Submit an article to Gifted and Talented International

Gifted and Talented International Volume 24, Number 2, December, 2009.

Gifted and Talented International – 24 (2), December, 2009.

1

The World Council for Gifted and Talented Children

Executive Committee and Officers (2009-2011) President Taisir Subhi Yamin; General Director, The International Centre for Innovation in Education (ICIE); Université Paris Descartes, France.

Vice President Edna McMillan; Stoney Creek, Ontario, Canada.

Secretary Leslie S. Graves; Educational consultant, Dublin, Ireland.

Treasurer Julia Link Roberts; Executive Director of the Carol Martin Gatton Academy of Mathematics and Science; Western Kentucky University; Bowling Green, Kentucky, USA.

Members Ngarmmars Kasemset; Director, Thailand–The Gifted and Talented Foundation (TGT); Bangkok, Thailand.

Leonie Kronborg; University Lecturer in Gifted Education, Monash University; Clayton, Victoria, Australia.

Klaus K. Urban; Leibniz University, Hannover, Faculty of Humanities; Stadthagen, Germany.

Executive Administrator Cathrine Froese Klassen; University of Winnipeg, Winnipeg, Manitoba, Canada.

2


Gifted and Talented International Volume 24, Number 2, December, 2009.

Editor-in-Chief: Taisir Subhi Yamin International Centre for Innovation in Education (ICIE), Institut de Psychologie, Université Paris Descartes, France.

Associate Editors: Todd Lubart Laboratoire Cognition et Développement, Institut de Psychologie, Universite Paris Descartes, France. e-Mail: [email protected]

Ken McCluskey Faculty of Education, University of Winnipeg, Canada. e-Mail: [email protected]

Peter Merrotsy School of Education, University of New England, Australia. e-Mail: [email protected]

Trevor J. Tebbs Psychology Department, Castleton State College, Castleton, Vermont, U.S.A. e-Mail: [email protected]

Dorothy A. Sisk Director, The Gifted Child Center, Lamar University, P.O. Box: 10034, Beaumont, Texas 777l0, U.S.A. e-Mail: [email protected]

World Council for Gifted and Talented Children (WCGTC) WCGTC Headquarters, C/O University of Winnipeg, 515 Portage Avenue, Winnipeg, Manitoba, R3B 2E9, Canada Phone: (204) 789-1421 Fax: (204) 783-1188 e-Mail: [email protected] www.world-gifted.org

International Editorial Review Board (2009-2011) Eunice Alencar, Brazil Don Ambrose, USA Jim Campbell, England Joan Freeman, England David George, England Mary-Anne Heng, Singapore Lannie Kanevsky, Canada Margie K. Kitano, USA Katerina M. Kassotaki, Greece Lee Martin, England Bronė Narkevičienė, Lithuania Louesa Polyzoi, Canada Karen Rogers, USA Bruce M. Shore, Canada Kornelia Tischler, Austria Donald J. Treffinger, USA Dmitry Ushakov, Russia Wu-Tien Wu, Taiwan

Jihan Alumran, Bahrain Alessandro Antonietti, Italy Hanna David, Israel Marcia Gentry, USA Miraca Gross, Australia Katherine Hoekman, Australia Sandra N. Kaplan, USA Leonie Kronborg, Australia Roza Leikin, Israel Roberta Milgram, Israel Roland S Persson, Sweden Joseph S. Renzulli, USA Larisa Shavinina, Canada Rena Subotnik, USA Javier Tourón, España Klaus K. Urban, Germany Wilma Vialle, Australia Dimitris Zbainos, Greece

Copyright 2009 – World Council for Gifted and Talented Children, all rights reserved. The Gifted and Talented International (GTI) is a refereed journal published twice a year by the World Council for Gifted and Talented Children (WCGTC). Membership includes this journal. Additional copies may be purchased by contacting the WCGTC: [email protected] Submit all manuscripts in quadruplicate, double spaced, accompanied by a short abstract (approximately 100 to 150 words), and with citations and references, following the guidelines set forth in the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association, 6th Edition. Include author’s full mailing address, phone and fax numbers, as well as an e-Mail address. Send manuscripts to: Taisir Subhi Yamin, Editor-in-Chief, Gifted and Talented International, Heilmeyersteige 93, D-89075, Ulm, Germany, mobile telephone: (0049) 172-929-7632.


3


4


Table of Contents From the Editor’s Desk Taisir Subhi Yamin …………..….…………………………………………...………………...……...... 07

Articles A Dynamic Ecological Framework for Differentiating the Primary Curriculum. Susen R. Smith ………...……………………………………...…………………..………................ 09 Grade Skipping: A Retrospective Case Study on Academic and Social Implications. Ora Kleinbok; and Hava Vidergor …………..……………………………...………………..…..…. 21 Cultural and Social Capital and Talent Development: A Study of a High-Ability Aboriginal Student in a Remote Community. Karen Kostenko; and Peter Merrotsy ……………………………………………...……….……... 39 Perfectionism of Academically Gifted Primary School Students: The Case of Japan. Slavica Maksić; and Kumiko Iwasaki …………..……………………………………….……...… 51 Social Representation of Gifted Children: A Preliminary Study in France. Jean Louis Tavani; Franck Zenasni; and Maria Pereira-Fradin ……………………….......…. 61 Sibling Relationships Among Eilat Families With at Least One Gifted Child. Hanna David; Mali Gil; and Idit Raviv ……………………………………………………….….…. 71 What are Extraordinary Gifted Children Like (Equal to or Above 189 IQ)? A Study of 10 Cases. Yolanda Benito Mate ……………………………………………………………...………………... 89 Young, Gifted, and Female: A Look at Academic and Social Needs. Corine Cadle Meredith …………..…………………………………...……...…...…………...….. 109 The Importance of Decision Making: A Gifted Case Report. Noks Nauta; Sieuwke Ronner; and Benno Groeneveld …………………………...…....…. 121 Governmental Reform and Education for the Gifted in Japan: A Current Analysis. Stephen J. Bugaj …………..…………………………………………………………….……...…. 131 Giftedness Perceptions and Practices of Teachers in Lithuania. Monita Leavitt; and John Geake …..…………………………………….……...…………...…. 139

Book Reviews (1) Mentoring in a Canadian Context. Kevin Lamoureux; Ken W. McCluskey; Alan C. Wiebe; and Philip A. Baker ...……….…. 151 (2) Learning to Solve Problems: An Instructional Design Guide. David H. Jonassen ………………………………………….…………………...……...……..…. 153

Submission Guidelines


5


6

Gifted and Talented International – 24(2), December, 2009.

From the Editor’s Desk Taisir Subhi Yamin Welcome to this issue (Volume 24, Number 2 (December 31, 2009)) of Gifted and Talented International. The current issue comprises (11) interesting articles and (2) book reviews, all of which broaden our view of this field and its assumptions. I am grateful to the originators of this material for the diligence and insight with which they so richly benefit this journal. This issue appears four months after the second international conference on “Excellence in Education 2009: Leading Minds Creating the Future”. In the first article, “A Dynamic Ecological Framework for Differentiating the Primary Curriculum”, Susen Smith provides a framework for visually representing components of interconnected, diverse and inclusive contexts for instructional differentiation. The framework reinforces the dynamic and diverse nature of differentiating the curriculum in a variety of educational ecologies and the need to provide different teaching and learning opportunities according to individual student needs within inclusive primary classrooms. The education system in Israel offers pullout programs in centers for gifted education for elementary end and junior high school students identified as gifted. Students study at these centers for a whole day once a week, but they also study in regular classrooms offering no special differentiation suitable for their level for the remainder of the week. The current practices in Israel include different types of provisions designed to meet the special needs of the gifted and talented, but grade skipping, for example, is not used very often. In the second article, “Grade Skipping: A Retrospective Case Study on Academic and Social Implications”, two authors from Israel, namely: Ora Kleinbok; and Hava Vidergor offer a retrospective case study aimed at assessing students' and parents' views relating to grade skipping. It sheds light on authentic views and decision-making related to the processes and outcomes of grade skipping. In the third article, “Cultural and Social Capital and Talent Development: A study of a High-Ability Aboriginal Student in

a Remote Community”, Karen Kostenko and Peter Merrotsy shed light on the outcomes of a study that was conducted on the cultural context, the social milieu and the personal characteristics of a high ability Aboriginal student in a remote community in Canada. This study emphasises the enormous advantage in developing high potential into high achievement if human capital is supported by strong cultural and social capital. In other words, talent development is possible with strong cultural capital and with strong social capital. Perfectionism has become a variable of high interest during the last decade. In the next article, “Perfectionism of Academically Gifted Primary School Students: The Case of Japan”, Slavica Maksić, and Kumiko Iwasaki offer a comparison study employing the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale in order to compare a sample of Japanese gifted students with a sample of American gifted students. The authors were involved in investigating the perfectionist tendencies and characteristics of the members of the two groups. In France, we have witnessed increasing interest in gifted education. In 2008, the international conference on Excellence in Education took place in Paris at Université Paris Descartes. In 2009, a number of identification tools were developed in this university. In the 5th article, “Social Representation of Gifted Children: A Preliminary Study in France”, Jean Louis Tavani, Franck Zenasni, and Maria Pereira-Fradin offer the outcomes of their study which aims to access the social representations of the French gifted


7


children and examine if these representations change according to age and gender. In the next article, “Sibling Relationships Among Eilat Families with at Least One Gifted Child”, Hanna David, Mali Gil, and Idit Raviv offer the outcomes of their study. Very interesting results were reported. For example, there was no indication of negative influence on the labeling one sibling as gifted, but in such families there was a high level of friendship and empathy. From Spain, Yolanda Benito Mate has submitted her article entitled “What are Extraordinary Gifted Children Like (Equal to or Over 189 IQ)? A Study of 10 Cases”. She offers a descriptive study concerned with the characteristics of the gifted and talented and their families. In the next article, “Young, Gifted, and Female: A Look at Academic and Social Needs”, Corine Cadle Meredith examined literature and conducted her study to answer two questions: First, how do we describe the unique population of gifted, female, adolescent students and what do we know about their learning and development? Second, what does the literature reveal about the current status of gender equity in American schools? Life transitions often force the gifted and talented to make career and lifestyle choices. In the 9th article, “The Importance of Decision Making: A Gifted Case Report”, Noks Nauta, Sieuwke Ronner, and Benno Groeneveld introduce the story of a fictional young university-educated woman who struggles with making choices in her career and in her life. The process of making choices and dealing with how emotions work out in the highly gifted are discussed. In the next article, “Governmental Reform and Education for the Gifted in Japan: A Current Analysis”, Stephen J. Bugaj examines the reasons for the lack of services and special provisions for the gifted and talented students in Japan. According to the author of this article, lack of progress and resistance may be

8

attributable to cultural factors and other pragmatic issues, such as competition to gain entrance in the most prestigious universities. In the last article, “Giftedness Perceptions and Practices of Teachers in Lithuania”, Monita Leavitt, and John Geake report on two qualitative studies that examined: a) how teachers’ perceptions of giftedness changed as a result of a professional development programme in gifted education that introduced the Renzulli Three-Ring Conception of Giftedness; and b) what gifted educational practices do teachers in an urban basic school know, practice, and recommend after the implementation of a systematic gifted identification process. In this issue of Gifted and Talented International, the editors of this section have reviewed two books. Including: (1) “Mentoring in a Canadian Context” edited by Kevin Lamoureux; Ken McCluskey; Alan Wiebe; and Philip Baker; and (2) “Learning to Solve Problems: An Instructional Design Guide” written by David Jonassen. In the upcoming issue of the GTI (2010, 25(1)) we are pleased to celebrate the tremendous responses to the target paper written by Hisham Ghassib (2010) concerning the conception of scientific creativity. The editor-in-chief has received (20) response articles which were written by the leaders in the field. These articles addressed and investigated various aspects of scientific creativity. Ghassib (2010) offers his insights into the state of the art in scientific creativity. I hope that Ghassib’s ideas regarding the definition of the conception of scientific creativity and what models should be constructed for the creative process are useful to GTI readers. I hope you will find the contents of Gifted and Talented International (2009, 24(2)) interesting, fascinating, useful and informative. As always, should you have any comments or suggestions, please feel free to forward them to me. Additional intriguing works are already on the horizon, so stay tuned to Gifted and Talented International.


A Dynamic Ecological Framework for Differentiating the Primary Curriculum Susen R. Smith Abstract Primary classrooms today comprise students with many different backgrounds, experiences and needs and educators are challenged to differentiate the curriculum within these diverse educational ecologies. However, heuristic and theoretical debate on differentiated teaching and learning in primary school classes has paralleled concerns about the lack of empirical research to support differentiation practices. Following an in-depth literature review, and a Ph.D. study on literacy practice in primary schools, an ecological framework for dynamically and inclusively differentiating curriculum and pedagogy across a variety of educational contexts was developed. This article provides a brief overview of the PhD study and the framework, which links research with best practice that could provide the foundation of differentiating curriculum and pedagogy for students with diverse needs in inclusive primary classrooms.

Keywords: Differentiated curriculum, pedagogy, framework for planning, dynamic differentiation strategies, primary classrooms.

Introduction Primary school classrooms today comprise students with many different backgrounds, experiences and needs and educators are challenged to differentiate the curriculum within such diverse educational ecologies (Tomlinson, 2005). This article reports the development of a framework for differentiating the curriculum and pedagogy within inclusive primary schools. Inclusive primary classes are those in which the curriculum is differentiated to meet the complex individual needs of all students in their educational environment, including students with special needs and those with gifts or with other diverse backgrounds. Hence, articulation of the value of diversity needs to be the basis of effective differentiated practice that is flexible in nature (Tomlinson et al. 2002). This article explores the dynamics of teaching and learning within the research literature to provide the basis for the development of a cohesive ecological framework of differentiated instruction.A framework for differentiation is described and illustrated in relation to a dynamic and inclusive mode of primary classroom practice. The framework is entitled ‘Model of Dynamic

Differentiation’ (MoDD) and future effective differentiated practice may be built upon such frameworks. Dynamic nature of differentiated teaching and learning in the inclusive educational ecosystem Educational theory and pedagogy have evolved from whole-class instruction to individualised teaching. Despite the evolution and availability of innovative research-based teaching strategies, whole-class pedagogy remains the prominent educational practice in primary school classrooms today (Smith, 2006). However, use of whole-class strategies might inhibit creativity, cognitive growth, academic engagement and socio-emotional development. In Australian primary schools, a number of teaching strategies have become regulars to individualise instruction. Some of these may include ability grouping, cooperative learning, contracts and tasks based on multiple intelligences or Bloom’s Taxonomy (Gillies, & Ashman, 2000; Noble, 2000). Nonetheless, there is little literature on their combined usage or effectiveness (Smith, 2006). There has been a move towards effective inclusive pedagogy and practice in


9


recent years (Gore et al. 2004; Haager, & Klingner, 2005). Differentiation has evolved as an effective adjunct to inclusive practices in primary school classes in direct contrast to the current political movement towards skills teaching and testing (Smith, 2006). Whatever the case, as the research literature overwhelmingly suggests, ultimately the teacher is the key to the provision of quality education. Teachers’ views impact educational practices, especially for gifted students (Geake & Gross, 2008; Hoffman, 2003) and, therefore, within varying contexts, educators might “differentiate the curriculum through their pedagogical attitude [as well as their] practice. The pedagogical attitude of the teacher is a vital factor in providing inclusive differentiation” (O’Brien, 2000, p. 17).

interconnectedness of key factors that contribute to productive student learning outcomes (Fraser, 1998). Some of these include aptitude, motivation, environmental and educational opportunities, instructional quality and student engagement (Fullan et al. 2006). These interconnected features of education underscore the dynamic relationship between teaching and learning. O’Brien (2000, p. 18) believes that: The provision of inclusive differentiation requires an environment that is grounded in fundamental principles. The first of these is a philosophical commitment to the belief that learning is a dynamic and mutually responsive process and that every child can learn… For the teacher there is eagerness (and professional responsibility) to learn too….

In terms of children’s learning difficulties and special needs, a shift has occurred from the individual-focused medical model of provision to This can be evidenced through the one where environmental and interactional positive relationship that the teacher influences on the individual within varying develops with the pupils. For the pupil, educational and social instructional contexts are interaction with the learning environment the focus (Kirk, Gallagher, Anastasiow & reinforces that progress is expected, Coleman, 2006). Research has identified the recognised and rewarded. __________________________________________________________________________________________ McLaughlin (1995) suggests the need to recognise that teaching and learning should be flexible. Indeed, there are many references to dynamics and flexibility in teaching and learning (Chessman, 2003; Comber et al., 2002; McLaughlin, 1995; O’Brien, 2000; O’Brien & Guiney, 2001; Tomlinson et al. 2002; Wedell, 2005). McGrath and Kirribilli (2004, p. 1) make the link with differentiation when they say, “effective education is dynamic… Effective education is exemplified by the increased use of differentiated practices in classrooms…”. The core of differentiated instruction is that the process of teaching and learning is varied and flexible. Basically, Tomlinson (2001a, pp. 45 – 49) suggests that effective differentiated instruction involves provision of learning opportunities that range across continuums from unitary, simplistic, concrete and foundational entities to multiple, complex, abstract and transformational forms. These are exemplified in students moving flexibly between slower, structured, guided learning and faster, open-ended, independent tasks (Smith, 2006). Essentially, the focus for differentiating instruction is on concepts and principles of effective teaching and learning that are meaningful, built on prior understanding and essential to future learning as opposed to content, facts or knowledge (Tomlinson, 2001a). These principles of effective instruction, combined with effective strategies to differentiate the environment, content, processes and products were identified in an in-depth review of the research literature and underpin the MoDD framework presented in this article (Maker, 1982; Smith, 2006). Effective differentiated curriculum and pedagogy means varying content, processes and products within a consistent cycle throughout all learning contexts and provides the basis for motivating academic engagement (Maker, 1982; Tomlinson, 2001, 2002 et al; 2005). See figure 1 which depicts key principles of differentiation that permeate all educational contexts of the MoDD. The MoDD adds to Maker’s (1982) work by also including differentiating assessment, resources, support, reflection, outcomes, and evaluation.

