Draft Publication: An Information Society in Africa? An ...

Draft Publication: An Information Society in Africa? An analysis of the Information Society policy of the World Bank, ITU and ECA1

Published in International Communication Gazette 12/1999: 61(6):451-471 Gert Nulens & Leo Van Audenhove Researchers Studies on Media Information and Telecommunication (SMIT) Free University Brussels (VUB), Pleinlaan 2, 1050 BRUSSELS, Belgium Tel.: 0032 2 629 24 13 / Fax: 0032 2 629 28 61 [email protected] - [email protected]

Keywords: information society, telecommunication, Africa, World Bank, ITU, ECA

Autobiographical information: Since 1996 two of SMIT’s researchers have worked on an integrated research project with regard to ICT policies in developing countries. Gert Nulens’ research involves a comparative analysis of normative ICT policies of international organisations (World Bank, ITU, ECA) and their implementation—in the form of programmes and projects— in Southern Africa. Leo Van Audenhove is conducting research on national telecommunication and ICT policy in South Africa.

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Abstract: The widespread belief in the benefits of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) in a developmental context is shared and fostered by international organisations. In recent years they have introduced a multitude of programmes and initiatives in this field. This article sets out to critically analyse the formal ICT policy of three international organisations, namely the World Bank, the International Telecommunications Union (ITU) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA). In order to do so, policy is analysed according to three dichotomies which are central to the debate on the Information Society: the dichotomoy materialism/idealism, technophilia/technophobia and market/state. As is the case for Europe (see Burgelman 1997) it will be argued that discourses on the Information Societies in developing countries do often not transcend these simplistic dichotomic pairs.

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Introduction

Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) play an important part in political, economical and socio-cultural globalisation processess. The fact that one speaks of an emerging Information Society in the North illustrates the prominent role attributed to ICTs in the transformation of society. The benefits of ICTs are not considered confined to the West alone. Several observers believe that the widespread use of ICTs in developing countries will improve the economic and social situation of the third world populations as well. Technological innovation in ICT and the drastic coming down of prices will enable Africa to ‘leapfrog’ stages of development and catch up with the Global Information Society. In order to profit from ICTs it is proposed to open up markets, introduce competition and deregulate the ICT sector. The widespread belief in the benefits of ICTs in a developmental context is shared and fostered by international organisations. In recent years they have introduced a multitude of programmes and initiatives in this field. Their impact is however not confined to the implementation of specific programmes alone. By way of support in policy formulation processes, policy assessments, conditional loans, etc. they can have considerable influence on policy formulation in developing countries. This article sets out to critically analyse the formal ICT policy of three international

organisations,

namely

the

World

Bank,

the

International

Telecommunications Union (ITU) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA). In order to do so, policy is analysed according to three dichotomies which are central to the debate on the Information Society: the dichotomoy materialism/idealism, technophilia/technophobia and market/state. As is the case for Europe (see Burgelman 1997) it will be argued that discourses on the Information

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Societies in developing countries do often not transcend these simplistic dichotomic pairs. In the first part of this article a framework is outlined in which the three dichotomies are linked with general paradigms on communication and development. The second part consists of a comparative analysis of the formal policies, its underlying assumptions, evolutions and contradictions. In the final part it will be demonstrated, by linking the analysis of the ICT policy of the World Bank, ITU and ECA to the theoretical framework, that general ICT discourses and policies with regard to Africa largely fit into the dominant paradigm and into dichotomic thinking.

1. ICT Discourses and Development

1.1. ICTs and Society, Power and Regulation

As mentioned earlier, many Western analyses and forecasts with regard to the Information Society are based on rather simplistic dichotomies (Burgelman 1997). The first dichotomy idealism versus materialism refers to the relation ICT and society. The second dichotomy technophilia versus technophobia points to the positive or negative interpretation of individual and societal consequences of ICTs. The last dichotomy market versus state refers to the relation between market and state in the regulation of ICT. In the following chapters those dichotomies are briefly elaborated. Afterwards, in the critique on the World Bank, ITU and ECA, these dichotomies will be questioned.

1.1.1. ICT and society: idealism versus materialism. The relation between media and society has always been at the centre of scholarly debate in communication sciences.

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Rosengren has devided communication theories into four main categories pointing to the influence of media on society and vice versa. The four main categories are autonomy, interdependence, idealism and materialism. Although some authors claim that theoretical thinking on the relation between media and society is shifting in the direction of the pair autonomy/interdependence (Tehranian 1990), recent discussions about the role of ICTs and the Information Society are still centered around the dichotomy idealism/materialism. Some authors state that, due to a massive introduction of ICTs in all areas of society, Western states are entering a totally new stage of development, the so-called Information Society. The idealistic assumption of this view is that technology, in this case ICT, is the main driving force of social change and that technology is neutral and transferable from one context to another. Others argue that the ‘information revolution’ is not a break with the past, but just the next stage of capitalism. The underlying materialistic assumption reverses the causal influence of the idealistic stance and emphasizes the importance of societal structures. Technology (e.g. ICT) is not perceived as neutral. On the contrary, the evolution of technology is seen as a logic consequence of the society in which it is produced. With regard to technology transfer to developing countries, Western technologies are often believed to inhibit Western norms and values. Transferred technology may thus be inappropriate in other social, economical and political contexts.

