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Journal Obikeze 10.1177/0733464805278648 Okoye, of Applied / Stereotypes Gerontology and Perceptions

Stereotypes and Perceptions of the Elderly by the Youth in Nigeria: Implications for Social Policy Uzoma Odera Okoye Dan S. Obikeze University of Nigeria

This study investigates stereotypes and perceptions of the elderly by youths, their effects on intergenerational relations, and the implications for traditional social support systems and social policy in Nigeria. Data were collected through a questionnaire administered to 800 youths aged 15 to 30 and selected through a stratified random sampling process from both rural and urban areas of Anambra State of Nigeria. Four focus group discussion sessions also were conducted. Results show that Nigerian youths do not see the elderly as making too many demands on their children. The respondents, however, possess a number of aging stereotypes. They believe that the elderly behave like children and are sickly, conservative, suspicious, and secretive. Having stereotypes is related to level of education but not to gender, age, or place of residence. The policy implications of these findings are discussed and a new approach to care for the elderly recommended. Keywords:

stereotype; perception; youth; intergenerational relation; social policy

Stereotypes are very potent instruments in intergroup and interpersonal relations. Defined as “fixed mental images” and set beliefs about the characteristics and attributes of a group that are applied indiscriminately to all its members (Zastrow, 1993), stereotypes are “social facts” created in the process of social interaction with other members of society and with the environment based on “partially accurate or completely erroneous” cultural or political beliefs (Miller, Miller, Mckibbin, & Pettys, 1999). The process of attributing “a fixed and usually inaccurate, unfavourable conception to a category of people” is referred to as stereotyping (Zastrow, 1993, p. 103). To Palmore (1999), stereotyping is a common means of dealing with an unfamiliar class of objects. Stereotypes generally influence the perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors of people toward members of another group. They shape the expectations The Journal of Applied Gerontology, Vol. 24 No. 5, November 2005 439-452 DOI: 10.1177/0733464805278648 © 2005 The Southern Gerontological Society

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and reactions of people without giving them the opportunity to express positive opinions. Stereotypes tend to generate negative perceptions of individuals, groups, and events. Such perceptions dispose the individual to act and react in a consistent way toward persons, groups, objects, and issues. Consequently, a number of scholars have argued that stereotyping can be harmful to both the victims and other segments of a society (Palmore, 1999; PingKwong, 1998; Tolvanen, 1998). For instance, Palmore (1999) held that aging stereotypes have damaging effects on both the elderly and youths, as these stereotypes tend to dehumanize the elderly and distort the proper socialization and perception of young people with respect to the elderly.

The Study Problem Evidence from various studies supports the notions that society has a welldeveloped mythology regarding aging as a biosocial phenomenon and that the elderly, as a distinct social group, have been marked out as subjects and victims of negative stereotypes (Cox, 2001; Hazan, 2000; Moody, 2000; Palmore, 1999). Researchers such as Schwalb and Sedlacek (1990) have shown that perceptions of the elderly by a society are indeed negative and that the young, through socialization, assimilate these perceptions. Thus, in any given society, the way the elderly are perceived and regarded is reflected in the forms of stereotypes held about them. Butler (1980) has argued that the tendency to perceive aging in a negative fashion reflects a deep-seated uneasiness and distaste for growing old. These feelings, he believed, arise partly from fear of becoming powerless or useless and from an apprehension of becoming a burden to others. In the same vein, Ward (1984) observed that negative images of old age might stem from problems associated with old age, such as low socioeconomic status, poor health, loneliness, senility, and death. Butler used the term ageism to refer to all these various forms of age discrimination. Peterson and Eden (1977) and Storck and Cutler (1977) argued that literature can be a very important source of misinformation for the young about the elderly. With particular reference to children and youths, studies carried out in different parts of the world show that children and adolescents have largely negative images and perceptions of age and aging (Giles, Coupland, Coupland, Williams, & Nassbaum, 1992; Haught, Walls, Laney, Leavell, & Stuzen, 1999; Hawkins, 1996; Lorreto, Duncan, & White, 2000). In a review of children’s books, both Peterson and Eden and Storck and Cutler identified many stereotypic and negative images of older people to which young minds are constantly exposed. Among these are that old people are always sick, are