10


Environment flexible grouping, student choices/negotiation, varied ecologies, respectful of diversity & difference from guided to independent learning contexts, Intellectually, s ocially & affectively rewarding

Processes Content Guided by pre-assessment More complex content Different ideas/concepts Vary levels/tiered tasks Vary/modify resources Organise differently Compact curriculum Open-ended

Student needs, strengths readiness interests

Vary questioning Adjust presentations Modify thinking Model/guide practice Teach at a faster pace Teach enabling strategies Provide alternative processes Problem-based tasks Negotiated contracts Produce independent projects

Products Different outcomes for the same task Different tasks for different outcomes Real world problem-solving Self-reflection & self-evaluation Provide constructive feedback

Figure 1: Key principles of differentiating curriculum and pedagogy amended from Maker (1982). Instructional pedagogy within dynamic educational ecologies is an evolving phenomenon. O’Brien and Guiney (2001) offer a model of differentiation as a dynamic teaching and learning process. They highlight the interactive and interrelational nature of differentiated and inclusive education through the interdependence of pedagogy, cognition, emotional and social factors. The effective teaching literature suggests that effective teachers are eclectic and use a mixture of instructional methods in diverse educational arrangements suffused with a variety of materials and support mechanisms (Crevola & Hill, 1997; Gambrell & Mazzoni, 1999; Larkin, 2001; Pressley, 2006). Learning is a complex process, therefore teaching should accommodate such complexity by utilising a variety of theories and research-based methods, combined with the provision of support in varying ecological contexts. In summary, differentiation begins within the mind of the teacher and their subsequent attitudes towards provisions for diverse individual student needs within the inclusive classroom (Smith, 2006). “Gaining an holistic view of how the landscape and flow of the curriculum feels to each pupil is an important process in the provision of inclusive differentiation” (O’Brien, 2000, p. 14). Provisions for individual student needs can be as complex and diverse as the teacher and student population contained within the general primary classroom. Provision can encompass using a variety of techniques, flexibly yet deliberately applied, from flexible grouping within the classroom to learning in various settings externally to the classroom. However, the aim here is to investigate a combination of educational factors and how their relationships contribute to effective differentiated practices within inclusive classes. _________________________________________________________________________________________ The dynamic ecological systems view Many models have been developed to represent different educational contexts, teaching, learning and developmental processes (McInerney & McInerney, 2004). Theoretical and empirical models can be based on philosophical positions that systematically reduce an entity into a multitude


11


of collective parts to be studied independently, Newtonian style, in an endeavour to understand the complex whole. Such a perspective views education from a mechanistic standpoint where traditional, teach-to-the-middle, repetitive, transmission teaching and rote learning would be commonplace. Additional dimensions underlie the dynamicity of teaching and learning: a) the systems theory (Banathy, 1992) that views the development of the child within their environment as part of a system of related components influencing each other; and b) the related ecological systems theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1999, 2000, 2005) which takes systems theory a step further, emphasising interrelationships between a cohort and environmental components. An associated stance is the holistic view that reflects unique individuality, with complex interconnectedness between mind, body, spirit, and social relationships (Laura, Marchant & Smith, 2008). The latter philosophical stance could also be considered the ecological systems view, where dynamic, flexible and creative teaching and learning processes mirror the complexities and difficulties of humankind’s psychological, cultural, political, educational and familial relationships (Bronfenbrenner, 1999, 2000, 2005; Laura, Marchant & Smith, 2008). In other words, the whole cannot be understood without exploration of such dynamic interrelationships. Such models provide the organisational framework around which philosophical thought can be visually represented as a cumulative interrelational whole (Bronfenbrenner, 1999, 2000, 2005; Smith, 2006). Bronfenbrenner (1999, 2000, 2005) produced an ecological systems theory that presents the development of the child from the microsystem of familial and local community components to the macrosystem of ideological and worldly influences. Hence, Bronfenbrenner’s views highlight the interconnections between key educational components. Such an approach emphasises the development of the child through interrelationships with family, immediate, local and global environments, as well as ideological and institutional influences. The philosophical position underlying the MoDD framework described in this article emulates an ecological systems approach where interrelationships between complex entities or variables are represented or examined simultaneously (Bronfenbrenner, 1999, 2000, 2005; Huitt, 2003; Laura, Marchant & Smith, 2008). Figure 2

12

illustrates the way in which the MoDD framework adopts the same systems focus. A comparison between Bronfenbrenner’s models and the framework in this article shows that they all interrelate several cohorts. While Bronfenbrenner focussed on the development of the child and built each of his models around a single context, the MoDD framework focuses upon the concept of differentiation and consecutively depicts interrelationships inclusive of several contexts (Smith, 2006). Tomlinson et al. (2002, p. 42) noted that, “in fact, we are convinced that there are no recipes for thoughtful curriculum and no recipe followers who develop dynamic classrooms”. However, given the influence of educational experiences and ecological factors on students’ learning profiles, in order to differentiate instruction productively an understanding of effective teaching practices, the interconnections between educational entities and students’ variances in learning styles is necessary. The Vygotskian view emphasises that quality teaching and learning is dynamic and supportive, proceeding cyclically through several stages of educational development and individual learning situations (Dixon-Krauss, 1996). Instructional differentiation is dynamic, with the teacher and student alternating between different content, processes, products, teaching and learning within various environments or ecologies. In an inclusive classroom, these environments include the whole-class context, grouping contexts that provide scaffolded or accelerated learning experiences and specialised or independent learning opportunities based on individual student needs. Differentiated teaching and learning is cyclic, with on-going assessment, implementation of the effective instructional cycle and use of engagement and motivation strategies to achieve quality learning outcomes within teacher-, student- or ecologicallymediated educational contexts. The following model provides a conceptual framework and diagrammatic representation of components of dynamic differentiation and assembles the outcomes of the study by placing the above criteria for differentiation into a practical perspective (Smith, 2006).


MoDD: Visual framework of dynamic differentiation in an inclusive classroom ecosystem The total MoDD framework visually represents a guide for differentiating curriculum and pedagogy immersed in various natural ecologies from the classroom to the community, individually to collaboratively, from family to globally.

Interconnection

Global-based Collaboration

Familial-based Authentic tasks

School and community-based Self-reflection

Independent/specialised Feedback

Scaffolded/supported Enrichment

Whole class Readiness Dynamic student learning

Individual Strengths

Dynamic teaching instruction

Interests Dynamic teaching instruction Learning styles Varying pacing, vocabulary, questioning within open-ended tasks

Dynamic student learning

Grouping flexibly, teaching enabling skills, modelling, mentoring Negotiated, problem-based activities for independent enquiry Individualised contracts, project based learning through authentic service Hobbies, projects & artifact collection, role models Information & Communication technologies and personalised/cultural relationships

Figure 2: The Model of Dynamic Differentiation (MoDD): Dynamic processes to differentiate for diverse student needs within diverse ecologies The MoDD framework represents the dynamic nature of instructional differentiation in an inclusive classroom ecology. Students’ individual needs are central to the framework, followed by differentiation in various contexts or environments — within the whole class, in smaller groupings and individually or independently. Teachers and students move dynamically and flexibly between these educational contexts according to student needs and the quality of the teaching. Each concentric ring is open to interaction with the others and the telescoping nature of the framework allows the influences of each ring to overlap with participants, teaching, learning, content, processes, products, resources, assessment and other differentiation entities interacting as needed for, with and by the individual student (Smith, 2006). While the total MoDD framework goes beyond the classroom, only dynamic differentiation in an inclusive classroom ecosystem is the focus here (Smith, 2006). Therefore, only a portion of the framework is detailed in this article, which explores the concept of differentiation for diverse student needs within the general education context. In the MoDD framework, inclusive education is emphasised by the first four rings that include identifying the individual needs of the student and providing instruction in different contexts within the general classroom. This portion of the MoDD framework is presented and is followed by explanations of each section.


13


MoDD: A framework for dynamic differentiation in primary classrooms General classes are typified by increasing student diversity and methods used for provision for such diversity (Fields, 1999). Factors related to differentiation include student diversity in inclusive settings, the instructional ecology, the instructional cycle, academic engagement and the dynamics of teaching and learning for individual student needs and outcomes (Smith, 2006). Methods of differentiation incorporate provision for individual student needs in a variety of group contexts, with a range of instructors and instructional techniques (Tomlinson, 2005). Figure 3 attempts to draw together differentiated instructional techniques within a framework focusing on strategies that can be used in the general primary classes for students with varying needs. However, the focus is on curriculum, pedagogy and scaffolding support for individual needs rather than on student categorisation or specific teaching or learning models (Larkin, 2001).

Self-reflection/evaluation

Independent/specialised

Self-instruction Enquiry learning

Remediation

Feedback

Scaffolded/supported

Teach thinking skills

Tiered activities

Enrichment Contracts

IEPs

Group flexibly

Whole class

Organise/ manage environment Assess

Independent practice Problem-based activities

Effective Teaching cycle

Explicit skills instruction

Modelling Learning Centers

Interests

Individual Student Dynamic teaching instruction

Teach enabling skills

Openendedness

Readiness

Dynamic student learning

Vary ICTs

Aide support

Strengths Learning styles

Dynamic teaching instruction Dynamic student learning Philosophical dialogue

Vary pacing, vocabulary, questioning resources, tasks, assessment

Adjust presentations & resources

Balance teaching & learning

Tutor Volunteer Mentor

Guide practice

Negotiation

Choice Philosophical enquiry

Research projects Engage & motivate innovatively

Prompt & cue

Independent projects

Accelerate

Figure 3: The Model of Dynamic Differentiation: Strategies for differentiating curriculum and pedagogy in inclusive classrooms.

The MoDD framework begins with the individual student. The centre ring, individual student potential and needs, represents the individual needs of the student on which instruction should be based. The student’s strengths, interests, learning styles and readiness are identified and their needs profiled using a variety of complementary assessment techniques. The readiness of individual students is the main focus at the beginning of differentiation. The individual student is

14

influenced by the classroom ecology and teacher interactions in tandem. Assuming teacher attitudes are positive towards diversity and differentiation, the teacher plans assessment, strategies, content, processes, products, support and outcomes using available resources. The teacher then begins to differentiate with provision in a whole-class context according to assessment that identifies individual student needs, inclusive of students with gifts and talents (Smith, 2006).


Differentiated teaching and learning within a whole-class ecology are represented in ring two, whole-class context. Strategies used to differentiate content, processes, product and outcomes within the whole class might include: open-ended tasks and questioning; varying vocabulary; establishing learning centres; or using instruction based on differentiation models appropriate to the whole-class, demonstrated by differentiation models such as Kaplan’s (Gross et al. 2001) or Williams’ (Gross et al. 2001). These strategies can be used individually or in various combinations depending on resources, teacher expertise, student needs, on-going assessment and learning outcomes. The main focus of differentiation within the whole class context is provision of enrichment learning processes for all students in the classroom ecology. However, there are times when students require additional support or scaffolding and this might be provided within varying grouping contexts, as represented in the strategies in ring three, grouping for scaffolding/ support. Some students require more support and scaffolding than others and some only require intermittent support, and still within the classroom and not in pull-out situations. Nonetheless, all students require support in various forms through their zone of proximal development (Dixon-Krauss, 1996). Support strategies could include varying instructional grouping, tutoring, teaching enabling skills, mentoring, modelling strategies, guiding practice, balancing literacy instruction, adjusting or modifying presentations, using multi-media and other varied resources (Haager & Klingner, 2005). Strategies, such as teaching students skills to enable and empower their learning processes, support both the teacher and the student. If teachers require additional support to differentiate the curriculum, then it is essential that a combination of these strategies is used in a differentiated classroom (Smith, 2006). The main focus in this ring is the constructive feedback on which to build further provisions. Feedback can be provided by the teacher, by peers, by paraprofessionals or by supportive volunteers, which is also another strategy to support both the classroom teacher and the students. Additionally, some students might require opportunities to work independently or have specialised instructional opportunities even within the classroom context. Such opportunities might include: self-instructed

learning; using contracts; aide-supported learning; independent practice; acceleration; curriculum compaction; and individualised teaching and learning (Larkin, 2001; Tomlinson, 2005). All of these aspects should engage individual student learning and are represented in ring four, independent or specialised contexts. The main focus here is self-reflection, an evaluation strategy that enables the student to evaluate and identify their strengths and needs to support further evaluation of learning which informs future teaching and further student independence (DixonKrauss, 1996; Fullan et al. 2006).

The dynamic interaction of the teacher, students and class ecology are represented by arrows moving from the central ring to the fourth ring. Teacher, student and class interactions are reflected in the flexible and dynamic movement of teachers between different teaching and learning contexts, as needed by individual students who also move flexibly and dynamically between instructional contexts according to their individual needs (Tomlinson, 2001a). Figure 3 also emphasises the critical importance of the teacher or instructor. Teachers are central to provision of effective teaching for effective learning outcomes. The teacher moves consistently, flexibly and dynamically across the perceived borders of the framework (represented by broken lines) using on-going assessment of individual student needs on which to base whole-class instruction that differentiates learning opportunities for all, to provision of extra support when needed, to extension, acceleration, independent or specialised instruction. The student, in turn, also moves flexibly and dynamically across the borders as needed. Some students will spend more time with scaffolded, specialised or accelerated instruction, while others will remain more within the whole-class context. Engaging and motivating students through differentiating strategies, content, processes, support, products, outcomes, assessment, evaluation and the effective instructional cycle permeates each ring cyclically and continuously. This notion is represented by the broken lines of the rings and the arrows on each ring. The broken lines are shown as concentric in the framework


15


but are not in reality. The MoDD itself should be viewed as dynamic, hence the lines could be seen as fluid rather than static. The lines could expand and contract in wave formations according to the depth of foci needed for each student and the teaching capacity within the inclusive classroom (Smith, 2006). While these first four rings of the MoDD represent inclusive education (see Figure 3), there are other considerations in students’ education. These considerations are more exclusive and include the school, wider community, familial learning opportunities and the influences of the global community (see Figure 2). As the focus here is on inclusive education, the exclusive nature of these other educational opportunities will not be described. However, it is necessary to impart one other aspect of the MoDD framework. The student is central to all their learning opportunities but not separate from familial guidance. Parents, guardians and caregivers are the primary educators of their children and are often a major contributor to inclusive education in the Australian context (Braithwaite, 1999). An OECD survey showed increasing parental involvement in educational programs (Kelley-Laine, 1998). Parents are involved in many ways, namely, meetings, supporting, volunteering, tutoring, mentoring, on excursions or as role models. As the framework represents a dynamic model of

education, each concentric ring can be telescoped, or collapsed in on others, so facets within each ring touch, overlap and concertina in and out as consideration of the individual student’s needs are addressed or different learning opportunities, ecologies or instructors are provided. Such telescoping and dynamic interaction justify the framework’s name as a Model of Dynamic Differentiation (MoDD) in an inclusive educational ecosystem (Smith, 2006). However, specialised educational opportunities might also be needed dependent upon individual needs, and parents are pivotal in providing both inclusive and specialised education for their children. As shown in Figure 2 and 3, the MoDD framework identifies key variables relevant to differentiating teaching and learning and begins to illustrate the relationship between these variables. Such a framework represents, more simply, an organised collation of complex but effective instructional principles and practices that can lead to differentiated provisions for students with a range of educational needs in an inclusive context. However, empirical research in realistic teaching and learning situations might highlight the nature of the specific relationships between teacher, student and ecological variables, which provided the rationale for the current study.

___________________________________________________________________________ An overview of the study Heuristic and theoretical debate on differentiated instruction in primary school classes has paralleled concerns about the lack of empirical research to support differentiation practices. This study investigated the relationships between student literacy diversity, instructional differentiation and academic engagement in four Australian primary school classes. Specifically, the study aimed to investigate relationships between K-6 student responses to teacher instruction and instructional ecologies during literacy lessons to identify differentiated practices and student engagement (Smith, 2006). The research methodology included a pilot study, observation of underachieving literacy students, average and high achieving literacy students to assess K – 6 classroom instructional practices, the development of a questionnaire to survey K – 6 teacher perceived instructional practices, teacher interviews and a case study of literacy practices (Smith, 2006).

Discussion Some findings of the present study indicated that there was little differentiation for student literacy diversity in a sample of K – 6 classes. Teachers perceived more differentiated practice for student literacy diversity than was observed. However, some relationships and differences were identified between instructional ecologies, teacher instruction, student

16

responses and academic engagement (Smith, 2006). While differences in use of instructional strategies for and between student groups (at different levels of learning) did not reflect many differentiated practices, one promising outcome of the study was teachers’ provision of extra support, scaffolding and guidance for all


students. These strategies are in accordance with the curriculum differentiation literature (Fields, 1999). Increasing these scaffolding and guidance support strategies within predominantly whole-class and small-group contexts could contribute to improved differentiated practices for all students, especially for underachievers (Kirk et al. 2006). There is the potential for changing practice to encompass more differentiated strategies. The findings also suggested the need for more questioning, discussion, explanations and other varied student responses with instruction within flexible small groups to provide additional differentiation (Smith, 2006). In the current study, gifted students with more advanced literacy capacities mostly worked independently and read silently, so there is a need to empower these students with strategies for working individually. Such empowerment strategies could include: the development of metacognitive skills; opportunities for the use of individualised projects; and contracts based on student interest (Comber et al. 2002; Good & Brophy, 2003). The results suggested that teachers used more traditional teaching and learning methods and similar strategies were reported to be used to motivate academic engagement (Smith, 2006). One consequence of inappropriate instruction may be student inattention (Arroyo et al. 1999; Good & Brophy, 2003; Kapusnick & Hauslein, 2001; Kirk et al., 2006). The underachieving students in this study displayed more inattentive behaviours than their peers, which could have been attributed to lack of differentiated instruction (Kirk et al., 2006). Consequently, more effective instruction that is differentiated for student individual needs may reduce inattention of students, so implementation of differentiated practices that promote higher engagement for students need

to be considered (Smith, 2006). The research literature suggests that all students should receive instruction that is matched flexibly and dynamically to their individual needs and this can be achieved in a classroom where diversity is valued and differentiation is organised and implemented (Tomlinson, 2001; 2005). Another outcome of this study was the development of a framework, the MoDD, that served to illustrate the possibility of dynamic differentiation according to the research literature. The MoDD framework provides related and complementary strategies for dynamic, integrated and communal curriculum differentiation to differentiate assessment, resources, content, processes, support, products, outcomes and evaluation in diverse classrooms. Hence, using the findings of this study, the research literature and the framework to inform current practice could provide the impetus for improvement of differentiated teaching and learning for primary school students in inclusive classrooms (Algozzine et al. 1998; Gross et al. 2001; Hoffman, 2003; Kronberg & York-Barr, 1998; O’Brien & Guiney, 2001; Tomlinson, 2001a; Tomlinson et al. 2004; Weaver, 1998; Westwood, 2001). Additionally, following the provision of overviews of the dynamic differentiation framework, combined with participants’ practising differentiation strategies during teacher professional learning programmes across New South Wales, practitioners recommended that the visual representation of the MoDD framework be placed in teachers’ programmes to inform future classroom practice. One participating teacher commented, “Thank you so much. Your presentation on the dynamic model of differentiation was very inspiring. I can clearly see the connection with teaching and learning in the classroom and will endeavour to put it into practice each day”.

Conclusion The diversity of student capacities, backgrounds and needs warrants diversity in differentiated curriculum and pedagogy, inclusive of gifted students and especially underachievers. Following an in-depth literature review and a study on differentiated practices in primary schools, an ecological framework for dynamically and inclusively differentiating the curriculum across a variety of educational contexts was developed. This article describes the MoDD that provides a framework for visually representing components of interconnected, diverse and inclusive contexts for instructional differentiation. The framework reinforces the dynamic, flexible and diverse nature of differentiating the curriculum and pedagogy in a variety of educational ecologies and the need to provide different teaching and learning opportunities according to individual student needs within inclusive primary classrooms. The MoDD presents some possible relationships between pedagogic strategies, assessment, content, processes, support, resources, products, outcomes and evaluation when


17


implementing a differentiated curriculum in complex and diverse classroom ecologies. Future research and practice might result in more dynamically differentiated instruction for individual student needs within inclusive educational ecologies.