1.1.2. ICT and power: technophilia versus technophobia. In his book ‘Technologies of Power’ Tehranian uses the concepts of technophilia and technophobia to describe the relation between ICT and democracy. Tehranian defines technophilia in terms of the dispersion of power through the use of ICTs, whereas technophobia refers to the concentration of power by way of ICTs (Tehranian 1990:20). The same concepts can be

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broadened to classify views on how people perceive the future impact of ICTs on society. What is important to notice is that both concepts, although to some extent analytical, basically refer to an interpretation of anticipated outcomes of certain processes. In the technophilic view the current and future impacts of ICT are perceived as basically positive. The widespread use of ICT will lead to an increase in jobs, an expansion of diversity and pluralism, a harmonization of society, an increase in efficiency in private and public sectors, etc. With regard to developing countries technophiles hold that the information revolution will provide these countries the opportunity to leapfrog stages of development, leading to a more balanced and equal world society (Dordick 1987:20-21). On the other side, in the technophobic view, the same technologies and processes are interpreted as fundamentally negative for society. Increased communication within subcultures may lead to isolation and radicalisation of subcultures. An increased fragmentation of society is thus more likely to be the result. Other negative consequences attributed to the widespread introduction of ICTs include: automatization and a resulting decline of jobs, the growing opportunity of surveillance and control of employees and citizens, a homogenization of information, and a growing gap between info-rich and info-poor.

1.1.3. ICT and regulation: market versus state. The third relation is that between ICT and regulation, this refers to the dichotomy market versus state. On the one hand a free market mechanism is proposed to be the best way to lead Africa into an IS. So markets have to open up for international competition which will lead in the end to cheaper, more efficient and wide-spread ICTs. The argument often used to promote this liberalization of telecommunication markets is that developing countries have no other

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choice. Expanding telecommunication networks will cost a lot of money. In most cases domestic sources of capital are too small, so investment by foreign companies in a liberalized market seems to be the only solution (Deane &Opoku-Mensah, 1997: 10). On the other hand a non-market route is proposed as the only way towards an information society for all. The market approach for developing countries is criticized because those countries could increasingly become dependent on foreign capital, technology and expertise; because the telecommunication sector is a reliable source of income for a country - although profits gained in the ICT sector often flow to other sectors or to corrupt ministers and public servants instead of being reinvested (Winsbury 1994:26) - and because it is argued that private companies have totally no interest in serving other people than the rich urban part of society (Deane &OpokuMensah, 1997:14-15). In this view the only route towards an equal and wide-spread information society is through strong state intervention.

1.2. Paradigms on Communication and Development

The relation between communication and development can be looked at from different perspectives. Traditionally these perspectives are divided into two schools of thought, often referred to as mainstream -or dominant- and critical thinking. In this paragraph we briefly outline these schools’ perception of the relation between ICT, socio-economic development and policy. A lot of the debate within and between theories on communication and development centre around the dichotomies outlined above. Figure 1 gives an overview of the relation between these theories and the dichotomies.

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1.2.1. Dominant school. Within the dominant (or mainstream, or liberal) tradition a distinction can be made between two main strands: the modernist and the neo-liberal theories. In general the modernist tradition is rather positive about the impact of ICTs in developing countries. A lot of research within this tradition stresses the pervasive potentials of technology for social, cultural and economic development (Tsui 1991:70; e.g. Pool 1990:83). As technology is largely seen as neutral, research is directed at the organisational and institutional factors impeding the unfolding of the technology’s potentials (Tsui 1991; e.g. Hudson 1997:198). Within a developmental context ICT and telecommunication, as important means of sharing information, are considered an important link in the chain of the development process (Hudson 1997:185). The use of ICT serves society as a whole, both in economic terms by way of increased efficiency, effectiveness and equity, but also in social terms through social service delivery (Hudson 1997:189; Parker & Hudson 1995:xxvi). According to some authors government has to play an important stimulating role in the adoption and use of ICTs for social and economic development. They propose to move towards an integrated approach between ICT and development policy, taking economic as well as social implications of policies into consideration (Parker & Hudson 1995:xxxi). This view of active government involvement is however not shared by all modernisation authors. Pool does plead for an accelerated use of ICT for development, but argues that the pervasive benefits of modern ICTs are best served in a more liberal national and international evnironment. Government and governmental action have been the major obstacles in the development of the sector and the use of these technologies in developing countries (Pool 1990:202-203). Within neo-liberal theory, authors working in the field of ICT and telecommunications perceive technology as an important mover of social and economic development. However, most research within this tradition has primarly been concerned

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with questions regarding the efficiency and effectiveness of the sector and its underlying

organisation.

Neo-liberal

authors

argue

that

monopolistic

telecommunication operators and state intervention have hindered the development of the sector and have thus curtailed its contribution to general development. Although they recognise that the use of ICT is characterised by externalities, they argue that the development of the sector and society as a whole, is best served by a liberalisation of the sector. Social policy, restricted to universal access, can be part of government regulation. The main advocates of neo-liberal strategies for telecommunications restructuring in the South have been the IMF, the World Bank and its related authors. In general the dominant view tends to take an idealistic and technophile stance with regard to the relation technology and society, and its consequences for power. However, with regard to the relation market versus state, the neo-liberal recommendation tends to plead for minimal government intervention, while the modernists tend to see government as a facilitator and as an important constituting factor of market economics (see Figure 1).

