Does This Make Me Look Fat? Peer Crowd and Peer Contributions to ...

J Youth Adolescence (2008) 37:1097–1110 DOI 10.1007/s10964-008-9299-2

EMPIRICAL RESEARCH

Does This Make Me Look Fat? Peer Crowd and Peer Contributions to Adolescent Girls’ Weight Control Behaviors Eleanor Race Mackey Æ Annette M. La Greca

Received: 5 March 2008 / Accepted: 29 May 2008 / Published online: 11 June 2008 Ó Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2008

Abstract Based on the Theory of Reasoned Action, this study evaluated a ‘‘socialization’’ model linking girls’ peer crowd affiliations (e.g., Jocks, Populars) with their own weight concern, perceived peer weight norms, and weight control behaviors. An alternative ‘‘selection’’ model was also evaluated. Girls (N = 236; M age = 15.95 years) from diverse ethnic backgrounds completed surveys assessing peer crowd affiliation, their own concern with weight, perceptions of peers’ concern with weight, and weight control behaviors. Models were evaluated using SEM. The socialization model demonstrated good fit; the alternative selection model did not. Specifically, girls’ level of identification with certain peer crowds (Jocks, Burnouts, Alternatives) was associated with girls’ reported own concern and perceived peer concern with weight. Additionally, girls’ own concern and peer norms were related independently to girls’ weight control behaviors. Findings suggest that peer crowds and girls’ own and peer weight norms may be important targets of prevention efforts. Keywords Adolescents Weight control behaviors Peer crowds Theory of Reasoned Action

E. R. Mackey (&) Department of Psychiatry, Children’s National Medical Center, 111 Michigan Ave. NW, Washington, DC 20010, USA e-mail: [email protected] A. M. La Greca Department of Psychology, University of Miami, P.O. Box 248185, Coral Gables, FL 33124-0751, USA e-mail: [email protected]

Introduction Behaviors aimed at controlling or reducing weight are prevalent in adolescent girls and have serious long-term health implications (e.g., Centers for Disease Control 1996a). These behaviors range from healthful methods of weight control, such as limiting calories consumed and increasing exercise, to more questionable methods, such as purging or fasting. Each of these behaviors is of concern, as girls who under-eat or engage in risky weight control behaviors may be at risk for a host of other problems, such as poor growth, smoking initiation, eating disorders, and obesity (CDC 1996a; Stice 2002; Stice et al. 2005). Although these behaviors are important for boys and girls, research suggests that eating disorders and body dissatisfaction are more prevalent among girls (e.g., Bearman et al. 2006). Findings also indicate that weight concerns and behaviors, as well as the peer culture surrounding appearance, may be different for boys than it is for girls (e.g., Jones and Crawford 2006; McCabe and Ricciardelli 2006). Because of the difficulty capturing gender differences in weight control behaviors and in weight-related concerns in one conceptual model, the current study focused only on girls. Research has identified a number of influences on girls’ weight control behaviors, such as peers, family, and the media (e.g., Stice 2002), although much of this research has been atheoretical. However, the Theory of Reasoned Action (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975) might help to explain the likelihood of girls engaging in health risk behaviors; indeed, it has been used to explain eating behaviors, such as healthy eating and physical activity (e.g., Baker et al. 2003; Conner et al. 2002). The Theory of Reasoned Action posits that the likelihood of a behavior occurring is influenced by one’s own attitudes towards a behavior and the

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subjective norms of significant others regarding that behavior (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975). When applied to weight control behaviors, the Theory of Reasoned Action suggests that adolescents’ own attitudes towards weight would influence the likelihood of engaging in behaviors aimed at controlling weight. Adolescents’ perceptions of peers’ attitudes towards weight also would independently contribute to the likelihood of engaging in weight control behaviors. One important component of the Theory of Reasoned Action is an individual’s own attitudes about weight and appearance. Previous researchers have shown that adolescents’ own norms and attitudes about appearance are related to their weight control behaviors (e.g., Baker et al. 2003; Lundgren et al. 2004). Specifically, body esteem (how satisfied an adolescent is with her body and physical appearance) is one of the most consistent and robust risk factors for the onset of disordered eating (Stice 2002). Similarly, weight satisfaction (e.g., Striegel-Moore et al. 2004) and concern about negative evaluations based on appearance or weight (Lundgren et al. 2004) are related to girls’ weight control behaviors. The Theory of Reasoned Action also highlights the contribution of social norms. For adolescents, peers are a key social influence on health behaviors (e.g., La Greca and Prinstein 1999; Wilson and Evans 2003), including weight control behaviors (Ata et al. 2007; Lattimore and Butterworth 1999). For example, friends and social cliques (i.e., small groups of friends) have a prospective influence on girls’ efforts and desire to achieve or maintain a lower body weight (Stice 2002). Moreover, adolescent girls’ affiliation with peer crowds, or larger peer networks, also has been identified as a factor related to their weight control, eating, and exercise behaviors (Mackey and La Greca 2007). However, the roles of peer crowds, peer weight norms, and other potential predictors of weight control behaviors, such as adolescents’ own concern with weight, have not been studied simultaneously. Adolescent Peer Crowds In addition to close friends, adolescents’ peer context includes peer crowds. Peer crowds are reputation-based peer groups or, more specifically, large social networks of similarly stereotyped individuals who may or may not spend time together (Brown 1989). These crowds typically emerge during adolescence and are distinct from smaller friendship groups or ‘‘cliques’’ in that they are much larger, and peer crowd members may not necessarily be friends or even know one another (Brown 1990). Peer crowds reflect adolescents’ peer status and reputation, as well as the primary attitudes and behaviors by which adolescents are known to their peers (Brown 1990; La Greca et al. 2001).