References Algozzine, B., Ysseldyke, J., & Elliott, J. (1998). Strategies and tactics for effective instruction. Longmont, CO: Sopris West. Banathy, B. (1992). A systems view of education. New Jersey: Educational Technology Publications. Braithwaite, R. J. (1999). Best practices in year 2 literacy classes. In I. Falk (Ed.). Lifelonglearning: Literacy, schooling and the adult world (pp. 1323). Melbourne: Language Australia. Bronfenbrenner, U. (1999). Environments in developmental perspective: Theoretical and operational models. In S. L. Friedman, & T. D. Wachs (Eds.), Measuring environment across the life span: Emerging methods and concepts (pp. 3-28). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Bronfenbrenner, U. (2000). Ecological systems theory. In A. E. Kazdin (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Psychology (Vol. 3), (pp. 129-133). New York: Oxford University Press. Bronfenbrenner, U. (Ed.), (2005). Making human beings human: Bioecological perspectives on human development.Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Carroll, J. (1963). A model for school learning. Teacher College Record, 64(8), 723-733. Chessman, A. (2003). Policy development and practice: The New South Wales experience. Paper presented at the Gifted 2003: A celebration down-under, 15th World Conference on Gifted and Talented Education. Adelaide: World Council for Gifted and Talented Children. Comber, B., Badger, L., Barnett, J., Nixon, H., & Pitt, J. (2002). Literacy after the early years: A longitudinal study. Australian Journal of Language and Literacy, 25(2), 9–24. Crevola, C. A., & Hill, P. (1997). The early literacy research project: Success for all in Victoria. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association. Chicago: AERA. Dixon-Krauss, L. (1996). Vygotsky in the classroom: Mediated literacy instruction and assessment. White Plains, NY.: Longman Publishing Group. Fields, B. A. (1999). The impact of class heterogeneity on student learning disabilities. Australasian Journal of Learning Disabilities, 4(2), 11-16. Fraser, B. J. (1998). Classroom environment instruments: Development, validity and applications. Learning Environments Research, 1(1), 7-34. Fullan, M., Hill, P., & Crevola, C. (2006). Breakthrough. Thousand Oaks, California: Corwin Press, Sage Publications. Gambrell, L. B., & Mazzoni, S. A. (1999). Principles of best practice: Finding the common ground In L.B. Gambrell, L. M. Morrow, S. B. Neuman, & M.

18

Pressley (Eds.), Best practices in literacy instruction (pp. 11-21). New York: Guildford Press. Geake, J.G. & Gross, M.U.M. (2008). Teachers' negative affect toward academically gifted students: An evolutionary psychological study. Gifted Child Quarterly, 52(3), 217-231. Gillies, R. M., & Ashman, A. F. (2000). The effects of cooperative learning on students with learning difficulties in the lower elementary school. Journal of Special Education, 34(1), 19-27. Good, T. L., & Brophy, J. E. (2003). Looking in classrooms. (9th ed.). Boston: Allyn & Bacon Gore, J., Ladwig, J., & King, B. (2004). Professional learning, pedagogical improvement, and the circulation of power. Paper presented at the AARE Conference. Melbourne: AARE. Gross, M.U.M., MaCleod, B., Drummand, D., & Merrick, C. (2001). Gifted students in primary schools: Differentiating the curriculum. Sydney, The University of New South Wales: A GERRIC Publication. Haager, D., & Klingner, J. K. (2005). Differentiating instruction in inclusive classrooms: The special educator’s guide. Boston: Pearson Education. Hoffman, J. V. (2003). Multiage teachers’ beliefs and practices. Journal of Research in Childhood Education, 18(1), 5-17. Huitt, W. (2003). A systems model of human behavior. Educational Psychology Interactive. Valdosta, GA: Valdosta State University. Retrieved April 11, 2005, from: http://chiron.valdosta.edu/whuitt/materials/sysm dlo.html. Kapusnick, R., & Hauslein, C. M. (2001). The silver cup of differentiated instruction. Kappa Delta Pi, 37(4), 156-159. Kelley-Laine, (1998). Parents as partners in schooling: The current state of affairs. Childhood Education, 74(6), 342-345. Kirk, S. A, Gallagher, J. J., Anastasiow, N. J., & Coleman, M. R. (2006). Educating exceptional children (11th ed.). Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Kronberg, R., & York-Barr, J. (1998). Differentiated teaching & learning in heterogeneous classrooms. Minneapolis, Minnesota: Institute on Community Integration, University of Minnesota. Larkin, M. J. (2001). Providing support for student independence through scaffolded instruction. Teaching Exceptional Children, 34(1), 30-35. Laura, R.S., Marchant, T., & Smith, S. R. (2008). The New Social Disease: From High tech depersonalization to survival of the soul. University Press of America. Lanham. Maker, C. J. (1982). Curriculum development for the gifted. Austin, Texas: Pro-Ed.


McGrath, C., & Kirribilli, L. (2004). What is differentiated curriculum? Paper presented at Differentiating Curriculum 2004: 2nd National Conference. Marriott Hotel, Sydney. McInerney, D. M., & McInerney, V. (2004). Educational psychology: Constructing learning (3rd ed.). Sydney: Prentice Hall. McLaughlin, M. J. (1995). Defining special education: A response to Zigmond and Baker. Journal of Special Education, 29(2), 200-208. Noble, T. (2000). Integrating Gardner's multiple intelligences theory with a revised Bloom's taxonomy: A new model for school reform? PhD Thesis. University of New South Wales. O’Brien, T. (2000). Increasing inclusion: Did anyone mention learning? REACH, Journal of Special Needs Education in Ireland, 14(1), 2-12. O'Brien, T., & Guiney, D. (2001). Differentiating teaching and learning: Principles and practice. London: Continuum. Pressley, M. (2006). Reading instruction that works. The case for balanced teaching (3rd ed.). New York: Guildford Press. Smith, S. R., & Chan, L. K. S. (2002). The attitudes of Catholic Primary School Teachers towards educational provisions for gifted and talented students. In W. Vaille, & J. Geake (Eds.), The Gifted Enigma: A collection of articles (p.201228). Victoria: Hawker Brownlow Education. Smith, S.R. (2006). The relationship between student diversity, instructional differentiation and

academic engagement in inclusive primary classrooms. Unpublished PhD manuscript, The University of Newcastle, Australia. Tomlinson, C. A. (2001). How to differentiate instruction in mixed-ability classrooms (2nd ed.). Alexandria, VA: Association for Supervision & Curriculum Development (ASCD). Tomlinson, C. A. (2005). Travelling the road to differentiation in staff development: Teacher leaders can help educators hurdle four key barriers to implementation. Journal of Staff Development (JSD), 26(4). Retrieved August 4, 2006, from: http://nsdc.org/library/publications/jsd/tomlinson 264.cfm Tomlinson, C. A., Kaplan, S. N., Renzulli, J. S., Purcell, J., Leppien, J., & Burns, D. (2002). The parallel curriculum: A design to develop high potential and challenge high-ability learners. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. Weaver, C. (1998). Toward a balanced approach to reading. In C. Weaver (Ed.), Reconstructing a balanced approach to reading (pp.11-74). Urbana, Ill: NCTE. Westwood, P. S. (2001). Differentiation as a strategy for inclusive classroom practice: Some difficulties identified. Australian Journal of Learning Disabilities, 6(1), 5-11. Wedell, K. (2005). Dilemmas in the quest for inclusion. British Journal of Special Education, 32(1), 3-11.


19


Acknowledgements Susen would like to acknowledge and thank her Ph.D. supervisors, Associate Professors Philip Morgan, Michael Arthur-Kelly and Greg Robinson, from the University of Newcastle. She also acknowledges and thanks Dr Terry Lyons and SiMERR NSW who provided funding for the teacher professional learning program mentioned in the article. Additionally, she would like to thank Ray Smith for his technical support in preparing the MoDD framework visually and for his on-going support and encouragement.

About the Author Susen Smith is a Lecturer in Gifted Education at the University of New England, Australia, and has three decades of experience as an educator in primary to tertiary education, specialising in gifted education, special education and environmental education. Her research interests include differentiating curriculum and pedagogy for individual student needs, personalised teaching for authentic learning in differentiated educational environments, philosophical enquiry, education for sustainability, and project-based learning. She continues to lead many research projects on gifted students in rural and regional contexts. For example, the ‘Education for Eco-engagement program’ and she developed the ‘Model of Dynamic Differentiation’ (MoDD).

Address Dr. Susen Smith, School of Education, Faculty of the Professions, Milton Building Room 13, The University of New England, ARMIDALE 2351, Australia. e-Mail: [email protected]

20


Grade Skipping: A Retrospective Case Study on Academic and Social Implications Ora Kleinbok; and Hava Vidergor Abstract The retrospective case study conducted in Israel was aimed at assessing students' and parents' views relating to grade skipping. It sheds light on authentic views and decision-making related to the processes and outcomes of grade skipping. The study sample comprised students (N=5) who had experienced grade skipping at different stages in their school lives, and their parents (N=5). Semi-structured interviews were used. The main issues addressed by students and parents were: (a) Factors initiating and facilitating grade skipping; (b) Social or other difficulties encountered by students during adjustment period; (c) Academic implications; and (d) General overview and satisfaction with grade skipping. Findings indicate all students overcame difficulties posed by various parties, and felt they belonged with their new peers academically, mentally and socially. Students and parents retrospectively assessed grade skipping as a positive experience. Students recommended early entrance to elementary school and to junior high school as best options, since they encompass a new beginning for all students.

Keywords: Academic acceleration, grade skipping, academic implications, social implications, developmental factors, parents' involvement, grade placement, decision making. .

Introduction Academic acceleration The acceleration strategy was defined by Pressey (1949) as “progress through an educational program at rates faster, or at ages younger than conventional” (p. 2). Operationally, acceleration may be perceived as one of two things: either, a) moving through material faster, e.g., completing two years of mathematics in one year, or b) exposing students to advanced content at younger ages, e.g., providing 9th grade algebra to 6th graders (Southern & Jones, 2004). Eighteen types of acceleration are mentioned by Southern & Jones (2004). The more common ones are:  Early entrance to any of the education levels beginning at kindergarten  Grade skipping  Mentoring  Curriculum compacting  Above-level courses (i.e., dual enrollment, advance placement).

These researchers suggested five dimensions differentiating acceleration options: (a) Pace - the rate of instruction; (b) Salience degree to which they are noticeable to others; (c) Peers - degree of social segregation; (d) Access - program offering made available; (e) Timing - the age at which the student is offered accelerative options. All five dimensions may be affected and complicated by a range of curricular options, popular beliefs about giftedness and institutional assumptions (Southern & Jones, 2004). Others refer to acceleration as a model of providing services such as grade skipping, early entrance, or grade skipping in certain subjects, i.e., partial acceleration. The second model or approach emphasizes curriculum and encompasses many opportunities, from studying subjects not taught to other children, to curriculum compacting which allows the study of material in half the time (Schiever & Maker, 2003). Rogers (2002) makes a further distinction between classroom-based acceleration and subject-based acceleration.


21


Findings of the Templeton report (Colangelo, Assouline & Gross, 2004) indicate that acceleration is far more effective in raising students' achievements than most school reforms and instructional models (Kulik, 2004). It provides a better personal maturity match with peers and no indications were found of emotional maladjustment due to participating in well-planned programs (Robinson, 2004). Grade skipping: Academic implications Grade skipping is a leap of one year or more to a higher level or grade which results in studying with older students. A study conducted by Southern & Jones (1991) indicated that the influence of grade skipping on the child's emotional and social development tends to be lower compared to the influence on academic development. The emphasis in grade skipping is not on the process of acceleration, more on the recognition that the student has already mastered the requisites needed to function in a higher level rendering any further study of the material unnecessary (Feldhusen, Winkle & Ehle, 1996). Kulik and Kulik (1984) conducted a meta-analysis of 26 controlled studies of wholegrade acceleration at elementary and secondary levels. Grade-skipped students were compared with equally intelligent students who were not grade-skipped, and older students in their new grades. Overall, grade-skipped students demonstrated a full grade level of growth over non-grade-skipped students. In addition, the performance level of these accelerated students equaled that of older students. Additionally, a retrospective study on long-term outcomes of academic acceleration (Gross, 2006) indicated that students accelerated by one year were not deeply satisfied with their education. Their school experience was not happy, and they would have dearly loved to have been accelerated further. For them, after having new and challenging work, school became just as boring as it had been before grade skipping. Gross (2006) noted these students tended to take undergraduate degrees because they had not experienced working successfully over a period of time and had no idea as regards the full extent of their capacities. The Iowa Acceleration Scale (IAS) (Assouline, Colangelo, Lupkowski-Shoplik, Lipscomb & Forstadt, 2003) is a proven and efficient instrument for helping schools make decisions about whole grade acceleration

22

(Colangelo, Assouline & Lupkowski-Shoplik, 2004). However, the need to consider factors such as precocity, emotional and social problems, as well as the child's attitude, prior to assigning a gifted student to an accelerative program, is stressed (Colangelo, Assouline & Lupkowski-Shoplik, 2004; Robinson, 2004). Developmental factors A common belief among educational practitioners is that children should study with their peers and a student who skips a grade or two might face social situations for which he is not prepared (Robinson & Robinson, 1982). This approach is based on the premise that children grow and develop in stages (Piaget, 1983). Experts (e.g., Southern & Jones, 1992) claim the stages of social and emotional development in children are flexible and therefore age cannot be considered a true indicator of that development. Their research indicates that students who had skipped a grade usually adjust well to their new environment and no damage in immediate and later social function is detected (Robinson & Janos, 1986; Robinson, 2004; Lubinski, 2004). Another study demonstrates the tendency of gifted children to socialize with older children and the importance of higher intellectual levels in that process (Gallagher, 1985). Those who are highly gifted and accelerated in their studies reach a higher level of social and self-esteem compared to children with same abilities but who remain with their peers or who are only accelerated by skipping one grade. Moreover, personal characteristics are far better and more reliable in predicting what will happen to the gifted student in adulthood than his level of giftedness (Winner, 1996). Parents' involvement It is well known that parents and family have an important role in the development of every child. Some researchers claim the role of the family in the gifted child's life is more important to his intellectual development than school (Winner, 1996) Grade skipping can involve parents to a high degree (Colangelo, 1997). Accumulated data concerning parents' involvement in their children's academic lives indicated that a majority (80%) of the students claimed their mother was adequately involved in their social and academic lives, while, only 75% indicated father’s involvement. On the other hand, 5% of


the students perceived parents' involvement as too low (Colangelo, Assouline, Chen & Tsai, 1998). The importance of parents' involvement in decision-making surrounding grade skipping is acknowledged in the literature. Many times parents initially come with misconceptions only to align their views with professionals after adequate data is collected (Piper & Creps, 1991). Parents are advised to prepare for a meeting with the educational staff at school. One suggestion relating to parents' behavior stresses three points: (a) Acknowledge the fact that you are the sole advocate of your child; (b) Believe in your child's right to get instruction that matches his abilities intellectual needs; and (c) Know your children and their abilities (Russell, LaBonte, & Russell,1999).

interaction is powerful and significant, and affects students' social development. Location also seems crucial in cases where students stay at the same school. One approach suggests that when skipping a grade, the student should move to a different building to avoid standing out too much (Brody & Stanley, 1991). A contradicting approach suggests leaving the student in the same building, allowing the educational staff with knowledge of the student to give him all the support if needed (Feldhusen, Proctor & Black, 1986). These experts also support grade skipping during school year enabling better communication between the receiving and sending teachers, and thus creating a smoother transfer for the child. Educational system in Israel

Grade placement considerations

The education system in Israel offers Most experts suggest skipping one pullout programs in centers for gifted education grade at a time is advisable. A re-examination of for elementary end junior high school students the situation is warranted after the student identified as gifted. Students study at these adjusts to the new environment, to ascertain centers for a whole day once a week, but study whether there is a need for additional in regular classrooms offering no special acceleration (Davis & Rimm, 1994). differentiation suitable for their level for the Ziv (1990) indicated that the most remainder of the week. Other programs suitable times to skip a grade are early entrance available for talented students include separate to elementary school or during elementary classrooms, and summer, or afternoon school years, since the knowledge gap is small, programs offered by universities. and adjustment to a new class is facilitated by Grade skipping, which could be used as the fact that social connections are less tight. a means to cater for the students' needs at the The second period suitable for grade skipping is regular school, is not used very often. Since towards the end of high school, encompassing there is great difficulty in making a decision and dual enrollment, or early entrance to taking the responsibility of grade- skipping a college/university. According to Ziv (1990) child, the educational staff tends to recommend acceleration during junior high school and in the it only when there seems to be no other choice first year of high school is not recommended, as (Division of Gifted Education, 2006). __________________________________________________________________________________________

Method Main hypotheses In light of the accumulating knowledge, the current study attempted to examine the feasibility of grade skipping and the different factors affecting it from a retrospective point of view of both students and parents. The main hypothesis was that grade skipping would be perceived as enhancing the process of student's development, academically, as well as socially. The study raised four questions: (a) What are the factors initiating and facilitating the process, and those that hold it back and cause difficulties? (b) What are the difficulties encountered by students during an adjustment period? (c) What are the academic and social implications of grade skipping? (d) Is grade skipping retrospectively perceived as a positive and enhancing experience by students?


23


Participants Participants (N=5) were selected to cover a whole range of grade skipping options, from early entrance to school, skipping at beginning or during elementary school, to whole grade skipping from elementary to junior high school, and subject acceleration by one grade. The students' parents (N=5) interviewed were mostly mothers. Table 1: Study participants by type of acceleration, age and parent interviewed.

No.

Student Interviewed

1.

Or

2.

Rita

3.

4.

5.

Hagar

Guy

Efrat

Type of Acceleration

Early entrance to school Skipping to second grade after spending a few days in first grade Skipped during third trimester from 4th to 5th grade Skipped from elementary to junior high school (5th to 7th grade) Subject acceleration math by one grade

in

Age at Time of Grade Skipping 5

Age

Current Occupation

Parent Interviewed

16.5

mother

6

17.5

11th grade student Finishing first year of computer sciences at University

10

14

9th grade student

24.5

Is finishing medical studies at university

father

mother 11

mother 12

13.5

7th grade student

mother

Tools and variables Semi-structured interviews are employed in this study. They comprise of open-ended and follow-up questions, which provide clarification and enable the researcher to better understand and make more accurate interpretations (Seidman, 1998). The interviews were designed to collect data from students and parents (N=10) and were conducted as an open dialogue with questions interjected as needed (see Appendix A). The study investigated the following issues: (a) Factors initiating and facilitating grade skipping. (b) Difficulties encountered by students during adjustment period. (c) Academic implications. (d) General overview and satisfaction with grade skipping. Data analysis Interviews with students and parents were recorded on tape, transcribed and analyzed for their content using grounded theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Some categories generated from initial coding were students, teachers, parents, psychologists, additional factors, factors supporting adjustment, difficulties encountered relating to reaction of receiving parties, continuum of studies, and evaluation and regrets. Selective coding created four core categories relating to factors involved in the process of grade skipping, social and other difficulties encountered by students and parents, academic implications, and general overview and satisfaction with grade skipping. Reliability of 90% was calculated for 20% of analyzed content, performed by two independent coders. Table 2 presents examples of coding procedure.