1.2.2. Critical school. The critical school can also be divided into two main streams of thought. The first one, the dependista theory, is most clearly inspired by marxism. It mainly focuses on the structural conditions shaping international communications and its results on the economical, political and cultural spheres of developing countries. New developments in the ICT sector -such as satellite broadcasting, the growth of transborder data communication and the concentration of databanks in the hands of a few transnational corporations- are considered to be the mere reproduction of old patterns of dependence (Reeves 1993:32). The proliferation of information and communications technology is perceived as an evolution in function of transnational industrial and service corporations. Commercialisation and consolidation, by way of

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major mergers and alliances by transnational corporations, have devastating effects on the access to information, on the quality and diversity of information. As information and telecommunication technologies are part of what Schiller calls an all-servicesupplying cultural media-environment these technologies are considered vehicles of cultural imperialism (Schiller 1993:100). At the policy level early versions of dependency theory pleaded for a complete and radical rejection of the capitalist system and for a dissociation from the worlds capitalist markets (Tsui 1991:73-74). The ‘national state’ was seen as the driving force of development and thus the locus of revolutionary change in the public interest. Within the critical school a second school can be distinguished, a school referred to in diverse terms as communitarianism, participatory communication, multiplicity and another development. These contributions are characterised by a more inward looking perspective. Its main locus of analysis is situated at the micro level of the community. It stresses the cultural aspects of communication and development, and argues against a linear approach to development. The communitarian stance on ICT is rather ambivalent. Early research rejects modern communication technology and emphasizes alternative and popular communication strategies (Nair & White 1993:16). More recent contributions however stress the possibilities of interactive ICT -low cost satellite communication, video, computer-networking- for local level communication of a participatory nature (Nair & White 1993:13). These new technologies possess the possibility to transfer the control over technology from powerfull agents to the people themselves. Tehranian points out that technology is neither good nor bad. Each technology

has

democratic

as

well

as

authoritarian

characteristics.

Their

implementation and impact is mediated by the context in which they operate (Tehranian 1990). At the policy level, the communitarian approach starts from the community level. It emphasizes self-management, self-reliance, the right to communicate,

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indigenous knowledge and people’s participation in decision making and change (Nair & White 1993:16). Dependency theory’s stance on the relation between ICT and society is clearly rooted in a materialistic technophobic view. ICT is part and parcel of society and has rather negative impacts on society. Although communitarianism can be seen as part of the critical school, its view is more balanced. Communitarianists argue that technology is part of society, but has inherent qualities which have a societal impact. Tehranian therefore labels this view as characterised by interdependence. Its view on the relation between ICT and power is therefore much more cautious and could be labeled as technostructuralist. A technology’s development and use largely

depends on the

context in which it is implemented. The critical school is rather averse to the market as regulating institution. However, communitarianists do not share the optimism of the dependistas in their sole reliance on the state.

Figure 1 about here

2. ICT Policies of International Organisations

The following chapter consists of a comparative analysis of the formal ICT policies for Africa of the World Bank, ITU and ECA. The discussion of these organisations is relevant for several reasons. Over the years, the World Bank has had a considerable impact on policy and policy discourse on ICT in developing countries. Its influence stems from programmes in policy assistance, institution building, private sector support and involvement in a multitude of ICT related projects (InfoDev, AISI, World Links for Development, etc.) Furthermore the institution influences policy and scholarly debate through the production of a high amount of ICT related literature.

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Although historically the ITU played an important role in the field of international (tele)communication, its influence has in recent years diminished in favour of other organisations such as the World Bank and the WTO. The ITU still plays an important role in the ICT sector, as it provides a platform for discussion on ICT related subjects by way of its African Telecommunication Development Conferences. And in 1996 the organisation published its African Green Paper, a document focusing on the prospects and strategies for the development of telecommunication infrastructure in Africa. The role of the ECA in the field of ICT policy is less clear. In the past the ECA has had a rather weak reputation when it comes to implementing policy. However, since the ECA adopted its Africa’s Information Society Initiative (AISI): An Action Framework to Build Africa’s Information and Communication Infrastructure, the organisation seems to have a growing influence on policy formation in Africa. The AISI Action Framework is widely regarded as a guiding framework on which to base information and communication activities in Africa and is supported by several African governments and international donors (a.o. World Bank, ITU, IDRC, Unesco).

2.1. World Bank

The next chapter reconstructs the evolution of the ‘formal’ World Bank policy concerning ICT. The documents analysed include Annual Reports, World Development Reports, thematic reports, books, articles, discussion papers, policy recommendations and internet pages. It is important to note that these documents originate from different departments in the World Bank. This diversity makes it difficult to construct a consistent image of the ICT policy of the World Bank. As will be pointed out later, some ICT-specialists seem to have a more balanced and subtle view on ICT than the

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‘classic’ telecommunication specialists of the Bank. Although one may jump to the conclusion that there is no such thing as a consistent ICT policy, we hold that there is a dominant view within the World Bank that can be distilled from the multitude of views and reports. In the following paragraph we will compare those different views and the recent changes in the policy discourse which might be an indication of a new and more balanced ICT policy.

