Effect of Ethnic Group Membership on Ethnic Identity, Race-Related ...

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Effect of Ethnic Group Membership on Ethnic Identity, Race-Related Stress, and Quality of Life

SHAWN O. UTSEY Howard University MARK H. CHAE CHRISTA F. BROWN DEBORAH KELLY Seton Hall University

This study examined the effect of ethnic group membership on ethnic identity, racerelated stress, and quality of life (QOL). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure, the Index of Race Related Stress—Brief Version, and the World Health Organization Quality of Life—Brief Version were administered to 160 male and female participants from 3 ethnic groups (African American, Asian American, and Latino American). Results indicated that African American participants had significantly higher race-related stress, ethnic identity, and psychological QOL scores than did Asian and Latino American participants. A stepwise multiple regression analysis revealed that ethnic identity and cultural racism were significant predictors of QOL and accounted for 16% of the total variance for the entire sample. • ethnic identity • racism • race-related stress • quality of life

A fundamental objective in ethnic identity research has been to examine its relationship to indexes of psychological well-being and adjustment among ethnic minority group members (Phinney & Kohatsu, 1997).

Ongoing research over the past decade has revealed a relationship between higher scores on measures of ethnic identity and higher levels of self-esteem (Goodstein & Ponterotto, 1997), vocational maturity (Per-

• Shawn O. Utsey, Department of Human Development and Psychoeducational Studies, Howard University; Mark H. Chae, Christa F. Brown, and Deborah Kelly, Department of Professional Psychology and Family Therapy, Seton Hall University. Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Shawn O. Utsey, School of Education, Department of Human Development and Psychoeducational Studies, Howard University, 2441 Fourth Street, NW, Washington, DC 20059. E-mail: [email protected] Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology Vol. 8, No. 4, 366–377

Copyright 2002 by the Educational Publishing Foundation 1099-9809/02/$5.00 DOI: 10.1037//1099-9809.8.4.366 366


ETHNIC IDENTITY, RACE-RELATED STRESS, ron, Vondracek, Skorikov, Tremblay, & Corbiere, 1998), psychological adjustment (Phinney & Kohatsu, 1997), and spiritual development (Chae, Kelly, Brown, & Bolden, 2001). In addition to these important findings, researchers continue to examine other correlates of ethnic identity to positive psychological functioning. Quality of life (QOL), as a construct, has yet to be examined as a correlate to ethnic identity. As such, one objective of the present study was to examine the relationship between ethnic identity and QOL. Ethnic group differences have also been found in ethnic identity research whereby African Americans have consistently been shown to score higher on measures of ethnic identity compared with other ethnic minority groups (e.g., Latino and Asian Americans) and majority group members (e.g., European Americans; see Phinney, 1992). Some researchers have suggested that the higher ethnic identity scores among African Americans are the result of chronic exposure to racism and discrimination (Phinney, DuPont, Espinosa, Revill, & Sanders, 1994). Phinney et al. (1994) speculated, “when one’s [ethnic] group faces rejection and discrimination, a common strategy, in order to preserve one’s self-respect, is to reaffirm and strengthen group identity, through movements, which stress ethnic pride” (p. 179). A study by Utsey and Ponterotto (1996) revealed that scores on a measure of racerelated stress were significantly higher for African American participants than they were for Caucasian and Asian American participants. Consequently, a second purpose of this study was to examine the effect of ethnic group membership on race-related stress and ethnic identity. The term ethnicity is most often used to refer to a group of people who have a distinct culture, shared historical identity, or a national or religious identity (Carter, 1995). Helms and Cook (1999) defined ethnicity as “the national, regional, or tribal origins of one’s oldest remembered ancestors and the customs, traditions, and rituals (i.e., subjective culture) handed down by these ances-

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tors, which among the ethnic group members, are assumed to be their culture” (p. 19). According to Yancey, Aneshensel, and Driscoll (2001), ethnicity distinguishes individuals based on their membership in groups with common social, cultural, and historical heritage. On the basis of these definitions and for the purpose of this study, we use ethnicity to refer to individuals who identify as African American, Asian American, and Latino/Latina. The use of the term ethnicity in this context is appropriate because each of these groups, among themselves, have shared customs, traditions, rituals, and a common historical heritage.

