food shortages. Thus

continue to represent a seriously underserved worker popu-

households may switch to ‘wild’ foods or go entire days

lation whose health is negatively affected by occupational

without food. As has been noted, another option for

hazards in agriculture, migrancy, discrimination and poverty.

households under stress is the removal of children from

Also noted was the high level of alcohol abuse, domestic

school in order to release them for household chores or

violence and chronic malnutrition, and that children living

to save the expenses of their schooling. Such children, however, may be removed from school feeding schemes and their nutritional balance adversely affected.170

According to the FAO, the projected loss through HIV/AIDS in South Africa’s agricultural labour force between 1985 and 2020 will be 20%.

Farm workers continue to represent a seriously underserved worker population whose health is negatively affected by occupational hazards in agriculture, migrancy, discrimination and poverty.

on commercial farms are more likely to be stunted and underweight than any other children.173

Despite the deplorable social and economic conditions on farm households, there is a lack of research on farm households in South Africa, especially in regard

South African farm workers are among

to the impact of HIV/AIDS. One study that was conducted by

the most vulnerable members of the workforce, earning

the International Organisation for Migration and published

the lowest wages, with women earning even less than men.

in 2004, however, consisted of a behavioural surveillance

Yet as agriculture provides about 11% of South Africa’s

survey among farmworkers living and working in the South

formal employment and 27% of informal employment, it

African/Mozambican border region. Surveying 183 South

constitutes an important economic sector. Because of the

African and foreign workers on 12 farms, the study found

exploitative nature of the political development of agricul-

a striking lack of both governmental and non-governmental

ture in South Africa, however, rural Africans were uprooted

interventions directed at the farm workers, which contrib-

from the natural resource basis of their livelihoods, severely

uted to poor knowledge of HIV/AIDS among the workers

affecting rural subsistence farming. Lacking any significant

and to the prevalence of unchallenged myths about the

171

What’s Cooking

|68|

AIDS Review 2005

© Tasos Calintzis

© Tasos Calintzis

© Tasos Calintzis

© Lisa Hutchinson/AfriLife

disease. Although AIDS was rarely spoken about on the

pounds, both in sexual relations with steady and casual

farms, widespread beliefs among the workers included,

partners and in cases of transactional sex. While condom

for instance, that AIDS could be cured and that it is not

use was extremely poor, the study also found indications

deadly, and that condoms are ineffective in preventing

of a flourishing trade of transactional sex during harvest

HIV. The study also found that high-risk sexual behaviour

time. Reflecting on the low standard of living on the farms,

is common between men and women on the farm com-

the study concluded that

What’s Cooking

|69|

AIDS Review 2005

The more things change...

farm workers’ vulnerability to HIV should be seen as inextricably linked to the socio-economic context of the farms. A picture of the workers’ vulnerability

Since 1994 land reform has come to perform an important

emerges when one considers the combined impact

symbolic function as tangible evidence of addressing histori-

of the entire gamut of negative social, economic and

cal injustices as part of a more comprehensive process of

labour conditions which exist on farms. Each worker

nation-building in the ‘new’ South Africa. Yet with the three

confronts difficult basic conditions: not only poor

components of land reform – redistribution, restitution and

pay together with often exploitative working con-

tenure reform – the limited means provided for extensive

ditions, but also overcrowded accommodation, poor

outcomes have ensured that the significant process of

sanitation, long absences from home, boredom,

land reform has fallen far short of expectations. Moreover,

limited recreation opportunities, and a meagre hand-to-mouth existence with little hope for the future. When one’s daily life is a struggle in so many respects, HIV/AIDS appears as a distant threat, only one of many faced daily by workers. Interviews with workers gave a sense that many feel disem-

Land reform has come to perform an important symbolic function as tangible evidence of addressing historical injustices as part of a more comprehensive process of nation-building in the ‘new’ South Africa.

development in post-apartheid South Africa has been integrated with neo-liberal capitalism175 that elevates economic growth above social justice, making the market the nexus of developmental activities. Yet markets are not merely instruments for the regulation of supply and demand, they are also social institutions

powered, leading them to believe that they have

constantly restructured by governments, firms, social move-

few options and little possibility to improve, or alter

ments and individuals. Power in the market is inevitably

the course, of their lives. They lament that there

skewed towards those who have legal possession, while

is little hope for the future, which suggests that

those without legal possession fall further behind if the

workers may have little incentive to act in a manner

market is the central distributive mechanism. Significantly,

which will safeguard their health in the long term,

markets only recognise ‘effective demand’, i.e. they register

or seek help when their health and well being is

only the demand of those who can pay the going rate for

threatened.174

goods and services, and as a result the majority of the population is marginalised and left out of the development processes supposedly aimed at benefiting them. Instead,

What’s Cooking

|70|

AIDS Review 2005

global markets increasingly dictate the nature and direction

in administering a post-apartheid society, the politically-

of economic growth, while state intervention is limited

inclusive character of the liberation movement exposed

to assisting those previously marginalised to participate

it to various ideological influences, in particular the neo-

in them more effectively.

liberal political project which was in global ascendancy at

176

the time of South Africa’s transitional period. As a result, Considering the heritage of prolonged labour-repression

according to Stephen Greenberg, the

and discrimination in South Africa, the inadequacy of the market to rectify decades of rural underdevelopment is

approach to development in the neo-liberal context

clearly apparent. The history of the most impoverished parts

was a hybrid of tendencies and frameworks that

of the rural areas is mostly an account of women forced

lacked coherence, and was dragged inordinately to

to remain behind while men were forced to seek employment in urban areas, on farms, and on the mines. With children to support, women stayed behind to work the land (for which they had no legal title) and had to go to great lengths to collect water and fuel. As has been repeatedly documented in this study, by 1994 the

The history of the most impoverished parts of the rural areas is mostly an account of women forced to remain behind while men were forced to seek employment in urban areas, on farms, and on the mines.

the left and the right by the ebb and flow of the balance of power between class and social forces, domestically and globally.177

Thus attempting to ensure limited disruption of the economy while making efforts to redistribute opportunities and resourc-

rural areas were mostly poverty-stricken with an acute lack

es, with the centrality of the market the post-apartheid

of services, characterised by survivalist practices in rural

state contented itself with only intervening in the economy

ghettos and remote settlements affected by circular migra-

by facilitating entry into its margins for those without their

tion. Irrespective of any efforts launched during the new

own resources (i.e. via grants and subsidies) and by using

dispensation to resuscitate the rural economy and address

the power and resources of the state to create opportunities

the backlog of services, it is obvious that the fragmented

for black advancement, in other words black economic

and impoverished state of rural areas by the time of the end

empowerment. After 1994 these strategies were concretised

of apartheid had already created a milieu conducive to a

in the form of the Reconstruction and Development Pro-

mounting HIV/AIDS epidemic and the attendant ills of malnu-

gramme (RDP). The RDP located land reform at the centre

trition and food security. In rising to the challenges inherent

of rural development, and called for the transfer of 30%

What’s Cooking

|71|

AIDS Review 2005

of agricultural land in five years. However, as the market

compared to the price of land, the programme often in-

was expected to mediate the transfer of land, the extensive

duced households to pool their grants to be able to purchase

land reform objectives were undermined by the state’s

land, leading to overcrowding. In addition, not only were

emphases on fiscal stringency, export-led growth and the

the beneficiaries not trained or supported in maintaining

desire to construct a black bourgeoisie on a par with the

economic activities once they were settled, but the land

white elite. With the implementation of the Growth,

acquisitions were also not linked to support and resources

Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) macro-economic

which would enable people to effectively generate a liveli-

strategy from 1996, rural development strategies were

hood on the land. In response to widespread criticism of

designed with stability and strengthening competitiveness

the SLAG programme, a moratorium was placed on land

in mind. Thus, by largely leaving economic reform to the

redistribution in 1999, pending an internal policy review.

control of the market and by providing for minimal state

Subsequently, the welfarist approach was replaced in 2000

involvement to reduce expenditure, the state has ceded the direction of reform to those who wield the greatest control of the market – the bulk of the country’s elites controlling most of South Africa’s resources. As a result, the land reform

The welfarist approach was replaced in 2000 with a ‘modernisation’ strategy aimed at establishing a class of commercial black farmers.

with a ‘modernisation’ strategy aimed at establishing a class of commercial black farmers. The 30% target was confirmed, but it was now to be achieved over a longer period of 15 years (2000 to 2015). The new Land Redistribution for Agricultural

programme was given a limited budget, targets for redis-

Development (LRAD) programme was designed for people

tribution were revised from RDP estimates, and land redis-

with capital to invest, as applicants were expected to make

tribution was subordinated to maintaining continuity

a contribution to the costs of the land of between R5 000

with commercial agriculture.178

and R400 000, while accordingly being eligible for a matching grant of between R20 000 and R100 000.179 While

