Cultural Anthropology A Global Perspective Ninth Edition
Raymond Scupin Lindenwood University
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Editorial Director: Dickson Musslewhite Publisher: Charlyce Jones-Owen Editorial Assistant: Maureen Diana Program Manager: Rob DeGeorge Project Manager: Richard DeLorenzo Procurement Manager: MaryAnn Gloriande’s Permissions Specialist: Brooks Hill-Whilton Image Permissions Specialist: Jen Simmons/Lumina Datamatics, Inc. Cover Art Director: Maria Lange Cover image: Gavin Hellier/Passage/Corbis Director, Digital Studio: Sacha Laustein Media Product Manager: David Alick Media Project Manager: Amanda Smith Full-Service Project Management and Composition: Tracy Duff/Lumina Datamatics, Inc. Credits and acknowledgments borrowed from other sources and reproduced with permission appear in the appropriate Credits sections at the end of the book. Copyright © 2016 by Pearson Education, Inc. or its affiliates. All Rights Reserved. This digital publication is protected by copyright, and permission should be obtained from the publisher prior to any prohibited reproduction, storage in a retrieval system, or transmission in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise except as authorized for use under the product subscription through which this digital application is accessed. For information regarding permissions, request forms and the appropriate contacts within the Pearson Education Global Rights & Permissions department, please visit www .pearsoned.com/permissions/. PEARSON, ALWAYS LEARNING, and REVEL are exclusive trademarks in the U.S. and/or other countries owned by Pearson Education, Inc. or its affiliates. Unless otherwise indicated herein, any third-party trademarks that may appear in this work are the property of their respective owners and any references to third-party trademarks, logos or other trade dress are for demonstrative or descriptive purposes only. Such references are not intended to imply any sponsorship, endorsement, authorization, or promotion of Pearson’s products by the owners of such marks, or any relationship between the owner and Pearson Education, Inc. or its affiliates, authors, licensees or distributors. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available on request from the Library of Congress
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Student Edition ISBN-10: 0-13-400897-9 ISBN-13: 978-0-13-400897-4 Instructor’s Review Copy: ISBN-10: 0-13-400529-5 ISBN-13: 978-0-13-400529-4 Á La Carte ISBN-10: 0-13-400525-2 ISBN-13: 978-0-13-400525-6
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Brief Contents PART 1 Basic Concepts in Anthropology
10
Social Structure, the Family, Gender, and Age
188
1
11
Politics, Warfare, and Law
228
12
Religion and Aesthetics
250
1
Introduction to Anthropology
2
Human Evolution
19
3
Culture
41
4
The Process of Enculturation: Psychological and Cognitive Anthropology
58
5
Language
84
6
Anthropological Explanations
PART 3 Globalization and Its Impact
13
Globalization, Culture, and Indigenous Societies
279
14
Globalization in Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean
307
15
Globalization in the Middle East and Asia
335
16
Race and Ethnicity
364
17
Contemporary Global Trends
389
18
Applied Anthropology
413
110
PART 2 Studying Different Societies
7
Analyzing Sociocultural Systems
128
8
Environment, Subsistence, and Demography
143
9
Technology and Economics
164
v
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Contents Preface About the Author
xv xix
PART 1 Basic Concepts in Anthropology
1
Introduction to Anthropology
Anthropology: The Four Subfields Biological Anthropology Archaeology Linguistic Anthropology Cultural Anthropology Applied Anthropology
1 2 2 5 6 8 9
Holistic Anthropology, Interdisciplinary Research, and the Global Perspective
12
Anthropological Explanations The Scientific Method
13 13
Humanistic Interpretive Approaches in Anthropology
14
Why Study Anthropology? Critical Thinking and Global Awareness
16 16
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
17
Key Terms
18
2
Human Evolution
19
Theory of Evolution Origin Myths
20 20
The Scientific Revolution
21
Darwin, Wallace, and Natural Selection Examples of Natural Selection Principles of Inheritance The Evolution of Life
21 22 23 23
Hominin Evolution Australopithecus
24 25
Homo
28
Homo erectus
29
Archaic Homo sapiens Modern Homo sapiens
30 32
The Evolution of Modern Homo sapiens Multiregional Evolutionary Model Replacement Model Hybridization and Assimilation Models
32 32 32 33
Modern Homo sapiens Culture: The Upper Paleolithic Upper Paleolithic Tools Variations in Upper Paleolithic Technologies Upper Paleolithic Subsistence and Social Organization
34 34 34 35
The Upper Paleolithic in Africa and Europe Migration of Upper Paleolithic Humans Human Variation
36 36 37
Skin Color
37
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
38
Key Terms
40
3
Culture
41
The Characteristics of Culture
42
Culture Is Learned Symbols and Symbolic Learning
42 43
Culture Is Shared
45
Aspects of Culture Values Beliefs Norms Ideal versus Real Culture
45 46 47 48 49
Cultural Diversity Food and Diversity Dress Codes and Symbolism Ethnicity
49 50 53 54
Cultural Universals
55
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
56
Key Terms
57
4
The Process of Enculturation: Psychological and Cognitive Anthropology
58
Biology versus Culture
59
Instincts and Human Nature Human Beings as Animals Instincts in Animals Instincts and Learned Behaviors Do Humans Possess Instincts? Drives Culture versus Instinct
60 60 60 61 61 62 62
Enculturation: Culture and Personality Early Studies of Enculturation Childhood Acquisition of Cultural Knowledge
62 63 66
Psychoanalytic Approaches in Anthropology Sigmund Freud’s Influence
67 67
Understanding Incest Avoidance and the Incest Taboo Biological Explanations of Incest Avoidance Marital Alliance and the Incest Taboo Childhood Familiarity Hypothesis Incest Avoidance: Biocultural or Interactionist Perspectives
68 68 69 69 70
vii
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viii Contents Enculturation and the Sex Drive Codes of Sexual Behavior Sexuality and Culture
72 72 72
Enculturation and Cognition Structuralism Jean Piaget and Lev Vygotsky
73 73 74
Cognitive Anthropology
75
Evolutionary Psychology
77
Enculturation and Emotions
78
Neuroanthropology
79
The Limits of Enculturation Unique Biological Tendencies Individual Variation and Agency
80 80 80
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
81
Key Terms
83
5
Language
84
Nonhuman Communication Teaching Apes to Sign Ape Sign Language Re-examined Ethological Research on Ape Communication
85 85 86 86
Animal Communication and Human Language Productivity Displacement Arbitrariness Combining Sounds to Produce Meanings
88 88 88 88 88
The Evolution of Language The Anatomy of Language
89 89
The Structure of Language Phonology Morphology Syntax Semantics
92 92 93 93 94
Language Acquisition Chomsky on Language Acquisition Sign Language in Nicaragua: A Case for the Innateness of Language
94 95 97
6
Anthropological Explanations
110
Nineteenth-Century Evolutionism Unilineal Evolution: Tylor Unilineal Evolution: Morgan Unilineal Evolution: A Critique
112 112 112 113
Diffusionism British Diffusionism German Diffusionism The Limitations and Strengths of Diffusionism
114 114 114 115
Historical Particularism Boas versus the Unilineal Evolutionists
115 115
Functionalism Structural Functionalism: Radcliffe-Brown Psychological Functionalism: Malinowski The Limitations of Functionalism
116 116 117 117
Twentieth-Century Evolutionism Steward and Cultural Ecology The Strengths of Neoevolutionism Criticisms of Cultural Ecology Cultural Materialism Criticisms of Cultural Materialism
117 118 119 119 119 121
Marxist Anthropology Evaluation of Marxist Anthropology
121 121
Symbolic Anthropology: A Humanistic Method of Inquiry Criticisms of Symbolic Anthropology
122 122
Materialism versus Culturalism
123
Feminist Anthropology Criticisms of Feminist Anthropology
123 124
Postmodernism and Anthropology Postmodernists and Contemporary Research Shifts in Anthropological Explanations
124 125 125
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
126
Key Terms
127
PART 2 Studying Different Societies
Language, Thought, and Culture The Sapir–Whorf Hypothesis Weak Linguistic Relativity
97 99 100
Historical Linguistics The Family-Tree Model Assessing Language Change
101 101 103
Ethnographic Fieldwork
129
Ethnographic Research and Strategies
129
Ethics in Anthropological Research
132
Sociolinguistics Dialectal Differences in Spoken Language Honorifics in Language Greeting Behaviors
103 103 105 105
Analysis of Ethnographic Data Universals and Variables Studied by Cultural Anthropologists
133
Sociocultural Evolution: A Contemporary Model
134
Nonverbal Communication Kinesics Proxemics
106 106 108
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
Types of Sociocultural Systems Foragers, Band, or Hunter-Gatherer Societies The Concept of Tribe in Anthropology The Concept of the Chiefdom
134 134 136 137
108
Key Terms
109
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Analyzing Sociocultural Systems
Agricultural States Industrial and Postindustrial States
128
133
138 139
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Contents
ix
Cross-Cultural Research
141
Technology in Foraging Societies
167
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
141
Key Terms
142
Economics in Foraging Societies Reciprocity Collective Ownership of Property The Original Affluent Society? The Affluence Hypothesis Challenged
168 168 169 170 170
Technology among Horticulturalists and Pastoralists Horticulturalist Technology Pastoralist Technology
171 171 171
Economics in Horticulturalist and Pastoralist Societies Money Property Ownership
172 172 172
Technology in Chiefdoms Housing in Chiefdoms
173 173
Economy in Chiefdoms Food Storage Property Ownership Economic Exchange in Chiefdoms
173 173 174 174
Technology in Agricultural States Agricultural Innovations The Diffusion of Technology
176 176 177
Economics in Agricultural States Property Rights The Command Economy versus the Entrepreneur The Peasantry Trade and Monetary Exchange
177 177
8
Environment, Subsistence, and Demography
143
Subsistence and the Physical Environment Modern Cultural Ecology Biomes Subsistence Patterns and Environments
144 144 144 145
Demography Fertility, Mortality, and Migration Population and Environment Population and Culture
146 146 147 147
Modern Foraging Environments and Subsistence Deserts Tropical Rain Forests Arctic Regions Mobility and Subsistence
147 147 149 149 150