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Although the terms used to identify peer crowds vary, the primary peer crowds are similar across diverse school settings and ethnic groups (Brown 1990). The most common peer crowds include: Populars, who are sociallyoriented and outgoing; Brains, who enjoy school and academics; Burnouts, who often get into trouble; Jocks, who are active in sports and athletics; Alternatives, who rebel against mainstream culture through appearance and attitudes (Brown 1990; La Greca and Prinstein 1999). Adolescents who consider themselves to be Average do not identify with any particular crowd, although this does not reflect social isolation. Peer crowd affiliations are important for a number of reasons, including that they provide adolescents with a sense of identity and belonging, and opportunities for social interactions (Brown 1990; La Greca and Prinstein 1999). As an important part of adolescent development and peer culture, peer crowds are important to consider when examining peer influences on adolescents’ behavior. Adolescents are easily able to categorize themselves by peer crowd (e.g., Sussman et al. 1990), and much research has used these categories to assess the relationship of peer crowd affiliation to a variety of health and psychosocial outcomes, such as smoking and self-esteem (Kobus 2003; Prinstein and La Greca 2002). However, some adolescents affiliate with more than one peer crowd, and there can be overlap among groups, for example between Jocks and Populars and between Alternatives and Burnouts (La Greca et al. 2001). Therefore, recent investigations have used ratings of the degree to which adolescents affiliate with each peer crowd to evaluate peer crowd influences on outcomes such as social anxiety, eating, and exercise behaviors (e.g., Delsing et al. 2007; La Greca and Harrison 2005; Mackey and La Greca 2007). Adolescents’ peer crowd affiliations are associated with a number of health-risk behaviors, including smoking and drug/alcohol use (e.g., Kobus 2003; La Greca et al. 2001). Recently, research has also examined the role of peer crowds on eating, exercise and weight control. As with other health-risk behaviors, youth identifying highly with the Burnouts consistently report the poorest eating, exercise, and weight control behaviors, and those identifying highly with the Brains report the most favorable eating and exercise behaviors, compared with other teens, although they also report more dieting behaviors than other youth (Mackey and La Greca 2007). Additionally, teens identifying highly with the Jocks and Populars report selective areas of health risk, such as more unhealthful eating, but also report more positive health behaviors, such as greater exercise, than teens identifying less with these groups (Mackey and La Greca 2007). Despite these intriguing findings, potential pathways for explaining these relationships have not been explored.


Selection Versus Socialization The Theory of Reasoned Action may help explain how girls’ own concern and peer norms concerning weight relate to weight control behaviors. However, it is also important to explore how peer crowd affiliation and weight control behaviors may influence one another. Specifically, peer crowd affiliation is consistent with theories of homophily (Kandel, 1978a, b), which posit that individuals with similar interests and characteristics are likely to cluster together and seek one another out (i.e., ‘‘selection’’). Further, peers reward and reinforce similar attitudes and behaviors among group members (i.e., ‘‘socialization’’). These processes often occur simultaneously and are overlapping, with both playing an important role in guiding adolescent behaviors. It is likely that some adolescents affiliate with certain peer crowds because of perceived similarities of interests, behaviors, or skills. It is also likely that, once adolescents affiliate with a certain peer crowd, there may be pressures (real or perceived) to conform or comply with the attitudes and behaviors that are prevalent among members of that crowd. In all likelihood, part of the linkage between peer crowds and weight control behaviors may have to do with adolescents’ desire to ‘‘fit in’’ with the crowd, and emulate other members to feel accepted. This suggests a ‘‘socialization’’ process (i.e., peers’ attitudes and behaviors influence adolescents). However, a ‘‘selection’’ process (i.e., adolescents tend to choose friends who have similar attitudes and behaviors) also may be in operation. Research suggests that adolescents and their close friends tend to have similar values, attitudes, and behaviors (e.g., Hartup 1983, 1996), and that adolescents’ best friends typically affiliate with the same peer crowd (La Greca et al. 2001). Thus, theory and research suggest at least two potential pathways for understanding how peer crowd identification may relate to girls’ weight control behaviors. Other Contributing Factors: Body Mass Index (BMI) and Ethnicity BMI is important to consider when examining girls’ weight control behaviors. Overweight adolescent girls are at greater risk for engaging in weight control behaviors than are underweight girls (Eisenberg et al. 2005; NeumarkSztainer et al. 1999). BMI is also related to adolescents’ own concerns about appearance and weight (e.g., Kelly et al. 2005; Neumark-Sztainer et al. 2003), as adolescents with higher BMI’s express more concern about their weight than those with relatively lower BMI’s. Therefore, the current study controlled for girls’ BMI in order to examine the relationship between girls’ own and peer concerns with weight and their weight control behaviors.