2.1.1. World Bank’s Policy. In the Bank’s annual reports, Third World development is almost solely connected with economic growth (World Bank 1989:87). Development is defined in a broader sense in the World Development Reports. In the Bank’s 1991 World Development Report ‘The Challenge of Development’ development is circumscribed as the improvement of the quality of life, defined in terms of higher incomes, better education, higher food and health standards, a cleaner environment, more equality of opportunities, more individual freedom and a richer cultural life. However, after defining quality of life in such broad terms, the report completely focuses its attention on the economic sphere (World Bank 1991:1-4). From the first pages onwards, ‘The Challenge of Development’ constitutes a plea in favour of the free market mechanism. Although it seems to reserve an important role for government, this role is largely confined to the creation of an enabling environment in which the private sector can flourish. The 1994 World Development Report, ‘Infrastructure for Development’, illustrates the Bank’s concern with infrastructure as a precondition for sustainable development. Especially telecommunications has been regarded of prime importance for development in the globalising economy. In ‘Infrastructure for Development’ the World Bank proposes strategies to accelerate the development of infrastructure to meet the continuously increasing demand for telecommunication services. According to the

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Bank, the ICT sector should consist of a multiple and competitive structure with a mix of private and public service providers, who use different technologies and offer services which are suited to the consumers’ wishes. In this scenario, monopolies have to be avoided because they usually meet a limited demand. As for provincial regions in countries with poor telecommunication provisions, companies can use alternative technologies to offer basic services, making monopolies and governmental intervention unnecessary (World Bank 1994b:114,116). Highly enlightening are the World Bank’s ‘Discussion Papers’, because of their socalled critical stance. The World Bank distances itself from the content and views of these independent research papers. However, although these papers are intended to encourage the discussion on specific issues, it is curious that most papers fall within the neo-liberal framework of free markets, deregulation and privatization propagated by the Bank (see Kessides 1993; Bruno 1995). Most of these papers seem to a large extent to confirm already established World Bank views and to restrict the discussion more than to enlarge it (see e.g. Bruno 1995, World Bank 1994a).

At the implementation level loans for investment and restructuring of telecommunication are in line with the Banks general discourse on privatization and liberalization. Indeed the World Bank loans with regard to telecommunication increasingly fit into this ‘New Agenda’. In the ‘Old Agenda’ the World Bank tried to improve public services and support new investments, through the IBRD (International Bank for Reconstruction and Development) and the IDA (International Development Association) in cooperation with the ITU. The ‘New Agenda’ stresses competition and private participation. The new partners are the IFC (International Finance Corporation) and the MIGA (Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency) (World Bank 1994a:35-40; Urey 1995:116,119). The difference between IBRD/IDA and IFC/MIGA roughly

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comes down to the point that the former gives loans to governments while the latter supports private investors (World Bank, 1995). To put it in another way, the Bank’s policy has evolved towards a market-driven approach. In the joint World Bank/IFC Seminar ‘Telecommunications Sector. Background and Bank Group Issues’ telecommunication specialists of the Bank illustrate the strong belief in the power of this market by stating that ‘once the market has been allowed to run its course, some areas that are not commercially viable may still need to be connected. At that time the amount of subsidy needed, and who would pay, can be addressed. In many contries the residual subsidy is likely to be quite small’ (World Bank 1994a:25). This market oriented view contrasts with the the more balanced views of Eduardo Talero, a World Bank’s informatics specialist. According to him the Bank’s telecommunication policy acknowledges that every country has a unique character and has to choose its own path of development and technology mix. Some principles, such as competition and commercialization of services, however, are universal (Talero 1995:12). In cooperation with Gaudette, a World Bank consultant, Talero wrote the Discussion Paper ‘Harnessing Information for Development. A proposal for a World Bank Group Strategy’. The authors believe ICTs can have pervasive capabilities in developing countries, not only on an economical level, but also on a social level (more democratic, friendlier to the environment, etc.) as long as countries ‘adjust’ their policy (Talero & Gaudette 1996). In an earlier electronic discussion of this paper it is argued that information technologies can only be succesful when psychological, social and institutional issues are taken into consideration. The Bank’s reaction on the warning that ICT could become the technology of the rich is a more classical one. The World Bank argues that this evolution will only materialise when the free market is restricted or when

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governments continue to monopolise the telecommunication sector. The Bank however is aware of the fact that liberalization will not automatically alleviate poverty. Therefore it intends to search for solutions to this problem in cooperation with the private sector and NGOs but also with governments, which can play an important role as policy makers, as heavy users of ICTs and as compensators for market failures (Talero 1995:10-11, Talero & Gaudette 1996). What strikes one most in this recent document is the attention given to noneconomic factors. This tendency doesn’t seem to be unfamiliar to the global World Bank policy. Recently the Bank declared that in the future it will pay more attention to local capacities, social aspects and the policy issues of development (De Morgen 1997:10). Very recent documents of the World Bank, such as the World Development Report of 1997 ‘The State in a Changing World’, gives also a more subtle approach to the problem. The basic message of this report has two parts: matching the state’s role to its capabilities (do less), raise state capabilities by reinvigorating public institutions (do better). The ultimate goal is to set economics on the upward path (World Bank, 1997). What the impact will be of this change, still is a question. The evolution to more moderate, less extreme views on ICT in the World Bank only happened very recently. Obviously an organisation of more than 6500 people can not change completely in one or two years. The image, concerning telecommunation and information technology policy, the World Bank presents in its own documents can be summarized as follows: 1) the ‘New Agenda’ which focuses on privatizations and liberalizations, 2) the strong belief in the power of information technology, 3) a limited role for the government (legal framework and social aspects), 4) more attention for socio-cultural and contextual aspects of ICT. However, as mentioned before, the general reports of the Bank seem to be much more ‘radical’ than the documents of its ICT-specialists.