Demographic Conditions for Foragers Fissioning Infanticide and Geronticide Fertility Rates for Foragers
150 151 151 151
Environment and Subsistence for Horticulturalists and Pastoralists Amazon Horticulturalists: The Yanomamö New Guinea Horticulturalists: The Tsembaga Horticulturalists in Woodland Forest Areas: The Iroquois Environment and Subsistence for Pastoralists East African Cattle Complex
152 152 153 153 154 154
Demographics and Settlement
155
Environment, Subsistence, and Demography for Chiefdoms Pacific Island Chiefdoms African Chiefdoms Native American Chiefdoms Demography
155 155 156 156 158
Environment and Demography in Agricultural States
158
Environment and Energy Use in Industrial and Postindustrial Societies
159
Demographic Change The Demographic Transition Urbanization
161 161 161
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
162
Key Terms
163
9
Technology and Economies
164
Anthropological Explanations of Technology
165
Anthropology and Economics The Formalist Approach The Substantivist Approach Contemporary Economic Anthropology
166 166 166 166
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178 178 179
Technology and Economic Change in Industrial and Postindustrial Societies Technology and Work The Division of Labor Economic Exchange Perspectives on Market Economies The Evolution of Economic Organizations Capitalist Consumer Societies
179 180 180 181 182 184 185
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
185
Key Terms
187
10
Social Structure, the Family, Gender, and Age
188
Social Structure Components of Social Structure The Family Marriage Gender Age
189 189 190 190 190 191
Social Structure in Hunter-Gatherer Societies Marriage and Kinship Gender Age
192 192 194 195
Social Structure in Tribes Families Descent Groups
197 197 197
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x Contents Unilineal Descent Groups Functions of Descent Groups Marriage Gender Age
197 199 199 202 205
Mediation and Self-Help Possible Reasons for Collapse
242 243
Political Organization in Industrial and Postindustrial States Political Organization in Socialist States Industrialism and State Bureaucracy
244 246 246
Law Japanese Law
246 246
Warfare and Industrial Technology
247
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
248
Key Terms
249
Social Structure in Chiefdoms Rank and Sumptuary Rules Marriage General Social Principles in Chiefdoms Gender Age Slavery
206 206 206 208 208 208 209
Social Structure in Agricultural States Kinship and Status Marriage
209 209 210
Religion
251
Social Stratification in Agricultural States The Caste System
214 214
Myth and Ritual Rituals
252 252
Social Structure in Industrial and Postindustrial Societies Kinship Family Marriage Gender Age
215 215 215 216 219 222
Rites of Passage Religious Specialists Religious Movements
252 254 254
Cognition and Religion
254
Aesthetics: Art and Music
256
Social Stratification in Industrial and Postindustrial Societies The British Class System Class in the United States Class in Japan and the Former Soviet Union
222 223 223 224
Religions among Foragers The Dreamtime Inuit Religion
257 257 257
Art, Music, and Religion
259
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
225
Key Terms
227
Religion among Horticulturalists and Pastoralists Animism and Shamanism in South America Witchcraft and Sorcery Totemism Art and Music in Tribal Societies Musical Traditions
260 260 260 261 261 262
Religion in Chiefdoms Shamanism in Chiefdoms Human Sacrifice
262 263 263
Art, Architecture, and Music Music
263 264 264 265 265 266 266 267 268 269 269 270
11
Politics, Warfare, and Law
228
12
Religion and Aesthetics
250
Politics, Warfare, and Law Decision Making in a Political System Warfare and Feuds Law and Social Control
229 229 230 230
Political Organization in Foraging Societies Characteristics of Leadership
231 231
Warfare and Violence in Foraging Societies Conflict Resolution
232 232
Political Organization in Horticultural and Pastoralist Tribes Sodalities How Leaders Are Chosen Pastoralist Tribal Politics
233 233 233 234
Explaining Tribal Warfare Law and Conflict Resolution among Tribes
235 238
Religion in Agricultural States Ecclesiastical Religions Divine Rulers, Priests, and Religious Texts Universalistic Religions Hinduism Buddhism Judaism Christianity Protestantism Islam
Political Authority in Chiefdoms
239
Art, Architecture, and Music
272
The Evolution of Chiefdoms Law in Chiefdoms
240 241
Politics in Agricultural States Law in Agricultural States
241 242
Religion and Secularization in Industrial and Postindustrial Societies Religion in Socialist States Religion in Japan
273 273 273
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Contents
Art and Music Music
274 274
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
276
Key Terms
278
PART 3 Globalization and Its Impact
13
Globalization, Culture, and Indigenous Societies
279
Globalization: A Contested Term
280
Globalization: Technological and Economic Trends
281
Globalization: General Theoretical Approaches Modernization Theory Dependency Theory World-Systems Theory
282 282 285 286
Anthropological Analysis and Globalization
288
Globalization, Politics, and Culture
289
Globalization and Indigenous Peoples Vanishing Foragers Tribes in Transition Chiefdoms in Transition
290 290 293 296
Forms of Resistance among Indigenous Peoples Revitalization among Native Americans Melanesia and New Guinea: The Cargo Cults A Hawaiian Religious Renaissance A Lost Opportunity? Native American Knowledge Preserving Indigenous Societies
298 298 300 301 302 302 303
Pro- and Antiglobalization: An Anthropological Contribution
303
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
305
Key Terms
306
14
Globalization in Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean
307
Globalization and Colonialism Latin America Africa The Caribbean
308 308 310 311
Consequences of Globalization and Colonialism Demographic Change Economic Change Religious Change
312 312 312 314
Political Changes: Independence and Nationalist Movements Explaining Revolution
316 318
Uneven Economic Development Peripheral Societies Semiperipheral Societies South Africa: An Economy in Transition
318 318 319 320
Ethnographic Studies African Peasants: A Unique Phenomenon?
321 322
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xi
Social Structure Latin American Social Relationships African Social Relationships
323 323 324
Patterns of Ethnicity Ethnicity in Latin America Ethnicity in Africa Ethnicity in the Caribbean
326 326 328 330
Urban Anthropology
330
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
332
Key Terms
334
15
Globalization in the Middle East and Asia
335
Anthropology Following 9/11
336
Early Colonialism and Globalization The Middle East
337 337
Consequences of Colonialism Demographic Change Economic Change Religious Change
340 340 340 342
Political Change: Independence and Nationalism A Nationalist and Independence Movement in India Revolutionary Movements in Asia
342 342 343
Uneven Economic Development Oil and the Middle East Withdrawal from the Global Economy
344 344 345
Ethnographic Studies A Middle Eastern Village and Globalization
346 346
Middle Eastern Family, Marriage, and Gender Social Structure, Family, and Gender in India and South Asia Family and Gender in China
347
Ethnic Tensions China and Ethnic Minorities
353 353
Islamic Revitalization Islamic Revolution in Iran Islamic Revitalization in Afghanistan
356 357 358
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
362
Key Terms
363
16
350 352
Race and Ethnicity
364
Race, Racism, and Culture Ancient Classification Systems
365 365
Modern Racism in Western Thought Critiques of Scientific Racism Race and Intelligence
366 367 367
The Cultural and Social Significance of Race
368
Ethnicity
369
Anthropological Perspectives on Ethnicity The Primordialist Model
370 370
Patterns of Ethnic Relations Pluralism
372 372
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xii Contents 373 373 374
Economic Trends Multinational Corporations Emerging Global Economic Trends
401 401 403
Ethnic Relations in the United States WASP Dominance New Ethnic Challenges for U.S. Society German and Irish Americans Italian and Polish Americans The Melting Pot: Assimilation or Pluralism? African-Americans Hispanic Americans Asian and Arab Americans Cultural Pluralism Multiculturalism in the United States
375 375 376 376 377 378 379 381 383 384 385
Political, Ethnic, and Religious Trends Ethnic Trends Religion and Secularization
408 408 409
The Role of Anthropology
410
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
411
Key Terms
412
Ethnonationalism
386
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
387
Key Terms
388
Assimilation Ethnic Violence Racial and Ethnic Stratification
17
Contemporary Global Trends
Pessimists versus Optimists on Globalization Issues The Doomsday Model The Optimists: The Logic-of-Growth Model The Pessimists and the Optimists: An Anthropological Assessment
389 390 390 390 390
Technological Trends Energy Consumption Patterns
391 391
Environmental Trends Mechanized Agriculture and Pollution Air Pollution
392 392 393
Population Trends The Demographic-Transition Model Applied Loss of Biodiversity A Global Solution for Global Problems The Sustainability Model
393
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394 396 398 401
18
Applied Anthropology
413
The Roles of the Applied Anthropologist The Roles of the Applied Anthropologist in Planned Change
414
Medical Anthropology Ethnomedicine Medical Anthropology and Mental Illness
417 418 420
Cultural Resource Management: Applied Archaeology
415
423
Preserving the Past
423
Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act
426
Applied Anthropology and Human Rights
427
Cultural Relativism and Human Rights
427
The Problem of Intervention
429
Universal Human Rights
429
Summary and Review of Learning Objectives
435
Key Terms
435
Glossary
436
References
444
Credits
475
Index
477
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Boxes Anthropologists at Work John Hawks: Biological Anthropologist
Russell Bernard: Saving Languages
Kelley Hays-Gilpin: Archaeologist
Gabriella Coleman: The Ethnography of Geeks and Hackers
Bonnie Urciuoli: Linguistic Anthropologist
Eric Wolf: A Global Anthropologist
Scott Atran: Cultural Anthropologist
Susan Brownell: Ethnography in China
A. Peter Castro: Applied Anthropologist
John McCreery: Applying Anthropology in Japan
Nancy Rosenberg: Gender, Food, Globalization, and Culture
Clyde Collins Snow: Forensic Anthropologist
Critical Perspectives Creationism, Intelligent Design, and Evolution
Were There Matriarchal States?