Ethnic Identity Development According to Bernal, Knight, Ocampo, Garza, and Cota (1990), ethnic identity is the set of ideals, values, behaviors, and attitudes one holds regarding one’s identity as a member of a distinguishable social group. Conceptually, ethnic identity serves as a means to understand whether and to what degree a person has explored the meaning of his or her ethnicity (e.g., cultural values) and developed a sense of commitment to his or her ethnic heritage (Fischer & Moradi, 2001; Phinney, 1992). This process is a complex task of integrating values and beliefs of the larger culture with the beliefs and traditions of one’s ethnic group. Smith (1991) developed a model of ethnic identity based on the premise that race, religion, and national origin are all potentially salient parts of an individual’s ethnicity. She further posited that ethnic identity development is influenced by an individual’s majority or minority group membership, but more importantly as a function of both positive and negative contact with members of outgroups. In an effort to provide a coherent system for conceptualizing the phenomena of ethnic identity development, Phinney (1993) developed a three-stage (or phase) model of ethnic identity formation. The first phase of Phinney’s (1993)

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model is unexamined ethnic identity, which is characterized by the absence of exploration of one’s ethnicity and an unequivocal acceptance of the values and beliefs of the majority society. Individuals at this phase show a preference for White culture and, in turn, a depreciation or rejection of their own culture. The next phase, ethnic identity search, takes place when there is a “shocking personal or social event that temporarily dislodges the person from his or her worldview, making the person receptive to a new interpretation of his or her identity” (Phinney, 1993, p. 69). This encounter may be initiated by experiences such as name-calling, racial slurs, or other acts of discrimination. As a result, an individual becomes committed to gaining a deeper understanding and increasing his or her knowledge about his or her cultural heritage, beliefs, and history. The final phase, achieved ethnic identity, is characterized by a clear and confident sense of one’s own ethnicity. At this phase, individuals not only hold positive attitudes regarding their own ethnic group but typically also feel a deep sense of belonging (Phinney, 1990).

Race-Related Stress Race-related stress occurs as the result of both acute and chronic encounters with racism and discrimination (Utsey & Ponterotto, 1996). Harrell (2000) provided a more elaborate definition of race-related stress; she described it as “The race-related transactions between individuals or groups and their environment that emerge from the dynamics of racism, and that tax or exceed existing individual and collective resources or threaten well-being” (p. 45). Clark, Anderson, Clark, and Williams (1999) noted that the stress response associated with racism and discrimination, like general stress responses, is inextricably linked to an individual’s coping mechanisms (e.g., strategies, resources, cognitive ability, and personality traits). There are both psychological and

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physiological consequences associated with the stress response. A number of scholars have elucidated the exact physiological and psychological mechanisms associated with the stress response in relation to racism and discrimination (see Clark et al., 1999; Harrell, 2000; Outlaw, 1993). At the psychological level, perceptions of a stressful situation that taxes or exceeds one’s ability to cope may result in feelings of anger, anxiety, paranoia, helplessness-hopelessness, frustration, resentment, and fear. Physiological responses to psychological stress occur as a result of unsuccessful coping responses. The primary physiological stress response involves immune, neuroendocrine, and cardiovascular system functioning. The conceptualization and assessment of race-related stress require careful attention to the multidimensional and ubiquitous nature of racism (Harrell, 1995; Utsey, 1999). To this end, Jones’s (1997) tripartite model of racism has served, in part, as the theoretical premise for racism’s multidimensionality. According to Jones, racism can occur at three levels: individual, institutional, and cultural racism. Individual racism refers to racial prejudice that occurs in the context of face-to-face interactions. This may include personal acts intended to denigrate or humiliate an individual because of his or her racial group membership. Institutional racism refers to racial prejudice embedded within social institutions that manifest in social policies, norms, and practices. Cultural racism refers to a patterned way of thinking or a worldview that perpetuates the belief that the cultural values, traditions, and beliefs of one’s own cultural/ethnic group (usually the dominant group) are superior to those of other cultures. This type of racism limits, pathologizes, or devalues cultural values and practices that differ from the majority group. Several researchers have noted that the chronic exposure to racial stressors has a deleterious effect on African Americans (Broman, 1997; Harrell, 1995; Jones, 1997; Utsey, 1999). Indeed, some have found a