The primary focus of land reform after 1994 was the redis-

the LRAD programme has been more successful than its

tribution of land via a market-led ‘willing buyer, willing

predecessor, the programme is still lagging far behind the

seller’ programme. Between 1995 and 1999 this was embod-

rate of 2,1 million hectares needing to be transferred

ied in making settlement/land acquisition grants (SLAG)

annually in order to meet the target of 30% of agricultural

available to poor households in order to purchase land. Yet

land transferred by 2015. Beneficiaries of the LRAD pro-

because the grants (R16 000) were relatively insignificant

gramme differ markedly between provinces,180 and land

What’s Cooking

|72|

AIDS Review 2005

distribution remains beset with difficulties, i.e. lack of

have involved cash settlements with individual house-

land for sale at reasonable prices in areas of high demand

holds in urban areas, and little progress has been made in

and financial and practical obstacles to the poor accessing

settling rural claims involving many more people and large

the programme.

tracts of land. Where restitution of land has been achieved,

181

it appears that black recipients have mostly gained access A land restitution programme was also adopted in 1994 as

to low-value land,182 while little inroads have been made

a separate process of redistributing land rights from white

into white ownership of the profitable high-value sectors

to black South Africans who were dispossessed of their land

of agriculture. The contradiction inherent in the restitution

after 1913 by means of such measures as forced removals

process between black communities’ historical claims to

in terms of the Group Areas Act. The Restitution of Land

land and the property rights of its current owners remains

Rights Act of 1994 provided the legal framework for the implementation of the land restitution programme, and hence a Commission on the Restitution of Land Claims as well as a Land Claims Court was established. Claimants could reclaim their land or opt for other redress, and 63 455 claims had been lodged

The vast majority of the settled claims have involved cash settlements with individual households in urban areas, and little progress has been made in settling rural claims involving many more people and large tracts of land.

a daunting challenge, and is not helped by the budgetary constraints affecting the programme.183

The third pillar of the land reform policy is tenure reform, aiming to create a unitary, non-racial system of legal tenure rights in South Africa’s former

when the deadline for submissions passed in December

homeland areas. This has recently been legislated in the

1998. Most of the claims were urban claims lodged by

form of Communal Land Rights Act (CLRA) of 2004. The

individual households. Settling the claims proved to be

drafting of the tenure legislation was an arduous process

very time-consuming, and by 1999 only 41 claims had been

as people residing in the former homeland areas hold con-

resolved. The rate at which claims were settled increased

flicting and overlapping rights to the land, which were

rapidly, however, when an administrative process (where-

acquired through occupation and not through a statutory

by the state seeks negotiated settlements with claimants)

process. In addition, following the end of statutory apart-

was implemented instead of the arduous legal process,

heid, systems of land administration in these areas have

and 18 000 claims were settled during a one-year period

collapsed and hence there is widespread uncertainty

in 2001/2002. The vast majority of the settled claims

about land rights. The drafting and implementation of

What’s Cooking

|73|

AIDS Review 2005

the CLRA have seen protracted tensions about the role

macro-economic environment within which it is to be

of traditional authorities, as the question of whether land

attained. The market-led state purchasing or subsidising

should be transferred to these authorities or rather to the

of land is difficult to achieve in a context of fiscal restraint

communities themselves was a very contentious issue.

and an emphasis on limiting the involvement of the state

Despite being passed by Parliament, the CLRA remains a

in the economy. Consequently, a mere 2,9% of agricultural

bone of contention, leaving rural tenure rights in a pre-

land was transferred in the first decade after 1994, a state-

carious position. Of special concern is the fact that the

ment that seems more poignant when one considers that

concept of ‘community’ envisaged by the act is mostly a

the budget allocated for land reform in this period consist-

product of social engineering under apartheid, as well as

ently remained at or below 0,5% of the national budget.

fears that the act places undue discretionary powers in

Yet by one consideration the cost of settling the outstanding

the hands of the minister of agriculture and that it impairs women’s access to land under communal tenure. With rural tenure rights still uncertain and with increasing focus of redistribution afforded to commercial agriculture, overcrowding and poverty in the former homelands remain altogether unresolved.184

With rural tenure rights still uncertain and with increasing focus of redistribution afforded to commercial agriculture, overcrowding and poverty in the former homelands remain altogether unresolved.

rural restitution claims is reckoned to be over R10 billion. It is not surprising that emphasis has been placed on mobilising private capital in assisting LRAD participants, yet the scale of the shortfall is considerable. In addition, the process of the removal of state subsidies and support to the agricultural sector since the late

1980s has complicated the state’s attempts to generate a In light thus of the inauspicious progress made with land

class of emerging black farmers. Nevertheless, while agricul-

reform, the problem, according to Ruth Hall, is essentially

ture only accounts for 4% of the GDP, as we have seen it

a question of ‘big policy and the shrinking state’. Despite

is a significant earner of foreign exchange, as well as an

the excessive extent of dispossession in South African his-

important source of livelihood for vast rural populations.

tory, current attempts to rectify this have been cautious,

Since the mid-1990s, however, the agricultural sector has

able neither to achieve limited aims nor to fundamentally

been shedding jobs, and the state’s ideological attachment

restructure the rural economy. Moreover, the intent and

to commercial agriculture has tended to undervalue small-

objectives of the reform programme are at odds with the

scale, remote and resource-poor farmers.185

What’s Cooking

|74|

AIDS Review 2005

It is apparent that the development of South Africa’s

ages, the price of processed maize meal increased by 60%,

agrarian structure has aggravated food insecurity for the

while the prices of vegetable oil, flour and beef also rose

majority of the black population, especially those in the

steeply. The benefits of large-scale capitalist growth envis-

rural areas. Black subsistence farming was undermined

aged for the commercial agricultural sector is unlikely to

for most of the twentieth century in an effort to drive the

benefit the majority of the rural population much.186

black population into wage labour, and the very fact that people remained on the land was used to justify the pay-

While the post-apartheid order has achieved political lib-

ment of extraordinarily low wages. Thus not only was the

eration, it appears to have come at the cost of economic

black population at large unable to produce food, because

continuity.187 It is a cruel irony that liberation from political

of the low wages it was also unable to access food in the

oppression has not concurrently ensured liberation from

market. In addition, as maize produced on commercial

hunger and poverty for South Africa’s rural population,

farms was taken to grain silos near urban areas and sold back into rural areas, the value added was retained in urban areas. White-owned retail companies were also not allowed to locate outlets in the homelands, and maize thus had to be

The benefits of large-scale capitalist growth envisaged for the commercial agricultural sector is unlikely to much benefit the majority of the rural population.

despite the fact that the country is apparently self-sufficient in food production. It seems not too audacious to contend that people who were regarded as superfluous were dumped in rural reserves in the past, and they remain

distributed via small retail stores, which increased the

there still, seemingly again left out of the loop of devel-

retail price. The deregulation of agriculture also has not

opment strategies, in which they are a concern and not

been overly kind to the poor. When the bread industry was

a priority. They also remain poor, and now have to con-

deregulated in 1991, for example, the price of bread rose

tend with HIV/AIDS as well.

by 46% in the 12 months after November 1991, while the volume of bread consumed declined by 6%. Long distances and poor roads, moreover, meant that the cost of delivery of a loaf of bread in rural areas was almost twice that in urban areas. To offset this, rural bakeries would often reduce the quality of the bread. During 2001, as a result of the devaluation of the rand and regional food short-

What’s Cooking

|75|

AIDS Review 2005






© Tasos Calintzis

© Tunko

© Themba Hadebe/AP Photo

What’s Cooking

|76|

AIDS Review 2005


A different future It seems South Africa is unable to escape its past. In terms

unchanged. The single-digit annual percentage points of

of production the agricultural sector is generally in good

macro-economic growth which are so highly prized in gov-

shape, yet many of South Africa’s people are not. We had

ernment circles are paltry comfort for the millions of South

the euphoria of a democratic transition from what was

Africans concerned about the source of their next meal.

in every respect a turbulent and traumatic past. Yet for a

In short, food security remains in a state of crisis in South

large share of the population the primacy of the market

Africa: the comprehensive range of studies and statistical

in post-apartheid South Africa has ensured continuing

evidence reflect a society seriously affected by hunger,

levels of poverty and hunger more commonly associated

poverty and disease.

with exploitative regimes. Many households are still caught up in a maelstrom of hunger and disease: the close synergy

In a society which reproduces within itself patterns of mal-

between malnutrition and HIV/AIDS has been well docu-

nutrition while concurrently producing enough food, one

mented in this study.

needs to question the very essence of South Africa’s socioeconomic system. It seems true that if a state fails to feed

Seen within a macro-economic context, South Africa’s agri-

its own people properly it has entered the realm of primary

cultural sector has performed admirably: the value of agricul-

culpability. South Africa’s case, however, is not nearly so

tural exports has increased from just over R8 billion in 1995

simple. Prolonged and systemic historical processes of dis-

to about R23 billion in 2003. Over this period, South Africa

crimination and exploitation have fashioned a dire socio-

has vastly increased its agricultural exports to Angola,

economic life for many South Africans. In fact, we have

Mozambique, Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe.188 Yet as

seen in this study that an entire class of black farmers was

this study has shown, 30-40% of South Africans remain

practically destroyed, rural populations were pushed to

affected by hunger and malnutrition, HIV prevalence rises

the very margins of the economy, and many people came

annually, and the government’s hands-off approach and

to suffer great privations and exertions in order to produce

export-oriented fixation have seen almost no progress

a livelihood. The statistics mentioned in this study have

made with land reform. As a result, for many people in

revealed a picture of hardship and hunger; that 78% of

rural South Africa, the need to merely survive remains

the population surveyed in the 1997 Rural Survey had

What’s Cooking

|77|

AIDS Review 2005

no access to piped tap water seems almost unbelievable,

redistribution programme has attested to this. While South

yet it is not possible to comprehend the extent of hardship

Africa’s macro-economic strategists forge ahead with lofty

of the human reality behind such a statistic. To effectively

long-term goals, South Africa remains a country character-

redress South Africa’s longstanding historical inequalities

ised by a dualistic agricultural system, by healthy agricul-

in a relatively short period of time will be difficult, irrespec-

tural exports and malnourished populations, and by modern

tive of the policies employed. It seems that the dire circum-

industrial centres and underdeveloped rural areas (or, more

stances that continue to affect rural populations are an

crudely stated, ‘black spots’ lingering eerily as reminders

ineluctable reality of post-apartheid South Africa. We

of a previous era). South Africa is a country of great opulence

continue to live in the shadow of the past.

and abject poverty. Indeed – as the popular epithet goes – it is a world in one country.