24


Table 2: Levels of coding. Level I Codes Original Responses From Students and Parents "I felt bored, especially in math, because I already knew the material which I had covered studying from various workbooks.” “She started studying math in the seventh grade and was bored because she understood the material immediately and the rest of the students kept on dealing with it for a few lessons. “The teacher realized that I knew more and gave me tests on advanced material.”

Level II Codes Categories Generated From Level I Codes Students Motivation

Level III Codes Consistent Themes Created From Level II Codes Factors Involved in the Process of Grade Skipping

Pace

Teachers

"The first grade teacher paid attention to the fact that Rita already knew how to read, write and do simple calculus. She suggested that Rita should skip to second grade.” "I asked her to compare his emotional readiness with theirs. When she answered that there was no real difference, I insisted that he would skip to first grade.”

Parents

"I just went along with Guy, his needs and what we thought suitable for him, and started fighting the establishment”. “When the idea of grade skipping came up, we turned to a private psychologist. The evaluation results indicated that Hagar could even skip two grades.

Psychologists

“When I was in the sixth grade we moved from the south of the country to the north. Once we settled down I made a few friends. I did not want to skip a grade and lose my new friends. Skipping in math opened a new world and also gave me the opportunity to make more friends.”

Additional Factors Contributing to Grade Skipping

“My parents have always supported me, and my grandparents too…my older brother always protected me at school, and even his friends treated me well. This made life much easier.”

Factors Supporting Adjustment Family

“We request to thank Efrat's homeroom teacher who has dedicated her time and effort in facilitating Efrat's absorption in her new school."

Teachers

“Efrat has joined a youth movement and she attends meetings twice a week. Since she is very quiet and an introvert it is very important for us that she continues.

Hobbies or Afternoon Activities

“I was very shy and modest. Now I am different. I was short and most of the kids were bigger than me in size and age, so I felt small, maybe because they made me feel that way. This is what I remember; maybe it was not so bad.” “I remember that the second grade teacher always mentioned the fact that I was a good student. She intended to make me feel better, but the result was opposite, the children hated me for that." “I do not remember being different from the children I studied with."

Receiving

Difficulties Encountered Relating to Reaction of Receiving Parties Students

Social and other Difficulties Encountered by Students and Parents

Educational staff

Social Belonging


25

The World Council for Gifted and Talented Children “In order to obtain positive academic implications grade skipping should be accompanied by additional enrichment, because after a while the student gets bored.

Raising Motivation Level

“Guy started med school when he was 17 years old. The year he had saved gave him the opportunity to study medicine before his army service.

Continuum of Studies

“I cannot recommend grade skipping to all gifted students. I think it depends on the situation.

Recommending Grade Skipping to Other Gifted

Academic Implications

General Overview and Satisfaction with Grade Skipping

“I think grade skipping is not bad, but depends on the circumstances “I think that early entrance to school is the most suitable time, because then you start school with the other kids and continue with no dramatic changes.”

Suitable Time to Skip

"It is best to skip from first to second grade, like I didthe earlier, the better."

Procedure Study participants (N=10) were interviewed individually. Each student was interviewed prior to his or her parent. Time allocated for each interview approximately 60 minutes.

Results Content analysis of the interviews yielded four dimensions relating to grade skipping: 1. Factors involved in grade skipping. 2. Social or other difficulties encountered by students in the process. 3. Academic implications 4. General Overview and satisfaction with grade skipping. Factors involved in the process of grade skipping Students Most students already knew the material taught in class and complained about boredom and the lack of motivation to study. In this situation they could have been satisfied and motivated by the fact that they were considered the best students in the classroom. Instead, they felt bored and lost interest and motivation to study. Hagar's mother: “Hagar stopped studying and started drawing and talking during lessons as a result of being bored. She became a problematic student.” Rita: “When I entered the first grade I already knew how to read, write and do basic calculus.” Rita studied in the first grade for a few days and then skipped to second grade. Hagar: “When we came back from our family journey to the USA I entered the fourth grade, having been abroad all year during third grade. I felt bored, especially in math, because I already knew the material which I had covered studying from various workbooks.” Pace of studies Efrat's mother: “She started studying math in the seventh grade and was bored because she understood the material immediately and the rest of the students kept on dealing with it for a few lessons. She kept asking the teacher to give her special assignments, but she found herself doing more of the same. A few weeks later she was given the opportunity to study math with the eighth graders.” Guy's mother: “At a certain point he felt so bored that he started playing or reading in class.”

26


Teachers Teachers initiated grade skipping as they identified the students as capable and understood that their behavioral problems were caused by boredom. Rita's father: “The first grade teacher paid attention to the fact that Rita already knew how to read, write and do simple calculus. She suggested that Rita should skip to second grade.” Hagar: “The teacher realized that I knew more and gave me tests on advanced material.” Parents Parents initiated grade skipping to counteract constant complaints about boredom and lack of motivation. Rita: “Mother went to the school principal and told him that I knew the material and he agreed that I should skip and study in the second grade.” Guy's mother: “When Guy was in fifth grade and I saw that he was not really studying, I sought the advice of the regional inspector in charge of gifted students. I described the situation and the fact that school could not cope with Guy's boredom. I was referred to a psychologist for an I.Q. and personality test…. I just went along with Guy, his needs and what we thought suitable for him, and started fighting the establishment”. Hagar's mother: “When Hagar went into fourth grade, we saw a great gap in terms of the level between her and the other kids. I went to speak with the homeroom teacher and we reached the conclusion that she had to undergo a psychological evaluation in order to determine whether grade skipping would be suitable for her.” Efrat's mother: “Efrat was very bored during math lessons so I asked the principal for a solution. She suggested to try and move her to an advanced eighth grade class in math and will study all the other subjects with her peers in the seventh grade.” Or's mother: “When the psychologist had a doubt as to Or's emotional readiness to skip from kindergarten to first class, I asked her to compare his emotional readiness with theirs. When she answered that there was no real difference, I insisted that he would skip to first grade.” Psychologists Referrals to psychologists by schools or parents, are made to evaluate students' academic, emotional and social development, and accompany and advance the process of grade skipping. Or's mother: “When Or had to jump from kindergarten to first grade, the kindergarten teacher was not allowed to transfer him to first grade. So we went to the ministry of education and the psychologist there interviewed him for 3-4 hours (and he was only 5 years old). After the interview and tests she explained that cognitively he was capable to study in the third grade, but she was not sure about his emotional precocity. When I insisted, she gave us a letter of recommendation right away.” Hagar's mother: “When the idea of grade skipping came up, we turned to a private psychologist. The evaluation results indicated that Hagar could even skip two grades. He also added that he was sure she was highly gifted and would succeed in her studies in the new class.” Guy's mother: “In order to accommodate Guy's needs, and before any decision was made, we were advised to choose a psychologist from a list recommended by the ministry of education. The results of the psychological evaluation were very good and showed that Guy was both, academically and emotionally precocious. The school psychologist, who got the results, also interviewed him to check his level of thinking, and how he would handle a failure and return to his original class. She finally agreed to skip him from fifth grade to seventh grade, but warned us (the parents) that it was our responsibility. No other help was offered on her part.”


27


At a certain stage in their lives, students with high potential who were bored in school, had to change the situation which was not fulfilling their needs. They had several options connected to changes in their social environment. Still, the students and parents chose grade skipping. What options did they have and factors influenced then not to choose them? The first option was to move to a better school where the level of studies is higher. However, they chose not to take this option for the following reasons:  These schools were usually far away from their residence and involved time spent on traveling.  Moving to a new school meant giving up on familiar social environment and friends.  It also meant cutting off on extracurricular activities or hobbies such as sports, dancing or chess, practiced regularly. Guy: “I had two options, to go to a different school, or skip a grade. I chose to skip a grade for several reasons: 1.The schools were located in a different city and I had to spend more than two hours traveling each day. 2. I was a swimmer, devoting 2-3 hours to practice on a daily basis. Traveling to a different school would mean no time for practice. 3. Although I am a social type, and had two good friends in my class, I disliked the other kids, and had no interest in them. 4. I wanted to stay and study with my friends from the swim team, who were a year older than me.” The second option was for the child to stay for one more year in kindergarten (in case of early entrance). This option was not chosen either. Or's mother: “Or had an option to stay in kindergarten for one more year, but we insisted that he should start first grade because his social development was important. When he entered first grade he finally had friends and from then on, his course was natural involving his friends.” The third option was skipping more than one grade. This again was not chosen mainly because parents were concerned the gap would be too large and would also cause social problems. Rita: “I could skip from first grade to third grade, but my parents did not agree, since they were afraid that age gap would be too great.” Or's mother: “We have never considered another skip, since we did not want to separate him from his friends. With us, the social aspect always came first.” The fourth option not chosen was subject acceleration by one grade. Efrat: “The idea to skip a grade in one subject rose after taking a test for a special group in mathematical thinking in the seventh grade. The group did not open due to lack of students. When it was suggested that I would study with students from the eighth grade it frightened me first because I did not know any of them.” Additional factors contributing to grade skipping Additional factors related to family changes such as moving to a new city or returning to the country after a long stay abroad. Hagar's Mother: “When Hagar was in second grade we went to the USA for more than a year. During this year we taught Hagar and her older brother the material they had to cover for school and many other things. When we returned Hagar went into the fourth grade. She was bored because the level was too low and she already knew the material. This led us to the notion that she would benefit from grade skipping.” Or's mother: “We came back from the USA when Or was four years old. He entered kindergarten which had mixed groups of four and five year old children. A year later I realized that he was bored with his peers and he started working with the older kids. When he succeeded the idea of early entrance to elementary school came up. It was also because he already knew the kids and had made a lot of friends.”

28


Efrat: “When I was in the sixth grade we moved from the south of the country to the north. Once we settled down I made a few friends. I did not want to skip a grade and lose my new friends. Skipping in math opened a new world and also gave me the opportunity to make more friends.” Factors supporting adjustment Factors supporting positive adjustment are: parents, receiving teachers, having a hobby, or a favorite pastime activity such as membership of a youth group, taking care of family pets, creative writing and reading books. Family Guy's mother: “Every day after returning from school, Guy would share the things that happened to him during school hours. When a child has someone to share his experiences with, and he is listened to, it facilitates the process. We also analyzed situations and found solutions for problems created at school. It took him a while to realize that his parents are not angry with him and he did not have to hide anything, because we were there to help him.” Hagar's mother: “We always talk about the books we read. We are constantly in touch with the girl. We have a good relationship. A child is a project you should invest in…Hagar is very close to her brother who is two years older. They have created a special relationship since the time we were abroad and they had to spend their time together. He is her best friend. Guy: “My mother was always there for me. Because she was an educator she realized how motivation for studying can be lost if the needs of the child are not supported. Because my parents were always there for me I do not recall the transfer period as a traumatic process.” Rita: “My parents have always supported me, and my grandparents too…my older brother always protected me at school, and even his friends treated me well. This made life much easier.” Efrat: “When the idea of skipping in math came up I was a little afraid because the kids in the eighth grade looked so big. My mother gave me all the support I needed. We talked about my fears and thought that if it did not work out I could go back to seventh grade and look for a different solution. But I think I have made it.” Receiving teachers Receiving teachers play an important role in the student's adjustment to the new situation and class. An excerpt from a letter written by Efrat's mother to the school principal indicates the great contribution of the receiving teachers to the success of the grade skipping process. “We request to thank Efrat's homeroom teacher who has dedicated her time and effort in facilitating Efrat's absorption in her new school. We also wish to express our thanks to the math teacher, who has taken up the challenge and has been guiding us and Efrat with great patience. The fact that Efrat's needs have been met is of great importance to us, and we are impressed with the openness and efficiency in which the change has been carried out by all school educational staff members.” Hobbies or afternoon activities Sports can be a positive factor supporting the well adjustment of a child in the new classroom, but sports lessons at school can also be problematic and a source of frustration, since children who have skipped a grade tend to be physically smaller. Guy's mother: “Guy started swimming in first grade, and became a champion in fifth grade. He worked very hard on a daily basis. He stopped swimming in seventh grade when he realized that other children who had developed and grown taller were better than him. It also showed in physical education classes at school. He was accustomed to getting very high grades but found it difficult


29


to cope with the requirements posed for students a year older than him. The fact that his grade was only 85 felt very frustrating.” Rita's father: “Rita was a very athletic child. She joined an aerobic class, swam and also danced and played tennis. She had to dropout because of switching schools and spending time on traveling every day.” Rita: “During high school I went to a fitness club because I had to do something other than studying. I had to do some exercise otherwise a person could go mad.” Efrat: “Last year I took part in two drama classes. This year I have only one.” Or: “I am into martial arts now. When I was younger I played table tennis and chess. I would also go swimming, just for myself. I played table tennis for several years until I quit in the eighth grade.” Efrat's mother: “Efrat has joined a youth movement and she attends meetings twice a week. Since she is very quiet and an introvert it is very important for us that she continues. Efrat: “In the sixth grade the activities were less interesting. This year I love everything about being a member of the scouts.” Or: “I have not always been very outgoing and friendly. Joining a youth movement has changed me socially, eve though I had had a few good friends before.” Rita: “Having a puppy made my life easier. When I came home and saw how small he was it helped me cope with the pressure. Father sometimes came to school to pick me up and brought the dog, which made me very happy.” Efrat: “I have a dog and two kittens. My mother helps me take care of them. I like animals very much.” Guy's mother: “Guy asked me to teach him how to write a project when he was about seven or eight years old. He saw that my students handed in projects on interesting topics and wanted to learn. He wrote 10 page projects about selfselected topics mainly dealing with animals. These projects, which were in the level of junior high school, kept him interested and helped him cope with boredom at school. When he asked teachers to let him do some extra work they would not let him.” Hagar's mother: “Hagar likes to write and uses very rich language. She reads a lot and after reading a book we usually have a discussion on it. She only occasionally watches television, since we think it is destructive.” Or: “I started reading at the age of three. I have read a lot. I am still reading a lot in Hebrew and English.” Efrat: “I like to read very much. The book should be interesting; this is very important to me. When I read I live the life of the characters, as if they were me. When I grow up I want to become a writer.” Social or other difficulties encountered by students in the process. The interviews with the students and parents raised a number of difficulties they encountered during the period of adjustment. Difficulties encountered related to reactions of receiving parties Receiving students Some of the interviewees felt that they were treated by the receiving students as strangers. The receiving students emphasized the fact that the new students did not really belong and they were very suspicious. The students who skipped reported feeling temporarily lonely, socially cut off and different. Hagar: “Since I skipped in the middle of school year they let me choose which class I would like to study in. I made a great mistake and chose a class that was socially unified because they had been together since first grade. When they realized that I was a good student they did not accept me. In that class good students were not very popular. Everybody already had friends, and they did not

30


want to talk to me during breaks. I wished the breaks would end quickly. It disturbed me very much. Still, they asked to copy homework from my note books. I gave them my notebooks, but it did not affect our relationship. I felt that if I had not done so, the situation could have been much worse. When I talked with the girls, I found the topics of discussion boring; they talked about clothes and shoes. I suffered till I finished sixth grade and then in seventh grade we moved to a different school and new classes were formed, and I started over.” Rita's father: “As I remember, shortly after the transfer to second grade, children started copying Rita's homework and even tests. They accepted her very quickly because they could exploit her; ask her questions, copy etc. But not all students did that, there were some who respected her, but everything was connected to her success at school and not to her social status. In third grade she became popular, but they kept copying till twelfth grade. Even now, students at the university still ask for her notebooks.” Rita: “I was very shy and modest. Now I am different. I was short and most of the kids were bigger than me in size and age, so I felt small, maybe because they made me feel that way. This is what I remember; maybe it was not so bad.” Educational staff Rita: “I remember that the second grade teacher always mentioned the fact that I was a good student. She intended to make me feel better, but the result was opposite, the children hated me for that. Guys' mother: “When the psychologist decided that Guy was capable of skipping to the seventh grade, she asked him to write the names of four students he would like to study with in rank order. She promised that he would have at least one friend from the top of his list. On the first day of school, when Guy entered the class, he realized he had gotten the student he ranked fourth on his list. He did not say anything to the teacher, but came home crying at the end of the day. He felt betrayed, as he realized that most of the students had got their first or second choice, and the school staff had not thought of facilitating his adjustment to the new situation. When I heard what had happened, I went to school to talk with the counselor. She promised to look into it and give us an answer in a week. I insisted that the problem was crucial and it needed to be dealt with that same day. This was a unique case and Guy deserved equal treatment. I went to talk with the school principal, whose first reaction was: ‘If Guy does not feel comfortable in our school, maybe he has to return to elementary school.’ I explained that I was asking the school staff to treat him as an equal. If the other kids had got friends they had put first or second on their list, Guy deserved that too. A day later he was transferred to the class where his two friends were studying. I am sure that being a teacher at that school made a difference. Otherwise, it would have been much more difficult to cope with the circumstances. Still, we were very disappointed with the educational staff and the way they handled the case.” Social belonging The students who had skipped encountered difficulties, e.g. non-acceptance from the receiving parties (students, educational staff), making initial subjective feelings very harsh. However, all of them reported more of a sense of belonging, socially and mentally, with their new peers than with those left behind. Rita: “Everything with me and the way I developed fit the children I was studying with (who were a year older). I do not know how to explain it, but I have always felt better among older children. Maybe because I have an older brother and we are very close. I have always had the tendency to make friends with older kids. For example, even now that I am 17 most of my friends are 20 and older.” Guy's mother: “Guy was always drawn to older people. He found them more interesting and he learned from them. In junior high he wanted to be with his friends from the swimming team who were a year or two older than him. In high


31


school he found the brightest girls and boys and they formed a group that did everything together. Even after finishing high school and starting med school (at the age of 17) his friends were the brightest students there some of whom were 5 or 6 years older than him. It did not make any difference to them, although they some times joked about it; everybody understood that it was out of respect.” Guy: “I think I was mentally and emotionally more developed than most of the children in my new grade. In 10th grade I had a girl friend from my class. (I was 15 and she was 16). It also depends on the girl, if she can see beyond t he actual age it can work out.” Or: “I do not remember being different from the children I studied with. I only recall that at the age of sixteen when students in my class got their identity cards, I could not get it because I was younger. Now all the students are taking driving lessons and I have to wait for next year. I understand and accept that humorously, it does not really bother me.” Academic implications Grade skipping enhances the academic development of the students. However, raising the motivational level works for a while and then most of the skipped students will start feeling bored again, unless they are challenged by additional enriching activities. Raising motivation level Or's: mother: “Grade skipping does not solve the problem related to challenges. The student needs a framework constituting a higher level of studies. If you skip a grade, after a while you get back to the same spot of boredom. Gifted students' capabilities are relatively measured and compared to grade level and not age.” Guy: “In order to obtain positive academic implications grade skipping should be accompanied by additional enrichment, because after a while the student gets bored. Constant challenges are required for addressing the needs of gifted students.” Continuum of studies Grade skipping helped maintain a meaningful continuum of studies and the pursuit of goals after high school. It also helped enhance the students' academic self-concept. Guy's mother: “Guy started med school when he was 17 years old. The year he had saved gave him the opportunity to study medicine before his army service. Since he already knew what he wanted to do in life this year was not wasted. Now that he has finished his studies he has to pay his duty and serve in the army as a doctor for 5-6 years.” Rita: “I went to study computer sciences at the Technion (technological institute) after high school because I was younger and had a whole year before my army service. It is better to study before your army service and right after high school because every thing is still clear in your memory.” General overview and satisfaction with grade skipping An analysis of answers concerning the assessment of grade skipping process by students yielded three categories: (a) Recommending it to other gifted students; (b) Suitable time to skip; and (c) Evaluation and regrets. Rita: “I think grade skipping is not bad, but depends on the circumstances. It is best to skip from first to second grade, like I did- the earlier, the better. When I moved to a different school at the beginning of fifth grade, it was very traumatic.