Key National Symbols
Graduation: A Rite of Passage in U.S. Society
The Anthropology of the “Self”
Globalization and McDonald’s
Human Aggression: Biological or Cultural?
Ethical Controversies in El Dorado
Contacts Between Two Worlds?
xiii
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Preface Educational Goals and Orientation of This Text The world has become a small place. Global communications, international trade, geopolitical events with worldwide impact, and ease of travel have brought people and cultures into more intimate contact than ever before, forcing this generation of students to become more knowledgeable about societies other than their own. This textbook is grounded in the belief that an enhanced global awareness is essential for people preparing to take their place in the fastpaced, increasingly interconnected world of the twentyfirst century. Anthropology is ideally suited to introduce students to a global perspective. Through exploring the range of human diversity, each of the subfields of anthropology helps liberate students from a narrow, parochial view and enables them to appreciate the full sweep of the human condition. The anthropological perspective, which stresses criticalthinking, the evaluation of competing hypotheses, and the skills to generalize from specific data, contributes significantly to a well-rounded education. This text engages readers in anthropology by delving into both classic and current research in the field. This reflects a commitment to anthropology’s holistic and integrative approach. It spells out how the four basic subfields of anthropology—biological anthropology, archaeology, linguistics, and cultural anthropology—together yield a comprehensive understanding of humanity. Because the subfields often overlap, insights from all of them are woven together to reveal the holistic fabric of a particular society or the threads uniting all of humanity. In examining anthropological research, this text often refers to research conducted in other fields. Contemporary anthropologists draw on the findings of biologists, paleontologists, geologists, economists, historians, psychologists, sociologists, political scientists, religious studies specialists, philosophers, and researchers in other areas whose work sheds light on anthropological inquiry. In addition to enlarging the scope of the text, exploring interactions between anthropology and other fields sparks the critical imagination that brings the learning process to life. The comparative approach, another cornerstone of the anthropological perspective, is also highlighted in this text. When anthropologists assess fossil evidence, artifacts, languages, or cultural beliefs and values, they weigh comparative evidence, while acknowledging the unique elements of each case, society, or culture. The text casts an inquiring eye
on materials from numerous geographical regions and historical eras to enrich student understanding. A diachronic approach also characterizes this textbook. In evaluating human evolution, prehistoric events, language divergence, or developments in social structure, anthropologists must rely on models that reflect changes through time, so this diachronic orientation suffuses the text.
Three Unifying Themes of This Text In previous editions of this textbook, I emphasized three unifying themes that structured the material presented. These have been retained and expanded in this ninth edition. The first two themes I introduce students to are the diversity of human societies and cultural patterns the world over and the similarities that make all humans fundamentally alike. To achieve these two objectives, I pay as much attention to universal human characteristics as I do to local cultural contexts and conditions. I emphasize the growing interconnectedness of humanity and both the positive and negative consequences of this reality. I draw on anthropological studies to discover how people are responding to the process of globalization. The third theme focuses on the interconnections between the sciences and humanities within anthropology. I call this the synthetic-complementary approach, which views the scientific method and the methods in the humanities as complementary and suggests that one is incomplete without the other. This theme had been mentioned in previous editions, but I make it much more of a centerpiece in this edition. This third important theme dovetails with the two other themes, demonstrating how human behavior is both unique to a specific culture, and yet is also universal. Several decades ago, in another anthropology textbook published by Prentice Hall (1964), the late Eric Wolf emphasized that anthropology has always had one foot in the sciences and one foot in the humanities. This observation is evermore true today. Wolf said, “Anthropology is both the most scientific of the humanities and the most humanistic of the sciences” (1964, 88). Eric was kind enough to give us suggestions in developing this textbook and I would like to carry on the tradition that Eric Wolf accentuated in his work. One of the important goals in this edition is to further highlight the fundamental importance of the synthetic-complementary approach to science and the humanities in anthropology.
xv
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xvi Preface Some anthropologists have argued that the scientific approach is not suitable for assessing and interpreting human behavior and culture, whereas others believe that the humanistic approach is not appropriate for developing general cross-cultural and causal explanations about human behavior and culture. This has led to textbooks that focus either on one or the other approach. In this book, I highlight how the interpretive-humanistic perspective is complementary to the scientific method, which seeks general cross-cultural and causal explanations for human behavior and culture. The interpretive-humanistic perspective provides insight into the specifics of human behavior within different cultures, whereas the scientific approach offers a method to test causal explanations that allow for insight into universal aspects of human behavior.
What’s New to This Edition š New Anthropologists at Work boxes illustrate current research directions of a linguistic anthropologist who explores race and ethnicity issues and corporate culture and a cultural anthropologist who is examining the world of hackers and geeks dealing with the Internet. š New discussion of the new field of neuroanthropology and current research in that area. š New discussions of Pierre Bourdieu on agency and forms of economic, social, and cultural capital. š New discussion of the ethics of anthropological research in war zones and its controversies. š New discussion of the research on human cooperation and the development of prosocial norms in economics and religious traditions. š New discussion of polyandry based on recent crosscultural research. š New discussion of universalistic religious traditions including Hinduism, Buddhism, Judaism, Catholicism, Protestantism, and Islam
š New discussions of cardiac disease in India and acupuncture in the U.S. as research topics in medical anthropology. New reorganization of Chapters 7–12 to highlight the different environments, subsistence and demographic conditions, technology, economics, social structures including family, gender, and age, politics, warfare, law, religion, art, and music found in different forms of societies throughout the world.
Features of This Text Boxes In the Critical Perspectives boxes, designed to stimulate independent reasoning and judgment, students take the role of anthropologist by engaging in the critical analysis of specific problems and issues that arise in anthropological research. A successful holdover from the first edition, these boxes encourage students to use rigorous standards of evidence when evaluating assumptions and hypotheses regarding scientific and philosophical issues that have no easy answers. I have updated my discussions in the Critical Perspective boxes for this eighth edition. By probing beneath the surface of various assumptions and hypotheses in these exercises, students stand to discover the excitement and challenge of anthropological investigation. Anthropologists at Work boxes, profiling prominent anthropologists, humanize many of the issues covered in the chapters. These boxes—another carryover from the first edition—go behind the scenes to trace the personal and professional development of some of today’s leading anthropologists. I have three new boxes in this area focusing on Bonnie Urciuoli as a linguistic anthropologist, Gabriella Coleman's fascinating ethnographic research on hackers and geeks on the Internet, and Akbar Ahmed on his research on globalization and the Islamic world.
š New discussions of art and music as studied by anthropologists and ethnomusicologists
Pedagogical Aids
š New Anthropologists at Work box on Akbar Ahmed who studies globalization and the Islamic world.
For sound pedagogical reasons, I have retained some features in this ninth edition of Cultural Anthropology: A Global Perspective. Each chapter opens with a Chapter Outline and Learning Objectives that will help guide students to the most important issues addressed in the chapter. And each chapter ends with a Summary and Learning Objectives, which address issues covered in the chapter in order to help students better comprehend the material in the chapter. In addition, each chapter has a list of Key Terms that will help students focus on important concepts introduced in the chapter.