What seem more reasonable to question are the policies currently in place to redress the injustices of the past. While retaining comprehensive objectives of land reform, in line with its macro-economic strategies the post-apartheid state has structured its activities wholly in the context of

While South Africa’s macro-economic strategists forge ahead with lofty long-term goals, South Africa remains a country characterised by a dualistic agricultural system.

Patrick Bond has on occasion referred to the effects of South Africa’s macroeconomic policy on the population, describing it as no less than ‘the conflict between neo-liberalism and life’.189 He has accused the post-1994

the market. Such an approach is consistent with directives

government of ‘talking left and walking right’. It is tempt-

from international financial bodies, such as the World

ing indeed to see newly emergent class structures in terms

Bank and the International Monetary Fund. In order to

of petty bourgeoisie construction (or what has been termed

limit inflation, the state has accepted a restricted role in the

the up-and-coming ‘blackeoisie’), which takes place at

economy, forming public-private partnerships to ensure

the expense of the majority of the population. Those who

service delivery and relying on broad-based macro-economic

were wealthy under the previous dispensation have gener-

gains to trickle down to the population at large. Yet it has

ally remained wealthy (or have become even wealthier),

become patently obvious that the market on its own will

and those who were poor have increasingly become

not adequately reconstitute South Africa’s racially skewed

poorer. In light of the fact that the overall gap between

socio-economic conditions: the market is by nature geared

rich and poor has widened in South Africa in the last 10

for profit and not redistribution – the failure of the land

years, the restructuring of the country’s economy to

What’s Cooking

|78|

AIDS Review 2005

facilitate a more widespread distribution of resources might

of people who run the risk of suffering food insecurity are

well be the moral imperative.

to be included. In the light of rampant unemployment, a basic income grant may well be necessary if ‘perverse

Yet while it is possible to see current prospects for change

incentives’, such as individuals opting to become infected

in an inauspicious light, it is important to note that the

with HIV or not adhering to antiretroviral treatment in

current socio-political situation is dynamic and not imper-

order to access grants, are to be negated. Another option

meable to more radical influences. Frustration with the slow

to consider may be the distribution of food stamps to

pace of land reform has spawned movements such as the

those considered most vulnerable.

Landless People’s Movement, and land invasions in Zimbabwe have become an ominous indication of what is possible

It is tempting to conjecture how the current decade will

in a society grappling with, and frustrated by limited land

be recorded in South African history. After the euphoria of

reform. Recent indications are that the South African government has decided to jettison the ‘willing buyer-willing seller’ principle hitherto considered responsible for the slow pace of land redistribution. Tozi Gwanya, South Africa’s chief land claims commissioner,

it should be emphasised that HIV/AIDS is only one facet of a comprehensive developmental quandary in South Africa.

the transition, South Africa is still engaged in an intense struggle to deal with its overbearing historical realities. This period will certainly be characterised in terms of HIV/ AIDS: when the epidemic was at the height of its impact, and when millions of South

announced in February 2006 that the government would

Africans succumbed to the disease. Yet it should be empha-

now resort to expropriation of white-owned land. “We

sised that HIV/AIDS is only one facet of a comprehensive

cannot wait any longer,” Gwanya stated, adding that the

developmental quandary in South Africa: other very prom-

government would engage in expropriation with just

inent aspects are malnutrition and hunger, together con-

compensation.190

stituting a multifaceted challenge to the general well-being of an entire nation. Dealing with history is just about as

The government’s extended public works programme could

difficult as constructing a different future.

potentially be a step in the right direction too – building much-needed infrastructure, while at the same time creating jobs in areas where very few existed previously. But the programme needs to be considerably expanded if 30-40%

What’s Cooking

|79|

AIDS Review 2005

© Michael Wolf

© Tasos Calintzis




© Michael Wolf

© Tasos Calintzis

© Michael Wolf

© Tasos Calintzis

What’s Cooking

|80|

AIDS Review 2005

Endnotes 1 K. Marx, Kapital, Volume I, Der Produktionprozess des Kapitals, pp. 726-727.

key to achieving the Millennium Development Goals, p. 4.

in South Africa 2005, p. 48.

2 United States Department of Agriculture,

9 D. Brand, ‘The right to food’, in D. Brand

Food security assessment: May 2005, p. 1.

& C. Heyns (Eds.), Socio-economic rights

3 M.B. Jooma, ‘Southern Africa assessment:

19 H. Marais, Buckling: the impact of AIDS

in South Africa, pp. 156-157.

20 H. Marais, Buckling: the impact of AIDS in South Africa 2005, p. 48. 21 FAO, The state of food insecurity in the

food security and HIV/AIDS’, in African

10 FAO, The state of food insecurity in the

world 2005: eradicating world hunger –

Security Review 14(1), 2005, pp. 59-66.

world 2005: eradicating world hunger –

key to achieving the Millennium Develop-

4 D. Brand, ‘The right to food’, in D. Brand & C. Heyns (Eds.), Socio-economic rights in South Africa, p. 154. 5 M.B. Jooma, ‘Southern Africa assessment: food security and HIV/AIDS’, in African Security Review 14(1), 2005, pp. 59-66. 6 J. Drèze & A. Sen, Hunger and public action, quoted in D. Brand, ‘The right to food’, in D. Brand & C. Heyns (Eds.), Socioeconomic rights in South Africa, p. 189. 7 This is true in spite of the fact that several important human rights documents that

key to achieving the Millennium Development Goals, p. 2; p. 4. 11 D. Brand, ‘The right to food’, in D. Brand & C. Heyns (Eds.), Socio-economic rights in South Africa, pp. 157-159. 12 D. Brand, ‘The right to food’, in D. Brand & C. Heyns (Eds.), Socio-economic rights in South Africa, p. 155.

from: [email protected] 23 T. Barnett & A. Whiteside, AIDS in the twenty-first century: disease and globalisation, p. 223. 24 See for example: M. Hunter, ‘The materiality of everyday sex: thinking beyond


‘prostitution’’, in African Studies, 61(1), July


2002, pp. 99-120; and S. Leclerc-Madlala,

in South Africa, pp. 161-162.

‘Transactional sex and the pursuit of

14 R. Mkwandire & K. Albright, Achieving

have a direct bearing on food security

food security: what next for sub-Saharan

came into being in the late 1960s and early

Africa? 16 March 2006.

1970s. Examples are the International

ment Goals, pp. 8; 10-12. 22 IAC 2004: Empowering rural households,

15 M.B. Jooma, ‘Southern Africa assessment:

Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural

food security and HIV/AIDS’, in African

Rights (1966), which proclaims rights to

Security Review 14(1), 2005, pp. 59-66.

modernity’, in Social Dynamics, 29(2), Winter 2003, pp. 213-233. 25 N. Nattrass, The moral economy of AIDS in South Africa, pp. 24-29. 26 H. Marais, Buckling: the impact of AIDS in South Africa 2005, p. 50.

adequate food and freedom from hunger


27 D. Patient & N. Orr, ‘Ego and pig-headed-

(and is probably the most important doc-


ness’, in Mail & Guardian, 2-8 June, 2006,

ument in international law with respect

in South Africa, p. 152.

p. 24.

to socio-economic rights generally and the right to food specifically); and the Universal Declaration on the Eradication of Hunger and Malnutrition (1974). 8 FAO, The state of food insecurity in the world 2005: eradicating world hunger –

17 UNAIDS, AIDS epidemic update: December 2005, p. 17.

all along’, in Mail & Guardian, 9-15 June

18 See for example: A. De Waal & A. Whiteside, ‘New variant famine: AIDS and food crises in southern Africa’, in Lancet, 362:

2006, p. 23. 29 ‘Verbatim’, in Mail & Guardian, 9-15 June 2006, p. 23. 30 ‘Verbatim’, in Mail & Guardian, 9-15 June

1234-1237.