ETHNIC IDENTITY, RACE-RELATED STRESS, connection between race-related stress and medical ailments such as hypertension, high blood pressure, and cardiovascular disease (Fray, 1993; Krieger & Sidney, 1996). In addition, indexes of psychological well-being have been found to be negatively correlated with stress due to racial discrimination among African Americans (Broman, 1997; Clark et al., 1999). Likewise, Simpson and Yinger (1985) found that African Americans who were exposed to chronic race-related stressors reported low levels of self-esteem. In another study with African American participants, Philipp (1998) found that experiences of racial discrimination were ostensibly related to low levels of life satisfaction. Last, a study by Holder and Vaux (1998) demonstrated that job satisfaction among African Americans decreased with the increased perceptions of race-related stressors in the workplace. It is noteworthy to point out that the majority of research on race-related stress has focused on African Americans. This study seeks to add to the literature by assessing race-related stress as experienced by African Americans, Latinos, and Asian Americans.

Quality of Life QOL, as a construct, is becoming increasingly recognized in the medical and psychological literature as an important indicator of physical and psychological well-being (Utsey, Bolden, Brown, & Chae, 2001). The World Health Organization (WHO) Group (1994) defined quality of life as “an individual’s perception of their position in life in the context of the culture and value system in which they live and in relation to their goals, expectations, standards, and concerns” (p. 28). The WHO Group (1998) proposed four distinct domains of quality of life: physical, psychological, social relationships, and environment. The physical domain is concerned with the unpleasant sensations that may cause distress and interfere with the routines

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of daily life. The psychological domain considers the degree in which an individual feels contentment, a sense of well-being, and balance. In the social relationships facet, the extent to which the person feels companionship, support, and love is assessed. This domain embodies the quality of all relationships, including friendships, marriages, and both heterosexual and homosexual partnerships. Last, the environment domain focuses primarily on financial resources (or exchangeable resources). It assesses whether individuals believe that their financial resources are “enough” to meet their needs for what they consider a satisfying life.

Research Hypotheses This study sought to examine the effect of ethnic group membership on ethnic identity, race-related stress, and QOL. On the basis of previous research regarding ethnic group differences and ethnic identity, we anticipated that there would be significant differences between ethnic groups with regard to scores on the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM), the Index of Race-Related Stress—Brief Version (IRRS– B), and the World Health Organization Quality of Life—Brief Version (WHOQOL– Brief). Furthermore, we hypothesized that ethnic identity and race-related stress alone (background demographic variables, i.e., race and sex, would not account for significant variance in QOL) would predict overall QOL in the total sample.

Method Participants A total of 160 participants took part in this study. They were recruited from northeastern portion of the United States. The participants were solicited from a variety of settings, including churches, retirement homes, community meetings, and a Catholic university. The participant pool was 44%


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African Americans (21 male and 49 female), 28% Asian American (26 male and 19 female), and 28% Latino (17 male and 28 female); overall, 40% of the sample was male and 60% female. It should be noted that whereas the majority of the African American and Latino/Latina participants were recruited from the settings identified above, the Asian participants came primarily from the professional and personal contacts of one of our research team members. Attempts to access Asian populations using traditional approaches (e.g., telephone solicitation, contacting organization) were unsuccessful, so we relied on the efforts of an Asian American research team member. All of the participants were fluent in English. The age of the sample ranged from 17 to 72 years (M = 28.5, SD = 14.28). Instruments MEIM. The MEIM (Phinney, 1992) is a 14item measure assessing three aspects of ethnic identity: affirmation/belonging, ethnic identity achievement, and ethnic behaviors and practices. Affirmation/belonging represents the positive feelings and sense of attachment one has toward one’s ethnic group. Ethnic identity achievement reflects the process of exploring the meaning of one’s ethnicity that results in a sense of security about belonging to a particular ethnic group. Ethnic behaviors and practices is the involvement in social and cultural activities with members of one’s ethnic group. In completing the MEIM, participants respond to items on a 4-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly agree) to 4 (strongly disagree). Scores are derived by reverse coding negatively worded items, summing across items, and deriving a mean score. Low scores on the MEIM signify low ethnic identity, and high scores on the MEIM suggest high ethnic identification. For the purpose of this study, items constituting the ethnic behaviors subscale were eliminated from the MEIM, and a total scale score was calculated. Only the MEIM total scale score was used in the data analyses.