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When examining girls’ weight control behaviors, it is also important to account for ethnicity. Problems such as obesity and being overweight are common among Black and Latino youth (e.g., Fitzgibbon et al. 1998). Moreover, Black adolescent girls are more accepting of being overweight than White girls (French et al. 1997), suggesting that Black girls may be less inclined to diet or use weight control strategies than would other adolescent girls. Further, Black girls also perceive less family and peer weight concern and have lower personal weight concern than White girls (Thompson et al. 2003). These findings suggest that the rates and experiences of weight concerns and weight control behaviors are unique for Black girls when compared to girls from other ethnic backgrounds. Overall, research suggests that there are significant differences between Black girls’ weight control behaviors and those of girls from other ethnic backgrounds (e.g., Nishina et al. 2006), although girls from non-Black ethnicities (i.e., White, Latina) engage in weight control behaviors that are largely similar to one another (Abrams and Stormer 2002; Nishina et al. 2006; Shaw et al. 2004). Given these findings, it is important to control for Black ethnicity in analyses examining girls’ own and perceived peer weight norms, as well as their weight control behaviors. Thus, the two conceptual models evaluated in the current study included such controls (see Figs. 1 and 2). Current Study and Hypothesized Model Despite the evidence that there are associations among peer crowd affiliation, peers, and weight control behaviors, the complex relationship among these remains unclear. The current study examined the possibility that the relationship between peer crowd identification and weight control behaviors might be explained, using the Theory of Reasoned Action, through the association of peer crowd identification with adolescents’ own and perceived peer norms regarding weight and appearance. The proposed ‘‘socialization’’ model (Fig. 1) posits that girls’ own attitudes and their perceptions of peers’ weight and appearance norms are pathways through which peer crowd identification may influence weight control behaviors. More specifically, we hypothesized that girls affiliating with the Jocks would show less of their own and peer concern with weight, and thus fewer weight control behaviors; the reverse was expected for girls identifying with the Brains, Populars, and Burnouts. Because of mixed findings in previous research, no specific hypotheses were made regarding girls identifying with the Alternative or Average crowds. Additionally, the potential mediating pathways of adolescent girls’ own concerns about their weight and their perceptions of peers’ concerns about weight were examined, expecting that both girls’ own and

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Fig. 1 Proposed ‘‘socialization’’ model predicting peer crowd identification

Ethnicity

Body Mass Index

Girls’ Own Concern WithTheir Weight

Ethnicity

Jocks

Body Mass Index

Brains

Weight Control Behaviors

Populars

Burnouts

Perceived Peer Weight Norms

Average

Alternatives Ethnicity

Fig. 2 Proposed ‘‘selection’’ model predicting peer crowd identification

Body Mass Index

Body Mass Index

Ethnicity

Girls’ Own Concern With Their Weight

Ethnicity

Body Mass Index

Jocks

Brains

Weight Control Behaviors Perceived Peer Weight Norms

Populars

Burnouts

Alternatives

Ethnicity

Body Mass Index

perceived peer concern with weight would be related to greater weight control behaviors. As described above, rates and experiences of girls’ own and perceived peer weight norms, as well as weight control behaviors, may differ for girls with higher BMI’s and from Black ethnicities as compared to their normal weight counterparts and girls from other ethnic backgrounds. Therefore, BMI and ethnicity were both included in the model. We expected higher BMI to be associated with girls’ increased own concerns with weight, more perceived peer weight norms, and more weight control behaviors than lower BMI. We expected girls’ Black ethnicity to be associated with less of their own concern with weight and perceived peer norms, and fewer weight control behaviors. Therefore, the final models reflect the pathways between

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Average

girls’ peer crowds, their own and perceived peer weight norms, and weight control behaviors, controlling for differences in BMI and ethnicity. Using a cross-sectional design, structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to examine direct and indirect pathways of influence, as it allows for a simultaneous examination of multiple pathways and reduces measurement error. Given that SEM is vulnerable to confirmation bias, multiple a priori models should be evaluated to examine alternative hypotheses and models (MacCallum and Austin 2000). Therefore, we also examined an alternate ‘‘selection’’ model (Fig. 2) to explain the relationship between peer crowd identification and weight control behaviors; that is, adolescents choose peer crowds by seeking out others who are similar to them. Consistent with


the Theory of Reasoned Action, girls’ own concern with weight and perceived peer norms were expected to predict their weight control behaviors, which in turn were expected to predict their peer crowd identification.

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of the adolescents were randomly selected to have their weight and height measured physically. The correlations between reported and measured weight and height were high: .98 for weight and .93 for height. Peer Crowd Affiliation

Method Participants Participants were 236 girls, 13–18 years of age (M = 15.95; SD = 1.13), recruited from five public high schools within a large metropolitan area in the Southeast. The ethnic composition was 35% White, 33% Hispanic/ Latino, 19% Black (African-American, CaribbeanAmerican), and 13% Mixed/Other, reflecting the diversity of the urban area within which the adolescents resided. Procedure Approval was obtained through the University Institutional Review Board and local school boards. Adolescents were given consent forms in English and Spanish to take home for parents to provide active consent. Half of the adolescents returned signed consent forms, and 99% of these adolescents had permission to participate. At the beginning of the group testing sessions, adolescents were asked for their assent to participate and all agreed. Adolescents completed questionnaires anonymously; research assistants were available to answer questions. Measures Background Information A questionnaire was used to obtain information on adolescents’ age, gender, and ethnicity. Adolescents classified their ethnicity according to CDC guidelines (CDC 1996b) as White/Caucasian, Black (African American, not Hispanic; Caribbean-American, such as Haitian, Jamaican), Hispanic or Latino (e.g., Cuban, Columbian, Puerto Rican, Mexican), Asian, or Mixed Ethnicity/Other. Body Mass Index (BMI) BMI was calculated from adolescents’ reports of their height and weight. Because BMI varies by age and gender, percentiles that take these factors into account were used (CDC 2007). Adolescents’ self-reported weight and height appear to be reliable and valid, although there is a small tendency for weight to be underreported and height to be overreported (e.g., Brener 2003). To examine the validity of adolescents’ reported weight and height, 25% (n = 59)