What’s Cooking

28 M. Tshabalala-Msimang, ‘We were right

|81|

AIDS Review 2005

2006, p. 23. 31 N. Nattrass, The moral economy of AIDS in South Africa, p. 35. 32 Department of Social Development and the Centre for the Study of AIDS, University of Pretoria, Population, HIV/AIDS and development: a resource document, p. 44. 33 S. Lemke, Food and nutrition security in

43 South African Human Rights Commission, Report of the public hearing on the right to basic education 2006, p. 3. 44 I. Frye, Poverty and unemployment in South Africa, pp. 12-13. 45 Statistics South Africa, Labour force survey: 46 I. Frye, Poverty and unemployment in 47 HSRC, South African national HIV prevalence, HIV incidence, behaviour and

34 C Vogel, C de Swart, J Kirsten et al, Food security in South Africa: key policy issues for the medium term, p. 16. 35 I. Frye, Poverty and unemployment in South Africa, p. 6. 36 S. Lemke, Food and nutrition security in

communication survey, 2005. 48 Statistics South Africa, Labour force survey: 49 See for example: HSRC, South African

38 Statistics South Africa, Labour force survey: September 2005. 39 H. Marais, Buckling: the impact of HIV/ AIDS in South Africa, 2005, p. 57. 40 Statistics South Africa, Labour force survey: September 2005. 41 I. Frye, Poverty and unemployment in South Africa, p. 19.

black South African households: creative ways of coping and survival, p. 56. consequences in rural South Africa, Chronic Poverty Research Centre Working Paper No. 60, p. 6; N. Nattrass, Disability and

2005; S. Leclerc-Madlala, Transactional sex

welfare in South Africa’s era of unemploy-

and the pursuit of modernity; J. Wojcicki, problem of violence in taverns in Gauteng

No. 60, pp. 6-7.

AIDS in South Africa, 2005, pp. 58 59. 59 S. Lemke, Food and nutrition security in

behaviour and communication survey,

ways of coping and survival, pp. 52-53.

Poverty Research Centre Working Paper

Town, 2000.

national HIV prevalence, HIV incidence,

She drank his money: survival sex and the

consequences in rural South Africa, Chronic

MAY, J. (Ed.), Poverty and inequality in

60 E. Francis, Poverty: Causes, responses and

September 2005.

black South African households: creative 37 E. Francis, Poverty: causes, responses and

survey: July 2005. 57 D Budlender, ‘Human Development,’ in

58 H. Marais, Buckling: the impact of HIV/

South Africa, p. 18.

ways of coping and survival, p. 30; I. Frye, pp. 1-2.

ways of coping and survival, p. 30. 56 Statistics South Africa, General household

South Africa: Meeting the challenge. Cape

September 2005.

black South African households: creative Poverty and unemployment in South Africa,

black South African households: creative

province, South Africa; M. Hunter, The materiality of everyday sex: thinking beyond prostitution.

ment and AIDS, p. 1. 61 S. Lemke, Food and nutrition security in black South African households: creative ways of coping and survival, p. 56. 62 S. Lemke, Food and nutrition security in black South African households: creative

50 See for example: N. Nattrass, The moral

ways of coping and survival, p. 56.

economy of AIDS in South Africa.

63 N. Nattrass, Disability and welfare in South

51 H. Marais, Buckling: the impact of HIV/ AIDS in South Africa, 2005, pp. 52-53. 52 N.K. Poku, ‘Global pandemics: HIV/AIDS’ in D. Held & A. McGrew, Governing globalisation: power, authority and global governance, pp. 114-115.

Africa’s era of unemployment and AIDS, p. 1. 64 Hungry AIDS, TB patients shun treatment, Mail & Guardian Online, 30 June 2006. 65 S. Lemke, Food and nutrition security in black South African households: creative

53 J. Mulama, Using ARVs to fill empty stom-

ways of coping and survival, p. 56.

42 D Budlender, ‘Human Development,’ in

achs, Mail & Guardian Online, 14 June 2006.

66 N. Nattrass, Disability and welfare in South

MAY, J. (Ed.), Poverty and inequality in

54 Statistics South Africa, General household

Africa’s era of unemployment and AIDS,

South Africa: Meeting the challenge. Cape Town, 2000.

p. 2; p. 19.

survey: July 2005. 55 S. Lemke, Food and nutrition security in

What’s Cooking

|82|

AIDS Review 2005

67 S. Lemke, Food and nutrition security in

black South African households: creative ways of coping and survival, p. 55. 68 S. Lemke, Food and nutrition security in black South African households: creative ways of coping and survival, p. 59. 69 C.H. Feinstein, An economic history of South Africa: conquest, discrimination and development, pp. 34- 35. 70 N Vink and J Kirsten, ‘Agriculture in the

76 Thus between 1960 and 1976 the share of

88 M Lipton, Capitalism and apartheid. South

public investment in GDP increased from

Africa, 1910-1984, pp. 368-369; Union

8% to 15%, before declining to 7% in

statistics for fifty Years, 1910-1960. Com-

1990 (World Bank, 1994, p. 9).

piled by the Bureau of Census and Statistics,

77 South African agriculture: structure, per-

Pretoria, 1960, K-3, L-3.

formance and options for the future. World

89 SJ Terblanche, ‘Empowerment in context:

Bank Discussion Paper No. 6, 1994, pp. 3-12.

the struggle for hegemony in South Africa,’

78 Abstract of agricultural statistics, Depart-

in J Kirstein et al, Agricultural democrati-

ment of Agriculture, p. 78.

sation in South Africa, pp. 17-19.

national economy,’ in L Nieuwoudt and

79 Development Bank of South Africa, Policy

J Groenewald, The challenge of change.

distortions and agricultural performance


Agriculture, land and the South African

in the South African economy, Discussion

Bank Discussion Paper No. 6, 1994, pp.

economy, pp. 3-5.

Paper No. 138, pp. 6-9.

44-46; N Vink and J Van Zyl, ‘Black disem-

71 N Vink and J Van Zyl, ‘Black disempowerment in South African agriculture: a historical perspective,’ in J Kirstein et al,

80 M Lipton, Capitalism and apartheid, pp. 258-260. 81 B Bayley, A revolution in the market. The deregulation of South African agri-

Africa, p. 61.

culture, pp. 39-40.


powerment in South African agriculture: a historical perspective,’ in J Kirstein et

Agricultural democratisation in South 72 South African agriculture: structure, per-

90 South African agriculture: structure, per-

al, Agricultural democratisation in South Africa, pp. 61-62. 91 By 1904, of a total of 900 000 African

82 FL Coleman (ed.), Economic history of South Africa, pp. 178-180.

households, 14% farmed their own land, 20% lived on crown land, and 49% lived

Bank Discussion Paper No. 6, 1994, p. 44.

83 M Lacey, Working for Boroko. The origins

73 South Africa comprises three main rain-

of a coercive labour system in South Africa,

leaving 11% residing in the reserves and

pp. 182-185.

less than 6% in wage employment (World

fall areas: the winter rainfall area in the Western Cape; an all-year rainfall area along the southern Cape coast; and a summer rainfall area that covers the re-

84 M Lipton, Capitalism and apartheid. South Africa, 1910-1984, pp. 258-260. 85 R Davies, D Kaplan (et al), ‘Class struggle

on white manorial estates as tenants,

Bank, 1994, p. 46). 92 South African agriculture: structure, performance and options for the future. World

mainder of the country (Nieuwoudt &

and the periodisation of the state in South

Bank Discussion Paper No. 6, 1994, pp. 45-

Groenewald, 2003, p. 21).

Africa,’ Review of African political economy,

46; N Vink and J Van Zyl, ‘Black disempow-

No. 7, September-December 1976, pp. 4-7.

erment in South African agriculture: a

74 T Fényes & N Meyer, ‘Structure and production in South African agriculture,’ in

86 R Davies, D Kaplan (et al), ‘Class struggle

L Nieuwoudt & J Groenewald, The chal-


Agricultural democratisation in South

lenge of change. Agriculture, land and


Africa, pp. 62-63.

the South African economy, pp. 21-45. 75 Unsurprisingly, South Africa’s share of

No. 7, September-December 1976, pp. 4-7. 87 R Davies, D Kaplan (et al), ‘Class struggle

historical perspective,’ in J Kirstein et al,

93 Outside the reserves, Africans owned a mere 0,7% of land while 3,6% resided on

global manufactured exports fell by more


state or white-owned land. The size of

than half between 1955 and 1985, from


the reserves remained unchanged until

0,8% to 0,3% (World Bank, 1994, p. 8).

No. 7, September-December 1976, pp. 7-28.