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ugly, have low mental ability, are senile, act childlike, are isolated and lonely, are poor, are depressed, are conservative, are forgetful, cannot work as effectively as younger workers, and that their lives are beset by serious health problems (Hillman & Stricker, 1996; Palmore, 1999; Ping-Kwong, 1998). As earlier indicated, these negative stereotypes tend to have damaging effects on the elderly as well as disrupt the normal functioning of society. They can so dehumanize the elderly as to affect their social and psychological world, which may result in a “self-fulfilling prophecy.” That is, elderly people may behave in a way that meets the expectations of society. This may lead aging persons to devalue themselves, to have a low self-image and selfesteem. They may even consider themselves a social burden and develop a strong sense of “waiting for death” (Ping-Kwong, 1998). For other members of the society, studies show that aging stereotypes could lead youth to develop “gerontophobia”—the fear of getting old. Such fears can induce anxiety and contaminate the minds of people (Glover, Baffi, & Redican, 1981; Shuman, 1995). On the other hand, the realities of aging based on a number of other studies do not fit or support these negative perceptions and stereotypes. For instance, studies of older workers by Salthouse (1984); Birdi, Pennington, and Zapf (1997); and Platman and Tinker (1998) show that older workers perform as well or better than younger workers on most measures and that they have less job turnover, fewer accidents, and less absenteeism. Ping-Kwong (1998) has argued that elderly people are not set in their ways because they adapt to such major events as retirement, widowhood, death of friends, and so forth. In their process of developing marketing strategies for adults, C.D. Publications (1998) found that older consumers are more likely to try new products than are any other age group. Despite these revelations, stereotypes against the elderly continue to thrive; and there has been relatively little investigation of this phenomenon in other non-Western environments. This is particularly pertinent in the African situation in general and the Nigerian context in particular where perceptions of and attitudes toward the elderly are taken to be considerably different than what obtains in the Western world. Traditionally in most Nigerian communities, old age is highly respected, even to a point of veneration. In addition, in the absence of a well-developed Western-type social security system, the support, care, and maintenance of the elderly in Africa will, for some time to come, remain the “proper” responsibility of the younger generation. Under the circumstances, and considering the impact of urbanization, modernization, and globalization on the African way of life, the major objectives of this study include:

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Objective 1: To ascertain if the youth in Nigeria hold aging stereotypes. Objective 2: To determine the nature and extent of such stereotypes (if any). Objective 3: To assess the implications for and/or impact of such aging stereotypes on intergenerational relationships, as well as the “preparedness” of the youth to take on the traditional role caring for the elderly in their communities. Objective 4: To highlight any social policy implications of the research findings for Nigeria in particular and Africa in general.

Scope of Study This study was carried out in Anambra State, which is located in the southeastern part of Nigeria. The choice of Anambra State was purposive but informed by a number of factors. First, it is one of the oldest and highly typical of states within the former Eastern Region of Nigeria. This region previously was regarded as one entity before it was subdivided into nine states. Second, it is one of the most urbanized and progressive, as well as fastest growing, states in the country; according to the National Population Commission (1998), 62% of the population lives in urban areas. Therefore, it was considered highly suitable for investigating the forces of change on the people. Third, the researchers were very conversant with the local language and customs of the state. The primary participants for this study were youths, defined in this context as persons aged 15 to 30 years. According to the 1991 population census, the youth in Nigeria number about 24.3 million, accounting for 27.3% of the total population (National Population Commission, 1998).