Adolescents rated how much they identified with each peer crowd using the revised Peer Crowds Questionnaire measure (La Greca et al. 2001; La Greca and Harrison 2005). Typical peer crowds were listed and adolescents indicated whether these crowds existed in their school. These peer crowds were: Jocks (athletic, on school team), Burnouts (skip school, get into trouble), Brains (do well in school, enjoy academics), Populars (involved in activities, concerned about image), Alternatives (rebel against the norm in clothing or ideas, do not conform to social ideals), and Average (no particular peer crowd). Adolescents rated how much they identify with each crowd (1 = not at all, 5 = very much); these ratings were used as individual indicators of the level of identification with each peer crowd, which also allows for an adolescent to endorse high or low levels of identification with multiple peer crowds. This method has been used in several studies (e.g., Delsing et al. 2007; La Greca and Harrison 2005; Mackey and La Greca 2007). Further, strong associations have been found between adolescents’ primary peer crowd affiliation and their ratings of identification with that peer crowd (La Greca and Harrison 2005; Mackey and La Greca 2007). There is a good correspondence between adolescents’ selfidentification and peers’ assignment to crowds (e.g., Brown et al. 1986). Analyses reflect whether the level of identification for each participant with each peer crowd is related to girls’ own and peer weight norms, and weight control behaviors. Adolescent Girls’ Own Concern with Weight Three indicators measured adolescent girls’ own concern with their weight: weight satisfaction, body esteem, and fear of negative appearance evaluation. The Body Esteem Scale for Adolescents and Adults (BES; Mendelson et al. 2001) assessed weight satisfaction and body esteem. Adolescents rated statements on a 5-point scale (1 = Never, 5 = Always) containing items such as: ‘‘I like what I look like in pictures’’ and ‘‘I am preoccupied with trying to change my body weight.’’ The present study used the Appearance (feelings about appearance) and Weight (weight satisfaction) subscales as indicators of body esteem and weight satisfaction, respectively. Both subscales have good internal consistency, test-retest reliability, and validity (Mendelson et al. 2001), and both demonstrated good internal consistency in the current sample (Appearance

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a = .91; Weight a = .92). Higher values of these subscales indicate less body esteem and weight satisfaction. The Fear of Negative Appearance Evaluation Scale (Lundgren et al. 2004) was the indicator of how much girls worried about other people appraising them based on their appearance. The six items were averaged to obtain a score for fear of negative appraisal. Previous research has shown that this scale has good internal consistency and validity, as it relates to measures of body image, eating disturbance, and depression (Lundgren et al. 2004). The current sample also demonstrated good internal consistency (Cronbach’s alpha = .92).


contained four items scored on a 6-point scale (1 = Never, 6 = Always). Totals ranged from 4 to 24 with good internal consistency in the present sample (dieting a = .84, bulimia/food preoccupation a = .72). The third indicator of weight control behaviors was assessed with two questions from the CDC’s (2003) Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance System (‘‘exercising to lose weight or keep from gaining weight,’’ and ‘‘eating less food, fewer calories, or food lower in fat to lose weight’’). A ‘‘yes’’ was coded as 1 and a ‘‘no’’ as 0, and the two questions were averaged. The internal consistency in the current sample was a = .55.

Perceived Peer Weight Norms Results Three indicators measured perceived peer weight norms and behaviors (Terry and Hogg 1996): girls’ reports of peers’ attitudes and behaviors about dieting and thin appearance, peer pressure to be thin, and peer teasing. For peer dieting and concern with thinness, girls completed the three-item Peer Dieting Scale (Levine et al. 1994). Internal consistency has been adequate (Levine et al. 1994; Mackey and La Greca 2007), as was internal consistency in the current sample (Cronbach’s alpha = .71). To assess peer pressure to be thin, girls completed the two-item friend subscale of the Perceived Sociocultural Pressure Scale (Stice et al. 1996), indicating how much pressure girls feel from peers to lose weight or to have a thin body. This scale has demonstrated adequate reliability and validity (Presnell et al. 2004; Stice et al. 1998). Internal consistency for the current sample was a = .60. Finally, the three-item peer teasing subscale from the McKnight Risk Factor Survey (Shisslak et al. 1999) assessed peer teasing about weight. This subscale has good reliability and validity (Shisslak et al. 1999) and the internal consistency of the current sample was a = .81. Weight Control Behaviors Three indicators assessed weight control behaviors: dieting, bulimia/food preoccupation, and other weight control strategies. The first two indicators were assessed using subscales from the Eating Attitudes Test, the 12-question version (EAT-12 version; Lavik et al. 1991). The EAT-12 asks about restrictive eating behaviors and the extent to which adolescents under-eat or regulate their food intake. The EAT-12 was used because the measure has adequate reliability and validity (Wichstrom 2000), and because there were time constraints on the length of the study protocol. The subscales used in this study were: dieting (e.g., ‘‘I engage in dieting behavior’’), and bulimia and food preoccupation (e.g., ‘‘I vomit after I have eaten,’’ ‘‘I give too much time and thought to food’’). Each subscale

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Descriptive Information Means of key study variables are presented in Table 1. Similar to previous studies (e.g., La Greca et al. 2001; La Greca and Harrison 2005), adolescent girls reported the highest levels of identification with the Average, Popular, and Brain peer crowds; girls reported the lowest identification with the Burnouts. On average, girls reported a moderate level of concern about their own weight (Means = 2.48–2.75 on a five point scale) and moderate levels of peer dieting (Mean = 2.42 on a five Table 1 Means and standard deviations of key study variables Study variables