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Phinney (1992) calculated reliability for a high school sample (N = 417) and a college sample (N = 136) and reported a coefficient alpha of .81 for multiethnic high school students and .90 for multiethnic college students (Phinney, 1992). Roberts, Phinney, Masse, and Chenet (1999) examined the construct validity of the MEIM with 5,423 students from diverse ethnic groups in sixth, seventh, and eighth grade. The validity of the measure was supported by its expected correlations with measures of psychological well-being, such as coping, mastery, self-esteem, optimism and happiness, loneliness, and depression. IRRS–B. The IRRS–B (Utsey, 1999) was developed to measure stress experienced by African Americans in race-related situations. The IRRS–B is a 22-item measure that requires participants to evaluate racist situations that they or people close to them have experienced in their lives and how that experience affected them. These experiences are recorded on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 0 (this never happened to me) to 4 (event happened and I was extremely upset). The scale contains three factors: cultural, institutional, and individual racism. For the purpose of this study, the items on the IRRS–B were revised into a more generic form to assess the experiences and reactions to racist situations for a multiethnic population. For example, one item on the IRRS–B, “You notice that when Black people are killed by the police, the media informs the public of the victims criminal record . . . suggesting they got what they deserved,” was reworded as, “You notice that when individuals belonging to your ethnic group are killed by the police, the media informs the public of the victims criminal record.” It should be noted that one limitation of the present study is that some items on the IRRSB may not be relevant for all ethnic minority groups. In the developmental study, alpha coefficients were assessed for cultural racism (␣ = .79), institutional racism (␣ = .85), individual racism (␣ = .84), and global racism (␣


ETHNIC IDENTITY, RACE-RELATED STRESS, = .77; Utsey, 1999). The concurrent validity of IRRS–B was supported by the positive and significant correlations with the two subscales, cultural and individual racism, and the Perceived Stress Scale (Cohen, Karmarck, & Mermelstein, 1983). In addition, several of the IRRS–B subscales were found to be positively and significantly correlated with the self and group subscales of the Racism and Life Experience Scales— Revised (Harrell, 1995). WHOQOL–BRIEF. The WHOQOL–Brief is a 26-item Likert-type scale that assesses four domains of quality of life: (a) physical health, for instance, “To what extent do you feel that physical pain prevents you from doing what you need to do?” (b) psychological, for instance, “How often do you have negative feelings such as blue mood, despair, anxiety, or depression?” (c) social relationships, for instance, “How satisfied are you with the support you get from your friends?” and (d) environment, for instance, “How healthy is your physical environment?” The WHO Group (1998) assessed Cronbach’s alpha for the four domains: physical health (␣ = .86), psychological (␣ = .76), social relationships (␣ = .66), and environment (␣ = .80). Test–retest reliabilities for the four domains were .66 for physical health, .72 for psychological, .76 for social relationships, and .87 for environment. The WHOQOL–BRIEF was found to correlate with the WHOQOL–100 (r = .90). DEMOGRAPHIC SHEET. This survey was used to collect demographic data regarding the background of participants in the present study. Participants were asked to indicate age, sex, ethnic group, marital status, family type, level of education, work or school satisfaction, and degree of ethnic group involvement. Procedure Participants for the present study were solicited from churches, community organizations, student groups, and the community at

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large. Individuals who agreed to participate in the study were administered, individually or in a large group, survey packets containing the three measures and a demographic data sheet. Before the instruments were administered, participants were informed that participation in the study was completely voluntary and that they could stop at any time without fear of negative consequences. Individuals received no compensation for participating in the study. Prior to distribution, the three measures were counterbalanced to control for instrumentation effects. Following their completion, the measures were collected, screened, and the raw data entered into SPSS 10.1.

Results Preliminary data analyses included calculating means, standard deviations, and Pearson’s product–moment correlation coefficients for the study’s dependent variables (see Tables 1 and 2). Moreover, we conducted exploratory data analyses to check for the assumptions (i.e., dependent variables normally distributed, equal variance and covariance matrix, and absence of multicollinearity) of the data required for the present study. Results indicated that the data-analytic assumptions were met and that there were no unusual occurrences noted with the data. Cronbach’s alpha coefficients were calculated for all dependent variable measures used in the present study. For the MEIM, the Cronbach’s alpha was .84. The IRRS–B had the following alpha coefficients: global racism = .91, cultural racism = .87, institutional racism = .72, and individual racism = .84. For the WHOQOL–Brief measure, Cronbach’s alphas were as follows: physical health = .63, psychological = .79, social relationships = .83, environment = .85, and overall QOL = .91. Following the preliminary data analysis, two separate one-way general linear model multivariate analysis of variance (GLM