š New discussions of the burakumin people of Japan š New discussion of John Hartigan's research on the Mexican genome reflecting a different concept of race compared to the U.S. folk model. š New discussion of John Bowen’s research on secularization and Islam in France. š New discussions of ‘Engaged Anthropology’ within the context of Applied Anthropology
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Preface
Support for Instructors and Students Instructor’s Manual: For each chapter in the text, this valuable resource provides a detailed Chapter Outline, Learning Objectives from the text, Lecture and Discussion Topics, Classroom Activities, and Research and Writing Topics. For easy access, this manual is available for download at www.pearsonhighered.com/irc. Text Bank: Test questions in multiple-choice, true/ false, and essay formats are available for each chapter. For easy access, this test bank is available for download at www.pearsonhighered.com/irc. MyTest: This computerized software allows instructors to create their own personalized exams, edit any or all of the existing test questions, and add new questions. Other special features of the program include random generation of test questions, creation of alternate versions of the same test, scrambling question sequence, and test preview before printing. For easy access, this software is available at www.pearsonhighered.com/irc. PowerPoint Presentation Slides for Cultural Anthropology: These PowerPoint slides combine text and graphics for each chapter to help instructors convey cultural anthropology principles in a clear and engaging way. For easy access, they are available for download at www.pearsonhighered.com/irc.
Acknowledgments A textbook like this one requires the enormous effort of many people. First, I would like to offer thanks to my colleague Christina Dames who is a recent graduate of the University of Missouri, Columbia anthropology program and faculty member at Lindenwood University. She provided in-depth research assistance on the production of this textbook, helping to update the materials in all areas of the textbook. I would also like to thank the following reviewers for their valuable comments on the various editions of this
REVELTM Educational technology designed for the way today’s students read, think, and learn When students are engaged deeply, they learn more effectively and perform better in their courses. This simple fact inspired the creation of REVEL: an immersive learning experience designed for the way today’s students read, think, and learn. Built in collaboration with educators and
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textbook: Hoyt Alverson; Dartmouth College; Harumi Befu, Stanford University; Donald E. Brown, University of California–Santa Barbara; Susan Brownell; University of Missouri St. Louis; Robert Carmack, SUNY–Albany; A. H. Peter Castro, Syracuse University; Miriam S. Chaiken, New Mexico State University; Tom Connelly, New Mexico State University; Dale Eickelman, Dartmouth College; Adam D. Frank, University of Central Arkansas; Raymond Hames, University of Nebraska; Robert W. Hefner, Boston University; Robert Hitchcock, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque; Howard Kress, University of Connecticut; Ronald Kephart, University of North Florida; Rita S. Kipp, Kenyon College; the late Robert Lawless, Witchita State University; James Lett, Indian River Community College; Ronald Lukens-Bull, University of North Florida; Henry Munson, University of Maine; Thomas O’Toole, St. Cloud State University; Paul (Jim) Roscoe, University of Maine; Susan D. Russell, Northern Illinois University; Paul Shankman, University of Colorado at Boulder; Stephen A. Tyler, Rice University; Dustin Wax, University of Nevada, Los Vegas, and Melford S. Weiss, California State University, Sacramento, and Michael and Lauren Kohut who are completing their PhDs at Vanderbilt University. I also extend thanks to all my colleagues who sent photos and information for use in the biography boxes. I am grateful for the unwavering support given to this project by Pearson Prentice Hall. Without the moral support and encouragement of our acquisition editor Charlyce Owens-Jones, Richard DeLorenzo Project Manager, Permissions editor Brooks Hill-Whilton at Pearson and Senior Project Manager at Lumina Datamatics Tracy Duff and Photo Researcher Jen Simmons at Lumina Datamatics this project would have been much harder to complete. My warmest appreciation goes to my wife, Susan, whose emotional support, patience, love, and endurance made possible the publication of the eighth edition of this project. Anyone with comments, suggestions, or recommendations regarding this text is welcome to send e-mail messages to the following address:
[email protected]. Raymond Scupin
students nationwide, REVEL is the newest, fully digital way to deliver respected pearson content. REVEL enlivens course content with media interactives and assessments—integrated directly within the authors’ narrative—that provide opportunities for students to read about and practice course material in tandem. This immersive educational technology boosts student engagement, which leads to better understanding of concepts and improved performance throughout the course. Learn more about REVEL: www.pearsonhighered .com/REVEL
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About the Author Raymond Scupin is Professor of Anthropology and International Studies at Lindenwood University. He is currently the Director at the Center for International and Global Studies at Lindenwood. He received his B.A. degree in history, Asian studies, and anthropology, from the University of California–Los Angeles. He completed his M.A. and Ph.D. degrees in anthropology at the University of California–Santa Barbara. Dr. Scupin is truly a four-field anthropologist. During graduate school, he did archaeological and ethnohistorical research on Native Americans in the Santa Barbara region. He did extensive ethnographic fieldwork in Thailand with a focus on understanding the ethnic and religious movements among the Muslim minority. In addition, Dr. Scupin taught linguistics and conducted linguistic research while based at a Thai university. Dr. Scupin has been teaching undergraduate and graduate courses in anthropology for more than thirty years at a variety of academic institutions, including community colleges, research universities, and a four-year liberal arts
university. Thus, he has taught a very broad spectrum of undergraduate students. Through his teaching experience, Dr. Scupin was prompted to write this textbook, which would allow a wide range of undergraduate students to understand the holistic and global perspectives of the four-field approach in anthropology. In 1999, he received the Missouri Governor’s Award for Teaching Excellence. In 2007, Dr. Scupin received the Distinguished Scholars Award at Lindenwood University. Dr. Scupin has published many studies based on his ethnographic research in Thailand. He returned to Thailand and other countries of Southeast Asia to update his ethnographic data on Islamic trends in that area, an increasingly important topic in the post-9/11 world. He is a member of many professional associations, including the American Anthropological Association, the Asian Studies Association, and the Council of Thai Studies. Dr. Scupin has authored Religion and Culture: An Anthropological Focus, Race and Ethnicity: The United States and the World, and Peoples and Cultures of Asia, all published by Pearson Prentice Hall.
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Chapter 1
Introduction to Anthropology Chapter Outline Anthropology: The Four Subfields 2 Holistic Anthropology, Interdisciplinary Research, and the Global Perspective 12 Anthropological Explanations 13 Humanistic Interpretive Approaches in Anthropology 14 Why Study Anthropology? 16
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 1.1 Compare and contrast the four major
subfields of anthropology. 1.2 Describe how the field of anthropology is
holistic, interdisciplinary, and global. 1.3 Explain how the scientific method is used
1.4 Discuss how the field of anthropology
bridges both the sciences and the humanities. 1.5 Describe why any student should study
anthropology.
in anthropological explanations. 1
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Chapter 2
Human Evolution Chapter Outline Theory of Evolution 20 The Scientific Revolution 21 Darwin, Wallace, and Natural Selection 21 Hominin Evolution 24 Archaic Homo sapiens 30 The Evolution of Modern Homo sapiens 32 Modern Homo sapiens Culture: The Upper Paleolithic 34 Human Variation 37
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 2.1 Explain how cosmologies regarding human
2.6 Discuss the three different models of
origins differ from the scientific view of evolution.
evolutionary development of modern humans.
2.2 Discuss the scientific revolution that resulted
2.7 Describe the cultural features of the Upper
in Darwin’s views of evolution. 2.3 Explain how natural selection works. 2.4 Describe how early hominins are different
from other primates.
Paleolithic. 2.8 Discuss the factors of natural selection that
influence skin color differences in modern humans.
2.5 Describe the physical and cultural
characteristics of Neandertals.
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Chapter 3
Culture
Chapter Outline The Characteristics of Culture 42
Aspects of Culture 45
Culture Is Learned 42
Cultural Diversity 49
Culture Is Shared 45
Cultural Universals 55
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 3.1 Discuss the basic characteristics and
components of culture as understood by anthropologists. 3.2 Discuss how humans acquire their culture. 3.3 Discuss how anthropologists understand
3.5 Describe how culture results in differences
among people in various societies. 3.6 Describe how culture leads to universal
similarities among people in widely separated societies.
the sharing of culture. 3.4 Discuss the components of nonmaterial
culture studied by anthropologists.
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Chapter 4
The Process of Enculturation: Psychological and Cognitive Anthropology Chapter Outline Biology versus Culture 59 Instincts and Human Nature 60 Enculturation: Culture and Personality 62 Psychoanalytic Approaches in Anthropology 67 Understanding Incest Avoidance and the Incest Taboo 68 Enculturation and the Sex Drive 72 Enculturation and Cognition 73 Cognitive Anthropology 75 Evolutionary Psychology 77 Enculturation and Emotions 78 Neuroanthropology 79 The Limits of Enculturation 80
Learning Objectives After you have read this chapter you should be able to: 4.1 Discuss the relationship between biology
and culture and how anthropologists regard the nature/nurture questions of humanity. 4.2 Explain the difference between nonhuman
animal behavior and human behavior.
4.3 Discuss how anthropologists study
enculturation and its relationship to personality formation. 4.4 How have anthropologists used the
psychoanalytic approach to study personality and culture?