Mean

Standard deviation

Possible range

1. Peer crowd affiliation Identify with Jocks

2.46

1.35

1–5

Identify with Brains

2.83

1.17

1–5

Identify with Burnouts

1.84

1.15

1–5

Identify with Populars

3.05

1.27

1–5

Identify with Alternatives

2.05

1.04

1–5

Identify with Average 2. Own concern with weight

3.55

1.24

1–5

Weight satisfaction

2.75

1.01

1–5

Body esteem

2.53

0.86

1–5

Fear of negative evaluation

2.48

1.05

1–5

3. Perceived peer weight norms Peer dieting

2.42

0.78

1–5

Pressure from friends

1.58

0.70

1–5

Peer teasing

1.80

0.88

1–5

Dieting (EAT-12)

2.42

1.27

1–6

Bulimia (EAT-12)

1.63

0.82

1–6

CDC weight control

0.50

0.42

0–1

5. Body mass index percentile 61.74

26.82

3–97

4. Weight control behaviors


point scale). Reports of peer concern about the target adolescents’ weight were lower (Means = 1.58–1.80 on a five point scale). The BMI percentile indicated that the girls were slightly above average in weight (M = 61.74, SD = 26.82). Correlations among the study variables are presented in Table 2. As in previous research (e.g., La Greca et al. 2001), adolescents’ level of identification with the Populars and the Jocks was related (r = .56) as was the level of identification with the Alternatives and the Burnouts (r = .34); otherwise, for the most part, correlations among the various peer crowds were low. In general, higher BMI, greater perceived peer concern about weight, and greater concern about their own weight were related to higher levels of girls’ weight control behaviors (i.e., dieting, bulimia; see Table 2). Generally, peer crowd identification was not related to measures of girls’ weight control, except for girls identifying with the Average and Alternatives who reported more dieting (r = .15). However, identification with some peer crowds, specifically Jocks, Brains, Burnouts, Populars, and Alternatives, was related to the hypothesized mediating variables of peer dieting, peer teasing, body esteem, and weight satisfaction (see Table 2).

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The measurement model was first tested to ensure that each of the observed variables was a sufficient indicator of the hypothesized latent variables. One correlated error was added as a result of the modification indices and theoretical sense; McDonald and Ho (2002) note that the addition of correlated error covariances does not alter the causal model and the judicious addition of covariances which make theoretical sense is permissible. This correlated error was the relationship between weight satisfaction and fear of negative evaluation based on appearance (CR = -6.13). Specifically, it is likely that there is a common factor, such as social desirability, not included in the model that is associated with girls’ weight satisfaction and their perception that others evaluate them on the same criteria. The proposed measurement model fit the data adequately (v2 = 62.87 (23), p \ .001, CFI = .95, RMSEA = .08, SRMR = .05). All indicators sufficiently measured the hypothesized latent variables. Table 3 shows the resulting measurement model and the factors and standard errors for girls’ own concern with weight, perceived peer weight norms, and weight control behaviors. Hybrid Model Testing for Target Model

Overview of Data Analytic Procedures and Measurement Model The models (Figs. 1 and 2) were analyzed using Structural Equation Modeling. The full information maximum likelihood procedure was used to include participants who had data missing, presumed to be missing at random. Covariance coverage was primarily greater than 90%, with the exception of eight covariances that were all between 83% and 90%. The data were screened for outliers and for indicators that were nonnormal (i.e., skewness [ 3, kurtosis [ 8). All indicators were within the acceptable ranges, suggesting normal data. Overall model fit was assessed using four different statistics. First, a chi-square analysis was used. However, due to a large sample size and the inability of any model to account for all measurement variance, it was unlikely that a nonsignificant chi-square would be obtained (Kline 2005). The other indices were the RMSEA (values between .05 and .08 indicate acceptable fit, and values below .05 a good fit; Kline 2005), CFI (values above .90 indicate reasonable fit, above .95 good fit; Kline 2005), and SRMR (values less than .10 are acceptable; Kline 2005). In order to determine which paths were significant, critical ratios (CR) were examined. Those above 1.95 were considered to be significant at the .05 level, and in order to find the most parsimonious model, paths not significantly different from zero were fixed to zero in the final model (Kline 2005).

First, the target structural model (see Fig. 1) was evaluated by adding the structural components beginning with the paths between peer crowd identification, the intermediary latent variables, and the outcome variable, followed by ethnicity and BMI. Nonsignificant pathways were set to zero before the next variables were included in the model. Next, the pathways between peer crowd affiliations, girls’ own concern and peer weight norms, and weight control behaviors were examined. Pathways that were not statistically significant in this model were set to zero; these were affiliation with the Brains, Burnouts, Populars, Average and girls’ own concern with weight, as well as affiliation with the Alternatives and Average crowds with perceived peer norms. The model recommended a direct pathway between affiliation with the Average crowd and weight control behaviors, which was added. The subsequent model demonstrated acceptable fit (v2 = 145.46 (70), p \ .001, CFI = .92, RMSEA = .07, SRMR = .05). Within the model, the pathways between identification with the Brains and Popular peer crowds and perceived peer weight norms were nonsignificant, but needed to be retained in the model for it to converge. Next, ethnicity and BMI were added to the model. Neither White (as compared to non-White) nor Latino (as compared to non-Latino) girls had significant pathways with girls’ own concern with weight or weight control behaviors. The model including Black (as compared to

