Environmental Conservation and Preservation of Cultural Heritage

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Environmental Conservation and Preservation of Cultural Heritage Assets for Tourism Development in the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area of Ghana Paul Sarfo-Mensah

Bureau of Integrated Rural Development, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science & Technology (KNUST), Kumasi Ghana [email protected]

Akwasi Owusu-Bi

Bureau of Integrated Rural Development, College of Agriculture and Natural Resources, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science & Technology (KNUST), Kumasi Ghana [email protected]

Samuel Awuah-Nyamekye

Department of Theology and Religious Studies, University of Leeds, 12 Trentham Grove, Leeds,LS 11 6HT, United Kingdom [email protected]

Steve Amisah

Faculty of Renewable Natural Resources, KNUST, Kumasi Ghana [email protected]

Abstract Environmental conservation and preservation of religio-cultural heritage for tourism development in the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area in the Eastern Region of Ghana have been examined in this paper. The location has a rich blend of dramatic landscape, historic relics and traditional cultures. Five traditional divisions make up the traditional area and have magnificent renewable natural resources including forests, waterfalls, rivers, caves and a rich diversity of wildlife and sanctuaries that could be developed further into a tourism destination site for the benefit of the area, in particular, and the state as a whole. The area has a unique cultural heritage, with the chieftaincy

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institution remaining as the center piece. The annual festivals of the chiefs and people of the traditional area, especially the Odwira festival, are celebrated annually by the people, and this attracts a considerable number of people including foreign tourists to the area. A complex and interrelated combination of factors threatens the further development and conservation of the environmental and cultural heritage of the area for tourism. These threats arise mainly from anthropogenic factors such as farming, forest logging, and bush fires, but also from the weakening of traditional institutions and limited national governmental support. Population-related pressures on land and other natural resources have affected traditional natural resources management. Fallow periods have been reduced and continuous cropping has become common. The growing demand for land and the presence of migrants have extended agriculture to marginal lands, forest reserves and some sacred sites. A number of recommendations have been made to enhance the preservation of the local cultural heritage and environmental conservation. Capacity building, education and public awareness creation, dialogue among various religious groups, collaborative management of natural resources, training and provision of alternative livelihoods have been suggested as options to conserve environmental and cultural heritage to boost environmental conservation and tourism development in the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area.

Keywords environmental conservation – cultural heritage – Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area – tourism – African traditional religion

Introduction The conservation, protection and management of indigenous, ecological and sacred sites have in recent times received global attention because of the tremendous potential they hold for sustainable livelihoods, recreation and scientific research. The maintenance of these sites is, invariably, linked to the preservation of local cultures because of the mutual interactions and interdependence that exist between the local people and their natural environment (Subash Chandran and Donald Hughes 2000; Fairhead and Leach 1998). Indeed, the sustainable development of a people has now been recognized in many scholarly works to depend, to a greater extent, on how they manage the totality of their natural environment and preserve their cultural heritage including their diverse traditional institutions and oral literature (Ojomo 2010; Awoonor 2006 and 1975; Chapple 1994; Beier 1980). worldviews 18 (2014) 30-53

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In Ghana, it is arguable that very little work has been done in understanding these cultural heritage assets and their potential for promoting sustainable development, especially for the traditional areas that are endowed with these assets (Awoonor 2006). Indeed, researchers have pointed to the fact that in Ghana as elsewhere in Africa most of these heritage assets, which include sacred groves, shrines of local gods, river deities, many unique natural and cultural endowments as well as the environmental ethics that underlie their governance, have come under tremendous pressure, and their sustainability is threatened (Sarfo-Mensah et al. 2010; Feldman 2000; Beier 1980). In Ghana, as observed by Feldman elsewhere, ethical concerns about the treatment of natural objects can, and for a true environmental ethic, should stem from commitments to the value of these natural objects, their functioning and biological integrity (Feldman 2000: 4). Increasingly, however, these cultural heritage assets in the country are losing their integrity. In this paper, the need to preserve the rich religio-cultural heritage and to conserve the magnificent ecological diversity and sacred sites of the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area in the Eastern Region of Ghana is presented. The threats to these assets and local efforts at reversing the trend have been examined. Possible options for harnessing the potential of these assets for tourism and to bring rapid socio-economic transformation to the traditional area have been discussed.