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Chapter 5
Language Chapter Outline Nonhuman Communication 85 Animal Communication and Human Language 88 The Evolution of Language 89 The Structure of Language 92 Language Acquisition 95 Language, Thought, and Culture 97 Historical Linguistics 101 Sociolinguistics 103 Nonverbal Communication 106
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 5.1 Compare and contrast how the
laboratory studies of nonhuman animal communication differs from what is found in the studies of nonhuman animals in the wild. 5.2 Discuss what makes human languages
unique in comparison with nonhuman animal communication. 5.3 Describe what anthropologists conclude
about the evolution of language. 5.4 Discuss how linguistic anthropologists
5.5 Explain how children acquire their
languages. 5.6 Discuss the relationship between language
and culture. 5.7 Describe how anthropologists study the
history of languages. 5.8 Describe what the field of sociolinguistics
tells us about language use. 5.9 Discuss other forms of communication
humans use beside language.
study language. 84
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Chapter 6
Anthropological Explanations Chapter Outline Nineteenth-Century Evolutionism 112 Diffusionism 114 Historical Particularism 115 Functionalism 116 Twentieth-Century Evolutionism 117 Cultural Materialism 119 Marxist Anthropology 121 Symbolic Anthropology: A Humanistic Method of Inquiry 122 Materialism versus Culturalism 123 Feminist Anthropology 123 Postmodernism and Anthropology 124
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 6.1 Explain the weaknesses of the nineteenth-
century unilineal evolutionary approaches in anthropology. 6.2 Describe the basic strengths and
weaknesses of the diffusionist approach in understanding different cultures. 6.3 Discuss historical particularism developed
by Franz Boas. 6.4 Explain the differences between structural
functionalism and psychological functionalism.
6.5 Discuss the twentieth-century
neoevolutionary approaches, including cultural materialism. 6.6 Describe the Marxist approach in
anthropology that emerged in the 1970s. 6.7 Discuss the symbolic anthropology
approach as a humanist method. 6.8 Discuss the approach of feminist
anthropologists. 6.9 Discuss the strengths and weaknesses of
the postmodern approach in anthropology.
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Chapter 7
Analyzing Sociocultural Systems Chapter Outline Ethnographic Fieldwork 129 Research Methods in Ethnographic Studies 129 Ethical Dilemmas for Ethnographic Research 132 Analysis of Ethnographic Data 133 Sociocultural Evolution: A Contemporary Model 134 Types of Sociocultural Systems 134 Cross-Cultural Research 142
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 7.1 Discuss how cultural anthropologists
prepare to study society and culture. 7.2 Describe the actual research methods used
for ethnographic studies. 7.3 Discuss some of the ethical dilemmas
of ethnographic research. 7.4 Discuss how cultural anthropologists 128
7.5 Discuss the contemporary view
of sociocultural evolution used by anthropologists. 7.6 Describe the types of sociocultural systems
studied by anthropologists. 7.7 Describe the strengths and limitations
of the cross-cultural approach.
analyze their ethnographic data.
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Chapter 8
Environment, Subsistence, and Demography Chapter Outline Subsistence and the Physical Environment 144 Demography: Fertility, Mortality, and Migration 146 Modern Foraging Environments and Subsistence 147 Demographic Conditions for Foragers 150 Environment and Subsistence for Horticulturalists and Pastoralists 152 Demographics and Settlement 155 Environment, Subsistence, and Demography for Chiefdoms 155 Environment and Demography in Agricultural States 158 Environment and Energy Use in Industrial and Postindustrial States 159 Demographic Change 161
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 8.1 Discuss the relationship between
subsistence and the physical environment (biomes). 8.2 Describe how anthropologists study
population with reference to fertility, mortality, and migration.
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8.3 Describe the different environments and
subsistence activities of foragers. 8.4 Discuss the demographic conditions for
foragers. 8.5 Describe the environments and subsistence
for horticulturalists and pastoralists.
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Chapter 9
Technology and Economies
Chapter Outline Anthropological Explanations of Technology 165
Technology in Chiefdoms 173
Anthropology and Economics 166
Economy in Chiefdoms 173
Technology in Foraging Societies 167
Technology in Agricultural States 176
Economics in Foraging Societies 168
Economics in Agricultural States 177
Technology among Horticulturalists and Pastoralists 171
Technology and Economic Change in Industrial and Postindustrial Societies 179
Economics in Horticulturalist and Pastoralist Societies 173
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 9.1 Discuss the anthropological explanations of
technology. 9.2 Discuss how anthropologists study
economics in different societies.
9.3 Describe the technologies of foraging
societies. 9.4 Describe how the economy works in
foraging societies.
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Technology and Economies
9.5 Describe the technologies of horticulturalist
and pastoralists societies. 9.6 Discuss money and property ownership in
horticulturalist and pastoralist economies. 9.7 Describe technology and housing in
chiefdom societies. 9.8 Describe the unique type of economic
exchange that emerged in chiefdom societies.
Technology
The term technology is derived from the Greek word techne, which refers to “art” or “skill.” When we hear this term, we usually think of tools, machines, clothing, shelter, and other such objects. As defined by modern anthropologists, however, technology consists of all the human techniques and methods of reaching a specific subsistence goal or of modifying or controlling the natural environment. Technology is cultural in that it includes methods for manipulating the environment. It consists of physical tools and of cultural knowledge that humans can apply in specific ways to help themselves survive and thrive in changing environments in which they live and work. In societies in which people use technologies, such as bows and arrows, canoes, plows, penicillin, or computers, the cultural knowledge needed to construct, design, and use these materials is extremely important. To sustain life, human societies need to produce and allocate goods and services to provide food, clothing, shelter, tools, and transportation. Goods are elements of material culture produced from raw materials in the natural environment, ranging from the basic commodities for survival to luxury items. The commodities for survival may include axes and plows for clearing land and cultivating crops. Luxury commodities include such items as jewelry, decorative art, and musical instruments. Services are elements of nonmaterial culture in the form of specialized skills that benefit others, such as giving spiritual comfort or providing medical care. Goods and services are valued because they satisfy various human needs. To produce these goods and services, societies must have suitable technologies.
Anthropological Explanations of Technology 9.1
Discuss the anthropological explanations of technology.
As we saw in an earlier section of the text, in the nineteenth century, anthropologists such as E. B. Tylor and Lewis Morgan constructed a unilineal scheme of cultural
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9.9
165
Discuss agricultural state innovations in technology and diffusion.
9.10 Describe the type of economies
that developed in agricultural civilizations. 9.11 Describe technology and economic
changes for industrial and postindustrial societies.
evolution in which societies progressed from the simple, small-scale societies of “savages” to the more complex industrial technologies of modern civilizations. In the twentieth century, these simplistic views of technological evolution were rejected through detailed ethnographic research. Anthropologists in the 1950s and 1960s such as Leslie White and Julian Steward—who became known as cultural materialists—came to view technology as one of the primary factors of cultural evolution. White defined technology as an energy-capturing system made up of energy, tools, and products—that is, all the material means with which energy is harnessed, transformed, and expended (1959). These anthropologists viewed technology as a basic and primary source of sociocultural change. They argued that we cannot explain different technological developments in society with reference to “cultural values.” Instead, technology must be viewed as a method designed to cope with a particular environment. Therefore, variations in environment, or habitat, could account for the differences between, say, the Inuit (Eskimo) and the Australian Aborigine societies. White’s views on technology, as well as the views of other cultural materialists, have been criticized as a rigid form of “technological determinism.” Although the cultural materialists see sociological, ideological, or emotional factors as conditioning or limiting the use or development of technology, these factors exert little influence on sociocultural systems compared to technology’s dominant role. Anthropologists are currently evaluating this cultural materialist hypothesis to determine whether technology is a primary variable in societal development, or a number of factors work in conjunction with technology to condition societal developments and evolution. So far, anthropologists have concluded that technology alone does not result in cultural change and transformation, but rather cultural values, beliefs, and practices interact with technology to create changes. For example, the Old Order Amish people reject modern technology because of their significant religious beliefs and cultural values. Technology has to be understood with respect to the cultural context in which it is accepted, rejected, or modified by human communities.
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Chapter 10
Social Structure, the Family, Gender, and Age Chapter Outline Social Structure 189 Social Structure in Hunter-Gatherer Societies 192 Social Structure in Tribes 197 Social Structure in Chiefdoms 206 Social Structure in Agricultural States 209 Social Stratification in Agricultural States 214 Social Structure in Industrial and Postindustrial States 215 Social Stratification in Industrial and Postindustrial Societies 222
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 10.1 Discuss the general components of social
structure, including status, the family, marriage, gender, and age. 10.2 Describe the social structure, family,
marriage, gender, and age in foraging societies.
10.3 Describe the social structure, family,
marriage, descent groups, gender, and age for tribal societies. 10.4 Discuss how status differences, the family,
gender, and age are related in chiefdom societies.
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Social Structure, the Family, Gender, and Age
10.5 Discuss the family, kinship, marriage,
gender, and age patterns in agricultural states. 10.6 Discuss the type of stratification
characteristic of agricultural states.
Social Structure 10.1 Discuss the general components of social structure, including status, the family, marriage, gender, and age. All inorganic and organic things, from planets to living cells, have a structure—they consist of interrelated parts in a particular arrangement. Anthropologists use the idea of structure when they analyze different societies. Societies are not just random, chaotic collections of people who interact with one another. Rather, social interaction in any society takes place in regular patterns. As we discussed in Chapter 4, people learn the norms, values, and behavioral patterns of their societies through enculturation. In the absence of social patterns, people would find social life confusing. Anthropologists refer to this pattern of relationships in society as the social structure. Social structure provides the framework for all human societies, but it does not determine decision making of individuals.