32


Nobody knew me or got interested in me. This is how I would feel when skipping a grade at that age. The higher the grade, the more difficult it is to make up all the material. The difference in skipping from first to second grade is not in terms of material, but in terms of age.” Guy: “I cannot recommend grade skipping to all gifted students. I think it depends on the situation. I also think I would not have returned to my original grade if the skip had not succeeded. Generally, as the years passed I felt better – Junior high was better than elementary school, high school was better than junior high school. It should be taken into consideration whether the child has friends among his peers, and hope he feels better there. Maybe there are other alternatives that better suit that student and help him advance. I had nothing to lose in my original grade, and I definitely do not regret skipping to junior high school.” Or: “I think that early entrance to school is the most suitable time, because then you start school with the other kids and continue with no dramatic changes.” Guy: “I think that skipping to seventh grade was the most suitable time, because then new classes are formed and children arrive from many elementary schools in the area. Socially, you get a fresh start and you are equal to other students who are also new.”

Discussion Factors Involved in the Process of Grade Skipping Students reported being bored and frustrated in the regular class. They pay a high price and waste precious time that could have been devoted to nurture their abilities. All parents indicated that they were the initiators of the psychological evaluation process, sometimes privately. This is due to the fact that teachers are not sufficiently aware, or not taught how to identify gifted students and cater for them in the regular class. Although psychologists tended to agree with parents and, based on the evaluation, acknowledged the need to grade-skip, they were reluctant to take the responsibility. In the belief that their child would be able to cope and benefit from grade skipping, brave parents took the responsibility and the chance since the other option of staying in the regular class was much worse. When analyzing the other options mentioned, none of which were taken, it is understood that parents and students had made an intelligent decision that they felt answered their needs. They did not choose other schools in far away areas, since it meant having more of the same and devoting time and energy that would not help the student, and would even interfere with his hobbies or afternoon activities. It also meant social isolation, as the student would not have been able to find friends to socialize with during the afternoon.

Parents and students opted not to skip more than one grade. Maybe because it was not offered, or they felt it was too radical and could socially hinder the child's development. Parents have mentioned social development as a crucial factor in their decision making about radical acceleration. It is well known that among factors supporting adjustment to the receiving class the students' parents are first and foremost. Supportive parents, who understand what their child goes through and know how to direct, motivate, and help him or her cope with difficulties, are more likely to be successful in the process of adjustment. Receiving teachers help the child adjust. These teachers play an important role in the adjustment process and can make all the difference. However, it is important to note that excessively enthusiastic remarks about the gifted student's academic abilities can hinder his social adjustment. Hobbies play a salient role in adjustment, as the child receives acknowledgement and support during the afternoon, he can draw on his experiences, which helps him cope and strengthen his selfconcept. In some cases the social connections made through practicing hobbies are beneficial to the integration process in the new school or class.


33


Social or other difficulties encountered by students in the process Receiving parties such as the students or educational staff can pose difficulties by way of various misconceptions or some hidden agenda. Receiving students can be very cruel and indifferent. For example, they may take advantage of the new bright student who is always prepared for class, by cheating and copying from him. The grade-skipped student, wanting to fit in, finds it difficult to refuse and resist the unhelpful pattern of behaviour. Educational staff receiving the child in a new class or school might unintentionally compromise adjustment by making remarks concerning the student’s academic abilities. Treating the child in all aspects as an equal seems much more effective. Sometimes, in cases of moving to a new school, lack of careful planning and facilitation of the process can result in frustrated parents and students. Grade-skipped students, although encountering many social and other difficulties during the adjustment period, reported feeling they belonged with their new peers. Being mentally and emotionally more developed, the students find common grounds for social and academic interaction with older students. Even in their new classes they tend to socialize with the brightest students who are more interesting, challenging and a source for learning more about life. Academic implications Grade skipping enhances the academic development of the gifted child for a while. The first period of adjustment to the new level of studies is challenging and gratifying. However, when the grade-skipped student reaches the point of mastering the new academic level, signs of boredom and lack of motivation may reappear. Various forms of enrichment activities should be considered to avoid the situation. Enrichment can vary, e.g., in-class assignments, activities in a gifted resource room or a pullout program at a gifted education center. Combining grade skipping with additional enrichment activities contributes to its success. A continuum of studies is a positive implication of grade-skipping as reported by both students and parents. In Israel specifically, students apply for the academic reserves, get permission to study at the university, and after

34

graduation serve in the army for an extended number of years before practicing their profession. Saving a school year enables students to enroll in university and study before their army service. It represents a good opportunity for gifted students who have established their interest early. Dual enrollment during high school may help students determine what they want to do and give them an idea of the degree of effort needed to be invested. General overview and satisfaction with grade skipping General comments made by students follow below. The comments relate to their experience of grade skipping and issues arising: (a) Recommendation to other gifted students; (b) Suitable time to skip; (c) Evaluation and regrets. All students were in favor of grade skipping. The more mature and cautious students would not have recommended grade skipping to every gifted child because it depends on the circumstances. They understood that the process experienced by them was one way to accommodate their particular needs, but realized it may not be suitable for every gifted student. As for the best time to skip, they noted that transfer periods such as entrance to first grade or entrance to junior high school were the best, since it was a new beginning for all students. It allowed formation of new relationships at a time when social structures in the elementary school were broken. It also helped them academically, since other bright students arrived from different schools. Students skipping during elementary school or accelerated by one subject did not relate to their personal experience regarding best timing to skip, which may mean that they had reservations. Students and parents report overall satisfaction with grade skipping and its implications. Neither party regretted skipping a grade. They felt they had nothing to lose. Early entrance to elementary school and skipping during the first days of first grade were perceived as more natural. Skipping from elementary to junior high was a greater challenge, but nevertheless it was still considered positive given the boredom and lack of motivation and social interactions they left behind.


Conclusion Factors affecting success of grade skipping process are: Early identification and decision making based on multiple means of assessment (self and parent nomination, teacher nomination and a psychological evaluation). Figure 1 indicates social problems and lack of motivation and self regulation as reasons preventing grade skipping. For grade skipping to become successful and less traumatic, physical, emotional and social precocity combined with motivation and self-regulation should be evaluated and considered. 1. Support of family, receiving teachers and educational staff. Parents should be their child's best advocate and take responsibility if other parties fail, or are reluctant, to do so. 2. Other supporting factors, which aid the adjustment process, are hobbies and extracurricular activities. 3. Realizing that grade skipping may not be the ultimate solution, but it offers more advantages and opportunities compared to the situation left behind.

4. Realizing that grade-skipped students feel they belong mentally, as well as academically, with their new peers. 5. On-going assessment is needed to determine whether the grade-skipped student is in need of additional acceleration or enrichment. 6. Determining the suitable time of skipping should be based on individual circumstances, but early entrance to elementary school and skipping to first year of junior high school are more highly recommended, as they encompass a new beginning for all students, therefore may facilitate the process. 7. Understanding that social adjustment or other difficulties may occur and need to be addressed using joint efforts of all parties concerned (student, parents, educational staff, and school psychologist). 8. Continuum of higher education studies and self actualization, increases satisfaction with the process.

Grade Skipping : Process of Decision Making Physical Development

Yes

Great gap between physical development of child to rest of students in the new class No

Emotional Development Great gap between intellectual and emotional precocity

Stop! Think about grade skipping feasibility

Yes

No

Personality and Social Life Is the child friendly and outgoing?

No

Social problems

Yes

Motivation and Self-Regulation Does the child express motivation and

No

own good working/studying habits? Yes

Grade skipping can be performed

Figure 1: Grade skipping: Process of decision making.


35


References Assouline, S. G., Colangelo, N., Lupkowski-Shoplik, A., Lipscomb, J., & Forstadt, L. (2003). The Iowa Acceleration Scale, 2nd Edition. Scottsdale, AZ: Great Potential Press. Brody, L. E., & Stanley, J. C. (1991). Young college students: Assessing factors that contribute to success. In W. T. Southern & E. D. Jones (Eds.), The academic acceleration of gifted children. (pp.102–132). New York: Teachers College Press. Colangelo, N. (1997). Counseling gifted students: Issues and practices. In N. Colangelo & G. A. Davis (Eds.), Handbook of gifted education (2nd ed., pp. 353–365). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Colangelo, N., Assouline, S. G., Chen, I., & Tsai, T. (1998). Parental involvement in the academic and social lives of academically talented elementary school students. Unpublished manuscript, The University of Iowa, Iowa City, IA. Colangelo, N., Assouline, S. G., & Gross, M. U. M. (2004). A nation deceived: How schools hold back America’s brightest students. Iowa City, IO: The Connie Belin & Jacqueline N. Blank International Center for Gifted Education and Talent Development. Colangelo, N., Assouline, S., & Lupkowski-Shoplik, A. E. (2004). Whole grade acceleration. In Colangelo, N., Assouline, S. G., & Gross, M. U. M. (2004). A nation deceived: How schools hold back America’s brightest students. Iowa City, IO: The Connie Belin & Jacqueline N. Blank International Center for Gifted Education and Talent Development. Davis, G. A., & Rimm, S. B. (1994). Education of the gifted and talented (3rd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Division for Gifted Education (2006). Issues in educating gifted students in Israel. The Ministry of Education, Jerusalem. Retrieved December 18th, 2006, from http://www.education.gov.il/gifted/.(Hebrew). Feldhusen, J. F., Proctor, T. B., & Black, K. N. (1986). Guidelines for grade advancement of precocious children. Roeper Review. 9, 25–27. Feldhusen, J. F., Van Winkle, L. V., & Ehle, D. A. (1996). Is it acceleration or simply appropriate instruction for precocious youth? Teaching Exceptional Children, 28(3), 48-51. Gallagher, J.J. (1985). Teaching the gifted child. (3rd ed.). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Gross, M. U. M. (2006). Exceptionally gifted children: Long-term outcomes of academic acceleration and non-acceleration. Journal for the Education of the Gifted, 29(4), 404-432. Kulik, C. L. C., & Kulik, J. A. (1984). Effects of ability grouping on elementary school pupils: A metaanalysis. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Psychological Association,

36

Toronto. (ERIC Document Reproduction Service No. ED255329) Kulik, J. A. (2003). Grouping and tracking. In N.Colangelo & G. A. Davis (Eds.), Handbook of gifted education, (3rd ed. pp. 268–281). Boston: Allyn & Bacon. Kulik, J. A. (2004). Meta-analytic studies of acceleration. In Colangelo, N., Assouline, S. G., & Gross, M. U. M. (2004). A nation deceived: How schools hold back America’s brightest students. Iowa City, IO: The Connie Belin & Jacqueline N. Blank International Center for Gifted Education and Talent Development. Lubinski, D. (2004). Long-term effects of educational acceleration. In N. Colangelo, S. Assouline, & M. Gross (Eds.), A nation deceived: How schools hold back America’s brightest students (pp. 23-37). Iowa City, IA: The Belin Blank Center Gifted Education and Talent Development. Piaget, J. (1983). Piaget's theory. In P. Mussen (ed.). Handbook of Child Psychology. 4th edition. Vol. 1. New York: Wiley. Pressey, S. L. (1949). Educational acceleration: Appraisals and basic problems. Columbus, OH: The Ohio State University. Piper, S. & Creps. K. (1991). Practical concerns in assessment and placement in academic acceleration. In W. T. Southern & E. D. Jones (Eds.), The academic acceleration of gifted children (pp. 162–180). New York: Teachers College Press. Robinson, N. M. (2004). Effects of academic acceleration on social-emotional status of gifted students. In Colangelo, N., Assouline, S. G., & Gross, M. U. M. (2004). A nation deceived: How schools hold back America’s brightest students. Iowa City, IO: The Connie Belin & Jacqueline N. Blank International Center for Gifted Education and Talent Development. Robinson, N. M., & Janos, P. M. (1986). The psychosocial adjustment of youngsters in a program of marked academic acceleration. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 15, 51-60. Robinson, N. M., & Robinson, H. B. (1982). The optimal match: Devising the best compromise for the highly gifted student. New Directions for Child Development, 17, 79-94. Rogers, K. B. (2002). Re-forming gifted education: Matching the program to the child. Scottsdale, AZ: Great Potential Press. Russell, C., LaBonte, K., & Russell, G. (1999). Preparing for and holding an effective school meeting. Highly Gifted Children: Hollingworth Center, Vol. 12, No. 4. Schiever, S., W., & Maker, C. J. (2003). New directions in enrichment and acceleration. In N. Colangelo & G. A. Davis (Eds.), Handbook of gifted education (3rd ed., pp. 163–173). Boston: Allyn & Bacon.


Seidman, I. (1998). Interviewing as qualitative research (2nd Ed.). New York: Teachers College Press. Southern, W. T., & Jones, E. D. (1992). The real problems with academic acceleration .Gifted Child Today, 15(2), 34–38. Southern, T. W., & Jones, E. D. (2004). Types of acceleration. In Colangelo, N., Assouline, S. G., & Gross, M. U. M. (2004). A nation deceived: How schools hold back America’s brightest students. Iowa City, IO: The Connie Belin & Jacqueline N.

Blank International Center for Gifted Education and Talent Development. Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1990). Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory procedures and techniques. Newbury Park. CA: Sage. Winner, E. (1996). Gifted children: Myths and realities. New York: Basic Books. Ziv,

A. (1990). Giftedness. Jerusalem: Publishing House. (In Hebrew).

Center

Note: This study is a preliminary study aiming at eliciting criteria for future research to be applied with a larger sample of students and parents.

About the Authors Ora Kleinbok received her Ph.D. in mathematics from the Ural University in Russia. She completed the certification program for teachers of the gifted in Israel. She has been teaching math and mathematical thinking to gifted and talented students in secondary school. Her research interests include grade skipping and development of instructional models in math for gifted students. Hava Vidergor is a Ph.D. candidate at the University of Haifa in Israel. She is a lecturer in a certification program for teachers of gifted students at Oranim Academic Teachers’ College where she has designed a number of courses related to effective pedagogies and curriculum planning for gifted and talented students. She is also an invited lecturer in certification programs for teachers of gifted in Israeli universities and from overseas, as well as a large number professional development programs for teachers of high achievers. She has also designed special programs for gifted and talented students in the regular school and courses in English, career education and leadership for middle school students studying at Oranim Gifted Education Center, in which she is currently teaching. Her research interests are instruction, teacher education and policy.

Addresses Hava Vidergor Oranim Academic College, P.O.B. 53, Tivon, 36021, Israel e-Mail: [email protected]; [email protected]

Dr. Ora Kleinbok Haoren 134, Givat Ram, Kiryat Ata, Israel e-Mail: [email protected]


37


Appendix A: Interview Questions 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18.

38

How old are you today? Describe your experiences involving grade skipping (process, parents' involvement, school involvement and reactions, type of grade skipping). Was the transfer difficult? Explain. What difficulties did you encounter in your new classroom? Were there any factors or persons that facilitated the process? Did being younger than your peers influence your social life? Was a psychologist involved in the process of grade skipping? When and how? Did you have to take or pass certain tests to move to a higher grade? What tests? In what subjects? How was your knowledge assessed? Were you identified as a gifted student? Did you take a special test? When? What test/s? Did you, or do you still, take part in an enrichment program? Which program? If not, why? Are your closest friends mainly gifted and talented students? Why? Do you practice a field of sports? Which? What are your achievements? Do you excel in specific subjects? Which? Do you intend to go to university? If you are already studying at a university, what field/ profession did you choose? Why? Do you intend to serve in the army after graduation, or continue your studies at the university as part of the academic reserves? What is you general opinion about grade skipping? What signs of giftedness did you exhibit as a preschooler? Do/did you have any regrets about grade skipping.


Cultural and Social Capital and Talent Development: A Study of a High-Ability Aboriginal Student in a Remote Community Karen Kostenko; and Peter Merrotsy Abstract During the course of a school year, a study was conducted on the cultural context, the social milieu and the personal characteristics of a high ability Aboriginal student in a remote community in Canada. Using the lenses of cultural capital, social capital and human capital, the study explores the development of the student’s talent through his family life, his involvement in the community and his educational experiences. The study emphasises the enormous advantage in developing high potential into high achievement if human capital is supported by strong cultural and social capital.

Keywords: Aboriginal student, high ability, remote community, cultural capital, social capital.

Introduction The Ministry of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Canada (2009) recommends that ‘further research be undertaken by First Nations to develop effective policies and programs for gifted education for First Nations learners.’ However, while they may be recognised by Federal policies, culturally diverse gifted Aboriginal students are evidently absent from provincial and territorial policies, or minimally present at best (see, for example, British Columbia Ministry of Education, 2008, pp. 51–53). A plethora of research has reported the underrepresentation of culturally diverse students in programs for the gifted and talented (Borland & Wright, 2000). Our experiences suggest, in particular, that there is a significant underrepresentation of culturally diverse Aboriginal students from rural and remote areas of Canada in programs for gifted and talented students. As elsewhere, reasons for this may include inadequate provincial and territorial education policies, local politics, inflexible school organisation, few special education or therapist services, the absence of appropriate assessment procedures, the absence of relevant programs, the lack of resources, overcrowded classes, teacher-centred rather than student-centred environments, behaviour issues (which might in fact be rectified through

proper classroom management), low teacher expectations, negative stereotypical attitudes, the lack of knowledge or understanding about the cultural and cognitive skills of culturally diverse students, racism, negative influences from peers and possibly families, and cultural traditions and beliefs. Be this as it may, there appears to be little, if any, research concerning gifted and talented Aboriginal students in rural and remote areas of Canada (cf. Leroux, 2000). Certainly, at the time of writing this paper, no information could be found regarding specific studies and educational practices that have focused on the dynamic of culture, social milieu and talent development of Aboriginal students in remote communities. Furthermore, in an interview with two territorial education administrators, it was stated that there are no specific policies or programming for gifted and talented students within the Yukon and the North West Territories (cf. Yukon Department of Education, 2007). In practice, it appears that if by chance a student is identified to be gifted, the student is either moved up one grade or an enrichment activity is given in the form of busywork or an enrichment project via their curriculum textbook. As a result, there is little information about the cognitive and affective needs of highly able Aboriginal students in a remote setting, and


39


about the factors affecting academic achievement and talent development within that context. What is known from the wider literature is that, in addition to educational opportunities, the family, home environment, cultural context, social milieu and the community are all appreciated to be important elements for the transformation of high potential into high

performance (Feldhusen, 1995; cf. the environmental ‘catalysts’ of Gagné, 2008). Accordingly, during the course of a school year, a study was conducted on the cultural context, the social milieu and the personal characteristics of a high ability Aboriginal student in a remote K-10 school in the Yukon Territory of Canada.