Conceptual Framework

Two key areas that underline contemporary tourism in Africa and most developing countries are culture and environment. In fact, ecotourism, which has become a keyword amongst development practitioners and tourism experts is rooted in environment and culture. The richness of these attributes, i.e. culture and environment, and how they have been harnessed for tourism may, to a large extent, determine a country’s standing on the global scale of endowed tourists destinations. The increasing realization of the major roles culture and environment play in tourism has, therefore, encouraged several developing countries to redirect policies on preservation of their cultural heritage, and conservation of their environmental resources. What is significant in most of these policies is the recognition by policymakers and development practitioners that culture and environment are inextricably linked and that they mutually influence each other (Milton 1996). Thus, sustainable environmental conservation is now conceived as

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unachievable without adequately factoring cultural attributes, especially religious beliefs and practices as well as traditional institutions, which shape people’s worldview, into environmental conservation policies. In fact, this thinking has been emphasized by environmental and social anthropologists in a theory that human-environment relations are mediated by culture (Awuah-Nyamekye 2009a, Descola and Palsson 1996; Milton 1996). For example, in several countries across sub-Saharan Africa, local deities take their origins from the forests, rivers, caves and other designated areas in the landscape. And, the existential connection between the local people and these deities has ensured the conservation and protection of these sacred sites. Additionally, the annual festivals of some of these deities, which are also occasions for exposition of the rich culture of the people, attract tourists. In the broadest sense, therefore, a pragmatic approach to realizing the tourism potentials, especially of countries in Africa, must be within the framework of sustainably harnessing their cultural and environmental assets. This implies that concerted efforts must be made at the conservation of the environment and preservation of local cultures including certain beliefs and practices, such as rituals or magic―which interplay the daily engagement of people with their environment. Methodology This presentation is based on an anthropological study undertaken in Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area of Eastern region of Ghana (see fig. 1) between June 2004 and January 2005 to examine the preservation and conservation of cultural heritage of the people and its potential for tourism. Subsequent to this, the research team carried out follow-up activities in the traditional area in the last quarter of 2009 to cross-check some of the initial findings. Two principal anthropological methods, participant observation and keyinformant interviews, were used to collect data in the field. These techniques are used by anthropologists and other social scientists to understand indigenous knowledge (Agar and Hobbs 1985; Dougherty and Keller 1985). Participant observation, for instance, involves spending a great deal of time in surroundings with which one may not be familiar, and securing and maintaining relationships with people with whom one may have little affinity, in order to study their way of life (May, 1996).

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Figure 1

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The Study Area. Source: Authors’ construct 2009.

Since our study was within the qualitative research methodology which usually does not involve large numbers of respondents (Bryman 2008; Ratcliff 2005), a sample size of fifty (53) from the following targeted groups were selected and interviewed: Omanhene (Paramount chief) of the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area, divisional chiefs, traditional priests and priestesses, sacred sites attendants, District wildlife, tourism, and environmental officials, and the leadership of the O̱ kyeman Environmental Brigade. The selection of the above key informants was informed by the fact they are key stakeholders on matters of tourism and the environment in the study area. The semi-structured interview guide was used during the interview and the average length of each interview was one hour. Also, in order to ensure that our key informants were people with different shades of opinions, the quota sampling procedure (Dixon et al 1987) was used in the selection of members of the targeted group. The breakdown is shown in the Table 1 below. A stakeholders’ conference was also held after the initial fieldwork. It was attended by the Paramount Chief, chiefs from the various divisions, district administrators, and several other development agents and practitioners. The conference was used to triangulate the information gathered and to fill in the gaps relating to history and migration of major royal clans and peoples,

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Breakdown of interviewees.

No.

Category of interviewee

1

Traditional Rulers

2

Religious officials

Total no. selected Details

6

10

3

Sacred site 15 Attendants 4 District Wild Life 5 officials 5 District 5 Administrators 6 District Tourism 5 officials 5 7 District Environmental officials 2 8 O̱ kyeman Environmental Brigade officials Total 53

The Paramount Chief of the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area and 4 of his divisional chiefs purposively selected from the traditional area. 2 traditional priests (a male and a female) from each of the five districts (randomly selected) 3 from each of the 5 districts (randomly selected) The district heads (purposively selected) The District Coordinating Directors (DCDs) (purposively selected) The district heads (purposively selected) The district heads (purposively selected) Chairman and Secretary( purposively selected)

confirmation of controversial totems and symbols relating to local gods, owner ship of sacred groves among others. The forum did not only provide the opportunity for the filling of gaps but also offered a chance for the research team to deepen its understanding of the relationships between the local culture and environment. Emphasis was placed on finding out local perceptions on the intensification of the extraction of natural resources such as logging and mining in the traditional area in recent times and their effects on general biodiversity conservation as well the protection of the cultural and natural heritage sites.