1936, when the Native Land Trust was

What’s Cooking

|83|

AIDS Review 2005

established, which released the recommended 6 209 858 hectares to the original

towns (World Bank, 1994, p. 53). 102 Further legislation affecting African land

areas allotted in 1913, thus increasing the

ownership was promulgated in 1936,

total size of the reserves to 13,7% of the

whereby the land allotted to the reserves

country (Kirsten et al, 1998, p. 64).

was increased. Africans were also deprived

94 J. Hyslop, The notorious syndicalist: J.T. Bain: a Scottish rebel in colonial South Africa, p. 212. 95 C. Bundy, The rise and fall of the South African peasantry. 96 One result of this period of strong state

110 S. Greenberg, ‘Redistribution and access in a market-driven economy’, in S. Greenberg, (Ed.), Interfund development update, 4(2), pp. 3-4. 111 S. Greenberg, ‘Political stabilisation and

of the franchise in the Cape and Natal

market extension: restructuring of agri-

provinces (Kirsten et al, 1998, p. 29).

culture and its impact on food security’,

103 South African agriculture: structure, performance and options for the future. World Bank Discussion Paper No. 6, 1994, pp. 53-56. 104 Formally known as The Commission for

support was the growth in the number

the Socio-Economic Development of the

of white farms from 81 432 in 1921 to

Bantu Areas within the Union of South

119 556 in 1952 (World Bank, 1994, p. 53).

Africa.

in S. Greenberg, (Ed.), Interfund development update, 4(2), p. 114. 112 SJ Terblanche, ‘Empowerment in context: the struggle for hegemony in South Africa,’ in J Kirstein et al, Agricultural democratisation in South Africa, pp. 33-35. 113 B Bayley, A revolution in the market. The

97 M Lipton, Capitalism and apartheid. South

105 N Vink and J Van Zyl, ‘Black disempower-

Africa, 1910-1984, p. 260; South African

ment in South African agriculture: a histor-

agriculture: structure, performance and

ical perspective,’ in J Kirstein et al, Agri-

options for the future. World Bank

cultural democratisation in South Africa,

also witnessed the lifting of controls over

Discussion Paper No. 6, 1994, pp. 47-52.

pp. 65-66.

the movement of labour, with influx control

98 In 1996 about 250 agricultural co-operatives

106 A rural population of about 13,1 million

deregulation of South African agriculture, pp. 29-37. 114 In the broader political economy, the 1980s

being abolished in 1986 (Kirsten et al, 1998,

owned total assets worth R12,7 billion,

resided in the 17,1 million hectares of

enjoyed an annual turnover of R22,5 bil-

homelands in 1988. Thus 29% of South

lion, operated about 1 200 branches

Africa’s rural population (mostly farmers

1994 to 2004: some reflections,’ Agrekon,

throughout the country and employed

and their dependents) lived on nearly 86%

44(1), pp. 1-4; N Vink et al, ‘Favouritism

roughly 70 000 people (Bayley, 2001, p. 26).

of agricultural land, while 71% of the rural

in agricultural policy and support services,’

population lived on the remaining 14%

in J Kirstein et al, Agricultural democra-

99 B Bayley, A revolution in the market. The deregulation of South African agriculture, pp. 14-29.

(World Bank, 1994, p. 22). 107 South African agriculture: structure, per-

p. 74). 115 MF Viljoen, ‘South African agricultural policy

tisation in South Africa, pp. 71-77. 116 State spending on the farming sector

100 SJ Terblanche, ‘Empowerment in context:


amounted to R2,5 billion in 2001. In real

the struggle for hegemony in South Africa,’

Bank Discussion Paper No. 6, 1994, pp. 26-27.

terms this was less than 45% of the budget

in J Kirstein et al, Agricultural democrati-

108 N. Nattrass, The moral economy of AIDS

of the Department of Agriculture, includ-

sation in South Africa, pp. 30-31. 101 The African population living in the re-

in South Africa, p. 33. 109 S. Greenberg, ‘Political stabilisation and

ing that of the budgets of the former homelands departments in 1988 (Nieuwoudt

serves had dropped from 50% in 1916


to 40% in 1946; the Fagan Commission


117 B Bayley, A revolution in the market. The

of 1948 found that many Africans were

in S. Greenberg, (Ed.), Interfund develop-

deregulation of South African agriculture,

becoming permanent inhabitants of the

ment update, 4(2), p. 109.

pp. 37-44.

What’s Cooking

|84|

AIDS Review 2005

& Groenewald, 2003, p. 6).

118 J Van Zyl et al, ‘South African agriculture

the South African economy, pp. 32-35.

38(6), August 2002, pp. 1-7.

in transition: the 1990s,’ Journal of inter-

124 S. Greenberg, ‘Political stabilisation and

134 Human development report, 2005, UNDP.

national development, August 2001, 13(6),


135 E Stillwaggon, ‘HIV/AIDS in Africa: fertile

pp. 727-730; N Vink & J Kirsten, ‘Agriculture


terrain,’ Journal of Development Studies,

in the national economy,’ in L Nieuwoudt

in S. Greenberg, (Ed.), Interfund devel-

& J Groenewald, The challenge of change.

opment update, 4(2), p. 96.


125 H. Marais, South Africa: limits to change.

economy, pp. 4-7.

126 S. Greenberg, ‘Political stabilisation and

119 G. Williams, ‘Setting the agenda: a critique


of the World Bank’s rural restructuring


programme for South Africa’, in Journal

in S. Greenberg, (Ed.), Interfund devel-

of South African Studies, 22(1), March 1996, p. 139.

opment update, 4(2), p. 113. 127 S. Greenberg, (Ed.), Interfund develop-

38(6), August 2002, pp. 9-12, 16-18. 136 E Stillwaggon, ‘HIV/AIDS in Africa: fertile terrain,’ Journal of Development Studies, 38(6), August 2002, pp. 15-16. 137 S Gillespie and S Kadiyala, HIV/AIDS and food and nutrition security, pp. 11-12. 138 P Piot and P Pinstrup-Andersen, ‘AIDS: the new challenge to food security,’ AIDS and food security (Reprinted from IFPRI’s 2001-

120 After roughly eight years of state spon-

ment update, 4(2), pp. ii-iii; S. Greenberg,

sored land reform, less than one million

‘Political stabilisation and market exten-

hectares of available agricultural land was

sion: restructuring of agriculture and its

food and nutrition security, pp. 19-34.

transferred by means of these government

impact on food security’, in S. Greenberg,

140 C Baylies, ‘The impact of AIDS on rural

ventures, while market transactions have

(Ed.), Interfund development update, 4(2),

households in Africa: a shock like any

resulted in twice this amount of land being

p. 111.

other?,’ Development and Change, 33 (4),

transferred to black owners (Nieuwoudt & Groenewald, 2003, p. 5). 121 J Van Zyl et al, ‘South African agriculture in transition: the 1990s,’ Journal of International Development, August 2001, 13(6), pp. 725-730; N Vink & J Kirsten, ‘Agriculture

128 SADC food security early warning system. Monthly update – January 2006. Released 20 February 2006, Gaborone, pp. 1-3. 129 J von Braun, The world food situation. An overview, IFPRI, pp. 1-3. 130 In the context of population growth, the

2002 Annual Report), pp. 3-7. 139 S Gillespie and S Kadiyala, HIV/AIDS and

pp. 617-620. 141 Nigeria, Ethiopia, Tanzania, Congo-Brazzaville, Malawi, Zimbabwe and South Africa. 142 S Gillespie & S Kadiyala, HIV/AIDS and food and nutrition security, p. 32. 143 TS Jayne et al, Interactions between the

in the national economy,’ in L Nieuwoudt

number of undernourished in 1990-92

agricultural sector and the HIV/AIDS

& J Groenewald, The challenge of change.

comprised 36% of the total population,

pandemic: implications for agricultural


while the total for 2000-02 comprised 33%

economy, pp. 4-6.

of the total population, thus constituting

122 Mail & Guardian Online, 27 May 2006.

an improvement in terms of percentages,

123 J Van Zyl et al, ‘South African agriculture

if not in actual numbers.

in transition: the 1990s,’ Journal of International Development, August 2001, 13(6), pp. 731-737; T Fényes & N Meyer, ‘Structure and production in South African agricul-

131 FAO, The state of food insecurity in the

action, pp. 17-21. 145 P Harvey, HIV/AIDS and humanitarian action, pp. 7-10. 146 FAO, The state of food insecurity in the

world 2005, p. 31. 132 Report on the global AIDS epidemic: 2006, UNAIDS.

world 2005, p. 31; C Vogel, C de Swart, J Kirsten et al, Food security in South

ture,’ in L Nieuwoudt & J Groenewald, The

133 E Stillwaggon, ‘HIV/AIDS in Africa: fertile

challenge of change. Agriculture, land and

terrain,’ Journal of Development Studies,

What’s Cooking

policy, pp. 4-10. 144 P Harvey, HIV/AIDS and humanitarian

|85|

AIDS Review 2005

Africa: key policy issues for the medium term, pp. 3-9.

147 SADC food security early warning system.

155 The Rural Survey was designed to deter-

Monthly update – January 2006. Released

mine to what extent rural households in

Available at http://www.sahealthinfo.org/ nutrition/updatenfcspart1.pdf, accessed

20 February 2006, Gaborone, pp. 5-7.

the former homelands had access to land

29 June 2006.

148 National food consumption survey in

and to income-generating activities, and

164 C Green et al, ‘Needs assessment in a rural

children aged 1-9 years: South Africa 1999.

sought to obtain data on actual farming

community on a commercial farm in South

Available at http://www.sahealthinfo.org/

activities.