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TABLE 1 Means, Standard Deviations, and Cronbach’s Alphas for the MEIM, WHOQOL–Brief, and IRRS–B Latino Americans


African Americans

M

SD

␣

M

SD

␣

M

SD

␣

3.07

0.82

.91

2.93

0.79

.95

3.43

0.41

.87

3.57 3.37 3.47 3.50

0.57 0.72 0.96 0.58

.76 .86 .80 .75

3.86 3.53 3.38 3.66

0.68 0.72 0.98 0.76

.78 .88 .87 .89

3.73 3.58 3.75 3.78

0.64 0.76 0.85 0.75

.48 .68 .81 .87

1.46 .47 1.74

1.06 0.71 1.04

.80 .74 .89

1.49 1.01 1.64

1.09 0.94 1.04

.85 .78 .89

2.32 1.16 2.78

1.16 0.97 0.86

.82 .65 .84

Measure MEIM Ethnic identity WHOQOL–B Physical domain Psychological domain Relationships domain Environment domain IRRS–B Individual racism Institutional racism Cultural racism

Asian Americans

Note. MEIM = Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure; WHOQOL–Brief = World Health Organization Quality of Life—Brief Version; IRRS–B = Index of Race-Related Stress—Brief Version.

stress) would be a significant predictor of QOL in the present sample.

MANOVA) were conducted to examine the effects of ethnic group membership on racerelated stress and QOL. We conducted a one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) to determine if significant ethnic group differences existed for ethnic identity. Where necessary, we conducted follow-up univariate and post hoc tests to determine the pairwise differences among variables for the three ethnic groups. Finally, a stepwise multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine which independent variables (ethnicity, gender, ethnic identity, and race-related

Ethnic Group Membership and Race-Related Stress Results from the first GLM MANOVA revealed that ethnic group membership had a statistically significant effect on levels of race-related stress (Wilks’s ␭), F(6, 310) = 9.84, p < .001. Follow-up univariate tests revealed statistically significant differences for the three ethnic groups on the IRRS–B’s in-

TABLE 2 Pearson’s Product–Moment Correlation Coefficients for the MEIM, IRRS–B, and WHOQOL–B Subscales Measure

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

— — — — — — — — —

.48** — — — — — — — —

.33** .51** — — — — — — —

.53** .67** .47** — — — — — —

.24** .00 .05 −.08 — — — — —

.33** .13 .00 .10 .51** — — — —

.29** .10 −.02 .10 .54** .71** — — —

.35** .12 −.04 .09 .51** .66** .69** — —

.37** .10 .00 .06 .79** .83** .84** .86** —

Ethnic identity Individual racism Institutional racism Cultural racism Physical QOL Psychological QOL Relationship QOL Environmental QOL Global QOL

Note. MEIM = Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure; IRRS–B = Index of Race-Related Stress—Brief Version; WHOQOL–B = World Health Organization Quality of Life—Brief Version; QOL = quality of life. **p < .01.


ETHNIC IDENTITY, RACE-RELATED STRESS, dividual, F(2, 157) = 11.89, p < .001; institutional, F(2, 157) = 8.27, p < .001; and cultural, F(2, 157) = 24.67, p < .001, racism subscale scores. Tukey’s post hoc comparisons test revealed that African American participants had significantly higher scores on the individual and cultural IRRS–B subscales than did Latino and Asian American participants. For institutional racism, however, African American participants had statistically significantly higher subscale scores than Latino American but not Asian American participants. Asian American participants had significantly higher institutional racism subscale scores than Latino American participants (see Table 1). Ethnic Group Membership and Ethnic Identity Results from the one-way GLM MANOVA indicated that ethnic group membership had a significant effect on the MEIM ethnic identity score (Wilks’s ␭), F(2, 157) = 7.41, p < .01, of participants in the present study. Post hoc comparisons revealed that African American participants had significantly higher MEIM ethnic identity scores than did Asian American and Latino American participants (see Table 1). No other significant differences were noted. Ethnic Group Membership and QOL A second one-way GLM MANOVA revealed that ethnic group membership had a significant effect on WHOQOL–Brief subscale scores (Wilks’s ␭), F(8, 308) = 4.74, p < .001. Follow-up univariate tests indicated that a statistically significant differences existed between Asian American, African American, and Latino American participants on the psychological well-being subscale, F(2, 157) = 4.07, p < .05. Tukey’s post hoc comparisons test indicated that African American participants had significantly higher psychological well-being subscale scores than Asian American participants. There were no other statistically significant differences on the WHOQOL–Brief for ethnicity.