Method Given the subject matter and the specific objectives of this study, the survey research design, combining both quantitative and qualitative techniques, was considered the most suitable and so adopted. A study sample of 800 youths was drawn from both urban and rural local government areas of Anambra State, with the sample selection weighted slightly in favor of rural participants. A multistage, stratified random sampling technique was adopted to successively choose the local government areas, communities, villages, streets, households, and finally, the respondents as applicable. The sampling exercise produced a total of 496 respondents from the rural areas and 304 respondents from the urban areas. A combination of the questionnaire and focus group discussion were employed as the primary instruments of data collection. The questions were developed


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based on issues of stereotypes raised in the literature consulted. Four focus group discussion sessions were conducted in two urban and two rural local government areas. Each session was made up of 8 youths of the same sex, same geopolitical zone, same sociocultural background, and same level of education. The focus group discussions were aimed at exploring and verifying the survey findings. Trained research assistants administered the questionnaire, whereas the researchers conducted the focus group discussion. Males and females were equally represented (400 each) in the sample. Of the respondents, 62% lived in the rural areas, whereas 38% resided in the urban areas. In terms of marital status, the majority (80.5%) of the respondents were single. This is not surprising given the age range (15 to 30 years) of the study population. In terms of the level of education, a majority of the respondents (85.3%) had completed secondary education or acquired higher education. Nearly half of the respondents were students (47.5%). This should be expected given that the mean age of the respondents was approximately 24 years.

Findings Identification of Aging Stereotypes To ascertain whether Nigerian youth hold aging stereotypes, it was necessary first to find out the nature of aging stereotypes currently existing in the wider Nigerian society. To this end, the researchers undertook an exhaustive, computer-assisted survey of relevant literature on perceptions of and attitudes toward the elderly in Nigeria. Second, we carried out a pilot survey of perceptions of the elderly by the general public in two highly cosmopolitan towns, Onitsha and Enugu. Combining the data from these sources, we developed a preliminary list of commonly held aging stereotypes (both positive and negative). Given the focus of the present study, we were able to synthesize seven of the most generally held “negative” stereotypes as follows: poor old people are lazy, the elderly are very suspicious, they make too many demands on their children, the elderly are secretive, old people behave like children, the elderly are conservative, and old people are always sickly. To find out to what extent the youth of Nigeria subscribe to these commonly held aging stereotypes, the study respondents were asked to indicate whether they agreed with, disagreed with, or were unsure about each of the seven stereotyping statements on the elderly. The result of this exercise is presented in Table 1.

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Table 1. Expression of Aging Stereotypes Among Nigerian Youth (in percentages; N = 800)

Stereotype Poor old people are lazy Old people are very suspicious Old people make too many demands on their children Old people behave like children Old people are secretive Old people are conservative Old people are always sickly

Agreed

Not Sure

16.9 57.0

63.6 12.1

17.3 28.3

2.2 2.6

100 100

36.5 78.9 51.9 64.1 70.4

36.6 9.9 11.1 11.4 7.0

24.3 9.1 34.4 21.5 21.0

2.6 2.1 2.6 3.0 1.6

100 100 100 100 100

Disagreed

No Answer Total

Table 1 indicates that a large majority of the respondents believed that old people behave like children (78.9%) and are always sickly (70.4%). In addition, more than half of the respondents believed that the elderly were conservative (64.1%), suspicious (57%), and secretive (51.9%). However, many of the youths did not believe that old people make too many demands on their children (36.5%), and they were rather ambivalent on the notion that old people are poor because they are lazy (63.6% unsure). A further analysis of the clustering and pattern of responses in Table 1 indicates that the aging stereotypes could be grouped into three distinct categories or factors. The first group of stereotypes includes those relating to perceived excessive caution and carefulness of the elderly, measurable by the statements “old people are very suspicious,” “old people are secretive,” and “old people are conservative.” The second group includes those stereotypes relating to the elderly being perceived as a burden. This factor is measurable by the statements “poor old people are lazy” and “old people make too many demands on their children.” The third refers to the factor of dependency; this is measurable by the statements “old people behave like children” and “old people are always sickly.” Table 1 shows that the highest proportion of respondents held dependency stereotypes, followed by those who held excessive caution stereotypes, whereas a relatively small proportion held burden stereotypes. More specific, 70% to 80% of the respondents held dependency-related stereotypes as compared with 50% to 64% who held excessive caution stereotypes and only 17% to 37% of respondents who manifested burden stereotypes. It could, therefore, be concluded that although a large majority of Nigerian youth perceived the elderly as being dependent and needing attention, a considerable number (about half) perceived them to be excessively cautious. However,