Africa,’ Journal of Family Ecology and

nutrition/updatenfcspart1.pdf, accessed

156 Rural survey, Statistics SA, 1997.

29 June 2006.

157 E Watkinson and N Makgetla, South

149 See Bradshaw, D; Masiteng, K.; & Nannan,

Africa’s food security crisis, pp. 1-3.

N., 2000, Health status and determinants,

158 Human development report 2005, UNDP.

Chapter 4, South African Health Review,

159 At the request of the ‘government-in-

pp. 89-124.

Consumer Sciences, 32, 2004, pp. 46-59. 165 C Vogel, C de Swart, J Kirsten et al, Food security in South Africa: key policy issues for the medium term, pp. 28-30. 166 According to the national census conduct-

waiting’ and with technical assistance from

ed in 1996, 46% of the total South African

the World Bank, the Southern African

population resided in rural areas, although

security in South Africa: key policy issues

Labour and Development Research Unit

only 43% of (black) Africans were living in

for the medium term, pp. 3, 25-26.

(SALDRU) at the University of Cape Town

urban areas, compared to 83% of coloured

151 C Vogel, C de Swart, J Kirsten et al, Food

150 C Vogel, C de Swart, J Kirsten et al, Food

was commissioned to undertake the first

people, 97% of Indians, and 91% of whites

security in South Africa: key policy issues

nation-wide representative survey in South

(Statistics SA, Measuring poverty in South

for the medium term, pp. 26-28; SL Hen-

Africa. They survey sampled 9 000 house-

driks, ‘The challenges facing empirical

holds in late 1993 and included a broad

estimation of household food (in)security

range of information on family composi-

in South Africa,’ Development Southern

tion, income, employment, health status,

Africa, 22(1), March 2005, pp. 109-115.

education, transport, housing, agriculture

152 S Lemke et al, ‘Empowered women, social networks and the contribution of qualitative research: broadening our understanding of underlying causes for food and nutrition security,’ Public Health Nutrition, 6 (8), pp. 760-762. 153 Households were classified as affected

as well as perceptions and aspirations of the population. the proportion of the population living on less than US$1 a day. 161 S Klasen, ‘Poverty, inequality and deprivation in South Africa: An analysis of the 1993 SALDRU Survey, Social indicators

age of 70 had suffered premature death

research, 41, pp. 51-69.

conditions. 154 SA Oni et al, ‘The economic impact of HIV/AIDS on rural households in Limpopo province,’ South African Journal of Economics, 70 (7), pp. 1174-1192.

security in South Africa: key policy issues for the medium term, pp. 28-32. 168 C Vogel, C de Swart, J Kirsten et al, Food security in South Africa: key policy issues for the medium term, pp. 16-18.

160 Using the international poverty rate, i.e.

when any of their members under the or illness associated with HIV/AIDS-related

Africa, 2000). 167 C Vogel, C de Swart, J Kirsten et al, Food

162 S Klasen, ‘Poverty, inequality and deprivation in South Africa: An analysis of the

169 S Drimie, The impact of HIV/AIDS on land: case studies from Kenya, Lesotho and South Africa, HSRC, August 2002, pp. 16-19. 170 S Drimie, The impact of HIV/AIDS on land: case studies from Kenya, Lesotho and South Africa, HSRC, August 2002, pp. 20-22. 171 FAO, HIV/AIDS, food security and rural livelihoods fact sheet, 2003. 172 See for instance Schenker, M., ‘The health

1993 SALDRU Survey, Social indicators

of farm workers – so much different, so

research, 41, pp. 69-90.

much the same,’ South African Medical

163 National food consumption survey in children aged 1-9 years: South Africa 1999.

What’s Cooking

|86|

AIDS Review 2005

Journal, 1998, 88 (9); London, L., Nell, V., Thompson M., & Myers, J., ‘Health status

among farm workers in the Western Cape – collateral evidence from a study of occu-

10-11.

ment Update, 4(2), pp. 80-92; R Hall, ‘A

177 S Greenberg, ‘Power and politics in the

pational hazards,’ South African Medical

shaping of rural development in post-

Journal, 1998, 88 (9); or Vorster, H.H., Wissing

apartheid South Africa, Interfund Develop-

M.P., et al, ‘The impact of urbanisation on

ment Update, 4(1), pp. 12-16.

physical, physiological and mental health

178 S Greenberg, ‘Redistribution and access

of Africans in the North West Province of

in a market-driven economy,’ Interfund

South Africa: The THUSA Study,’ South

Development Update, 4(2), pp. 2-12; S

African Journal of Science, 2000 (96).

Greenberg, ‘Power and politics in the

173 S Lemke, ‘Nutrition security, livelihoods

shaping of rural development in post-

and HIV/AIDS: implications for research

apartheid South Africa, Interfund Devel-

among farm worker households in South

opment Update, 4(1), pp. 16-22.

Africa,’ Public Health Nutrition, 8 (7), pp. 844-848. 174 HIV/AIDS vulnerability among migrant farm workers on the South African-Mozambican

179 The minimum requirement of a R5 000

political economy of land reform in South Africa,’ Review of African Political Economy, 100, pp. 217-218. 184 SM Kariuki, Failing to learn from failed programmes? South Africa’s Communal Land Rights Act (CLRA 2004). ASC Working Paper, 2004. 185 R Hall, ‘A political economy of land reform in South Africa,’ Review of African Political Economy, 100, pp. 219-221. 186 S Greenberg, ‘Political stabilisation and market extension: Restructuring of agri-

cash contribution was later discarded, and

culture and its impact on food security,’

the poor could instead contribute this in

Interfund Development Update, 4(2),

the form of a sweat equity (Hall, p. 216).

pp. 111-121.

180 In KwaZulu-Natal, for instance, it is almost

187 S Greenberg, ‘Redistribution and access

Migration, Regional Office for southern

exclusively the well-off who have profited,

in a market-driven economy,’ Interfund

Africa, 2004.

while in the Eastern and Western Cape a

border. International Organization for

175 In contrast to redistributive land reform policies, market-led neo-liberal policies

cross-section of socio-economic groups have participated (Hall, p. 216).

Development Update, 4(2), pp. 2-3. 188 Abstract of agricultural statistics. Department of Agriculture, RSA, 2005, pp. 86-88.

181 R Hall, ‘A political economy of land reform

189 P. Bond, Can five million people with AIDS

cation of resources in order to realise

in South Africa,’ Review of African Political

celebrate South African freedom? In the

export-led agricultural growth. By the time

Economy, 100, pp. 215-217; S Greenberg,

wake of ten years of HIV/AIDS denialism,

land reform was seriously debated in post-

‘Redistribution and access in a market-

can deadly structural forces also be over-

apartheid South Africa, the market-led

driven economy,’ Interfund Development

come? Unpublished research paper, n.d.

prioritised economic efficiency in the allo-

approach held sway internationally (Development Update, 4 (2), pp. 1-2). 176 R Hall, ‘A political economy of land reform

Update, 4(2), pp. 12-16. 182 In fact, more than half of all land earmarked for restitution and similarly more

in South Africa,’ Review of African Political

than half of the land redistributed by the

Economy, 100, pp. 213-214; S Greenberg,

end of 2002 was in the semi-arid region of

‘Redistribution and access in a market-

the Northern Cape. Since then a few large

driven economy,’ Interfund Development

claims have been settled in Mpumalanga

Update, 4(2), pp. 2-4; S Greenberg, ‘Power and politics in the shaping of rural devel-

(Hall, p. 218). 183 S Hargreaves and A Eveleth, ‘The land

opment in post-apartheid South Africa,

restitution programme: advancing real

Interfund Development Update, 4(1), pp.

reform or delaying it?’ Interfund Develop-

What’s Cooking

|87|

AIDS Review 2005

190 K Nyanto, ‘South Africa land issue: We cannot wait any longer,’ New African, June 2006.

Bibliography Adams, M; Cousins, B & S Manona. Land Tenure

Budlender, D. ‘Human development,’ in May,

Study of AIDS. Impact of HIV and AIDS on Agri-

and Economic Development in Rural South

J. (Ed.), Poverty and Inequality in South Africa:

culture and Food Security. South Africa Country

Africa: Constraints and Opportunities. Working

Meeting the Challenge. Cape Town, 2000.

Study. Report 1: Literature Review on HIV and

Paper 125. Overseas Development Institute, 1999. AIDS and Food Security. Essays by Peter Piot and

AIDS and Agriculture: The Challenges. Submitted Bundy, C. The Rise and Fall of the South African

to FANRPAN. In collaboration with the Depart-

Peasantry. London, 1988.

ment of Agricultural Economics. University of

Per Pinstrup-Andersen and by Stuart Gillespie

the North, June 2004.

and Lawrence Haddad. Reprinted from IFPRI’s

Bureau of Census and Statistics. Union Statistics

2001-2002 Annual Report.

for Fifty Years. Jubilee Issue 1910-1960. Pretoria,

Department of Social Development and the

1960.