123

123

-.24**

-.19**

-.12

-.08

-.09

12. Body esteem

13. Weight satisfaction

14. Fear of negative evaluation

15. Dieting

16. Bulimia

* p \ .05; ** p \ .01

.12

-.10

11. Peer teasing

17. CDC weight control

-.10

.10

-.03

10. Peer pressure to be thin

9. Peer dieting

8. Black ethnicity

.05

.04

5. Alternative

-.05

.56**

4. Populars

7. BMI %

.31**

6. Average

.19**

3. Burnouts

1

1. Jocks 2. Brains

1

.14*

.21**

.01

.00

.10

.02

-.04

-.07

-.14*

.04

.11

-.12

.06

.03

-.07

1

2

Table 2 Correlations among key study variables

.34**

.21**

.03

.11

.03

.04

.03

-.02

.14*

.02

.13*

.02

-.06

-.05

1

3

.00

.11

.04

-.02

-.03

-.13

-.22**

-.05

-.03

.16*

.05

.03

-.05

1

4

.04

.15*

.08

.08

.10

.14*

.15

.13*

.10

-.02

-.08

-.06

1

5

.04

.10

.05

.15*

-.01

.02

.02

.02

-.02

.02

-.09

1

6

1

7

.37**

.23**

.43**

.20**

.45**

.19**

.16*

.22**

.14*

.12

-.07

.02

-.13

-.15*

-.15*

-.13*

-.01

-.03

-.15*

1

8

1

9

.21**

.11

.39**

.40**

.37**

.31**

.19**

.33**

1

.22**

.34**

.48**

.41**

.40**

.38**

.28**

10

1

.02

.31**

.28**

.30**

.43**

.39**

11

1

.26**

.36**

.52**

.68**

.77**

12

1

.41**

.43**

.67**

.57**

13

1

.23**

.35**

.53**

14

1 .53**

.55**

15

1 .18**

16

1

17

1104 J Youth Adolescence (2008) 37:1097–1110


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Table 3 Measurement model: standardized factor loadings Factors

Factor loadings

Standard errors

1. Girls’ own concern with their weight Weight satisfaction

.97

.09

Body esteem

.80

.06

Fear of negative evaluation

.85

.07

Peer dieting

.55

.13

Peer pressure to be thin

.62

.17

Peer teasing

.45

.18

Dieting

.99

.34

Bulimia CDC weight control

.55 .53

.04 .02

2. Perceived peer weight norms

the Average crowd had a direct pathway to increased weight control behaviors. Girls’ affiliation with the Burnouts was related to more perceived peer weight norms. Both girls’ own concern with weight and their perceived peer weight norms significantly predicted more weight control behaviors. Overall, the model accounted for 25% of the variance in girls’ own concern with weight, 16% of the variance in peer concern with weight, and 62% of the variance in weight control behaviors. Alternate Model Testing

3. Weight control behaviors

non-Black) girls and BMI retained adequate fit (v2 = 178.58 (83), p \ .001, CFI = .91, RMSEA = .07, SRMR = .05; See Fig. 3). Black ethnicity was not related to weight control behaviors, and was therefore set to zero in the final model. However, it did predict less of girls’ own concern with weight and perceived peer weight norms. All hypothesized pathways between BMI and girls’ own concern with weight, perceived peer weight norms, and weight control were significant; specifically, higher BMI predicted more concern with weight, perceived peer weight norms, and weight control behaviors. Overall, in the target model (Fig. 3), girls’ affiliation with the Jocks predicted less of girls’ own concern with weight and fewer perceived peer weight norms, whereas girls’ affiliation with the Alternatives predicted more of their own concern with weight. Girls’ identification with

Fig. 3 Socialization model predicting weight control behaviors. * p \ .05; ** p \ .01; *** p \ .001

To test an alternate theory explaining the relationship of girls’ peer crowd identification with weight control behaviors, the model reflecting a selection hypothesis (see Fig. 2) was also examined. First, the pathways between girls’ own concern and their peer weight norms, weight control behaviors, and peer crowd identification were examined. Pathways that were not statistically significant in this model were set to zero; these were affiliation with all of the peer crowds and dieting. The subsequent model demonstrated poor fit (v2 = 243.73 (90), p \ .001, CFI = .86, RMSEA = .09, SRMR = .09). Next, ethnicity and BMI were added to the model. Although, as in the previous model, BMI was significantly associated with girls’ own concern with weight, perceived peer weight norms, and weight control, and Black ethnicity was significantly associated with girls’ own concern with weight and peer weight norms, the overall model continued to demonstrate poor fit with the data (v2 = 375.25 (116), p \ .001, CFI = .78, RMSEA = .10, SRMR = .09). Overall, the model that reflected a ‘‘socialization’’ process was a better fit than the alternate ‘‘selection’’ model (Fig. 2).