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they did not generally perceive them to be a burden because only a small minority manifested that stereotype.

Evidence From Focus Group Discussions Participants in the focus group discussion sessions generally agreed that the elderly complain a lot and seek “too much attention.” In the words of one male participant in the rural area, “You can never please elderly people no matter what you do, even if you kill yourself for them.” Although this may be an extreme view, some of the other group members nodded their heads in apparent agreement. Many of them also felt that the elderly always like to seek attention. A female discussant in the rural area said that her grandmother always liked to draw attention to herself by “complaining today of her leg, tomorrow of her hands, and the next of her eyes.” Participants in the urban area used such terms as obstacle to fun, irritating, and not accommodating to describe the elderly. Both male and female participants in the urban area felt that the elderly were very lonely and that they talked too much. One male respondent said of his grandfather, “He can hold you in a nonstop conversation for 4 hours without getting tired.” He believed that his grandfather was lonely because he was always at home; hence, whenever he had people around, he would talk and talk to make up for those times that he did not have anybody around. Some of the discussants in the urban area believed that lack of education on the part of the elderly might be part of the reason why they were so lonely.

Aging Stereotype Index To measure the level or quantum of aging stereotypes among the youth in Nigeria, we decided to construct an aging stereotype index. To this end, the seven expressions of stereotypes discussed above were scored on a 3-point Likert-type attitude scale with 1 = agreement, 2 = not sure, and 3 = disagreement. The sum of these scores produced an index ranging from 7, indicating agreement on all statements (highest level of stereotypes), to 21 indicating disagreement on all statements (implying total absence of stereotypes). Table 2 summarizes the level of aging stereotypes in the study population. The study data show that no respondent attained a score of 21, indicating that no one is totally free of aging stereotypes or prejudices. Furthermore, the modal score of 11 and a mean of 11.8 indicate that the level of aging stereotypes in the study population was generally high.

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Table 2. Distribution of Levels of Aging Stereotypes Among Respondents (N = 791)

Score 7 to 11 12 to 16 17 to 21

Level

Frequency

Percentage

High Moderate Low

402 305 39

50.8 44.2 5.0

NOTE: Mean = 11.8; Mode = 11; Standard deviation = 2.8. Table 3. Percentage Distribution of Aging Stereotype Scores by Sociodemographic Variables (N = 800)

Stereotype Score Variable Level of education High Medium Low Gender Male Female Residence Urban Rural

High

Medium

Low

42.9 52.1 59.0

50.0 43.1 39.3

7.1 4.8 1.7

50.3 51.4

43.4 45.1

6.3 3.5

51.4 50.7

45.3 44.4

3.3 4.9

NOTE: Chi-square significance level of p < .03 for all variables except gender/male and residence/urban.