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Predictors of QOL A stepwise multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine which of the independent variables (ethnicity, gender, IRRS–B subscale scores, and the MEIM scores) were predictors of overall QOL for the entire sample. Dummy coding was conducted for both gender (male–female; 0, 1) and ethnic group membership (Asian, African American, and Latino; 0, 1, 0, respectively). The model summary (see Table 3) from the regression results indicated that two independent variables met the criteria for entry into the model. In the first step, ethnic identity (MEIM) was entered as it accounted for most of the unique variance in the dependent variable QOL (R 2 = .137). The cultural racism (IRRS–B) variable was entered in the next step, creating an overall model that accounted for 16% of the total variance in QOL. The ANOVA from the overall regression equation revealed a statistically significant result for both Step 1, F(1, 158) = 25.02, p < .001, and Step 2, F(2, 157) = 15.40, p < .001. It should be noted that the beta weight for ethnic identity was positive, whereas the beta weight for cultural racism was negative. Despite the marginal magnitude of these results, some initial evidence is

TABLE 3 Stepwise Regression for Ethnic Identity, Individual Racism, Institutional Racism, and Cultural Racism on Scores of the WHOQOL–B Measure Predictor Model 1 Ethnic identity Model 2 Ethnic identity Cultural racism

B

SE B

␤

.34

.07

.37**

.43 −.11

.08 .05

.46** −.20*

Note. For Model 1, variables not in the equation: individual racism, institutional racism, cultural racism, and gender; R = .37, R 2 = .14, F(1, 158) = 25.02, p < .000, adjusted R 2 = .13. For Model 2, variables not in the equation: individual racism, institutional racism, and gender; R = .41, R 2 = .16, F(2, 157) = 15.39, p < .000, adjusted R 2 = .15. WHOQOL–B = World Health Organization Quality of Life—Brief Measure. *p < .05.

**p < .001.

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provided indicating a negative relationship between the stressful effects of cultural racism on the QOL of participants in the study. In addition, the results provide preliminary evidence regarding the positive relationship between ethnic identity and QOL.


Discussion In the present study, we examined the effect of ethnic group membership on ethnic identity, race-related stress, and QOL. Ethnic group membership was related to racerelated stress, ethnic identity, and QOL. Specifically, African American participants in the study had higher scores on the IRRS– B, MEIM, and the WHOQOL–Brief psychological well-being subscale compared with Latino and Asian Americans. In addition, a stepwise multiple regression procedure conducted for the entire sample revealed that scores on the MEIM and IRRS–B cultural racism subscale were significant predictors of scores on the WHOQOL–Brief measure. It should be noted, however, that scores on the IRRS–B cultural racism subscale were inversely related to total scale scores on the WHOQOL–Brief measure. Caution is advised in interpreting the results from this analysis given the marginal effect size for these findings. Furthermore, significant ethnic group differences were found on the measure of race-related stress. In particular, African Americans reported experiencing higher levels of race-related stress on all domains of the IRRS–B. Significant differences were found on the individual and cultural racism subscales, whereby African Americans scored significantly higher than Latino and Asian Americans. This finding supports other research that revealed African Americans report experiencing stress and discomfort from racism and discrimination more frequently than other ethnic minority groups (Harrell, 1995; Utsey, 1999). Results from the present investigation also indicated that African Americans re-