Black Ethnicity Body Mass Index

- .21*** Girls’ Own Concern With Their Weight

-.20*** Jocks

.44***

.27**

Body Mass Index

.12**

.18*** -.20**

Alternatives

.57*** Weight Control Behaviors

.16*** Average

.15* Burnouts

.11

.45*** Perceived Peer Weight Norms

Populars

.07

-.22***

.34***

Brains Black Ethnicity

Body Mass Index

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Discussion Problematic weight control behaviors, such as excessive dieting and bulimic behaviors, often begin in adolescence and have serious long-term implications for women’s health (CDC 1996a). Although peers exert a major influence on adolescent girls’ weight control strategies, the effects of peers are not well understood. Drawing on the Theory of Reasoned Action and peer ‘‘socialization processes,’’ the present study examined a conceptual model that, in a comprehensive manner, incorporated the potential roles of adolescent girls’ peer crowd affiliations, girls’ own concerns about their weight, and their perceptions of peers’ weight norms as important factors in their weight control behaviors. This model proved to be a good fit for the data. An alternative model, reflecting the possibility of peer selection processes (i.e., that weight control behaviors influence girls’ peer crowd affiliations) was also examined, but did not fit the data well. Specific findings from the conceptual model that received support are discussed below. Peer Crowd Affiliation Peer crowd affiliation was an important predictor of girls’ weight control behaviors, and was related to girls’ own and perceived peer weight norms. Unlike previous research (e.g., Mackey and La Greca 2007), only a few key peer crowds were linked to weight control behaviors. However, consistent with previous findings and supporting study hypotheses, girls affiliating with the Jocks appeared to be at lower risk for engaging in weight control behaviors, as they reported less concern about their own weight and fewer perceived peer norms about thinness. In contrast, girls identifying with the Alternatives reported more concern with their weight and appearance than other girls and also were more likely to engage in weight control behaviors. This finding is intriguing, as the definition of the Alternative crowd reflects rebellion against social norms for appearance. However, because there is often a strong association between the Burnout and Alternative peer crowds (La Greca et al. 2001), and because affiliation with the Burnouts has been linked with high levels of health risk behaviors, including poor eating, exercise, and problematic weight control (Mackey and La Greca 2007), it is likely that these findings reflect peer socialization processes for girls affiliating with the Alternatives that support their use of problematic weight control strategies. In fact (and also supporting the study hypotheses) the more girls affiliated with the Burnouts, the more they reported peer weight norms emphasizing thinness and dieting (although they did not report more of their own concern with weight than other girls).

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Girls identifying as Average, or not belonging to any particular peer crowd, reported more weight control behaviors than other girls, independent of their own or perceived peer weight norms. Although there is relatively little research on girls identifying with the Average crowd, it is possible that these findings reflect the high rates of weight control behaviors among adolescent girls in general. It is also possible that other sources of influence, such as the family or media (e.g., Stice 2002), might explain these girls’ likelihood of engaging in weight control behaviors. Future research should examine these potential explanations of the findings for girls identifying highly with the Average crowd. Contrary to previous research, this socialization model applying the Theory of Reasoned Action was not a good fit for understanding the weight control behaviors of girls who identified highly with the Brain or Popular peer crowds. It is possible that alternative pathways might better explain the higher rates of dieting reported by Brains and higher rates of peer concern with weight reported by Populars in previous research (Mackey and La Greca 2007). For example, Brains may have a tendency towards perfectionism, a quality that is strongly related to weight control behaviors (Stice 2002). Additionally, girls identifying with the Populars may be vulnerable to other sources of social influence, such as those communicated by the media or by dating partners. Although the potential influence of romantic partners on adolescents girls’ weight control behaviors was not examined in this study, this will be an important source of influence to examine further, as adolescents’ dating partners have been found to influence other health risk behaviors such as smoking (e.g., Fidler et al. 2006; La Greca 2006). Girls’ Own Concern with Weight and Perceived Peer Weight Norms Consistent with the Theory of Reasoned Action (Fishbein and Ajzen 1975) and this study’s hypotheses, both girls’ own attitudes towards weight and perceived peer weight norms independently predicted their weight control behaviors. Specifically, girls who were more concerned about their own weight (including body esteem, weight satisfaction, and fear of negative appearance evaluation) were more likely to engage in weight control behaviors. These findings complement previous research (e.g., Baker et al. 2003; Lundgren et al. 2004; Stice 2002), which found that girls’ concern with weight was cross-sectionally and longitudinally related to weight control behaviors and disordered eating. Further, girls who perceived their peers to be concerned about weight also reported more weight control behaviors. Such findings suggest that adolescents who have friends who diet or place importance on weight


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As expected, the present study found that girls with a higher BMI were more concerned with their own weight, perceived their peers to be more concerned with weight, and reported more attempts to control their weight; that is, girls with higher BMI’s reported greater perceived social pressure to be thin. These findings are consistent with previous research suggesting that BMI is an important contributor to girls’ weight concerns and weight-related behaviors (e.g., Neumark-Sztainer et al. 2003). It is apparent that girls with high BMI’s should be a priority in research and clinical efforts aimed at promoting healthful weight control and preventing body dissatisfaction and disordered eating. Consistent with previous findings (e.g., Nishina et al. 2006), Black girls reported less concern about their weight and appearance than others. Black girls’ relatively lower levels of concern about their own weight might indirectly prevent them from becoming involved in serious efforts to control their weight, which may contribute to the higher rates of obesity and overweight observed in this population (e.g., Fitzgibbon et al. 1998). No significant differences were found for White or Latina girls (compared to nonWhite and non-Latina girls), consistent with previous research that found these ethnic groups to be similar to one another with regard to weight control attitudes and behaviors (e.g., Abrams and Stormer 2002; Shaw et al. 2004). These findings suggest that future research needs to focus on Black girls to elucidate the unique attitudes and behaviors in which they engage in order to develop appropriate prevention and intervention efforts for being overweight and obesity.

prevention and intervention programs, as well as informing future research. Potential applications of these findings for prevention and intervention efforts are described below. Two of the most important arenas in which to employ intervention and prevention programs are in schools and primary care settings (CDC 1996a; Ma et al. 2005; Neumark-Sztainer 2005). In primary care settings, researchers have noted that health promotion would be improved if pediatricians were able to target groups of adolescents at higher risk for health problems (Ma et al. 2005). Similarly, in school settings, targeting groups at highest risk also would allow for more focused and cost-effective programs, although the feasibility of such interventions has not been studied and needs further research. Findings from the current study suggest that health care providers and school personnel might ask adolescent girls about their peer crowd affiliations in order to help identify adolescents with the highest levels of risky health behaviors. In particular, girls identifying with the Alternative and Burnout peer crowds reported greater use of weight control behaviors and may be appropriate risk groups to target; in contrast, Jocks report less concern about weight and appearance than other girls, and thus might benefit less from school or primary care interventions. Because the findings also indicate that girls’ own concern with weight is related to their use of weight control behaviors, girls’ body and weight dissatisfaction is likely to be an important component of weight control interventions. It is notable and somewhat surprising that current guidelines for school-based interventions (CDC 1996a) do not address adolescents’ own weight concerns as an intervention component. In fact, other research also suggests that targeting girls’ own weight and appearance concerns is useful in preventing bulimic symptoms (e.g., Bearman et al. 2004). Guidelines for school-based intervention programs do include the importance of targeting peer pressure and peer concern with weight (CDC 1996a), as well as modeling healthful eating by popular peers (Evans et al. 2006). The current findings support this recommendation, particularly for girls who identify with the Burnout crowd. Future research examining peers’ actual behaviors, not just girls’ perceptions, will be important in determining more specific links between peer behavior and girls’ weight control that will help to inform prevention and intervention efforts.