Components of Social Structure One of the most important components of social structure is status. Status is a recognized position that a person occupies in society. A person’s status determines where he or she fits in society in relationship to everyone else. Status may be based on or accompanied by wealth, power, prestige, or a combination of all of these. Many anthropologists use the term socioeconomic status (SES) to refer to how a specific position is related to the division of labor, the political system, and other cultural variables. All societies recognize both ascribed and achieved statuses. An ascribed status is one that is attached to a person from birth or that a person assumes involuntarily later in life. The most prevalent ascribed statuses are based upon family and kinship relations (for example, daughter or son), sex (male or female), and age. In addition, in some societies, ascribed statuses are based on one’s race or ethnicity. For example, as we shall see in a later chapter, skin color was used to designate ascribed status differences in South Africa under the system of apartheid. In contrast, an achieved status is one based at least in part on a person’s voluntary actions. Examples of
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10.7 Discuss the social structure, family,
marriage, gender, and age patterns in industrial and postindustrial societies. 10.8 Compare the class structures of Britain, the
United States, Japan, and the former Soviet Union.
achieved statuses in the United States are one’s profession and level of education. Of course, one’s family and kinship connections may influence one’s profession and level of education. George W. Bush’s and John Kerry’s educational level and status are interrelated to their families of birth. However, these individuals had to act voluntarily to achieve their status. Closely related to status is the concept of social roles. A role is a set of expected behavior patterns, obligations, and norms attached to a particular status. The distinction between status and role is a simple one: You “occupy” a certain status, but you “play” a role (Linton 1936). For example, as a student, you occupy a certain status that differs from those of your professors, administrators, and other staff. As you occupy that status, you perform by attending lectures, taking notes, participating in class, and studying for examinations. This concept of role is derived from the theater and refers to the parts played by actors on the stage. Whether you are a husband, mother, son, daughter, teacher, lawyer, judge, male, or female, you are expected to behave in certain ways because of the norms associated with that particular status. As mentioned, a society’s social statuses usually correspond to wealth, power, and prestige. Anthropologists find that all societies have inequality in statuses, which are arranged in a hierarchy. This inequality of statuses is known as social stratification. The degree of social stratification varies from one society to another, depending on technological, economic, and political variables. Smallscale societies tend to be less stratified than large-scale societies; that is, they have fewer categories of status and fewer degrees of difference regarding wealth, power, and prestige. In some societies, wealth, power, and prestige are linked with ownership of land or the number of animals acquired. In U.S. society, high status is strongly correlated with income and property. Exploring the causes of differing patterns of social stratification and how stratification relates to other facets of society is an important objective in ethnographic research. The social structure of any society has several major components that anthropologists study when analyzing a society. These components are discussed in the following sections on the family, marriage, gender, and age.
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Chapter 11
Politics, Warfare, and Law Chapter Outline Politics, Warfare, and Law 229 Political Organization in Foraging Societies 231 Warfare and Violence in Foraging Societies 232 Political Organization in Horticulturalist and Pastoralist Tribes 233 Explaining Tribal Warfare 235 Political Authority in Chiefdoms 239 The Evolution of Chiefdoms 240 Politics in Agricultural Civilizations 241 Political Organization in Industrial and Postindustrial States 244 Warfare and Technology in Industrial and Postindustrial States 247
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 11.1 Discuss how anthropologists understand
politics, warfare, and law. 11.2 Discuss the characteristics of politics in
foraging societies. 11.3 Describe the features of violence and
11.4 Discuss the characteristics of politics in
tribal societies. 11.5 Discuss how anthropologists explain tribal
warfare. 11.6 Describe political authority in chiefdoms.
warfare in foraging societies.
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Politics, Warfare, and Law
11.7 Discuss how anthropologists explain the
evolution and origins of chiefdoms. 11.8 Discuss the features of politics in
agricultural civilizations.
Politics, Warfare, and Law 11.1 Discuss how anthropologists understand politics, warfare, and law. In the early twentieth century, German sociologist Max Weber introduced definitions of political power and authority that have since been adopted and modified by cultural anthropologists. Weber defined political power as the ability to achieve personal ends despite opposition. In this sense, political power can be based on physical or psychological coercion. Weber perceived this type of political power as illegitimate, in that it is unacceptable to most members of a society. According to Weber, the most effective and enduring form of political power is based on authority, power generally perceived by members of society as legitimate, rather than coercive. A brief example will illustrate the difference between illegitimate and legitimate power. If a large country invades and conquers a smaller one, the occupied people generally will not consider their new rulers to be legitimate. Thus, the rulers must rely on coercion to enforce their laws and to collect payments in the form of taxes or tributes. In contrast, most U.S. citizens voluntarily comply with the tax laws. Although they may complain, they perceive their government as representing legitimate authority. Although physical coercion and force might be used to arrest some people who refuse to pay their taxes, in the majority of cases such actions are not necessary. The general categories used by anthropologists to describe political systems are band, tribe, chiefdom, and state. A band is the least complex—and is the oldest—form of political system. Political institutions in band societies are based on close kinship relations within a fairly small group of people. Tribes are more complex societies with political institutions that unite larger groupings of people into a political system. Generally, tribal societies developed alongside food production. Tribes do not have centralized, formal political institutions, but they do have sodalities, groups based upon kinship, age, or gender that provide for political organization. For example, in some tribal societies of Papua New Guinea, secret male societies function as political institutions. Chiefdoms are more complex than tribal societies because they are formalized and centralized. Chiefdoms establish centralized, legitimate authority over many communities exercised through various complex economic,
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11.9 Discuss the characteristics of politics in
industrial and postindustrial societies. 11.10 Discuss how warfare changes in industrial
and postindustrial states. social, and religious institutions. However, despite their size and complexity, chiefdoms are still fundamentally organized by kinship principles. Although chiefdoms have different levels of status and political authority, people within these levels are related to one another through kinship ties. States are political systems with centralized bureaucratic institutions to establish power and authority over large populations in defined territories. State systems are not based on kinship. Instead, state bureaucracies govern society on behalf of ruling authorities through procedures that plan, direct, and coordinate complex political processes. State political systems range from the early bureaucratic political units of agricultural societies such as ancient Egypt and China to the modern industrial and postindustrial societies of the United States, Japan, and numerous European nations. Nevertheless, it must be emphasized here that this classification does not represent a single scheme of political evolution for the entire world. Again, we must stress that political evolution did not develop in a one-directional, unilineal type of evolution. The archaeological and ethnographic data demonstrate again and again that a stageby-stage development or evolution from band to tribe to chiefdom to state did not occur in all areas. Contemporary anthropologists have demonstrated that political evolution is multilineal. These classifications of band, tribe, chiefdom, and state are to be used only as categories to organize the vast amounts of data accumulated by anthropologists. As with all models, the boundaries separating the various categories are somewhat arbitrary and fuzzy.
Decision Making in a Political System An important topic in the study of a society is the dayto-day, individual decision making and competition for power and authority. In studying this topic, anthropologists may focus on fields or arenas within a society. A field is an area in which political interaction and competition take place (Bourdieu 1977). It may involve a part of a society, or it may extend beyond the boundaries of a society. For example, a field could be a whole tribe, a chiefdom, a state, or several of these units. A political arena is a more local network specific in which individual actors or small groups compete for power and authority. An arena may be
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Chapter 12
Religion and Aesthetics Chapter Outline Religion 251 Myth and Ritual 252 Rites of Passage 252 Cognition and Religion 254 Aesthetics: Art and Music 256 Religion among Foragers 257 Art, Music, and Religion 259 Religion among Horticulturalists and Pastoralists 260 Religion in Chiefdoms 262 Art, Architecture, Music 259 Religion in Agricultural States 264 Art, Architecture, and Music 272 Religion and Secularization in Industrial and Postindustrial Societies 273 Art and Music 274
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 12.1 Discuss how anthropologists such as
Clifford Geertz define religion. 12.2 Discuss how anthropologists define myth
and ritual.
12.3 Describe the stages of rites of passage as
discussed by anthropologists. 12.4 Discuss the new developments by cognitive
anthropologists and their understanding of religion.
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Religion and Aesthetics
12.5 Discuss how anthropologists study art and
music in different societies. 12.6 Describe examples of religion found in
foraging societies. 12.7 Describe examples of art and music found
in foraging societies. 12.8 Describe examples of religion
found in horticulturalist and pastoralist societies. 12.9 Discuss how religion is interrelated with
politics in chiefdom societies.