Method The study explored several variables including: the home, school, community and cultural environments of the student; the student’s educational experiences and the educational practices of the teachers at the school; the student’s abilities, interests and personal characteristics; and the extent to which the student was able to express and develop his interests and talents in school and at home. Each of these facets is examined here through the lenses of cultural capital, social capital and human capital. The study illustrates both the extent to which cultural capital, social capital and human capital are interdependent, and the extent to which they are necessary for talent development. Figure 1, below, illustrates our proposed model of the relationship between talent development and human, social and cultural capital.

Social Capital

Cultural Capital Talent Development

Human Capital

Figure 1: Cultural and social capital and talent development. The subject of this study was identified as a student with high ability because of his achievements in language and mathematics at school. Data were gathered using a variety of sources and methods, which included ethnographic interviews, participant observation and document review. Interviews were conducted with the principal and teachers at the school, the student’s family and friends, and with community leaders and elders. The participant was observed in many different

40


social settings, including school. His behaviour, activities, interactions with others, and involvement in family, school and community events were recorded. Notes were kept during interviews and observations. Formal and informal school and family documentation provided information about the student’s academic performance and talent development. Additional documentation, related to territory and school policies, special programming services, school curriculum, classroom instruction and special events, was gathered to provide a sharper picture of the educational context. To maintain the confidentiality of the student, parents, elders, the school and the community, pseudonyms, chosen by the participant, are used. The student, Jack, attends the Wolf and Crow School in the River Bend community. Note also that some references are not included as they would identify the community. Definitions This study is set within the conceptual framework of Gagné’s (2008) differentiated model of giftedness and talent. Here, giftedness is understood to be high potential, which is translated into talent, or high performance, through a developmental process that is influenced, positively or negatively, by intrapersonal and environmental ‘catalysts’. In this article, the adjective ‘Aboriginal’ is used broadly as a term of ethnicity to refer to each of the First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples of Canada. ‘First Nations’ and ‘Inuit’ are terms that came into common usage in the 1970s to replace the words ‘Indian’ and ‘Eskimo’ respectively, both of which many people find offensive. Many communities have also adopte d the term ‘First Nation’ to replace the word ‘band’, e.g. in the community name (Ministry of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Canada, 2009). Even though ‘First Nations’ has no legal definition, it is widely used, and refers to the indigenous or traditional people of Canada, both Status and Non-Status, but who are neither Inuit nor Métis. ‘Inuit’ refers to the Aboriginal people who live in the coastal Canadian Arctic, Alaska and Greenland. ‘Métis’ refers to people who are of mixed North American Aboriginal and European ancestry who self-identify as Métis and are accepted by the Métis Nation.

Cultural capital Cultural capital is a set of dispositions that also serve as cognitive structuring processes. These processes are fundamental to a culture, and underlie ways of thinking and acting. As a result, they predispose ways and means by which, for example, Aboriginal people relate to their world. (Apple, 1995; Brokenleg, 2004.) The Aboriginal population is characterised by cultural and linguistic diversity (Statistics Canada, 2009). Each community has its own language or dialect, its own traditions and customs. Communities were once characterised by close family relationships, dignity and respect especially for elders, balance with nature, and spirituality. Since the time of colonisation, this has all too often not been the case. Out of a total population of 28,600 in the Yukon, 30% are Aboriginal people (cf., for example, with 6% in British Columbia: Statistics Canada, 2009). It is worth noting that many Aboriginal families do not trust the government census and as a result will not take part, so the available statistics may need some interpretation. There are 14 different Aboriginal

languages still in use within the Yukon, including Cree, Inuktitut, Ojibwa, Blackfoot, Salish, South Slave, Chipewyan, Athapaskan, and others (Ministry of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Canada, 2009). Aboriginal students may communicate in their mother tongue, or English, or a combination of both. More often than not, however, many children, including many of the children in the River Bend community, enter school bi-illiterate, that is, fluent in neither mother tongue nor English (cf. Kloosterman, 1999), and develop competency, or perhaps in many cases precompetency, in one or both languages only after beginning school. Thus, the public school system of the Yukon serves students with different cultural and linguistic backgrounds. Any lack of knowledge or understanding about the cultural, linguistic and cognitive skills of these students will result in limited (and limiting) educational policies, school programs and other educational services that address the unique needs of this population. According to the elders of the River Bend community, oneness with nature is a key principle of life, and nature’s harmony is viewed


41


as sacred. Aboriginal people know their world through perceptions of time and place, culture and tradition, their relationship with the environment, and through the need for wellness and healing. These patterns of awareness often lead to ways of knowing and experiencing the world that are different from those of external educational systems and from those of teachers who are brought to the community. It is therefore imperative that educators understand the cultural predispositions of traditional Aboriginal life and of Aboriginal life that has been formed as a result of historical trauma, for these fundamental predispositions shape the behaviour of Aboriginal people and the ways in which they understand the world and relate to it. Indigenous knowledges (sic) are understood as … concerning everyday realities of living … imparted to the younger generation by community elders. … They also refer to … a direct experience of nature and its relationship with the social world, (which generate) nuances, contradictions and contestations in affirming the place of indigenous knowledge in the academy, while maintaining that different bodies of knowledge continually influence each other (Dei et al., 2000, frontispiece).

specified by cultural as well as biological goals and problems (Rogoff, Mistry, Gonco, & Mosier, 1993). Rogoff et al. (1993, p. 12) also suggest that ‘development proceeds in a variety of directions with some important commonalities as well as essential differences in the routes taken toward the local goals that are sought in a particular community.’ Community goals and evaluation should take language into consideration. Since every language bears its own culture, teaching and learning, evaluation should be in the mother tongue and English. Both written and oral literacies are important, especially where much of the cultural heritage has not been written. Stairs and Bernard (2002) add the caveat that oral, written and formal patterns used in teaching may not recognize different styles of narrative expression and explanations. A ramification of this is that Aboriginal teaching and learning may well not be addressed in assessment of ability and achievement at school. Cajete (1994, pp. 222– 227) draws these ideas together in his outline of indigenous teaching and learning orientations:

The development of certain talents is encouraged while others are dismissed (Tannenbaum, 1986). A community which thus values their language and their past traditions may well be at odds with a western education system: ‘The knowledge of First Nations traditional and contemporary approaches to children and youth and their understanding of their own family dynamics lies within the First Nations People, not with a university program’ (Pence et al., 1992, p.17).

Indigenous teaching focuses as much on the learning with the heart as on learning with the mind. Indigenous teaching facilitates learning to see how one really is, rather than an image manufactured. This real perception of self helps the student to realize that they are essentially responsible for the barriers to their own learning. Through facilitating this constant examination of what students think they know, they remain open to new dimensions of learning. … The nature and quality of a relationship and perseverance through time determine the outcome of a teaching process. Indigenous teaching is based on the nature and quality of communication at all levels of being. Service is the basis of the relationship between teacher and student. Indigenous teachers recognize that work invites concentration and facilitates quietness of mind. Each person’s work is honoured, each student is unique and has a path of learning. Busy work is not a concept. Ritual, mythology, and the art of storytelling, combined with the cultivation of relationship to one’s inner self, family, community and the natural environment, are utilized to help individuals realize their potential for learning and living a complete life. This is the legacy of Indigenous people.

Local community goals are therefore central to the issue of appropriate evaluation in Aboriginal education (Stairs & Bernard, 2002). Progress should be defined according to local goals, with development in specific domains

Such is Jack’s heritage, his cultural capital and the cultural context in which he is growing up, going to school and expressing himself.

Children are seen as gifts from the Creator: they are a sacred legacy on loan to parents from the Creator (Porter, 1993). Culture and language are passed on from generation to generation and create one’s identity. Nature permeates the process by which the child is taught and the way in which the child learns. Teaching and learning, i.e. education, is holistic, and is not bounded by schools. Children are taught to view the world as interconnected and holistic and that they are required to perfect the skills of what they know and what they can do.

42


Social capital La Bonte (1999, p. 431) defines social capital as ‘something going on out there in people’s day-to-day relationships that is an important determinant to the quality of their lives, if not society’s healthy functioning.’ Equally vaguely, Renzulli (2003, p. 77) defines it to be ‘a set of intangible assets that address the collective needs and problems of other individuals and our communities at large.’ What they mean is that social capital refers to the ways in which people, families and community interconnect through bonding, bridging and linking to create social relationships, social networks, social norms and values, trust, and resources (Mignone, 2003): it is an investment in social relations with expected returns (Lin, 2005). A community with high levels of social capital is characterised primarily by strong ties among family and friends, or within the community (Lin, 2005), and would be expected to have a culture of trust, participation, collective action and norms of reciprocity. “(Social) capital generally enhances community life and the network of obligations we have to one another. Investments in social capital benefit society as a whole because they help to create the values, norms, networks, and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation geared toward the greater public good.” (Renzulli, 2003, p. 77.) According to Mignone (2003), high levels of social capital are apparent in many traditional Aboriginal cultures. Social capital provides the catalyst for educational opportunity. In particular, it is an important foundation for the success of Aboriginal children in education. Furthermore, it better equips students with high ability to realise their potential by availing themselves of social networks, developing strong ties with key individuals, and using their network ties as a link to the wider community.

Loss of social capital Since ‘colonisation’ by Europeans, the Aboriginal people of Canada have suffered trauma, which Yellow Horse Brave Heart (2005) terms historical trauma. Historical trauma is emotional wounding, cumulative across generations and through an individual’s lifetime. It emanates from massive group trauma, such as massacres, removal of children from parents (see ‘residential schools’ below, and cf. ‘stolen generations’ in Australia), physical, sexual and mental abuse, and intergenerational transfer of traumatic responses (i.e., parents who have been traumatised as children often pass on trauma response patterns to their children). The result for Aboriginal communities is loss or destruction of cultural capital and social capital. Communities with low levels of social capital are characterised by self-helplessness, poverty, disease, and dependence on social assistance; loss of traditions, language and land; high levels of alcohol and drug dependency; high rates of physical abuse, family violence, crime and incarceration; low levels of education, in terms of both delivery and outcomes; and exclusion from the wider society (Yellow Horse Brave Heart, 2005; Ministry of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Canada, 2009). Hence, strategies to heal historical trauma need to build social capital. In particular here, addressing the preconditions for the development of social capital that culminates in high levels of education implies first setting in place the infrastructure to deal with the social problems that exist in many Aboriginal communities and supporting the social dynamics that implement community building strategies.

Residential schools “Ideological diaspora was the internalization of being taken off the land. A central manifestation of this occurred through the residential school system. The residential school system was established as a way of ‘educating’ Indigenous people. There were several schools set up in Western Canada and operated by various churches. Children were taken from their homes and their communities. Instead of being taught by


the old people in the traditional context, children were raised in an alien environment which stripped them of their dignity. It was a process of cultural genocide and spiritual exile. Once removed from their homes, in both ideological and spatial sense, many children never came home. Instead they spent their lives ensnared by alcoholism and their destructive behaviours.” (McLeod, 1998, p. 39.)

43


In 1974, the Canadian government developed and began to administer the residential school system, ostensibly to meet its ‘obligation’ under the Indian Act to provide education to Aboriginal people and to assist their ‘integration’ into Canadian society (Ministry of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Canada, 2009). What this meant, at least for the subjects, or objects, of the policy, was assimilation into white society through the forced removal of Aboriginal children from their Aboriginal culture, and it is certainly understood by them to be a form of cultural genocide (Ray & Poonwassie, 1992). Residential schools have had an especially negative impact upon the quality of Aboriginal parenting and the development of mental health and substance abuse risk factors for Aboriginal youth (Yellow Horse Brave Heart, 2005). Many of the River Bend community members testify to the effects of the residential school system. They explain the loss of extended families, of language, tradition and spirituality, and of generations of parenting skills. Because of their experiences, they see themselves as fragments of a whole. They are trying to put their lives back together, but some people abuse drugs and alcohol as a coping mechanism and to escape the memories of the past. And they neither trust nor value the education system. Some testimonies follow: Children were forced from their families, and they were threatened with imprisonment if they did not cooperate. (A community Elder.) Children as young as 4 years old were herded onto cattle trucks and taken to far-away schools: the location of the

school depended on their religion and what Indian status they were. When they arrived at their destination, they again were herded from the trucks into an area where their hair was cut short and where they were de-loused. They were not allowed to speak their language or to follow their tradition and spirituality. (A community Elder.) They were taken away for 10 months of the year and then some were returned to their homes for the summer break. When many children returned home, they found their extended families no longer existed, and alcohol filled the void for the parents of abducted children. (A community Elder.) Our children are the way they are because we are still dealing with these issues … and many of us have lost our extended families and our parenting skills. … We only know what we were taught in residential school. Violence, sexual abuse and now some of us use alcohol and drugs to cope. We know it’s wrong, but don’t know how to change. … We want to inform you about why we are the way we are and how our children are suffering too. We lost our way of life, our families, our children and our language. … We have no identity, we have no hope. (The community Chief.) Consequently, Aboriginal parents and elders are traumatised people raising traumatised children (Yellow Horse Brave Heart, 2005). It is estimated that 100,000 children attended these schools, and the last residential school to close was in 1996.

The River Bend community, and Wolf and Crow School River Bend is remote, located about 500 kilometres from the nearest regional centre. It has a population of 400 people, of whom 98% are of Aboriginal descent and would like to follow many of the traditions of the past. It is a poor community with a reliance on welfare and social assistance. It has a high rate of reported crime (the second highest in northwest Canada) and many of the crimes are related to family violence and drug, alcohol and sexual abuse. Approximately 85% of adults in the River Bend community older than 50 have not graduated from high school. Because they are

44

elders and grandparents, they have great influence over the educational decisions of the youth, and indeed approximately 50% of younger members of the community leave school before completing Grade 10. Approximately 30% of students go on to complete mainly trade related courses in Grades 11 and 12, which usually means attending a school in Whitehorse 500 kilometres away. Youth and young adults in the community gave their reasons for withdrawing from education. They spoke of boredom, seeking work, pregnancy (about 25% of the females), family


instability, health problems, problems caused by drugs and alcohol, cultural differences, and having families that do not value education (cf. O’Donnell & Ballardin, 2006). The Wolf and Crow School is a public school with Grades K–10. It also houses a small college that offers some vocational and upgrading courses for youth and adults. The school building was designed by community members and is six years old. Classrooms, except for the special education area, are arranged in traditional colonial rows, but do have learning centres for special interest studies and clustered tables and chairs for group work. The school is open early in the morning when extra curricular activities are organised. At the end of the school day, students may attend a day-care centre or visit the local recreation centre, both of which are a short walk from the school. The school has an enrolment of 70 children. Approximately 85% of the students are identified as having special needs: for example, more than 50% of the students have been diagnosed with Foetal Alcohol Syndrome (FAS). The school has one Special Education teacher while other support service personnel (such as a therapist for hearing impaired students) travel to the community once per year. Responsibility for decision making for the school rests with the principal. The staff meets once each month for discussion of issues and school planning. An attempt to collaborate with the community to plan and coordinate local activities and events resulted in a group of school councillors elected from the community, but they rarely attend meetings. Some of the parents expressed concern that Wolf and Crow School does not provide an adequate quality education for their children and that the academic standards of the school are low. However, teachers commented that in general families are not actively involved in the culture of the school. The parents offered reasons why they are reluctant to be involved in the life of the school. They remember the past trauma of the residential school, have poor literacy skills and are illiterate in English, and so cannot read about the events and activities run by the school. They also distrust the predominantly white Euro-Canadian teachers. Further more they recognise that they had significant health problems and social issues in their own lives that make it difficult for them to participate in the education of their children. Parents are also concerned about the effects of the high rate of ‘teacher-turn-around’

on the school culture. Teachers usually stay in the community for no more than two years, which means that each year about 40% of the staff do not return. In response, teachers cited many reasons for why they want to leave the community, among which were the remoteness of the community, the high cost of living, the lack of appropriate housing, the lack of system support, lower pay, the lack of other award incentives along with disincentives, such as the possibility that their service will be discounted if they transfer to a non-Aboriginal school. They also expressed concern for their personal safety and that of their family (cf. Ministry of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Canada, 2009). Some of the teachers presented negative attitudes about the community, the school and the students, even expressing the view that most Aboriginal students are uneducable and in adult life will perpetuate the current social problems of the community. There is a staff of ten members employed at Wolf and Crow School, four of whom are Aboriginal (one teacher, two Aboriginal instructors, and one educational assistant). This compares favourably with the national status quo, where Aboriginal people comprise 4% of the population but share only 1.3% of teacher employment (Ministry of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Canada, 2009). Only three of the teachers are bilingual, and two of these are fluent in Athapaskan. The student program includes a mandatory traditional Aboriginal curriculum or Native Studies unit, in which language (mother tongue), culture and traditions are taught in a formal setting. Classroom teachers are not required to incorporate Aboriginal language, practices or strategies in their programs and have not been involved in any professional training or development that would address multiculturalism in general, or cultural and linguistic diversity, or the specific cultural and social needs of their students. Again, teachers have information about the level of English proficiency of their students, but know little, if anything, about the language usually spoken in the home and about the extent to which their students are bilingual or biilliterate. It is worth noting that the majority of teachers adhere to the set curriculum and use teacher directed learning, textbook, and pen and paper exercises. Notable by their absence from the school curriculum are policy and programming


45


for students for whom English is a second language, and for gifted and talented students. Admittedly, for the latter, two handbooks are available as teacher resources (Alberta Ministry of Education, 2008; British Columbia Ministry of Education, 2006). However, the experiences of

the authors suggest that these resources are generally not used by classroom teachers. Such is Jack’s social milieu, which, along with his family and extended family, provides the social capital that supports his development and learning.