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Results and Discussions

The Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area is one of the ancient traditional areas in modern day Ghana (personal communication Kyebi Abontendomhene, 2005). It is an inland area in Southern Ghana. Its capital, Kyebi, is situated approximately 40 kilometers north of Accra, the national capital. The population of the area in 1948 was about 270,000 (Simensen 2000) and has been increasing since 1960 at an average rate of 3.6% (PPTAP, 2005). According to the 2000 population census, the population of the traditional area stood at 387,105 (PPTAP, 2005). According to 2010 Ghana Population Census, the population of the area has increased by 23.1% since the 2000 Population Census (GSS, 2011) The traditional area is located in the Eastern Region of Ghana whose capital Koforidua is noted for its multi-cultural heritage, which makes it a centre of tourism. For example, the region has a rich blend of dramatic landscape, historic relics and traditional cultures. Among the many areas in the Eastern Region that are richly endowed with environmental, ecological, cultural and historical heritage that could be successfully developed into a tourism destination site is the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area (PPTAP, 2005). The Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area, headed by the O̱ kyehene (the chief of the Okye state), Osagyefuo Amoatia Ofori Panyin, covers a large geographical area, spanning across five administrative districts,1 namely the East Akyem, West Akyem, Fanteakwa, Kwaebibirem and the Suhum-Craboa Coaltar districts, and parts of Birim South, Akuapem South and Kwahu South all in the Eastern region. This makes the traditional area one of the powerful traditional areas in Ghana and thereby making the O̱ kyehene one of the powerful and respected chiefs in Ghana. Like the administrative districts, the Akyem Abuakwa traditional area is also divided into five major divisions, even though they are not necessarily coterminous. The traditional divisions are the Adonten, Benkum, Nifa, Gyase and the Oseawuo. Each of these divisions plays a unique role in guarding and protecting the O̱ kyehene in times of war and in other socio-cultural obligations. Apart from the five divisions, the O̱ kyehene has some three strong 1 Ghana runs a decentralized administration whereby the whole country is divided into 170 administrative areas. Each area is administered by an agency known as (depending on the population size) District, Municipal or Metropolitan Assembly on behalf of the central government.

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fighter guards called Amantuamensa (literally means the three states that came together to form the Akyem Abuakwa State. These are the Apapam, Asikam, and Apadwa areas (personal communication Nana Boakye Dankwa, Kyebi Abontendomhene, June 20, 2009). There is also a section of honorary chiefs at Kyebi headed by the Abontendomhene (loosely translated as, chief of the youth). The Abontendomhene receives visitors on behalf of the O̱ kyehene. In size, the traditional area covers about 5,694 sq. km. (PPTAP 2005). It is bordered by twelve districts: on the north by the Afram Plains District, on the northeast by the Manya Krobo, and Yilo Krobo Districts, with New Juaben Municipal on the east, while the Akwapim North and the Akwapim South districts are to the southeast of Eastern region. To the southern border are the Agona and Ewutu-Efutu-Senya districts of the Central Region and the Ga district of the Greater Accra region. The Birim South and the Birim North districts share common borders with the Akyem Abuakwa Kingdom on the southwest and west respectively, while the Kwahu South district is on the north-western border.

Cultural and Environmental Settings of the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area

All the five traditional divisions of the traditional area have magnificent environmental resources including forests, waterfalls, rivers, caves and a rich diversity of wildlife. For example, the Gyase division is noted for Akuku and Pameng Waterfalls at Bomaa and Pameng respectively. The division is also home to the Osebobuom Cave and tunnel at Adasawase. In the same division is found the Adasawase Crater Lake. The famous Atewa Forest Reserve which is amongst the Globally Significant Biodiversity Areas in Ghana is located in the Nifa division. It is also endowed with a butterfly sanctuary located at the environs of Juaso and Sagyimase communities. In the same division can be found the Okumanin Forest reserve and the Juaso Monkey Sanctuary. The other divisions are also similarly endowed. In addition to its environmental resources, the traditional area has a unique cultural heritage, with the chieftaincy institution2 as the centerpiece. 2 Chieftaincy is a system of government or political organization whose leader is known as Ohene (a chief) (Awuah-Nyamekye 2012: 21). In pre-colonial times, chieftaincy constituted the axis for the exercise of executive, legislative and judicial powers. Since the colonial era, the institution has been linked to the politics of Ghana. Various governments―colonial,