Religion 12.1 Discuss how anthropologists such as Clifford Geertz define religion. As we saw in Chapter 2, archaeologists have discovered some limited evidence of religious beliefs and practices associated with archaic Homo sapiens neanderthalensis, or Neandertals, that date back to 100,000 years ago. Religion is a cultural universal, although specific beliefs and practices vary significantly from one society to another. For example, some religions are based on the worship of an all-knowing, all-powerful supreme being, whereas others have many deities, and some may have no deities at all. The term religion is derived from the Latin term religio, which has had different meanings in Western history. In some cases, it referred to a “transcendent” experience that individuals had beyond normal, everyday social life, but at other times, it referred to “superstition” or “piety” (Salver 1993). It has been extremely difficult for anthropologists to define religion with a simple formula because it varies so much from one region and culture to another (Scupin 2008; Saler 1993; Boyer 2001). Humans learn their religious traditions through the process of enculturation. Religious convictions are, therefore, shaped by the historical and social situations in which a person lives. For example, a person enculturated in ancient Greece would most likely have believed in many deities, among whom Zeus was the most powerful. In studying the anthropology of religion, a critical point must be understood: Anthropologists are not concerned with the “truth” or “falsity” of any particular religious belief. As anthropology is partially based on the scientific method, the field of anthropology is not competent or able to investigate supernatural or metaphysical questions that go beyond empirical data. Rather, anthropological research on religion focuses on the relationship of doctrines, beliefs, and other religious questions to aspects
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12.10 Describe examples of art, architecture, and
music in chiefdom societies. 12.11 Describe some examples of ecclesiastical
and universalistic religions found in agricultural societies. 12.12 Describe some examples of art, architecture,
and music in agricultural societies. 12.13 Discuss religion and secularization in
industrial and postindustrial societies. 12.14 Discuss some developments in art and
music in industrial and postindustrial societies. of cognition, emotions, and society. Most anthropologists recognize that religious faith is not a testable proposition that can be analyzed by science or logic. Faith is beyond empirical findings that can be uncovered by scientific investigation. The major questions posed by anthropologists are these: How do religious beliefs become established within a society? How do religious beliefs affect, relate to, and reflect the cognitive, emotional, and sociocultural conditions and concerns of a group of people? In addition, anthropologists often use the humanisticinterpretive approach when analyzing religious beliefs, symbols, and myths. Clifford Geertz offered a definition of religion to use as a tool in this humanistic-interpretive mode of understanding religion: A religion is a system of symbols which acts to establish powerful, pervasive, and long-lasting moods and motivations in men by formulating conceptions of a general order of existence and clothing these conceptions with such an aura of factuality that the moods and motivations seem uniquely realistic. (197:90) Let us examine this definition more closely. Central to any religion is a “system of symbols,” which includes all sacred objects, ranging from Christian crucifixes, Native American “medicine pouches,” and Buddhist relics to sacred myths such as Genesis or the Ramayana of Hinduism. These symbols produce “moods,” such as happiness and sadness, and “motivations” that provide direction or ethical goals in a person’s life. Hence, religious symbols enhance particular feelings and dispositions, creating an intense “sense of awe” in individuals. This awe is induced through the use of sacred symbols in rituals and other religious performances to create an atmosphere of mystery going beyond everyday experience. But religious symbols also create and reaffirm a worldview by “formulating conceptions of a general order of existence.” This worldview provides meaning or purpose to life and the universe. A religious worldview helps people discern the meaning of pain and suffering in the world. Sacred
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Chapter 13
Globalization, Culture, and Indigenous Societies Chapter Outline Globalization: A Contested Term 280 Globalization: Technological and Economic Trends 281 Globalization: General Theoretical Approaches 282 Anthropological Analysis and Globalization 288 Globalization, Politics, and Culture 289 Globalization and Indigenous Peoples 290 Forms of Resistance among Indigenous Peoples 298 Pro- and Anti-globalization: An Anthropological Contribution 303
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 13.1 Discuss how anthropologists define
globalization. 13.2 Describe some of the technological and
economic trends resulting in globalization. 13.3 Compare the three theoretical approaches
to analyzing globalization. 13.4 Discuss how anthropologists analyze
globalization.
13.5 Discuss how anthropologists criticize some
of the approaches to understanding politics, culture, and globalization. 13.6 Discuss the consequences of globalization
on indigenous peoples. 13.7 Describe the different forms of resistance to
globalization by indigenous peoples. 13.8 Discuss how anthropologists contribute to
the understanding of globalization. 279
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Chapter 14
Globalization in Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean Chapter Outline Globalization and Colonialism 308 Consequences of Globalization and Colonialism 312 Political Changes: Independence and Nationalist Movements 316 Uneven Economic Development 318 Ethnographic Studies 321 Social Structure 323 Patterns of Ethnicity 326 Urban Anthropology 330
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 14.1 Discuss the early phases of Western
colonialism in Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean. 14.2 Describe the demographic, economic,
and religious changes associated with globalization in Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean.
14.3 Discuss why independence, nationalist, and
revolutionary movements developed in Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean. 14.4 Describe how Latin America, Africa, and
the Caribbean countries are situated in the global economy today. 307
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308 Chapter 14 14.5 Discuss what anthropologists have learned
about the peasantry in Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean. 14.6 Describe the characteristics of family and
14.7 Discuss the issues related to ethnicity in
Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean. 14.8 Discuss how urbanization has influenced
Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean.
gender relationships in Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean.
Most anthropologists have focused on non-Western countries for their ethnographic research. To understand how globalization processes have influenced local conditions and cultures, they have had to adopt a broad global perspective in their research. The non-Western countries of Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean comprise a complex of diversified regions and cultures that cannot be easily characterized. The various countries in these regions are located in different types of environmental zones, ranging from highland mountain areas to lowland river valleys and from small island regions to complex urban centers. Each country is made up of various ethnic groups in different proportions. As a result of globalization, all these countries are at different stages of political and economic development. In Chapters 9, 11, and 13 we discussed various band, tribal, and chiefdom societies (that are very diverse) that exist in these different regions, as well as the impact of globalization on their development. This chapter begins with an overview of the spread of globalization and colonialism in Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean. We then examine some consequences of globalization processes for these regions. Finally, we discuss a number of ethnographic studies that have illuminated the effects of globalization on various institutions in these countries. One of the points that we want to stress is that globalization is always a painful process for any society. When Europe, the United States, and Japan went through industrialization, as discussed in Chapters 9 and 10, families were dislocated and disrupted by rapid urbanization and other changes. People were torn away from their traditional communities of support, and ethnic and religious communities no longer provided the source of security they once did. Extensive migration, urban congestion, increases in deviance and crime, political corruption, population growth, pollution, and other social problems accompanied industrialization in these so-called First World countries. But the countries that we discuss in this chapter and the next are facing these globalization processes in a much different way from the early industrialized countries. The industrialized nations, such as the United States and the countries of Europe had centuries to adjust to these processes, whereas other areas of the world have been experiencing aspects of globalization for a short period of time. Although these processes began during the time of
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colonization for most of these countries, it is only within the past few decades that globalization has penetrated deeply within the fabric of these societies.
Globalization and Colonialism 14.1 Discuss the early phases of Western colonialism in Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean.
Latin America Following Columbus’s explorations in the 1400s, Spanish and Portuguese conquistadores led expeditions to the Americas. As discussed in Chapter 7, this was the period of mercantilism, a system in which the government regulates the economy of a state to ensure economic growth, a positive balance of trade, and the accumulation of wealth, usually gold and silver. These European states were competing to accrue wealth to build their national treasuries. The Portuguese and Spanish were the first Europeans to engage in this mercantilist competition. Columbus believed that he had reached islands off Asia, and the Spanish and Portuguese were anxious to acquire access to this new trade route, in part to cut off the Muslim monopoly on trade in the Mediterranean and Asia. Thus, the primary objectives of the conquistadores were to find wealth and to conquer the Americas. The indigenous societies of Latin America consisted of four major types of sociocultural systems: small-scale hunting-gathering bands; horticulturalist tribes, who lived in permanent or semipermanent villages and supplemented their diet by hunting, fishing, and gathering; and chiefdoms and agricultural empires, such as the those of the Aztecs and Incas, which had made complex achievements in technology, architecture, economic organization, and statecraft. In 1494, the Spanish and Portuguese governments agreed to the Treaty of Tordesillas, which divided the world into two major mercantilist spheres of influence. As a result, in the Americas the Portuguese took control of what is now Brazil, and the Spanish gained access to most of the remainder of Latin America.
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Chapter 15
Globalization in the Middle East and Asia
Chapter Outline Anthropology Following 9/11 336
Ethnographic Studies 346
Early Colonialism and Globalization 337
Middle Eastern Family, Marriage, and Gender 347
Consequences of Colonialism 340
Ethnic Tensions 353
Political Change: Independence and Nationalism 342
Islamic Revitalization 356
Uneven Economic Development 344
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 15.1 Discuss the anthropological contributions
to understanding the Middle East and Asia since 9/11/01. 15.2 Describe the early colonization of the
Middle East and Asia.
15.3 Discuss the demographic, economic, and
religious consequences of globalization in the Middle East and Asia. 15.4 Discuss the political consequences of
globalization and colonialism in the Middle East and Asia.
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336 Chapter 15 15.5 Discuss what has created uneven
development in the Middle East and Asia. 15.6 Discuss the major features of family and
gender relations in the Middle East and Asia.