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2.1.2. Evaluation of the World Bank Policy. The World Bank’s policy has been the subject of heavy criticism for years. Critics argue that five decennia of development aid by the World Bank did not have the desired effect. According to these critics the World Bank forced the developing countries to adopt neo-liberal structural adjustment policies (Chossudovsky 1994:35). Since the early 80’s these policies included the privatization of public companies such as the telecommunication companies. This focus on privatizations and liberalizations has been interpreted as the real reason of the involvement of the Bank in the telecommunication sector (Drahos & Joseph 1995:625). American multinationals, the US-congress and the US-administration are accused of urging the World Bank to promote these privatizations in the telecommunication sector (Urey 1995:131-132), which would be particularly beneficial for foreign capital (Chossudovsky 1994:39). Recent documents of the World Bank increasingly put issues of human welfare on the agenda. However, the notorious Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) of the World Bank, which are forcing governments to cut back on social welfare spendings, have often deteriorated the situation (access to education, child mortality, medical care, etc.) (Watkins 1994:88-89). In this case the duality of the World Bank policy becomes apparent. On the one hand the Articles of Agreement, the charter that establishes the fundamental structure of the Bank, forbid the organisation to base its policy on political and non-economical grounds (Rich 1994:51). In this respect it is perfectly legitimate that the social consequences of the SALs are not taken into consideration by the IMF and the World Bank. Those aspects do not belong, in their view, to their economic mandate. Social costs do not weigh up against economic benefits (Chossudovsky 1994:41).

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On the other hand several World Bank documents point at the social and political aspects of development. However in the end the organisation argues it is a government’s duty to address these issues. So the World Bank wants to seize the profitable sectors and pass the negative social aspects of them to the governments. In other words: ‘carte blanche’ in economic issues and ignorance of the social consequences. The Bank’s telecommunication restructurings were no exception to this rule. The privatization and deregulation discourses are criticized for only highlighting international telecommunication services, which are particularly interesting for the world of business and finances. Less attention was given to the communication needs of the common people (Urey 1995:113-114). The World Bank’s world view and the dominant view on communication and development are much alike. Hence the criticism of that paradigm also largely applies to the World Bank. Development is simplified to quantitative variables. Very little attention is payed to the complexity of transformation processes and to the different consequences of economic, political and cultural macro-processes with regard to the local level. Although the Bank pays more attention to poverty and social issues in its latest documents, the overal ideology of the Bank has hardly changed. An integration of socio-cultural and contextual aspects into the modernization mix does not mean that the general world view of the Bank has changed completely. To put it cynically, one can adopt the methods of Paulo Freire to market the Western political economy (Mosco 1996:131).

2.2. International Telecommunication Union

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The International Telecommunication Union is less controversial than the highly criticized World Bank. The organisation is specialized in those areas which are less ideological such as technical interface standards and admission and registration of frequences. However, because of the commercialization of the sector, ideological issues do affect this technologically oriented organisation (Kelly 1994:39). Because in the 90s the willingness of the member states to fund the ITU declined, the organisation was obliged to open up towards the private sector (Tarjanne 1992:13). This trend is criticized by the developing countries, arguing that these companies are already represented by their respective home countries (Urey 1995:127). In this chapter we will focus on the African Green Paper (1996), a document considered as complementary to the Action Framework AISI of the ECA (see next chapter).

2.2.1. ITU’s policy. The most famous document of the ITU is The Missing Link of 1985. In that document the Maitland Commission pointed at the miserable position of telecommunications in developing countries. The main recommendations were: more investments in telecommunication are needed, existing networks have to be improved (with regard to technique, personnel and management), financial agreements have to take into consideration the limited amount of foreign currency, the ITU has to play a more effective role (Maitland 1993:14). According to Maitland the use of telecommunication in the Third World is not limited to economic and social progress. An effective telecommuncation network can also improve the educational system and thus enrich national cultures and tighten social bonds (Maitland 1986:14). The ITU came under fire after the break-through of neo-liberalism, in the mid 80s. In the US it was argued that the organisation had become to politicized (Codding 1984:435) and favoured the concept of PTT monopolies. Feketekuty and Aronson,

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supporters of the neo-liberal system, stated that the ITU was to restrictive and was outdistanced by the rapid developments in the communication sector (Feketekuty & Aronson 1986:158). At the World Administrative Telephone and Telegraph Conference (WATTC) in 1988 the different actors clashed on the subject of deregulation of global telecommunications. The then Secretary-General of the ITU, Butler, proposed a compromis which partly met the demands of deregulation, thus causing a significant weakening of the ITU (Mahoney 1992:201-202). Bellchambers, ITU representative, warns that without an efficient ITU, market competition will end up in a complete chaos (Bellchambers 1994:32,34). In 1996 the ITU published a new paper on telecommunications policy in Africa: the African Green Paper. This Paper recognises the growing importance of ICTs as determinants of the globalisation process (ITU 1996:art.33). According to the Green Paper, the traditional approach based on state-owned telecommunication operators has shown its limitations (ITU 1996:art.11). It proposes a new strategy based on the liberalisation of telecommunications. This strategy comprises the separation of the regulatory functions from operational ones to create fair competitive markets (ITU 1996:art.84-86), the granting of a large autonomy to the public telecom operator in order to ensure flexibility and authority (ITU 1996:rec.5.1), the constitution of an autonomous National Regulatory Authority (NRA) as an arbiter between the state, the public telecom operator, commercial service providers and consumers (ITU 1996:art.85-87). The African Green Paper does not recommend a liberalisation which leads to an immediate privatisation of the public telecom operator. It recommends a separation of basic services from value added services in which the public operator should initially be granted a monopoly on the operation and provision of basic telephone services offered on a universal basis (ITU 1996:art.118, rec.4.1). The document puts a considerable