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The annual festivals of the chiefs and people of the traditional area, especially the Odwira festival,3 which is celebrated by all the five divisions of the traditional area, attract a large number of people including tourists to the area annually. The environmental resources of the traditional area are supported by its culture and vice-versa. The traditional area is noted for the significant initiatives of its Kings, Chiefs and their subjects at conserving and protecting the environment. In fact, the current King of the traditional area is recognized nationally and internationally as an ardent supporter of global environmental conservation initiatives. He has blended local traditions of conservation with modern approaches to enforce the protection of the forests and wildlife of the traditional area. Amongst his several initiatives is the formation of the O̱ kyeman Brigade. The guards ensure compliance with traditional rules and regulations that protect the environment. They also collaborate with government Ministries, Departments and Agencies (MDAs) as well as non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to protect the environment. For example, the Environmental Sub-committees of the local governments (District Assemblies) in their operational area rely on them for information on the activities of illegal loggers. The Forestry Services Division of the Ghana Forestry Commission also collaborates with members of the Brigade in the patrolling of many forest reserves. Several environmental NGOs, which operate in the traditional area, also solicit the services of the brigades in the execution of community projects particularly in the areas of water conservation and forest and wildfire prevention and control. The traditional religion is another important cultural heritage. In Africa, however, the use of the term traditional religion to describe the spirituality of the African has been problematic. In fact, there has been an age-long debate over whether the spirituality of the African should be known either in the singular or plural form. That is, African Traditional Religion or African Traditional Religions. The debate however, is outside the purview of this paper. Because the arguments need full attention which cannot be discussed here in view of civilian or military have in one way or the other tried to influence the role of chiefs in political affairs. There have been significant changes, therefore, in the powers of chiefs both at the local and national levels on account of frequent intervention in the mode of representation and administration in the country by the central government. Consequently, the overall powers and authority of chiefs have experienced ebbs and flows depending on regime preferences and dynamic changes in the chieftaincy institution itself (see Boafo-Arthur, K. 2001). 3 The festival is the celebration of the eating of the “first yam” signifying a thanksgiving to the gods for a good harvest and to pray to them for sustained food production (see OseiMensah, A. 1999).

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the requirements of length of this paper. Current scholarship seems to support the singular form and thus be used in this paper. The non-unanimity over the simple and precise definition of African Traditional Religion seems to come from the fact that, as Nnyombi (2009) puts it, its propagation is carried out by living it rather than preaching it. And, its followers are more preoccupied with its practice than with its theory, and the definition of it becomes even more difficult because of its integral/holistic character. For the African, the religious and the profane are not distinguishable; no aspect of life is formally delineated as religious apart from other aspects of life. Also, there seems to be no local word or term for the word “religion” in all the African languages found in south of the Sahara (Idowu 1973: 135). This has resulted in different scholars defining it from their own perspectives. But in this paper’s context, African Traditional Religion should be understood as the religion of the people of Ghana before their encounter with foreign religions such Christianity and Islam. In spite of the difficulty connected with its definition, African Traditional Religion has and continues to shape the life of the traditional people of the study area and Ghanaians in general. The following constitute the main structure or elements of African Traditional Religion: • • • •

Belief in Supreme Being (God) Belief in the divinities or lesser gods Belief in the Ancestors Belief in the impersonal forces which manifest themselves in the workings of magic, witchcraft, sorcery, totemism, charms and amulets and other ways.

These spiritual entities are in a hierarchical order with the O̱ nyame (Supreme Being or God) presiding over this hierarchy (Parrinder 1974; Smith 1950; Rattray 1923). African Traditional Religion has no founder. It is the result of the reflections and experiences and observations of the progenitors of the various ethnic groups in Africa. In the words of Mbiti: African religion is the product of the thinking and experiences of our forefathers and mothers that is men, women and children of former generations. They formed religious ideas, they formulated religious beliefs, they observed religious ceremonies and rituals, they told proverbs and myths which carried religious meanings, and they evolved laws and customs which safeguarded the life of the individual and his community. Mbiti 1991: 13