Centre of the Study of AIDS, University of

Bayley, B. A Revolution in the Market. The De-

Pretoria. Population, HIV/AIDS and Development:

regulation of South African Agriculture. Oxford,

Clapp, J. ‘The political economy of food aid in

2000.

an era of agricultural biotechnology.’ Global Governance 11, 2005.

A Resource Document. 2003. De Waal, A & A Whiteside, ‘New variant famine:

Barnett, T & Whiteside, A. AIDS in the Twenty-

AIDS and food crisis in southern Africa,’ Lancet,

first Century: Disease and Globalisation. New

Coleman, FL (ed.). Economic History of South

York, 2002.

Africa. Pretoria, 1983.

362, 2003.

Baylies, C. ‘The impact of AIDS on rural house-

Davenport, TRH. ‘Can sacred cows be culled? A

Security in Africa. A report for DFID. February

holds in Africa: A shock like any other?’ Devel-

historical review of land policy in South Africa,

2003.

opment and Change, 33 (4), 2002.

with some questions about the future,’ Devel-

De Waal, A & J Tumushabe. HIV/AIDS and Food

opment Southern Africa, 4 (3), August 1987. Bond, P. Can five million people with AIDS cel-

Department of Agriculture. Abstract of Agricultural Statistics. 2005.

ebrate South African freedom? In the wake of

Davies, R; Kaplan, D; Morris, M & D O’Meara.

ten years of HIV/AIDS denialism, can deadly

‘Class struggle and the periodisation of the state

Department of Labour. Farm Workers Report.

structural forces also be overcome? Unpublished

in South Africa,’ Review of African Political Eco-

2003.

research paper, not dated.

nomy, 7, September-December 1976.

Booysen, F le R. ‘HIV/AIDS and Poverty: Evidence

Deininger, K & HP Binswanger. ‘Rent seeking

Studies from Kenya, Lesotho and South Africa.

from the Free State Province,’ South African

and the development of large-scale agriculture

A synthesis report prepared for the Southern

Journal of Economic and Management Sciences,

in Kenya, South Africa, and Zimbabwe.’ Economic

African Regional Office of the Food and Agri-

6 (2), 2003.

Development and Cultural Change, 43 (3), April

cultural Organization of the United Nations

1995.

(FAO). August 2002.

C. (Eds.), Socio-economic Rights in South Africa.

Department of Agricultural Economics, Extension

Empowering rural households, IAC 2004, from:

Pretoria, 2005.

and Rural Development and the Centre for the

[email protected]

Drimie, S. The Impact of HIV/AIDS on Land: Case

Brand, D. ‘The Right to food,’ in Brand. D & Heyns,

What’s Cooking

|88|

AIDS Review 2005

Feinstein, CH. An Economic History of South

Greenberg, S (ed.). Complexities, Lost Oppor-

‘Hungry AIDS, TB patients shun treatment,’ Mail

Africa: Conquest, Discrimination and Develop-

tunities and Prospects. Rural Development in

& Guardian Online, 30 June 2006.

ment. Cambridge, 2004.

South Africa. Interfund Development Update. 4(1), March 2003.

Hunter, M. ‘The materiality of everyday sex:

Food and Agriculture Organisation. HIV/AIDS,

thinking beyond ‘prostitution,’ in African Studies,

food security and rural livelihoods, FAO fact

Greenberg, S (ed.). Piecemeal reforms and calls

sheet. Undated.

for action. Land reform in South Africa. Interfund Development Update 4(2), July 2003.

Food and Agriculture Organisation. The State of Greenberg, S (ed.). ‘Redistribution and access in

World Hunger – Key to Achieving the Millennium

a market-driven economy,’ in S. Greenberg, (Ed.),

Food Security Early Warning System Monthly Update – January 2006. Southern African Development Community Food Security update 1.06. Gaborone, 2006. Francis, E. Poverty: Causes, Responses and Consequences in Rural South Africa. Chronic Poverty Research Centre. Working paper No. 60, April 2006. Frye, I. Poverty and Unemployment in South Africa. National Labour & Economic Develop-

Hyslop, J. The notorious syndicalist: J.T. Bain: a Scottish rebel in Colonial South Africa. Johannes-

Food Insecurity in the World 2005. Eradicating Development Goals. 2005.

61(1), July 2002.

Interfund Development Update, 4(1), March 2003.

burg, 2004. International Organisation for Migration (IOM) Regional Office for Southern Africa. HIV/AIDS

Hall, R. ‘A political economy of land reform in

Vulnerability Among Migrant Farm Workers on

South Africa.’ Review of African Political Economy,

the South African-Mozambican Border. Researched

100, 2004.

for Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). Pretoria, 2004.

Harvey, P. HIV/AIDS and Humanitarian Action. Humanitarian Policy Group Research Report 16,

Jayne, TS; Villarreal, M; Pingali, P and G Hemrich.

April 2004.

Interactions between the Agricultural Sector and the HIV/AIDS Pandemic: Implications for

Hendriks, SL. ‘The challenges facing empirical

Agricultural Policy. ESA Working Paper No. 04-

estimation of household food (in)security in

06. FAO, March 2004.

South Africa,’ Development Southern Africa,

ment Institute. January 2006.

22(1), March 2005.

Jooma, MB. ‘Southern Africa assessment: food

Gillespie, S & S Kadiyala. HIV/AIDS and Food

Human Sciences Research Council, University

and Nutrition Security. From Evidence to Action.

of Fort Hare, University of KwaZulu-Natal, and

Food Policy Review 7. International Food Policy

Nkuzi Development Association. HIV/AIDS, Land-

Kariuki, S. Failing to learn from failed program-

Research Institute, Washington, 2005.

based Livelihoods and Land Reform in South

mes? South Africa’s Communal Land Rights Act

Africa. Report to the International Food Policy

(CLRA 2004). African Studies Centre Working

Gillespie, S; W Kisamba-Mugerwa & M Loevinsohn.

Research Institute and the Department of Land

Paper, University of the Witwatersrand, 2004.

Assuring Food and Nutrition Security in the Time

Affairs, South Africa. January 2006.

security and HIV/AIDS,’ in African Security Review, 14 (1), 2005.

Kirstein, J; Van Zyl, J; & N Vink. Agricultural

of AIDS. 2020 Africa Conference Brief 3, IFPRI. Human Sciences Research Council. Mitigation

Democratisation in South Africa. Cape Town,

Green, C; Botha, P & H Schönfelt. ‘Needs as-

of HIV/AIDS – impacts through Agricultural

1998.

sessment in a rural community on a commer-

and Rural Development – Success Stories and

cial farm in South Africa,’ Journal of Family

Future Actions. Workshop report, 27-29 May

Kirsten, J & W Moldenhauer. ‘Measurement and

Ecology and Consumer Sciences, 32, 2004.

2003, Pretoria.

analysis of rural household income in a dualistic

What’s Cooking

|89|

AIDS Review 2005

economy: The case of South Africa,’ Agrekon,

Marx, K. Kapital, Volume I, Der Produktion-

the South African Economy. Pietermaritzburg,

45(1), March 2006.

prozess des Kapitals, London, 1974.

2003.

Klasen, S. ‘Poverty, inequality and deprivation

Mkwandire, R & Albright, K. Achieving Food

Nyanto, K. ‘South Africa land issue: We cannot

in South Africa: An analysis of the 1993 SALDRU

Security: What Next for Sub-Saharan Africa?

wait any longer.’ New African, June 2006.

Survey,’ Social Indicators Research, 41, 1997.

16 March 2006.

Lacey, M. Working for Boroko. The Origins of

Mulama, J. ‘Using ARVs to fill empty stomachs.’

economic impact of HIV/AIDS on rural house-

a Coercive Labour System in South Africa. Johan-

Mail & Guardian Online, 14 June 2006.

holds in Limpopo Province.’ South African

Oni, SA; Obi, CL; Thabede, D; & A Jordan. ‘The

nesburg, 1981.

Journal of Economics, 70 (7), 2002. Mutangadura, GB. ‘Gender, HIV/AIDS and rural

Leclerc-Madlala, S. ‘Transactional sex and the pursuit of modernity,’ in Social Dynamics, 29(2), 2003. Lemke, S, Food and nutrition security in black South African households: creative ways of coping and survival. PhD dissertation, 2001. Lemke, S. ‘Nutritional security, livelihoods and HIV/AIDS: implications for research among farm worker households in South Africa.’ Public Health Nutrition 8(7), 2005.

livelihoods in Southern Africa: Addressing the challenges.’ JENDA: A Journal of Culture and African Women Studies, 7, 2005. Naidu, V & G Harris. ‘The impact of HIV/AIDS morbidity and mortality on households – A review of household studies,’ South African Journal of Economics, 73, 2005, Special Edition on HIV/AIDS. National Food Consumption Survey in Children Aged 1-9 Years: South Africa 1999. Available at http://www.sahealthinfo.org/nutrition/updaten fcspart1.pdf

Ortmann, GF. ‘Promoting the competitiveness of South African agriculture in a dynamic economic and political environment,’ Agrekon, 44(3), September 2005. Patient, D & Orr, N. ‘Ego and pig-headedness.’ In Mail & Guardian, 2-8 June 2006. Poku, NK. ‘Global pandemics: HIV/AIDS,’ in Held, A & Mcgrew, A (Eds.). Governing Globalisation: Power, Authority and Global Governance. Cambridge, 2003.