Clinical Implications

Limitations and Future Directions

The current study represents an important step in elucidating the relationship between peer crowd identification, girls’ own concern with weight, their perceptions of peers’ weight norms, and weight control behaviors. Understanding these pathways has a number of implications for

Although this study provides information that will be valuable for understanding the weight control behaviors of adolescent girls, several limitations need to be addressed in future research. First, because the sample included adolescent girls from ethnically diverse high schools in urban

and appearance are likely to engage in weight control behaviors themselves (Lattimore and Butterworth 1999; Stice 2002). In general, the data supported the proposed conceptual model of girls’ peer crowd affiliations ‘‘influencing’’ their weight control behaviors. However, because the study was cross-sectional, it was not possible to establish firmly that girls’ own and perceived concern about weight mediated the relationship between peer crowd affiliation and weight control behaviors. Future research is needed that examines these relationships prospectively over time. BMI and Ethnicity

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areas, the findings can best be generalized to this population. Although this represents a substantial number of adolescents, future research might examine the potential influence of peer crowd affiliations in other samples of adolescent girls, as well as adolescent boys. For example, adolescents from rural areas and those in schools with a different ethnic composition may differ in their school culture, conceptions of beauty, or the relative status of peer crowds, which in turn may yield different findings. In particular, future research might address the role of school culture (e.g., the degree of emphasis on sports or academics or on a healthy lifestyle), as research suggests the school environment may influence adolescents’ weight control behaviors (Eisenberg et al. 2005). In addition, future research that addresses potential heterogeneity within the larger ethnic groupings of Black and Latino youth would also be valuable. Second, although about half of the eligible girls participated, exact participation rates were difficult to determine in the current study because the active consent process relied on adolescents taking the forms home, discussing the study with a parent, and returning a signed consent form to school. However, of the forms that were returned, the participation rate was very high (99%). The estimated participation rate in this study was similar to other community based studies of adolescents (e.g., Mackey and La Greca 2007), and the girls in this study also reported levels of peer crowd affiliation that were similar to those of previous studies (e.g., La Greca and Harrison 2005; Mackey and La Greca 2007). Nevertheless, it is possible that different results would be obtained if a larger percentage of adolescent girls participated, and future research should address this issue. Third, information for this study was obtained primarily from adolescents’ self-report. Adolescents are considered to be the best informants for many of the constructs measured in this study. For example, adolescents are the best informants for their own peer relations and for their selfcare behaviors (La Greca and Lemanek 1996), which may include weight control. In addition, several measures (e.g., girls’ own weight concerns, girls’ perceptions of peer weight norms) were intended to reflect adolescent girls’ perspectives. For other measures, such height and weight, physical measures were obtained on a subset of the girls, and these measures correlated highly with girls’ self reports. At the same time, future studies might benefit from considering additional measurement strategies, such as diaries or behavioral logs of weight control behaviors, and obtaining reports from peers regarding their dieting and other weight control behaviors. Fourth, firm conclusions about the conceptual model that was evaluated in the current study cannot be made because all data were collected at a single point in time.

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Future prospective research that examines potential bidirectional influences between peer variables and adolescent girls’ weight control behaviors would be important and desirable. Finally, given the multiple influences on adolescents’ weight control (e.g., Stice 2002), such as family and school culture, among others, future research could extend the present findings by examining even more complex models of adolescents’ weight control behaviors. Therefore, in order to evaluate these complex systems of influence, studies that examine multiple systems of influence in a longitudinal fashion would be of particular interest.

Conclusions The current study highlighted important factors contributing to adolescents’ weight control behaviors, and found that, consistent with the Theory of Reasoned Action and with socialization processes, girls’ peer crowd affiliation, and their own and perceived peer weight norms are important predictors of girls’ weight control behaviors. This study was unique in that it included a large, diverse sample of adolescents and examined two a priori models to determine which represented a better fit for the current data. The results of this study may be useful in informing intervention and prevention efforts, as well as in guiding future research that can further elucidate the influence of peers on adolescents’ health risk behaviors.

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Author Biographies Eleanor Race Mackey is a postdoctoral fellow at Children’s National Medical Center. She received her Ph.D. in Pediatric Psychology at the University of Miami. Dr. Mackey’s research centers on adolescent eating and exercise behaviors, with the goal of developing programs aimed at preventing obesity and eating disorders. Annette M. La Greca is a Professor of Psychology and Pediatrics and Director of Clinical Training at the University of Miami’s Department of Psychology. She received her Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology at Purdue University. Dr. La Greca’s research program includes: children’s and adolescents’ peer relations, friendships, and romantic relationships, as they pertain to psychological and physical health; children’s reactions to trauma, including natural disasters (hurricanes) and community violence; social anxiety in children and adolescents; family and peer issues in the management of type 1 diabetes in youth; and preventive interventions.