Anthropology Following 9/11 15.1 Discuss the anthropological contributions to understanding the Middle East and Asia since 9/11/01. Following the tragic events of 9/11, when the suicidal attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon destroyed thousands of human lives, an enormous number of books about the Islamic world, the Middle East, and Asia have been written. Many of these were written by religious studies specialists who examine the religious texts of Islam, Buddhism, and Hinduism and then interpret the cultures, values, and behaviors of these Asian and Middle Eastern peoples as “radically different” from those of peoples in Western society. Other writers are political scientists who interview the political elites in these regions; they also tend to portray these societies as not having the same kinds of democratic or other institutions that Western societies or cultures have. Even before 9/11, they predicted a “clash of civilizations” (Huntington 1996). Since that date, these views have become more dominant in the Western media and in government circles. Anthropologists have been doing ethnographic research in these areas of the Middle East and Asia for decades. Some of the earlier ethnographic research drew on simplistic understandings of “culture” as discussed in Chapter 3. One assumption put forth by these earlier anthropologists was that a “culture” or “civilization” could be summed up within a portrait based on sometimes superficial understandings of how that “culture” (values, beliefs, worldviews, norms, and behavior) was shared by everyone within the society in the same manner. For example, anthropologist Raphael Patai wrote a book called The Arab Mind in the 1950s—based upon a simplified view of culture and language, along with some brief observations—in which he discussed the millions of people within the Arab world as supposedly sharing the same culture. Patai’s book was used by the U.S. military to train U.S. soldiers engaged in Iraq to understand Arab culture and behavior with disastrous results (Starrett 2004). Earlier, we discussed how contemporary anthropologists have refined this understanding of “culture” or “civilization” to emphasize how varied the values, beliefs,
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15.7 Discuss the factors that influence ethnic
tensions in the Middle East and Asia. 15.8 Discuss the links between globalization and
Islamic movements.
norms, and behaviors are among men, women, young, and old and how the culture is constantly in dynamic interaction with historical, economic, political, ethnic, and religious developments. Especially with recent globalization trends, when different regions of the world are experiencing more contact with the outside world through print, the Internet, television, films, fax, e-mail, and other global media, the “culture” of these groups is in a continuing dynamic interaction with the factors stemming from these trends. Anthropologists who do ethnographic research in these regions today find a tremendous variety of political and religious beliefs within any of the Middle Eastern or Asian societies. These anthropologists reside among the people in these areas for an extensive period and interview not just political elites, but also peasants, farmworkers, urban working-class people, religious clerics of many different traditions, and others. They find the simplistic portraits of “Islamic culture,” “Jewish culture,” “Buddhist or Hindu culture,” and “Middle Eastern or Asian civilizations” provided by many of these specialists are too static, and they contain “stereotypical” images that do not do justice to the tremendous variety of values, beliefs, norms, institutions, and behaviors of the billions of people in these regions. Since the 9/11 tragedy, many anthropologists consult with and advise Western governments and also work with people in the Middle East and Asia to help provide more insight into these regions, which are changing very rapidly. In this way, anthropologists hope to improve intercultural and interfaith dialogue on these issues to help reduce tensions and violence within and among these various societies (Scupin 2003c). As in Latin America, Africa, and the Caribbean, the process of globalization has been going on in the Middle East and Asia since the exploration of these regions by Europeans. These are vast heterogeneous regions with different ethnic groups and cultures that have had contact with each other through trade and exploration since the first millennium. For the purposes of this chapter, the Middle East includes the areas of both North Africa and Southwest Asia (see Figure 15.1). Many of the countries in these regions were influenced by the development of Islamic culture and the Arabic language. Traditionally, this area was referred to as the “Near East” to distinguish it from the “Far East.” At other times, it has been mistakenly labeled the “Arab world.” The term Arab refers to
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Chapter 16
Race and Ethnicity
Chapter Outline Race, Racism, and Culture 365
Patterns of Ethnic Relations 372
Modern Racism in Western Thought 366
Ethnic Relations in the United States 375
The Cultural and Social Significance of Race 368
Multiculturalism in the United States 385
Ethnicity 369
Ethnonationalism 386
Anthropological Perspectives on Ethnicity 370
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 16.1 Discuss how ancient societies classified
people into different races.
16.2 Discuss how racism developed in Western
thought.
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Race and Ethnicity
16.3 Discuss the basis of ethnicity as understood
by contemporary anthropologists. 16.4 Compare the difference between
the primordialist and circumstantial perspectives on ethnicity. 16.5 Compare the different patterns of ethnic
365
16.6 Discuss the historical and contemporary
conditions of race and ethnic groups in the United States. 16.7 Discuss why ethnonationalist movements
have developed in relationship to globalization.
relations described by anthropologists.
Race, Racism, and Culture 16.1 Discuss how ancient societies classified people into different races. As we saw in Chapter 2, physical characteristics such as skin pigmentation, nose shape, and hair texture have prompted people throughout history to classify humans into different “races.” The word race is a loaded term in part because people use the word differently in different contexts to mean different things (MacEachern 2012; Keita et al. 2004). It can be used in census data or in other areas to refer to certain styles of music, dance, or literature. Biologists may employ the term race to refer to different species of plants and animals. The term race appears to have been derived from the Latin root ratio, with a meaning similar to species or kind (or thing). However, attempts to employ racial classifications for humans based upon “scientific criteria” have foundered because they were too rigid to account for the tremendous variation within different so-called races. The vast majority of anthropologists today find dividing different populations into distinctive racial categories or classifications extremely problematic. Clearly, bounded, racially distinct populations are not found in the real world (MacEachern 2012; Keita et al. 2004; Brown and Armelagos 2001; Hartigan 2013a; Templeton 2013). However, it cannot be denied that humans in both the past and the present have used various racial classifications to categorize people and develop stereotypes about the behavior and mental abilities of different “racial categories.” These categories have often been used throughout human history as the basis and justification of racism, the belief that some races are superior to others. Racism can often result in discrimination and hostile acts toward different peoples and societies (Fredrickson 2002).
Ancient Classification Systems Prior to the emergence of writing traditions in ancient civilizations, archaeologists found evidence of racist classification of peoples through depictions of people in artistic design and rock paintings in Europe and many other areas of the world (Jochim 1998). All the ancient agricultural
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societies with written texts, including Egypt, Israel, Greece, Rome, India, China, and the Islamic and European civilizations, used early racial classifications that were essentialist folk taxonomies, informal and unscientific classifications based on skin color and other cultural characteristics. As early as 3000 b.c., the ancient Egyptians divided all human populations into one of four categories: red for Egyptians, yellow for people to the east, white for people to the north, and black for Africans to the south. However, it is unclear whether the Egyptians were using skin color as the basis of their classifications. Later, in the biblical book of Genesis, a similar classification scheme appears in a tale chronicling the distribution of the human population: And the sons of Noah that went forth from the ark were Shem, Ham and Japheth: . . . these are the three sons of Noah: and of them was the whole earth overspread. (Genesis 9:18–19) The descendants of Shem (the Semites) were the ancient Israelites. The descendants of Ham ventured to the south and the east, and the descendants of Japheth moved north. The word Ham originally meant “black” and referred to the black soil of the Nile River delta, but its meaning was eventually changed to describe the skin color of Ham’s descendants. According to the Bible, Ham had seen his father naked in a drunken sleep and was cursed and sent off to the south to become the father of the black people. At the end of Genesis, the descendants of Ham are condemned to be “servants of servants unto [their] brethren” (Genesis 9:25). Many Westerners subsequently cited this passage as the justification for an entrenched system of racial discrimination (Leach 1988; Braude 1997; D. Davis 1997). By correlating physical characteristics with cultural differences, classification systems such as these assumed erroneously that populations that shared certain physical traits, especially skin color, also exhibited similar behaviors. These beliefs gave rise to many popular misconceptions and generalizations concerning the values, traditions, and behaviors of different peoples. Based on contemporary scientific research on DNA, genetics, linguistics, and prehistoric, historical, and anthropological data, there is no scientific evidence to substantiate the claims of any of these biblical beliefs about the sons of Noah (Cavalli-Sforza, Menozzi, and Piazza 1994; Brooks, Jackson, and Grinker 2004).
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Chapter 17
Contemporary Global Trends Chapter Outline Pessimists versus Optimists on Globalization Issues 390 Technological Trends 391 Environmental Trends 392 Population Trends 393 Economic Trends 401 Political, Ethnic, and Religious Trends 408 The Role of Anthropology 410
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 17.1 Compare the logic-of-growth model
with the pessimistic model of global technological, environmental, and demographic developments. 17.2 Discuss the results of globalization for
technology and energy use. 17.3 Discuss how globalization has had an
impact on the environment. As we have seen throughout this textbook, especially in Chapter 13, global interdependence, or what we have called globalization, has become an undeniable fact in the contemporary world. This process began after the Neolithic revolution, when small-scale societies either were absorbed into larger states or became dependent on those states. Following the Industrial Revolution, the
17.4 Discuss globalization and demographic
trends. 17.5 Discuss globalization and economic trends. 17.6 Discuss the political, ethnic, and religious
trends resulting from globalization. 17.7 Discuss the role of anthropology as it studies
current political, ethnic, and religious trends.
trend toward global interdependence escalated, especially through the process of European colonialism. As the world shrinks and industrial societies continue to expand, interconnections develop among different societies, creating a global village. The global village has been described as a world in which all regions are in contact with one another through the mass media, instantaneous communication,
389
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Chapter 18
Applied Anthropology Chapter Outline The Roles of the Applied Anthropologist 414 Medical Anthropology 417 Medical Anthropology and Mental Illness 420 Cultural Resource Management: Applied Archaeology 423 Applied Anthropology and Human Rights 427
Learning Objectives After reading this chapter you should be able to: 18.1 Describe the different roles of applied
anthropologists. 18.2 Describe some of the findings of medical
anthropologists.
18.3 Discuss the field and activities of applied
archaeologists. 18.4 Discuss how applied anthropologists are
engaged in human rights research.
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