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stress on the necessity of constituting an independent National Regulatory Authority, which has to regulate the market and introduce fair competition (ITU 1996:art.83-90). Although the Green Paper does not deliberate the issue explicitly, it seems to support a gradual shift towards liberalisation while building up an appropriate institutional framework for regulation. According to Yoshio Utsumi, Deputy Minister of Posts and Telecommunications in Japan and candidate for the post of ITU Secretary General, telecommunications forms the foundation for economic and social development (Utsumi 1998:37). He argues that the ITU is uniquely placed to act as a custodian of the universal right to have access to ICTs. The organisation can fullfil that role by: acting as a catalyst for private-sector investment to introduce the technology and services that are most appropriate to meet a country’s needs; expanding its advisory role to help developing countries, in particular, to attract investment and use it wisely; promoting transfers of technology and, especially, development of human resources (Utsumi 1998:38). In other words, Utsumi wants to combine the principles of market liberalisation and privatization with universal access to information and communication technology. The formal ITU policy can thus be summarized as follows: 1) an enormous belief in the power and necessity of a modern, flexible telecommunication infrastructure, 2) the promotion of a gradual shift towards liberalisation of the telecommunication sector, 3) the awareness of the information gap and of the need to promote a universal right of access to ICTs.

2.2.2. Evaluation of the ITU Policy. Because of the changing global telecommunication environment in the 80s, the ITU has changed its policy from supporting national PTT monopolies

towards

promoting

a

gradual

liberalisation

of

the

national

telecommunication sector. Critics argue that this shift in the ITU policy is the result of

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external pressure (Mahoney 1992:195), often attributed to the US private sector interests (Hills 1993:11). The ITU policy has thus shifted its view on communication and development towards the neo-liberal World Bank discourse. This evolution within the ITU can also be interpreted in terms of protection of the own organisation, against other organisations with a more liberal, and thus more acceptable, view on global communication, such as the WTO (Urey 1995:128). Although the ITU’s African Green Paper shows an enormous belief in the potentials of ICTs, it is much more balanced than some technophile and neo-liberal documents. “all the advantages and disadvantages of moving away from monopolies towards more liberal solutions in the short, medium and long term should be examined with a view to deciding freely and advisedly on the scope and duration of the exclusive rights to be preserved; these should be based on the genuine, economic, social and political requirements of the different States and must not hold up countries’ economic development” (ITU 1996:art.22)

This balanced view is a welcome change compared to the policy recommendations and pressures from institutions such as the World Bank and the WTO. In contrast to what some authors of these organisations may claim, the privatization of telecommunications is not an unqualified success. The effects depend upon the particular circumstances in which it is applied and the effectiveness of its implementation (Melody 1997:14; Haugan 1994:39).

2.3. Economic Commission for Africa

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In May 1996 the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (ECA) adopted its Africa’s Information Society Initiative (AISI): An Action Framework to Build Africa’s Information and Communication Infrastructure. AISI is seen as a broad, long term and ambitious programme, directed at the utilisation of ICTs to stimulate overall economic and social growth in Africa (AISI 1996). The AISI is regarded as a guiding framework on which to base other ICT activities in Africa. Because the AISI was put into place through the collaborative action of a network of partners, a.o. the ITU and the World Bank, the document can shed some light on the way the African Information Society is conceived by some major players.

2.3.1. ECA’s policy. The AISI Framework defines the Information Society in terms of technological innovations and its potential for change. “(...) Africa’s information society (is) a term used to refer to the pervaisve benefits to all Africans of proactive policies on information and communication technologies” (ECA 1996:art.15)

This reasoning is quite similar to that in European countries. ICTs are becoming increasingly affordable as costs continue to fall. Thus developing nations have the opportunity ‘to leapfrog entire stages of development in setting up their own information infrastructure and applications’ (El Sherif 1996:121), and ‘to accelerate development in all spheres of African economic and social activity’ (ECA 1996a:art.8). Investments in and use of ICTs will, according to the AISI Framework, enable Africa to accelerate development, stop urbanisation, counter information flows, and will offer opportunities in the fields of employment, health, education and research, trade and commerce, tourism, food security, and gender and development. The Action Framework is again very optimistic about the future possibilities for the local production of content on the information highways. It is argued that the global information infrastructure will provide Africa with cheap opportunities to desseminate - 23 -

alternative content and counter the information flow from the North (ECA 1996:art.11). The optimism of the Framework becomes a bit misplaced when the document states that a sustainable IS in Africa is possible by the year 2010. The forecasts include: access