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ported significantly higher ethnic identity scores than Asian and Latino Americans. This finding is consistent with prior research (Phinney, 1990, 1992; Phinney & Alipuria, 1990; Phinney et al., 1994). Social identity theory (Brehm, Kassin, & Fein, 1999) purports that when one’s group experiences rejection or prejudice from out-group members, one strategy used to maintain in-group self-esteem is to heighten one’s connection and affiliation to group identity. This finding lends support for the argument that increased awareness of racial barriers may lead one to strengthen ties to one’s ethnic group, serving to buffer these oppressive forces. Findings also revealed that African Americans scored significantly higher on the QOL subscale, psychological well-being, as compared with Latino and Asian Americans. A number of studies have shown that despite the ubiquity of racism and discrimination, African Americans continue to report high levels of psychological well-being. For example, Phinney et al. (1994) found that African Americans reported significantly higher scores on self-esteem compared with Latino, Asian, and White Americans. Likewise, Phinney and Alipuria (1990) found that African American participants had higher self-esteem scores than Mexican and Asian Americans. It is plausible to conclude that in response to racial stressors, African Americans may seek social and psychological support from their ethnic community, extended family, and religious and spiritual resources. This sense of affirmation and belonging to the ethnic group and other support systems may enhance collective self-esteem and overall well-being (Luhtanen & Crocker, 1990). The present study’s results also revealed that ethnic identity was the best predictor of overall QOL (i.e., physical, psychological, relational, and environmental). This finding is significant because it reveals that ethnic identity development is not only related to purely psychological indexes (e.g., selfconcept) but also linked with physical health (physical domain), satisfaction with one’s relationships and social networks (re-


ETHNIC IDENTITY, RACE-RELATED STRESS, lationship domain), and satisfaction with one’s lifestyle (environment domain). Hence, the construct of QOL provides a more comprehensive picture of an individual’s overall well-being (Utsey et al., 2001). Again, the reader is cautioned from overinterpreting these findings given the marginal effect size of the results. It was expected that race-related stress would be negatively correlated with QOL. The present study revealed that scores on the IRRS–B cultural racism subscale was a significant predictor of QOL. The beta weight was negative, confirming that there is an inverse relationship between cultural racism and QOL. Individuals who endorsed items that indicated they experienced cultural forms of racism also reported a diminished QOL. These results are similar to the findings of Chambers and Kong (1996), whose research revealed that perceived racism was negatively correlated with QOL for African Americans.

Implications, Limitations, and Future Research The present study has implications for both researchers and mental health practitioners who specialize in multicultural populations. With regard to research, the study’s findings delineated the relationship between developmental (ethnic identity), demographic (ethnic group), and environmental (racerelated stress) variables and QOL. Furthermore, preliminary psychometric data on the measures used in this study were generated and now exist for populations from diverse cultural backgrounds. This information informs future use of these measures with individuals from the cultural backgrounds represented in the present study. As it concerns the mental health needs of individuals from African, Asian, and Latino American descent, the present study’s findings highlight the importance of addressing issues related to ethnic identity and race-related stress in counseling and psychotherapy.

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Mental health practitioners, cognizant of the nature of ethnic identity and racism’s impact on QOL, are able to more effectively address these issues with their clients. There are several limitations to this study. First, the nature of the selection process for participants may affect the generalizability of the findings. Specifically, many of the participants were recruited from specialized settings in the Northeast (e.g., community centers, retirement homes, and churches). Moreover, we have no information about the participants’ immigration status, level of acculturation, or whether subsamples differ demographically by recruitment site. A second limitation may be related to the within-group differences inherent in ethnic group categorization. For example, the identification of “Latino” fails to consider the vast cultural and ethnic within-group differences among people from this population. Third, in spite of the modifications made on the IRRS–B to produce a measure that was relevant for a multiethnic population, it was unclear if all of the items were relevant for Latino and Asian American participants. Fourth, it is important to note the limitations inherent in selfreport measures. Participants may respond to items in a way that they deem socially acceptable and not the way they actually feel. For example, participants may answer items in a way that reflects who they would like to be (e.g., ideal self) rather than who they are (e.g., real self). Last, the small effect size resulting from the regression analysis examining the predictive value of ethnic identity and racism-related stress on QOL indicators warrants a cautious interpretation of these findings. The present study could be described as exploratory in nature and requiring further inquiry into the relationships between ethnic identity and QOL. We invite researchers to replicate this study using a larger sample of participants from the community. It may also be fruitful for researchers to develop and validate measures of race-related stress and QOL that are applicable to specific groups, such as those of Latino and Asian

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ancestry. In sum, we believe that ethnic identity is an important component of personality development for ethnic minority group members. Ongoing research examining ethnic identity and its correlates may help provide a more complete picture of ethnic minority identity development.


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