Human capital The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (2001, p. 18) defines human capital as ‘the knowledge, skills, competencies and attributes embodied in individuals that facilitate the creation of personal, social and economic well-being.’ That is, human capital embodies skills and other attributes of an individual, which bestow various personal, economic and social benefits. Abilities and skills may reflect innate capacities, but are developed through experience and learning. Important attributes include such intrapersonal characteristics as motivation and behaviour, and physical, emotional and mental health. Human capital tends to be understood and measured in terms of explicit knowledge and abilities. However, it is intrinsically related to cultural capital and social capital, i.e., it develops in particular cultural and social settings. Therefore, here, as with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2001), human capital is recognised to include non-cognitive skills and various other attributes, which may not be easily measured, and which are developed in the individual’s cultural context and social milieu. In the eyes of his family, teachers and community, Jack is a remarkable 14 year-old adolescent who has just completed Grade 8. He is enthusiastic, shows empathy and respect towards others, remembers past conversations in detail, has a great sense of humour, and always has a smile. He is fluent in English and in Athapaskan and its dialects, and is conversant in several other languages. He excels in athletics and sport in general. His academic achievements are significantly higher than other students in the community, especially in language and mathematics, and he expresses high creative ability in story telling, art (especially carving and sculpture), drama and dance, even without practice. He likes to solve difficult problems. He demonstrates appropriate behaviour in diverse social contexts and has strong social and leadership skills. He is recognized as a good and generous friend by his peers, and participates in many social events

46

in and out of school. He is emotional and shows his affection openly by hugging elders. Jack values education and hopes to complete his schooling in Whitehorse. The main experiences that address and challenge Jack’s intellectual ability and affective needs come from the home environment. Jack’s father has full time employment, which involves him in Aboriginal legal claims. When he was a child he attended a residential school. Jack’s stepmother was born and raised in another country. Although she is not employed, she does have a graduate degree. Both caregivers value traditional Aboriginal culture and language as well as Euro-Canadian education. They want better opportunities for Jack and encourage him to continue with education. They provide a safe environment in which to live and study, emotional support and help with his schoolwork. They also provide opportunities for Jack to express his giftedness, and to experience life outside the community by travelling widely throughout the Yukon. Jack’s extended family has taught him, both formally and informally, the traditions and language of his Aboriginal heritage. Together they observe and practise many traditional customs and events, beliefs, spirituality, stories, music, politics, food, and celebrations. Throughout the seasons they join together and share in hunting and gathering, fishing and feasts. They give Jack encouragement, while valuing the virtues of dignity, respect and generosity, and emphasising the importance of these values and how they contribute to a strong cultural identity. When asked what it meant to be an Aboriginal person, one elder said, with a mixture of pride and sadness, ‘To be First Nations is to be a survivor, to be in harmony, to be balanced, and to be respectful of the Creator and … all things. Many of our people have lost this vision.’ With all due respect to the school, it does appear to be struggling to meet Jack’s high intellectual needs. None of the teachers provide individual differentiated curriculum or


activities for him. From time to time, enrichment activities, such as various sports, art classes and dance, are available. One of the Aboriginal teachers has not only encouraged Jack to take advantage of these enrichment opportunities but also, at her own expense and in her own time, she has taken him to events in other communities in the territory. She has also given guidance when Jack came forward with what were termed by her to be ‘unsettling questions’. Another teacher has provided Jack with employment opportunities as a part-time youth

worker, assisting with at-risk youth at the local recreation centre. This has presented a welcome challenge and given personal satisfaction as well as some financial reward. Such is the human capital that Jack has and enjoys. Strong positive family and community support and deep cultural ties have been significant influences in developing Jack’s ability into talent. Clearly there is an enormous advantage in developing high potential into high achievement if human capital is supported by strong cultural and social capital.

Discussion The key factors identified to influence Jack’s cognitive development are strong, positive cultural and social capital. These include:  Aboriginal language, culture and traditions  Family values  Role modelling and emotional support from his parents, his extended family, a close friend and two teachers  Social networking, which also gave extended educational opportunities outside the community, including visits to the territory capital with the promise of future educational opportunities. Jack’s experiences also draw attention to two other issues central to the talent development of culturally diverse gifted students: a) cultural proficiency, and b) identification of students with high ability. Cultural proficiency There is little doubt that negative attitudes and low expectations by teachers towards culturally diverse students have a detrimental effect on academic performance and affective development (González et al., 1994; Merrotsy, 2008). Teachers’ lack of competency with Aboriginal language, culture and traditions, and lack of interest in families, student abilities and talent development, address neither the intellectual needs nor the affective needs of their Aboriginal students. Professional training and development could and should well address this issue. However, rather than being content with an awareness of different cultures and an understanding of learning needs and cognitive styles of culturally diverse students, a stronger model might more appropriately see diversity as a benefit, honour differences, and interact knowledgeably and respectfully with people from other cultures. Such ‘cultural proficiency’ (Lindsey, Roberts, & Campbell-Jones, 2005) is a necessary precondition for building successful partnerships within and outside the community. In that context, cultural capital becomes a platform on which social capital may be

developed. The link drawn by this study between cultural capital, social capital and human capital is reflected in five of the recommendations made by the Minister’s National Working Group on Education (2002), which emphasise social relationships enabling Aboriginal people to access a pool of resources and support and build social capital. First, include language, culture and indigenous knowledge systems in all funded education programs. Second, provide resources for the development of parent, family and community capacity building that incorporates indigenous understanding. Third, make schools and educational institutions parent- and elder-friendly places to promote the development of school partnerships with family and community. Fourth, initiate communitybased strategies for early childhood development. Fifth, substantially increase the number of Aboriginal primary and secondary school teachers. Regarding this last point, it should be remembered that many Aboriginal teachers may need additional training in some academic areas, may experience social difficulties such as being shunned within their own community, and may experience difficulties coping with the stress of teaching within their own community.


47


Identification of high learning potential If high learning ability goes unrecognised, educational opportunities and experiences necessary for optimal development will probably not be provided. This, for many students, may result in underachievement, boredom, frustration, and psychological distress. There are two key reasons why high learning ability may not be recognised in culturally and linguistically diverse gifted students. First, there may be different understandings of words and terms used by the school and community describing ability and high ability (cf. Phillipson & McCann, 2007). This creates confusion or conflict about the way in which high ability should be identified and the nature of the educational response to it. For example, the River Bend community express a belief in the ability of each child by stating that ‘every child is gifted’ and that it is not acceptable to single out one person from another as gifted. A group of Elders from the community explained: There is no one person that is gifted here. We are all gifted. (We are) taught not to be better than anyone else. We are taught to work together … to help each other. There were many in the past and even today who were better at doing things than others, but they are quiet about it. There are in fact two cultural issues here. First, ‘gifted’ is being used as a verb, as in ‘the child is gifted to the family by the Spirit world’, as opposed to ‘gifted’ being used as an adjective, as in ‘the child is a gifted student’. Second, this implicit understanding of ‘gifted’ ‘we are all gifted’ and ‘(some are) better at doing things than others’ - reflects the distinction made by Gross (1999) between personal strengths and ‘giftedness’ in the sense of high potential (cf. Gagné, 2008). In reality, when a child in the River Bend community, like Jack, learns quickly and shows high expressive ability in cultural activities, the Elders and the wider community do show differential treatment towards that child, explaining that this ‘gift’ should be ‘encouraged and developed … quietly’. Second, despite evident issues related to the identification of culturally diverse gifted students, instrumentation used for identification, at least in North America, typically measures I.Q. Other standardised tests, observation checklists and rating scales used are, for the most part, developed for the children of a

48

particular dominant cultural group. Flynn (2007) explains carefully why students from cognitively disadvantaged or less scientifically developed rural environments, tend to work at a Piagetian concrete level, and thus perform on most measures of cognitive ability significantly below a student from an urban environment who has achieved the formal operational level. These conditions tend to be compounded in communities where children participate in a relational rather than a competitive educational model, and where there is confusion not only about what is being evaluated, but also how, and why (Stairs & Bernard, 2002). Consequently, the cognitive abilities and learning needs of Aboriginal students should be determined by culturally sensitive and appropriate measures. In particular, when assessing high learning potential of gifted Aboriginal students, there is a need both to address any underlying causes of academic underachievement and to optimise cognitive performance. Chaffey’s (2002) Coolabah Dynamic Assessment (CDA) is showing remarkable promise for identifying gifted students who underachieve, i.e., those students previously identified to have high learning potential, and ‘invisible’ underachieving gifted students, i.e., students not previously identified to have high learning potential. Chaffey’s CDA is certainly proving effective in identifying high academic potential in children from disadvantaged backgrounds, including low socio-economic status, involuntary cultural minority status, and rural and isolated contexts (Chaffey, McCluskey, & Halliwell, 2005; Merrotsy, 2008; Merrotsy, Cannon, Harding, & Ryan, 2008). It would be valuable to add to such forms of dynamic assessment of culturally diverse gifted Aboriginal students measures of critical acumen and wisdom (Flynn, 2007). Indeed, this would be culturally and socially sensitive and appropriate for the identification of any gifted student. It is worth reflecting that, at least in provincial and territorial schools, there is an evident overrepresentation of Aboriginal students in special education programs (Ministry of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Canada, 2009). That some of these students are gifted needs to be taken seriously into consideration. The probability of negative consequences of inappropriate diagnosis and referral to a special education program for a student’s cognitive and affective development cannot be emphasised enough. For example, at Wolf and Crow School, the authors worked with


six students (out of seventy students in the for talent to develop. On the other hand, with school) suspected of being gifted but who were strong cultural capital and with strong social rather identified as Foetal Alcohol Spectrum capital, talent development is possible. Jack’s Disordered, Learning Disabled, Emotional experience presents a prime example of this Behaviour Disordered, a ‘behaviour risk’, or possibility. His case illustrates the necessity and labelled ‘uneducable’, and simply placed in the importance of both cultural capital and social school’s special education program. The capital in the development and expression of question naturally arises concerning the extent human capital. to which this statistic, or suspicion, is in any way Ultimately, this study emphasises that a indicative of the general incidence of talent development programme for culturally misdiagnosis of culturally diverse gifted and linguistically diverse gifted students, of Aboriginal students. necessity, must be preceded by, and What might be evident from the current accompanied by, programmes that build reality of these six students is that without either cultural capital and social capital. cultural capital or social capital it is very difficult __________________________________________________________________________________________

References Alberta Ministry of Education (2008). Programming for students and children identified with special education needs. Edmonton, AL: Alberta Ministry of Education, Special Education Branch. Available on-line at http://www.education.alberta.ca/admin/special/programming.aspx>. Accessed 1 February 2009. Apple, M. (1995) Cultural Capital and Official Knowledge. In M. Berube & C. Nelson (Eds.), Higher education under fire (pp. 91–106). New York: Routledge. Borland, J. & Wright, L. (2000). Identifying and educating poor and under-represented gifted students. In K. Heller, F. Monks, R. Sternberg & R. Subotnik (Eds.), International handbook of giftedness and talent (2ndedition, pp. 587–594). Amsterdam: Elsevier. British ColumbiaMinistry of Education(2006). Gifted education - A resource guide for teachers. Victoria, BC: BC Ministry of Education. British ColumbiaMinistry of Education(2008). Special Education services: A manual of policies, procedures and guidelines. Victoria, BC: BC Ministry of Education. Brokenleg, M. (2004). Culture in the classroom. Paper, Black Hills Seminars, Reclaiming Youth Conference, Rapid City, SD. Cajete, G. (1994). Look to the mountain: The ecology of indigenous education. Durango, CO: Kivaki Press. Chaffey, G. (2002). Identifying Australian Aboriginal children with high academic potential using dynamic testing. Unpublished PhD thesis, University of New England, Australia. Chaffey, G., McCluskey, K.& Halliwell, G. (2005) Using Coolabah Dynamic Assessment to identify Canadian Aboriginal children with high potential. Gifted and Talented International, 20 (2), 50–59. Dei, G., Hall, B. & Rosenberg, D. (Eds.) (2000). Indigenous knowledges in global contexts: Multiple readings of our world. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press. Feldhusen, J. (1995). Talent identification and development in education (2nd edition). Sarasota, Fl: Center for Creative Learning. Flynn, J.R. (2007). What is intelligence? Beyond the Flynn effect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gagné, F. (2008). Building gifts into talents: Overview of the DMGT. Keynote address, 10thAsia-Pacific Conference for Giftedness, Asia-Pacific Federation of the World Council for Gifted and Talented Children, Singapore, 14–17 July. Available on-line at: . Accessed 1 February 2009. González, N., Moll, L., Floyd-Tenery, M., Rivera, A., Rendón, P., Gonzales, R. & Amanti, C. (1994). Teacher research on funds of knowledge: Learning from households. Washington D.C: National Center for Research on Cultural Diversity and Second Language Learning. Gross, M.U.M. (1999). Inequity in equity: The paradox of gifted education in Australia. Australian Journal of Education, 43 (1), 87–103. Kloosterman, V. (1999). Socio-cultural contexts for talent development: A qualitative study on high ability, Hispanic, bilingual students. Research Monograph 99142, The National Research Center on the Gifted and Talented, University of Connecticut. LaBonte, R. (1999). Social capital and community development: Practitioner emptor. Australian and New Zealand Journal of Public Health, 23 (4), 430–433. Leroux, J. (2000). A study of education for high ability students in Canada: Policy, programs and student needs. In K. Heller, F. Monks, R. Sternberg & R. Subotnik (Eds.), International handbook of giftedness and talent (2nd edition,pp. 695–702). Amsterdam: Elsevier. Lin, N. (2005). A network theory of social capital. In N. Lin, K. Cook & R. Burt (Eds.), Social capital theory and research (pp. 159–181). New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Available on-line at:


49

The World Council for Gifted and Talented Children . Accessed 1 February 2009. Lindsey, R., Roberts, L. & Campbell-Jones, F. (2005). The culturally proficient school: An implementation guide for school leaders. Thousand Oaks, CA: Corwin Press. McLeod, N. (1998). Coming home through stories. International Journal of Canadian Studies, 18, 51–66. Merrotsy, P. (2008). The Wii Gaay Project. Education Research Journal, 1 (1), 1–9. Merrotsy, P., Cannon, P., Harding, K. & Ryan, E. (2008). The Lighthouse Project: Underachievement and disadvantage. Paper presented at the 10th Asia-Pacific Conference for Giftedness, Asia-Pacific Federation of the World Council for Gifted and Talented Children, Singapore, 14–17 July. Mignone, J. (2003). Measuring social capital: A guide for First Nations communities. Ottawa: Canadian Institute for Health Information. Minister’s National Working Group on Education (2002). Our children: Keepers of the sacred knowledge. Final report. Ottawa: Ministry of Indian Affairs. Ministry of Indian Affairs and Northern Development Canada (2009). Indian and Northern Affairs Canada. Available on-line at . Accessed 1 February 2009. O’Donnell, V. & Ballardin, A. (2006). Aboriginal peoples survey 2001 - Provincial and territorial reports: Offreserve Aboriginal population.Ottawa: Statistics Canada, Social and Aboriginal Statistics Division. Available on-line at: . Accessed 1 February 2009. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2001). The well-being of nations: The role of human and social capital. Education and skills. Centre for Educational Research and Innovation. Paris: OECD Publications. Pence, A., Kuehne, V., Greenwood-Church, M., Opekokew, M. & Mulligan, V. (1992). First Nations early childhood care education: The Meadowlake Tribunal Council/School of child and youth care curriculum development project. Multiculturalism, 14, (3), 15–17. Phillipson, S. & McCann, M. (Eds.) (2007). Conceptions of giftedness: Sociocultural perspectives. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Porter, T. (1993). Child rearing methods according to Mohawk traditions. Video. St. Regis Drug and Alcohol Division. Cornwall ON: KAV Productions. Ray, D. & Poonwassie, D. (1992). Education of cultural differences: New perspectives. New York: Garland Publishing. Renzulli, J. (2003). Conception of giftedness and its relationship to the development of social capital. In N. Colangelo & G. Davis (Eds.), Handbook of gifted education (3rd edition, pp. 75–87). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Rogoff, B., Mistry, J., Gonco, A. & Mosier, C. (1993). Guided participation in cultural activity by toddlers and caregivers. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 58 (8), No. 236. Stairs, A. & Bernhard, J. ( 2002). Considerations for evaluating good child care in Canadian Aboriginal early childhood settings. McGill Journal of Education, 37 (3), 309–330. Statistics Canada (2009). Selected 2006 census data on the Aboriginal identity population. Available on-line at . Accessed 1 February 2009. Tannenbaum, A. (1986). Giftedness: A psychological approach. In R.J. Sternberg and J.E. Davidson (Eds.), Conceptions of giftedness (pp. 21–52). New York: Cambridge University. Yellow Horse Brave Heart, M. (2005). Models for healing Indigenous survivors of historical trauma. Keynote address, Primary Health Care Conference on First Nation Health and Wellness, Winnipeg, 22–24 March. Yukon Department of Education (2007). Handbook for Yukon teachers. Whitehorse, YK: Department of Education. Available electronically at . Accessed 1 February 2009.

About the Authors Karen Kostenko completed her M.Ed, with a specialisation in the Education of Gifted and Talented Students, at the University of New England, Australia. She is currently a Special Needs teacher in a remote community in Canada. Peter Merrotsy is a Senior Lecturer in Gifted and Talented Education at the University of New England, Australia.

Address Dr. Peter Merrotsy, School of Education, University of New England, NSW, Australia 2351 e-Mail: [email protected]

50


Perfectionism of Academically Gifted Primary School Students: The Case of Japan Slavica Maksić; and Kumiko Iwasaki Abstract This study focuses on perfectionism in Japanese and North American academically gifted children as it pertains to their potential contribution in the countries seeking progress and global leadership. Perfectionist’ tendencies and the characteristics that typically reveal such tendencies are examined in academically gifted Japanese jukuschool students (N=195, average age 11 years 6 months) using the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (Frost et al., 1990). A comparison is made with the same age peers living in the United States of America from the Parker and Mills study conducted in 1996. The study revealed a stronger orientation towards perfectionism in academically gifted Japanese children than their American counterparts, especially in terms of their efforts to do their best in their own social milieu. Concluding remarks recognize the difficulties in conducting cross-cultural research.

Keywords: Gifted, perfectionism, primary school, Juku-school, Japan.