to

information

and

knowledge

resources

through

computers

and

telecommunications for every man and woman, school child, village, government office, and business; availability of African information resources which reflect the needs of governments, business, culture, education, tourism, energy, health, transport and natural resources management (ECA 1996:art.18). The strategic objectives outlined by the AISI to achieve their IS can be summarized as follows: 1) rolling out a continent-wide information and telecommunication network, 2) ensuring regional and international flows of information, 3) supporting initiatives to improve and create services in different sectors of society, 4) supporting human resources development in the field of ICT (ECA 1996:art.19). To achieve these objectives African governments should: 1) shape an enabling environment for the use and development of ICTs by establishing a strong regulatory body, reduce import tariffs, taxes and barriers regarding the use of ICTs, encourage private participation, etc.; 2) take concrete actions by setting up information and communication services in key sectors, identify and develop information technology applications in areas with considerable impact on socio-economic development, promote human resources development in ICTs, establish adequate communication

infrastructure

by

encouraging

the

liberalisation

of

national

telecommunication and broadcasting services (ECA 1996:art.49).

2.3.2. Evaluation of the ECA Policy. The AISI Action Framework is criticized because it seems to be based on four highly questionable assumptions (Van Audenhove 1998): that information technology is neutral and transferable; that information as such is

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neutral; that Africa and its citizens, by means of ICTs, have access to information which is necessary and sufficient to accelerate development; and that information will be almost free in the Information Society. These assumptions corresponds with the dominant school’s perception of the relation between ICT, information and development (see chapter 1). As it was the case with radio, television, etc., in the 60s and 70s ICTs are nowadays regarded as the great hope for economic and social development. The criticism formulated on this dominant school of thinking, for being technologically deterministic and for ignoring the complex social reality in which these technologies are constructed (Tsui 1991:79), can be easily applied to the AISI Action Framework (Van Audenhove 1998). The recommendations of the AISI Action Framework are far too optimistic. The ECA does not take into consideration the enormous economic, infrastructural, political and social contraints which will hamper the development of ICTs and its services and applications in Africa. The real task ahead will be the development of an institutional environment which can enable the implementation of the policies proposed by the AISI (Van Audenhove 1998). It will be very difficult in a complex, competitive, and more and more liberalised telecommunication environment, to build up this institutional environment.

In its optimism and technological determinism the AISI Action Framework resembles the World Bank’s discourse with regard to ICTs and development in Africa. This may come as a surprise, as only 7 years before, in 1989, the ECA severely criticised the World Bank in its African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programmes for Socio-Economic Recovery and Transformation (AAFSAP) (Ihonvbere 1996:21).

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“The ECA anchored its critique of the World Bank on the need to protect vulnerable groups, the need to retain state presence in areas with social responsibility to society and, more important, on the need to go beyond mere financial perspectives on the crisis. In its alternative prescriptions, it built reform programmes around the people and their communities, and emphasized the political aspects of the crisis - issues of empowerment, accountability and participation.” (Ihonvbere 1996:21)

The ECA stressed the necessity for economic diversification, for an active role of the state and for democratic reform (Parfitt 1993:106), recommendations the World Bank has partially incorporated in recent documents. The Bank’s current agenda increasingly recognises the importance of the state in Africa and stresses the concept of ‘good governance’.

3. Critique on Dichotomic Thinking in ICT Policies

In the following chapter the analyses of the ICT policies of the World Bank, ITU and ECA are linked to the theoretical framework, in order to verify whether these policies fit into the dichotomic way of thinking described earlier. Secondly this simplistic way of thought is criticized.

3.1. Dichotomic Thinking in World Bank, ITU and ECA Policies Although recent documents of the World Bank take a more balanced view with regard to the relation ICT and society, and ICT and power, there is still a strong belief that ICTs can change the society (technological determinism) and that ICTs will mainly have positive consequences (technophilia). In the World Bank’s general reports, technology is assumed to overcome all economic problems. In a telecommunication report the Bank considers telecommunication as a technology which can create - 26 -

competitive advantages and can be useful to further public administration, social services and development programs (World Bank 1994a). Talero and Gaudette take this point even further, although they also point at the dangers of ICT. They quote Pitroda to illustrate the possibilities of ICT as a tool that can, according Pitroda, raze cultural barriers, overwhelm economic inequalities, even compensate for intellectual disparities (Pitroda in Talero & Gaudette 1995:7). Our analysis of the ITU and ECA comes to the same thing. Although both organisations also focus on extra-technological issues (such as local content) which are necessary to reach a beneficial information society for all, the impact ICTs (as such) could have on Africa are believed to be tremendous. In contrast with these rather technologically deterministic views ICTs have arguably both a social impact and a social ground (Tehranian, 1990). Although new technologies have an impact on society, they are the result from military, commercial or governmental interests. The notion of an autonomous technology is a misconception (Lyon 1988:4, 40-41). The transfer of western technology to the south is being criticized for not taking into account the contextual factors. Authors focussing on power relations such as the dependistas argue that the transfer of western technology only leads to economic and cultural dependency. Van Ryckeghem develops the relation between society/culture and ICT. According to her society/culture will set the values for the interpretation of the social utility of ICT, policy and environment (Van Ryckeghem 1994:6). Van Ryckeghem argues that policy should take into consideration socio-cultural aspects of the implementation of ICTs, and avoid technologic deterministic and technophilic models, for three reasons: to be capable of developing a suitable strategy and of avoiding problems with the implementation and use of ICT, to judge more efficiently the ways people interpret ICT as useful, to be able to anticipate conflicts with the own culture (Van Ryckeghem 1995:64-65). Other contextual aspects which will influence the relation ICT and society