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The people of our study area, who are part of the Akan (the largest ethnic group in Ghana) like other traditional Africans, are very religious (Mbiti 1989; Parrinder 1974). This, impacts largely on their worldview. This worldview in fact, determines their conduct in all spheres of their lives. For instance, O̱ nyame is credited with the creation of the universe (Opoku 1978; Busia 1968; Danquah 1928 and 1968). The Akan myth of creation, as narrated by Opoku (1978) says, Odomakoma (God) created the universe in an orderly manner as follows: He created the sky, followed by the earth, rivers and plants. Man and animals were created last. The animals were to feed on the plants and then provide food for man. God realized that man needed protection in his environment and thus created the spirits of waters, forests and rocks, etc. for man’s own protection. This means the universe has some religious elements. This explains the reason why certain natural objects such rivers, mountains, caves, forest, etc. are protected through practical means like the institution of the sacred grove, respect for certain animals and plants and their general attitude towards land, all of which, are implemented through the institution of taboos. This has been the guiding principle in the Akan attitude towards creation (Opoku 1978). Therefore, Akan environmental conservation ideas are based on this theoretical framework. For instance, in the case of sacred groves, people are not usually allowed entry. It is only designated people like chiefs, elders and traditional priests that are allowed entry. Usually sacred groves are protected by local taboos, norms and belief systems in the rural communities. Failure to comply with the taboos and norms, it is believed, could result in ill-luck, diseases, death or social sanctions (Dercher 1996; Rattray 1959). Although some scholars (Lebbie and Guries 2008) have claimed that these groves are primarily preserved for religio-cultural reasons and not for ecological reasons, their ecological importance cannot be discounted. For instance, in the study area, every graveyard of every community or village is viewed as sacred, and no one is permitted to cut trees or collect faggots from the area. Therefore, the contribution of the institution of the sacred grove particularly to the conservation of flora and fauna can be said to be invaluable. Also, studies so far on sacred groves in Akan societies, have established the fact that these groves have become sanctuaries for many endangered species (Sarfo-Mensah et al. 2010; Nsiah 2009; Gordon 1992; Ntiamoa-Baidu 1990). Our informants hinted that it is a taboo to till the land on a Thursday since Thursday is considered as the natal day for the Earth (land). This shows an anthropomorphic element in the people’s religious worldview. Spilling innocent blood on the land, sexual intercourse in the bush, giving birth in the bush as well as not removing the fetus from a pregnant woman before she is buried worldviews 18 (2014) 30-53


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are also considered as taboo to the land. In case any of these actions is done, the land has to be propitiated or else it is believed that a drought or infertility in the soil may result. This view has been confirmed by studies in other parts of Ghana (Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro 2007; Opoku 1978; Busia 1968). In the study area (and in fact among the Akan) many rivers, lakes, lagoons, springs, and ponds are usually viewed as asuo abosom (River deities) (Parrinder 1974). River Tano is by far the most powerful river deity among the Akan (Parrinder 1974; Sarpong 1974). Fishing is strictly banned in this river for the fish are believed to be the children of the river. Another river in which fishing is banned altogether is Koraa in the Berekum District of Ghana (Awuah-Nyamekye 2009b). It is uncommon to find designated sites along the course of many rivers serving as aso̱ neye̱so (shrines) (Awuah-Nyamekye 2009b). No wonder that some of these water bodies have designated priests or priestesses to attend to them. Mention can be made of Lake Bosometwe (Parrinder 1974), Asuo Tano (Busia 1968), River Koraa (Awuah-Nyamekye 2009b) River Asuoyima of Dotobaa (SarfoMensa, Anto Fredua and Oduro 2010). Also, because water is very crucial to human life, the Akan have designed certain measures to protect water bodies. For instance, it is a taboo to defecate near water bodies, particularly rivers and to farm close to river channels (Awuah-Nyamekye 2009b). There are also regulations on fishing that are derived from beliefs associated with certain attributes of rivers and water bodies. For instance, in the coastal Akanland fishing is prohibited on Tuesdays because the sea is viewed as a goddess, and Tuesday is believed to be its natal day. Stories are told throughout the coastal areas in Ghana about those who suffered (perishing on high seas) for disobeying this injunction. It is a taboo to use unapproved methods for fishing. For instance, using chemicals (Appiah-Opoku 2005; Dyasi 1985) or unapproved fishing nets is banned in the Akan society. Specifically, in the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area, as elsewhere in Africa (Beier 1980), several gods and their respective traditional African priests and priestesses are revered by their followers as protectors of humans and the environment against evils forces. And, as will be emphasized below for the study area, Sarfo-Mensah et al., (2010) made similar conclusions that underscored the importance of these gods and their associated priests and priestesses. They cite the example of the Daworo god as the protector of the Buabeng Fiema Monkey Sanctuary in Ghana. In the frontier communities of the Sanctuary, the Daworo god and her priests and priestesses are revered. Also, the monkeys, which are regarded as the children of the god, live in harmony with the local people (Sarfo-Mensah et al. 2010: 11). In addition, the conservation of the sanctuary and the local cultures has been noted as the fulcrum of the budding ecotourism in the fringe communities and the entire Nkoranza Traditional Area worldviews 18 (2014) 30-53