Introduction One of the most influential personal characteristics regarding performance and the full realization of potential is perfectionism. As such, it has become a variable of high interest during the last decade. Most observers consider perfectionism as being reflected in the tendency to avoid mistakes and master a number of different domains of human activities in everyday life. It may include setting high personal standards and unrealistic standards for significant others while endeavoring to live up to the expectations of those significant others (Hewitt & Flett, 1991). High levels of organization skills, concern over mistakes, doubts about actions, and obsessions are also commonly observed in perfectionists. They may be especially susceptible to high levels of parental expectation and criticism (Frost, Marten, Lahart & Rosenblate, 1990). Perfectionism has long been considered a common characteristic of gifted children. Roedel (1984) cites perfectionism as a reason for the vulnerability of highly gifted children. She described how gifted children suffer when an intense inner drive causes them to set, but not always achieve, impossible goals for themselves. Consequently, perfectionism can make gifted children perceive themselves as failures even though external evidence indicates

high levels of success. Belief in a capability beyond the normal stage may render gifted children unable to contemplate failure in anything they undertake. Whenever failure occurs they experience deep feelings of guilt (Roeper, 1982). Perfectionist tendencies were found in all socioeconomic and racial/ethnic groups for gifted students in grades six, seven, and eight (Schuler & Siegle, 1994, in: Schuler, 1999). Based on knowledge with respect to the degree of perfectionism and the form it may take, we can hypothesize about other important features of an individual’s behavior and reactions. Studies reveal a linkage between high socially-prescribed perfectionism and a variety of psychosocial adjustment problems, e.g., intense loneliness, shyness, fear of negative evaluation and lower levels of self-esteem (Flett, Hewitt & Derosa, 1996). Some aspects of perfectionism, concern over mistakes and doubts about actions in particular, are associated with acute levels of social anxiety, trait anxiety, and general psychopathology (Juster, Heimberg, Frost, Holt, Mattia, & Faccenda, 1996). There is a definite correlation between perfectionism and overexcitability (White, 2007). Perfectionists severely stressed for fear of making mistakes are also likely to be


51


preoccupied with suicidal thoughts (Adkins & Parker, 1996). Parker (1997) studied non-perfectionist, healthy and dysfunctional perfectionism in 820 academically talented sixth grade students. Non-perfectionist types were found to have low personal standards, low perceived parental expectations, low organization, and low total perfectionism scores. Healthy perfectionist types revealed low concern about making mistakes, low levels of parental criticism, low doubts about action, and the highest amount of organization. Dysfunctional perfectionist types showed the highest concern over mistakes, personal standards, parental expectations, perceived parental criticism, and doubts about their actions. The three groups were analyzed on self-description, personality traits, selfesteem and parental perceptions. Children belonging to the non-perfectionist type described themselves as disorganized and unreliable. Healthy perfectionism types measured as being the least neurotic, the most extroverted, most agreeable and most conscientious among the three groups. They also tended to be organized, dependable, and socially skilled. Members of the dysfunctional perfectionist group scored highest on neurosis and openness to experience, but lowest on agreeableness. However, Parker and Mills (1996) failed to find statistically significant differences in the frequency of various manifestations of perfectionism in gifted students compared with the general cohort. They did find that academically talented male and female students were similar in terms of levels of perfectionism. They also determined that these levels were higher than in the comparison group of females, but lower than in the comparison group of males. Overall, females were found to be more likely to be healthy perfectionists than males, and males were more likely to be nonperfectionists. The authors suggested the need for a finer distinction between healthy perfectionist strivings in pursuit of excellence and perfectionist strivings that initiate frustration and inhibit achievement. Schuler (1999) investigated perfectionism of gifted seventh and eighthgrade students who were participants in accelerated courses at their high school. The Majority of gifted adolescents were identified as having perfectionist tendencies. Nonperfectionists had lower scores on organization, personal standards, and perceived parental expectations than those who were healthy or

52

dysfunctional perfectionists. The majority of perfectionists were healthy perfectionists who possessed an intense need for order and organization; displayed self-acceptance of mistakes, and enjoyed high parental expectations. The dysfunctional perfectionists lived in a state of anxiety about making errors. Family, teachers, and peer influences on perfectionism were perceived as mostly positive for the healthy perfectionists, but negative for the dysfunctional perfectionists. Only few studies on perfectionism were conducted with Japanese students. One of the studies dealt with the relation of perfectionism to depression and hopelessness in college students. Levels of perfectionism were ascertained according to the Hewitt and Flett Scale which measured self-oriented, otheroriented and prescribed perfectionism. The author first showed that self-oriented, otheroriented, and socially-prescribed perfectionism subscales had high reliability and validity. After that, 163 Japanese students completed Japanese the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS) and Questionnaire of stressor, depression, and hopelessness scales. Selforiented perfectionism was found to be negatively correlated with hopelessness, though socially-prescribed perfectionism was found positively correlated with depression and hopelessness regardless of the degree of stressor (Ohtani & Sakurai, 1995). The ongoing processes of globalization and internationalization of knowledge, along with manifold patterns of migration around the world, lend intrigue to an international comparison of people’s tendencies to be better and/ or perfect. As people from different countries, with different educational and cultural backgrounds, intermingle and work together in pursuit of high levels of efficiency, there is an increasing need for the investigation of personality variables and the construction of instruments to measure them. Trans-cultural research is important and although many attempts to develop culture-free tests have not always been successful, social scientists have continued to develop them for good reason. The focus of our interest is on gifted children in Japan and in the United States of America (USA) and their inclination towards perfectionism. These two countries were chosen specifically as both are perceived as superpowers and compete with each other on the world stage. Comparing gifted children in these countries is particularly interesting as they


may have the potential as leaders of economic and technological progress in the near future. The comparison provides an opportunity to predict their effectiveness in situations where, although technological resources are similar,

human factors may be different yet critical to the success of any future endeavor. In general, the Japanese culture may be described as collectivistic compared with the culture in the USA, which is more individualistic.

Method Purpose of the research The aim and purpose of this study is to: a) Compare the incidence of perfectionism in academically talented children from two countries with different cultures, but similar goals in the world economy, b) Investigate the characteristics of Japanese children that are significantly related to perfectionism, c) Apply relevant research findings regarding perfectionism in gifted children’s perfectionism to the development of appropriate models of education and/or social emotional adjustment. The study was financially supported by the Japan Foundation, as well as by the institutes where the authors were associates. The research questions are therefore:  To what extent do Japanese academically gifted children have perfectionist` tendencies in comparison with American academically gifted children of the same age?  What are the relations between gifted children’s perfectionism and other personality characteristics (gender, self-esteem, attribution style, academic status and aspiration, career plans) in the Japanese sample?  How can we apply the findings of the study in the education of the gifted and talented?

Participants and their background Japanese academically gifted children were represented by a non-random selected sample of Juku-school students from Tokyo City (N=195), with age ranging from 10 years 2 months to 12 years 2 months (Table 1). The average age of the participants was 11 years 6 months. Japanese students had significantly higher academic and intelligence scores than population standards. The academic score was calculated as an average score of five examinations in Japanese language and mathematics, which happened regularly during the school year at juku-school (academic score: M=52.06, SD=9.21, t=3.11, df=193, p=. 002). IQ was measured by Tanaka AB style 1991, the Japanese standardized paper and pencil test of intelligence (IQ: M=121.62, SD=13.89, t=21.73, df =194, p=. 000). In sum, participants were of the above average intelligence, with high school achievement and very high self-perception of their academic status (M=4.50, Min=1, Max=5). Table 1: Gender structure of the Japanese sample. Male Female Total

F 108 87 195

% 55.4 44.6 100.0

Juku-school is an unique Japanese way of supplementary schooling along with regular schooling in the period of primary and secondary education. Juku-schools have their own curricular programs and activities for children of different ages, helping them to improve the knowledge they gain from regular schools. In big cities like Tokyo, several national and private six-year high schools have a high percentage of graduates who enter elite universities. Graduation from one of these elite universities provides opportunities to reach the highest positions in society. Enthusiastic parents whose own social background reflects high social status and cultural capital prefer their children attend a Juku-school to ensure supplementary studies and the necessary skill for entrance examinations for such six-year schools (Iwasaki & Maksic, 1998).


53


The comparison group consisted of 600 USA academically talented students randomly selected from a pool that participated in a national talent search (Parker & Mills, 1996). Subjects scored at or above the 97 th percentile on grade-level standardized tests in their school, and then they took the Secondary School Admission Test (SSAT). All of the students included in the talented group scored at or above the 70th percentile of the eighth grade SSAT norms while in the fifth grade. There were 399 males and 201 females with an average age of 11.98. Instruments The Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS) This instrument, originally developed by Frost, Marten, Lahart and Rosenblate (1990), was obtained from the Parker and Atkins study (1995). It was administered to the Japanese sample in much the same way as in the Parker and Mills (1996) study. The Japanese version of MPS was translated by Japanese native speakers, a qualified educational sociologist and revised by another professional, a psychologist. The MPS consists of 35 items covering six factors: Concern over Mistakes – CM (e. g., If I fail at school, I am a failure as a person); Personal Standards – PS (e.g., I set higher goals than most people); Organization – O (e.g., I am an organized person); Parental Expectations – PE (e.g., My parents wanted me to be the best at everything); Doubts about Actions – DA (e. g., It takes me a long time to do something “right”); Parental Criticism – PC (e.g., I never felt like I could meet my parents’ standards). The MPS total score is a linear combination of all subscale scores except for Organization. Parker and Adkins’ (1995) study found an overall internal reliability of 0.88 (subscales ranging from 0.57 to 0.95). Parker and Mills (1996) reported an internal reliability of 0.90 for the MPS Total with alphas for the subscales ranging from 0.77 to 0.93. The application of MPS in the Japanese sample resulted in 0.84 alpha for MPS Total, with alphas for the subscales ranging from 0.45 to 0.78. Parental Criticism and Doubts about Actions subscales had very low alphas, though others show usual values: CM α =.74; PS α =.72; PE α =.78; O α =.72; PC =.47; D alpha=. 45. The small number of items (PC and D subscales include only four items) may explain their low reliability coefficients. The Self-Esteem Scale (Cheek and Buss, 1981) This instrument consists of six items with four negative (e.g. I have a low opinion of myself) and two positive (e.g. I am basically worthwhile). In the Japanese version of the Self-Esteem Scale, three items were reversed, so it has three positive and three negative items (e.g. Things are not mixed up in my life). The internal reliability of the version used with the present sample was .80. Questionnaire exploring students’ perception of their academic status, academic aspirations, attribution style and career plans This instrument was especially designed for the present study. Children were asked to estimate their own academic status among classmates on a five-item Likert-type scale (from very high above to very low below). Academic aspirations were obtained by questions regarding what school achievement would be satisfying and what school achievement would not be satisfying for the child. The satisfaction could be expressed numerically on the continuum from zero (the lowest level of satisfaction) to 100 (the highest level of satisfaction). The question about child intention to study at the university has to be the indicator of his/her career plans: the children who wish to study at the university have high career plans against the children who have low career plans and are not interested in entering the university. Finally, the child could explain his/her school success and failure by seven reasons. Offered reasons for high school achievement were: “I studied very hard”; “My teachers taught me well”; “The test was easy”; “I have the ability to solve the problem”; “It happened to be the question I studied yesterday”: “The day I feel good”; “My family taught me very hard”. The list for bad school performance consisted of statements opposite to the reasons for good school performance: “I did not study very hard”; “My teachers did not teach me well”; “The test was difficult”; “I do not have

54


abilities to solve the problem”; “It did not happen to be the question I studied yesterday”; “The day I feel badly”; “My family did not teach me enough”. Each statement was estimated on a five-item Likert scale (from strongly agree to strongly disagree). The Questionnaire was constructed without piloting as a set of questions formulated on the basis of intuitive knowledge and experience of the Japanese author of the study. Intelligence test Cognitive ability levels in the Japanese students were estimated by using the Tanaka AB style 1991 version for children from nine to twelve years old (fourth to sixth grade). Tanaka AB Style, September 15, 1991, produced and distributed by Tanaka Kyoiky Kenkusho Educational Research Institute. This test consisted of seven subtests (verbal, numeric and figural). The same norms applied to males and females. The test produces general intelligence score as a Z score, as well as an Intelligence Quotient (IQ). The test was administered to the group as recommended. Students’ school achievement Students’ school achievement is represented by the average Z score of five examinations in Japanese language and mathematics, which happened regularly during the school year at the Jukuschool.

Data analysis A conscious decision was made by the authors to accept, as satisfactory data on the MPS, the internal reliability of the Japanese sample to facilitate a comparison between Japanese and American academically gifted children’s perfectionism. Data analysis began with the calculation of correlations among the subscales of the MPS with the Japanese sample. Differences between the populations were tested by a t-test of independent means. The Pearson product-moment correlation coefficient was used to measure the relational strength between different aspects of Japanese students’ perfectionism and variables such as self-esteem, perception of academic status, academic aspirations and attribution style. Discriminate function analyses were applied to explore possible differences associated with gender, career plans, the perfectionism of males and females and between students who intended to enter university and those who did not. Interrelations among perfectionism subscores and MPS Total revealed that the subscores of perfectionism were moderately to highly correlated in the Japanese sample (Table 2). Scores on Concern over Mistakes, Personal Standards and Parental Expectations have the highest correlations with MPS Total. There are no significant correlations between: Parental Criticism and Doubts about Actions; Parental Criticism and Parental Expectations; Organization and Doubts about Actions; Parental Expectations and Doubts about Actions. The interrelations among subscales have values similar to results from the Frost, Marten, Lahart and Rosenblate (1991) study of female college students from an elite American university. Table 2: Intercorrelations among the subscales of the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS) in Japanese sample (N = 195). Scale Concern over Mistakes (CM) Personal Standards (PS) Parental Expectations (PE) Parental Criticism (PC) Doubts about Actions (D) Organization (O) Note: * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01

PS .48**

PE .47** .53**

PC .20** .20** .11


D .38** .19** .13 .03

O .33** .54** .28** .20** .11

MS .84* .78* .73* .33* .48* .46*

55


Results The first research question considers the differences in perfectionism between Japanese and American academically gifted students. Data on American students’ perfectionism are taken from the study of Parker and Mills (1996). Table 3 describes how the compared groups of youngsters differ significantly in all aspects of perfectionism, including MPS Total. While Japanese academically gifted children have higher scores on Concern over Mistakes, Parental Expectations, Parental Criticism, and Doubt about Actions, USA academically gifted children score higher on Personal Standards and Organization. Table 3: Means and Standard Deviations for subscales and total score on Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS) in Japanese and American sample, with the results of t test. Scale Concern over Mistakes Personal Standards Parental Expectations Parental Criticism Doubts about Actions Organization MPS total

Japanese students Mean SD 22.20 5.93 22.27 4.74 15.91 4.10 11.05 1.85 13.51 2.86 20.20 4.00 84.93 13.68

American students Means SD 18.09 5.61 23.49 4.66 13.77 4.09 6.77 2.68 8.95 2.74 20.91 5.41 71.09 13.63

t 8.52** 3.14** 6.34** 24.80** 19.55** 1.96* 12.28**

Note: * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01 The following part of the study is devoted to analyses of the relations between perfectionism in Japanese children and certain relevant characteristics, i.e., school achievement, self-esteem, academic status and level of aspiration. The most discriminate variable among those chosen is selfesteem (Table 4). Correlations of self-esteem with the majority of perfectionist aspects are consistently negative. A higher score on self-esteem is associated with lower scores on Concern over Mistakes, Parental Expectations and Doubts about Actions. Self-esteem has only one significant positive correlation and it is with Organization. Higher academic aspirations are connected with higher Personal Standards, Organization and Parental Expectations. Although correlations are low, they are nevertheless significant. Table 4: Correlations of the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS) total and subscales scores with Japanese student’s IQ, school achievement, self-esteem, perception of academic status, satisfactory and unsatisfactory school achievement. Subscales are Concern over Mistakes (CM), Personal Standards (PS), Parental Expectations (PE), Parental Criticism (PC), Doubts about Actions (D), and Organization (O). IQ School achievement Self-esteem Perception of academic status Satisfactory school achievement Unsatisfactory school achievement

CM -.03 -.04 -.36** -.06

PS .16* .14 -.01 .11

PE -.02 -.08 -.18** -.03

PC .03 -.07 -.11 -.06

D -.19* -.13 -.22** -.10

O .08 .03 .19** .04

MPS .01 -.03 -.28** -.02

.08

.22**

.14*

-.08

-.07

.15*

.13

.10

.15*

-.02

-.01

-.04

.10

.08

Note: * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01 Children’s’ intelligence (IQ) and their juku-school achievement are variables that are conditionally included in Table 4 because of the fact that participants are highly selected on both of them. The Japanese sample was quite homogeneous with both very high intelligence and school achievement. In the same vein, when estimating their own academic status, a great number of children considered themselves as having a very high academic status among their classmates. Taken together, these results could reasonably explain why self-evaluation along with school achievement showed no significant correlations with perfectionism. However, IQ was significantly

56


correlated with scores on Personal Standards and Doubts about Actions, while specifically higher IQ correlated with higher Personal Standards and lower Doubts about Actions. Table 5: Correlations of the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS) total and subscales scores with Japanese student’s explanation of his success. Subscales are Concern over Mistakes (CM), Personal Standards (PS), Parental Expectations (PE), Parental Criticism (PC), Doubts about Actions (D), and Organization (O). Explanation Studied Helped by teachers Easy test High ability Studied the day before the test Good day Family support

CM .12 .10 .04 .11 .20**

PS .18** .15* .01 .23** .05

PE .16* .07 .01 .17* -.01

PC -.01 .09 .02 -.07 .09

D .06 -.01 .15* -.07 .38**

O .20** .12 -.07 .26** .05

MPS .17* .12 .06 .16* .19**

.06 .04

.12 .04

-.02 .04

-.11 -.05

-.01 .03

.09 .06

.04 .04

Note: * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01 Attribution style lies at the root of child’s perception of success and failure at school. Some reasons gifted children used to explain their success are significantly correlated with their perfectionist tendencies (Table 5). The students who attributed their success to “Studying” or being “Highly able” had higher scores on Organization, Personal Standards, and Parental Expectation. Attribution of success to “Having an easy question on the test” is more frequently noted among children who had higher scores on Doubt about their Actions. Higher levels of Doubt about Actions and Concern over Mistakes are also associated with another frequent explanation for success, i.e., “Studying just before the test”. Finally, higher scores on Personal Standards are most frequently connected with “Having helpful teachers”, who enable their students’ success. Table 6: Correlations of the Multidimensional Perfectionism Scale (MPS) total and subscales scores with Japanese student’s explanation of his failure. Subscales are Concern over Mistakes (CM), Personal Standards (PS), Parental Expectations (PE), Parental Criticism (PC), Doubts about Actions (D), and Organization (O). Explanation Did not study Not helped by teachers Difficult test Low ability Did not study the day before the test Bad day No family support

CM -.01 .04 .05 .19**

PS -.09 .09 .03 -.04

PE -.05 .04 .03 .04

PC -.04 .07 .12 -.03

D .18* .05 .03 .18*

O -.02 .03 -.01 -.06

MPS -.02 .08 .06 .12

.21** .12 .15*

.09 .09 .06

.07 -.05 .19**

.07 .07 .07

.17* .03 .07

.02 .10 .01

.19** .09 .16*

Note: * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01 The children had opportunity to attribute their failure at school to negative causes (Table 6). Based on their responses, Japanese academically gifted children are clearly very insightful about why they feel unsuccessful. Those who cited “Lack of ability” or effort more frequently also expressed higher Doubts about Actions. Those students who most frequently attributed failure to “Not studying just before the test” or “Lack of appropriate support of their family” reported higher scores on Concern over Mistakes. “Lack of family support” was found to be the most frequent explanation for failure in children who had higher scores on perceived Parental Expectations. The next research question refers to differences with respect to perfectionism among Japanese boys and girls, and those students who are and are not interested in a university education. It was found that academically gifted children who plan to go to university differ from children who do not plan or still have not decided about further education in Organization (Wilks =0.90, 2=19.44, df=6, p 2 years the mean rivalry was 1.96 (SD=.84). These differences were not significant either.



Rivalry and age

Table 4: Rivalry by age. Sibling Age

Mean

< 10 >= 10 < 12 >= 12 < 15 >= 15 < 18 >= 18

2.05 1.77 2.04 1.73 2.00 1.70 1.96 1.64

Standard Deviation

Sig.

0.75 0.73 0.79 0.68 0.80 0.62 0.79 0.56

ns p