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and the outcomes of the implementation of ICTs are operational elements - such as the low quality of the African electricity network (Balletto 1994:37), high access rates to (foreign) satellites (Traber 1989:90), a lack of skilled personnel for maintenance and reparations of imported ICTs (Wilson 1989:35-36) - and institutional elements - such as the lack of consistent long-term policies (Wilson, 1989:37) and the lack of education. This does not mean that these information technologies must be refused as such. The contextual problems have to be analysed, so policy can take them into consideration (Woherem,1993:xi). With regard to the relation ICT and regulation there is a strong belief in the market-driven approach within the World Bank, the ITU and the ECA. This discourse is associated with privatizations, liberalizations and deregulations. One of the main arguments here is that private companies are much more efficient than public companies. However most critiques on public owned companies only concentrate on one or two aspects of the public inefficiencies, such as slowness of service and the high prices charged to business users (Burgelman, 1997:133). State companies are often created ‘to rectify market failures of deficiencies, or to confer beneficial externalities (spin offs that enhance the development of the economy, but are not profitable for individual firms to undertake, such as research and development or human capital formation) conducive to the development of the private sector’ (Rapley, 1994:497). So the criteria to evaluate public firms differ from those to evaluate private companies. The mistrust of the state and the promotion of a market model, which is certainly underlying the World Bank discourse, overlooks the fact that ‘there has never been a situation where only one category was at work and not another one. The state has never been and never is absent, not even in the most liberal regimes’ (Burgelman, 1997:143). Market nor state models exist in their pure forms and are related to the specific context of a nation. They are not self-regulating concepts which can be implemented as a sort of

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universal applicable policy model. Regulation will always be necessary (Burgelman, 1997:140-141). The ITU seems to be aware of this context specific nature of regulation, as it recommends a gradual shift towards liberalisation which incorporates the ‘genuine, economic, social and political requirements’ of each different state (ITU 1996:art.22). A lot of African countries are liberalizing (or have already liberalized) their telecommunication markets because of several reasons (a.o. the belief in a marketdriven approach, the need for foreign resources and the pressure of international donors).

These

liberalizations

can

open

up

the

market

for

international

telecommunication actors which heave other goals than the development of a nation. Multinational companies are sharply criticized for selling out-of-date technology to African countries. Tavares accuses these companies for influencing their home governments in order to loan African governments the necessary funds for buying this technology. Western technologies are not bought because of their intrinsic value for the African country, but for the profit of multinational companies (Tavares 1993:6-7). Critics also warn that in a liberalized environment investors will only provide sophisticated and hi-tech services to the more profitable market sectors (urban and business users) while other areas could become excluded from access to even basic telephone services (Deane & Opoku-Mensah, 1997:5). That is why several governments, in their negotiations with private telecommunication and ICT companies, are looking for commitments towards universal access. Again this universal access is not a pure concept with a regulatory dynamic on its own. To succeed it has to be, as historic research in a European context shows, a compromise between all actors in the field (industry, political authorities, etc.) (Burgelman, 1997:137). The problem is that in a lot of African governments the skills to negotiate these regulatory concepts and to set up effective regulation, are lacking.

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4. Discussion

In the 90’s the policies of several international organisations evolved towards a sort of universal development model. The ECA, with its rather harsh critique on the international economic system of the 80s, evolved towards a more mainstream view with regard to ICTs and development. The ITU changed its attitude towards the role of the state and is now promoting gradual liberalisation and privatization. Although recent World Bank documents show a slight evolution in the other direction, through the growing attention for contextual issues and a more balanced view with regard to the role of the state, the dominant discourse within international organisations has not changed much. In fact one could speak of a convergence of views on the relation of information society and development. The discourse still is largely characterised by dichotomic thinking, as can be concluded from the enormous belief in the capabilities of ICT for Africa, and from the growing conviction that the market-driven approach is the best way to reach the ultimate goal of development. The question remains what this means for Africa’s information society policy of the future. African countries may choose to follow international organisations ans start liberalising in order to become part of the global information economy. The succes of such liberalisation will to a large extent depend upon the way the process is handled. Too often however, liberalisation and privatisation are seen as solutions as such. In countries characterised by regimes which function in elite or factional interests both processes are often used to serve these interests over the public interest. However, even with the right processes in place, African governments will have a difficult time trying to achieve social goals—such as universal access to ICTs—in a more and more

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competitive environment. Most Western—and to some extent Asian—countries liberalised their markets after achieving universal service. Although international organisations may claim the contrary, there is little evidence to believe that one can inverse this . On the other hand African countries may choose to turn away from this dominant path and take off the Western ideological straitjacket. They may choose to speak with one unified voice in international fora, propose alternative strategies and plead in favor of African interests. However in the present context this way forward may seem rather unrealistic. In general Africa is politically and economically more and more marginalised, leaving it little room to have an impact at the international level. Furthermore, as African states are to a large extent at the basis of the dismal situation of telecommunications in the continent, any proposed alternative to a liberalisation of the state led telecommunication sector sounds rather hollow.

© Gert Nulens & Leo Van Audenhove 1998

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1. This paper is largely based on a paper presented in the Communication Technology Policy Section of the 12th IAMCR Conference, Glasgow, Scotland, July 26-30, 1998.

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