Aging Stereotype Differentials A number of studies investigate the relationship between level of education and the expression of perceptions of and attitudes toward the aging. However, these studies have not been able to arrive at a conclusive position on the issue. Although Thorson and Perskins (1980), Palmore (1980), and Haught et al. (1999) found that education influences attitudes toward aging and aging issues, Riddick (1985) found that it did not. This issue was further investigated in the present study. To this end, level of education was recoded into three categories of low, medium, and high, where low level of education comprised those with no schooling and primary education, medium level of education comprised those with secondary education up to the national diploma, and the high level of education category included those with university education. Table 3 summarizes the observed


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relationship between possession of aging stereotypes and some of the relevant sociodemographic variables, including education. The results show that education did have a statistically significant negative relationship (p < .03) with the level of aging stereotypes in the study population. Specifically, respondents with a high level of education manifested lower levels of aging stereotypes, whereas those with a low level of education displayed higher degrees of stereotypes. In other words, the level of aging stereotypes tends to decrease as the level of education increases among Nigerian youth. Gender has often been regarded as an important determinant of opinions and attitudes toward the aging and aging issues (Haught et al., 1999; Hawkins, 1996; Steitz & Verner, 1987; Zandi, Mirle, & Jarvis, 1990). However, evidence of the nature of the relationship between gender and possession of aging stereotypes is by no means conclusive. Table 3 shows no significant relationship between gender and possession of aging stereotypes. There has been a lot of concern about the effect of place of residence, especially the urban environment, on attitudes toward and care of the elderly by members of the younger generation (Akukwe, 1992; Broschen & Hamminghofen, 1983; Ekpeyong, 1995). In many African countries like Nigeria, there exists a wide gap between urban and rural communities in terms of infrastructure, modernism, heterogeneity, and adherence to traditional systems of social support, especially for the elderly. Based on these differences, we considered it worthwhile to investigate whether place of residence significantly influences the possession of aging stereotypes. The results as shown in Table 3 indicate that there is no significant difference between youths from urban and rural areas with regard to their possession and expression of aging stereotypes.

Discussion Given the great influence of stereotypes and stereotyping in social relations, this study attempts to answer questions regarding whether Nigerian youths hold aging stereotypes, the nature and degree of such stereotypes, and their possible implications for the care and maintenance of the elderly by the younger generation. The findings confirm that the Nigerian youth study participants did hold some stereotypes about the elderly. A large majority of the respondents believed that the elderly behave like children and are sickly. This implies that the elderly were perceived as a dependent group requiring and soliciting constant attention.

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This dependency status, however, need not be stretched too far, as practical experience shows that traditionally, Nigerian elderly persons are usually very active until significantly late in life and do not actually “retire” but rather, move from one sphere of activity to others requiring less physical exertion. A large proportion of elderly men in Nigeria still have young wives and small children to put through school and cater for generally because many elderly men have taken second and third wives as they approached old age. This leads to the “double dependency phenomenon” whereby the dependent elderly person has a number of other persons who are totally or partially dependent on him or her for care and sustenance (Obikeze, 1985). In such circumstances, the elderly have to continue with economic activities for as long as possible. Another aging stereotype held by Nigerian youth, which was highlighted by the study, is the belief that the elderly are secretive, suspicious, and conservative. This suggests that the elderly, drawing from their past experience, are often very careful in whatever they do. Unlike the younger age groups, they are not likely to take risks or make rash decisions. By bringing the two generations together in common tasks, the two seemingly opposing traits may be made to complement each other to the benefit of society. One other relevant finding of the study is the belief among the youths that the elderly do not make too many demands on their children. This has special significance for the willingness of Nigerian youths to undertake the responsibility of caring for their parents. It implies that the youth believe that children with elderly parents still subscribe to some form of the traditional filial obligation toward their parents. This provides a basis for fashioning a social policy for the aging based on the traditional African social system of care for the aging. The study findings also confirm the view that the level of stereotypes in a group such as these youth can be significantly influenced by some sociodemographic variables, especially education. Respondents with higher levels of education were found to possess fewer aging stereotypes than the less educated respondents. On the other hand, gender and place of residence were found to have no significant influence on the level of stereotypes possessed by the youth. Although these are consistent with the findings of Palmore (1980), Eddy (1986), and Mosher-Ashley and Ball (1999), there is need for further studies before definitive conclusions can be drawn. As a result of the global demographic transition, nations of the world are now experiencing a progressive and often rapid increase in their population proportion that is elderly (aged 60 years and older). This phenomenon, which is generally referred to as population aging, entails a significant increase in the number of the elderly during a relatively short time span. For instance, the