Lemke, S. ‘Empowered women, social networks

Nattrass, N. Disability and welfare in South

Presidency. A Nation in the Making: A Discus-

and the contribution of qualitative research:

Africa’s era of unemployment and HIV/AIDS.

sion Document on Macro-social Trends in South

broadening our understanding of underlying

University of Cape Town Centre for Social

Africa. PCAS, Social Sector, 2006.

causes for food and nutrition insecurity.’ Public

Scientific Research, working paper No. 147,

Health Nutrition, 6 (8), 2003.

2006.

Lipton, M. Capitalism and Apartheid. South

Nattrass, N. The Moral Economy of AIDS in

Africa, 1910-1984. Aldershot, 1985.

South Africa. Cambridge, 2004.

Sen, A. Development as Freedom. Oxford, 1999.

Marais, H. Buckling. The Impact of AIDS in South

Nelson Mandela Foundation. South African

Shinns, LH & Mclyne, (initial??) ‘Symptoms of

Africa. Centre for the Study of AIDS, 2005.

National HIV Prevalence, HIV Incidence, Behaviour

poverty within a group of land reform benefi-

and Communication Survey, 2005. 2005.

ciaries in the Midlands of KwaZulu-Natal: Analysis

Russell, M. ‘Understanding black households: the problems,’ in Social Dynamics, 29(2), 2003.

Marais, H. South Africa, Limits to Change: The

and policy recommendations,’ Agrekon, 43(1),

Political Economy of Transition. Cape Town,

Nieuwoudt, L & J Groenewald (eds.). The

2001.

Challenge of Change. Agriculture, Land and

What’s Cooking

|90|

AIDS Review 2005

March 2004.

Simbi, T & M Aliber. Agricultural employment

Swinnen, JFM. ‘Agricultural transformation:

the medium term, Human Sciences Research

crisis in South Africa. Trade and Industrial Policy

lessons from experience,’ Agrekon, 44(1),

Council, Integrated rural and regional develop-

Secretariat Working Paper 13, 2000.

March 2005.

ment position paper, January 2004.

South African Human Rights Commission. Final

Thirtle, C; Piesse, J & M Gouse. ‘Agricultural

Von Braun, J. The World Food Situation. An

Report on the Inquiry into Human Rights Viola-

technology, productivity and employment:

Overview. Prepared for CGIAR Annual General

tions in Farming Communities. August 2003.

policies for poverty reduction,’ Agrekon, 44(1),

Meeting, Marrakech, Morocco, December 6, 2005.

March 2005.

International Food Policy Research Institute.

of the Public Hearing on the Right to Basic Edu-

Townsend, RF (Compiler), Policy distortions and

Walker, C. ‘Women, gender policy and land re-

cation. 2006.

agricultural performance in the South African

form in South Africa.’ Politikon, 32 (2), November

economy. Development Bank of Southern Africa,

2005.

South African Human Rights Commission. Report

Statistics South Africa. Census of Commercial Agriculture 2002. Financial and Production Statistics. 2005. Statistics South Africa. General Household Survey. July 2005. Statistics South Africa. Labour Force Survey: September 2005. 2006. Statistics South Africa. Measuring Poverty in South Africa. 2000.

Development Information Business Unit, Discussion Paper No. 138. November 1997.

Watkinson, E & N Makgetla. South Africa’s Food Security Crisis. For the National Labour and

Tshabalala-Msimang, M. ‘We were right all

Economic Development Institute (NALEDI), July

along.’In Mail & Guardian, 9-15 June 2006.

2002.

UNAIDS. 2006 Report on the Global AIDS Epidemic. A UNAIDS 10th Anniversary Special

White, J & E Robinson. HIV/AIDS and rural

Edition. 2006.

livelihoods in sub-Saharan Africa. Policy Series 6, National Resources Institute, University of

UNAIDS. Epidemic Update: December 2005.

Greenwich, 2000.

United States Department of Agriculture. Food

Williams, G. ‘Setting the agenda: a critique of

security assessment: May 2005. 2005.

the World Bank’s rural restructuring programme for South Africa.’ In Journal of South African

Statistics South Africa. Report on the Survey

UNDP. Human Development Report 2005. 2005.

Studies, 22(1), March 1996.

Van Zyl, J; Vink, N; Kirstein, J; & D Poonyth. ‘South

Wojcicki, J. ‘She drank his money: survival sex

African agriculture in transition: The 1990s.’

and the problem of violence in taverns in

Journal of International Development, 13, 2001.

Gauteng province, South Africa.’ In Medical

of Large and Small Scale Agriculture. 2002. Statistics South Africa. Rural Survey. June 1999. Statistics South Africa. South Africa in Transition. Selected Findings from the October Household

Anthropology Quarterly, 16, 2002. ‘Verbatim,’ Mail & Guardian Online, 9 June 2006.

Survey of 1999 and Changes that Have Occurred Between 1995 and 1999. 2001. Stillwaggon, E. ‘HIV/AIDS in Africa: Fertile ter-

World Bank. South African Agriculture: Structure, Viljoen, MF. ‘South African agricultural policy

Performance and Options for the Future. World

1994 to 2004: Some reflections,’ Agrekon, 44(1),

Bank Discussion Paper No. 6. 1994.

March 2005. Wylie, D. ‘The changing face of hunger in

rain,’ Journal of Development Studies, 38(6), August 2002.

Vogel, C; De Swart, C; & Kirsten, J. et al, Food

Southern African history 1880-1980.’ Past and

security in South Africa: key policy issues for

Present, 122, February 1989.

What’s Cooking

|91|

AIDS Review 2005

Acknowledgements The assistance and contributions of the following organi-

Jabu Khumalo, Esther Ledwaba, Danie Brand, Peris Jones,

sations and individuals in the writing of this Review are

Scott Drimie, Alborica Malatji and Karuna Reddy. The

acknowledged:

Dean and staff of the Faculty of Natural and Agricultural Sciences.

Staff members of the Centre for the Study of AIDS; community workers in Hammanskraal, the Community Based

Mmatshilo Motsei for the title and her contribution to the

Project Officers of the sustainable permaculture project,

development of the discussion.

Centre for the Study of AIDS The Centre for the Study of AIDS (CSA) is located at the

large number of student volunteers are involved in the

University of Pretoria. It is a 'stand alone' centre which is

programme, as are many community groups, ASOs and

responsible for the development and co-ordination of a com

NGOs.

prehensive University-wide response to AIDS. The Centre operates in collaboration with the Deans of all Faculties

To create a climate of debate and critique, the Centre pub-

and through Interfaculty committees to ensure that a

lishes widely and hosts AIDS Forums and seminars. It has

professional understanding of the epidemic is developed

created web- and email-based debate and discussion forums

through curriculum innovation as well as through exten-

and seeks to find new, innovative, creative and effective

sive research.

ways to address HIV/AIDS in South African society.

Support for students and staff is provided through peer-

Together with the Centre for Human Rights and the Law

based education and counselling, through support groups

Faculty at the University of Pretoria, the Centre has created

and through training in HIV/AIDS in the workplace. A

the AIDS and Human Rights Research Unit headed by a

What’s Cooking

|92|

AIDS Review 2005

Professor of AIDS and Human Rights. This research unit is

munity structures. Review 2004, (Un)Real looked at the

continuing the research into the relationship between

dominant images of men in society and focused on mas-

AIDS and human rights in the SADC countries, is engaged

culinities in the South African context. Review 2006 will

in the development of model legislation, of research in

look at HIV and AIDS in the context of education, race and

AIDS and sexualities and sexual rights, and in the placing

class.

of interns to work in various sub-Saharan parliaments and with parliamentarians to strengthen the role of parliaments and governance.

AIDS Review, published annually since 2000, addresses major aspects of the South African response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Review 2000, entitled To the edge, addressed the complex question as to why, despite the comprehensive National AIDS Plan adopted in 1994, South Africa has one of the fastest growing HIV epidemics in the world. Review 2001, entitled Who cares?, dealt with the levels of commitment and care – in the international community, in

Centre for the Study of AIDS

Africa and in South Africa. Review 2002, entitled Whose

University of Pretoria

right?, addressed the relationship between AIDS and human

Pretoria 0002

rights in eight of the SADC countries and how the ways

Republic of South Africa

in which a rights-based or a policy-based approach has determined the ways in which people living with HIV or

Tel: +27 (12) 420 4391

AIDS have been treated and the rights of populations

Fax: +27 (12) 420 4395

affected. Review 2003, entitled (Over) extended, evaluated

[email protected]

age, demographic changes and changing family and com-

www.csa.za.org

What’s Cooking

|93|

AIDS Review 2005

Centre for the Study of AIDS University of Pretoria Pretoria 0002 Republic of South Africa Tel: +27 (12) 420 4391 Fax: +27 (12) 420 4395 [email protected] www.csa.za.org