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population of the elderly in Nigeria is estimated to increase from 5.9 million in the year 2000 to 14.3 million in 2025—an increase of 142% in 25 years (United Nations, 1998). In the absence of comprehensive, state-funded welfare policy for the elderly in most developing countries, including Nigeria, it becomes imperative that necessary steps should be taken to promote, encourage, and sustain the traditional systems of care and support for the elderly by improving and strengthening intergenerational relations between the youth and the elderly in those societies. Activities that reduce or eliminate aging stereotypes by the young are effective means of attaining this objective. To this end, we recommend, based on the findings of the present study, that the Nigerian public in general and the youth in particular be made aware and informed of the nature and processes of both individual (human) aging and population aging and how these affect everyone’s life. This will help foster an appreciation of aging as a normal life process and thereby eliminate some of the stereotypes held. This study confirms earlier findings that education is a significant factor positively influencing youths’perceptions of and attitudes toward the elderly. Furthermore, knowledge of aging and aging issues equip adolescents, when they grow older, to be in a position to make eminently sound decisions on matters affecting society in general and the elderly in particular. In addition, studies show that there is a positive relationship between close contact and interaction with the elderly and favorable change in the attitude of adolescents toward the elderly (Bales, Eklund, & Siffin, 2000; Glover et al, 1981; Langer, 1999; Scott, Minichiello, & Browning, 1998). As the saying goes, physical distance promotes psychological and social distance. It is therefore recommended that one way of reducing aging stereotypes held by youths is to establish intergenerational projects and programs in which the two age groups are brought together in joint, collaborative endeavors. Community development programs can be designed with this objective in mind, especially for rural areas. Such programs will go a long way in helping the youth to better understand what they perceive as some of the peculiar behaviors of the elderly and eventually dispel stereotypes about them. With the passage of time, there have evolved, in different communities of the world, various modes and systems of care and support for the elderly adapted to the prevailing sociocultural conditions of the time. These care systems may be identified as the familial, communal, institutional, bureaucratic (public), and commercialized care systems. Hitherto, most African societies, including Nigeria, have followed, with considerable measure of success, the traditional familial care system. However, the ongoing aging revolution referred to above, coupled with the forces of urbanization and modernization, has strained the traditional familial care system. Consequently, we

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recommend that Nigeria and other African countries shift to a combination of public and familial care systems, which may be labeled a governmentassisted familial care system. This is a strictly anti–institutional care approach whereby the elderly person continues to live an active and productive life within his or her family and community while personal needs for food, shelter, health, company, and emotional support are attended to by members of the younger generation with financial support from the government. Finally, it is recommended that some form of financial incentive be given to individuals between the ages of 18 and 30 years who take responsibility for the care of an elderly relative. Such incentives might be in the form of tax relief or periodic monetary subventions. It is our considered opinion that the adoption and careful implementation of these and similar recommendations will go a long way toward minimizing and eradicating aging stereotypes among the youth and thereby improving intergenerational relations and the willingness of the youth to undertake the traditional filial responsibility to their aging relatives.

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Uzoma Odera Okoye is a lecturer in the Subdepartment of Social Work, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. She teaches research methods, social work practice methods, and social gerontology. She has conducted field research in social gerontology with a focus on perception of the elderly by the youth. Dan S. Obikeze is a professor of sociology who teaches social statistics, research methods, and demography at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. He has conducted extensive field research and published widely in the areas of demography, the African family, reproductive health, and the situations of children and the elderly. His previous works include Children and the Nigerian Civil War, Introductory Statistics for the Social Sciences, and Methods of Data Analysis in the Social and Behavioural Sciences. He is currently a visiting professor at the University of Lesotho.