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(Fargey 1992). And as it is increasingly being pushed in the policy circles in Ghana and the rest of West African Sub-region, the potential abounds for launching these areas into major ecotourism sites due to the natural objects including forest patches and monkey sanctuaries (van den Bremer and Büscher 2011). The latter authors have argued in their study in the Tafi Atome area that, by marketing over a dozen “community ecotourism” sites, Ghana hopes to lure the adventurous traveler to spend money in their country and so aid local development and protect natural resources (van den Bremer and Büscher 2011: 2). Indeed in the Abuakwa Traditional Area, natural objects abound in varied forms and are woven into the customs and traditions of the people. For example, the Birim River deity which has shrines in several communities in its catchment area is regarded as the most powerful in the traditional area. In the Ghana River Birim together with Tano, Pra, Ankobra and Offin are associated with powerful gods and priest and priestesses. They are also noted to have rich minerals deposits in their basins, which have brought in their trail significant interest in these river deities because of the well-recognized rituals and taboos associated with mining in their catchment areas (Addai and Amankwah 2011: 251). The river Birim is the source of Ghana’s Diamond. The spiritual, physical and philosophical sustenance of the Akyem people are all derived from the river Birim (Osei Appeatu 2009). The Akyem do not worship the river per se, they revere it as their source of inspiration, giving them life and strength (Osei Appeatu 2009). The Akyem use the Ohum festival to thank the Creator for blessing their land with such a magnificent river. And during the occasion, products from the Akyem land (cocoyam and yam) and the river deity (fresh fish) are symbols, which are used to remember ancestors who struggled and persevered to keep the society intact. During the festival, the descendants pledge to continue the tradition, to keep Akyem people strong and free with peace and prosperity (Osei Appeatu 2009). The river deity is revered by the local traditional leaders and their subjects. Personal communications revealed that several shrines along the river’s banks have various representations of the river deity. But the common form is the brass pan, yaawa, which is usually left at the special area chosen by the head priest along the banks of the river. Rituals and sacrifices are made at the location to the god. The function of the river god is to protect the environment and the local people. River Birim has in recent times come under unbridled pollution due to the activities of itinerant diamond miners. Some local people we interacted with attribute occasional flooding to the anger of the river god due to pollution by artisanal diamond miners. In recent times there have been incidents reported that the traditional authorities in the area have had to appease worldviews 18 (2014) 30-53


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the gods for the widespread flooding in the area in which several towns were inundated and lives and property were lost (Donkor et al. 2006). One unique link between the river deity and the people of the traditional area is in terms of protection, which is drawn upon by chanting Okyenkwaa onom Birim, for the Akyem citizen who drinks from the Birim River. It is believed that as soon as a citizen chants this, saying it underscores his/her truthfulness by implicitly swearing by the river deity. This tradition is recognized by many people of the Akyem Traditional Area. The other river deity is Prebi River, which is a perennial sacred stream that runs through Kukurantumi, a portion of which extends to form a small pond. This pond contains unique species of fish with golden plates on their foreheads. Though the people of Kukurantumi drink from the Prebi stream, they are forbidden from eating any fish from the pond. As a result, these fish continued to grow bigger and bigger over the years. Though not very large, the Prebi has never dried up. It is believed that the river god has a shrine in the pond. Also found in Kukurantumi area is Nana Obuo (N’obuo) sacred Virgin Forest, which covers forty-four acres of land. Legend has it that, the forest is surrounded by mysterious and divine powers. Anyone who is able to walk around this forest is expected to have added at least one more year to his life span and is not expected to encounter death throughout the year in which he/she did the walk-around. People are permitted to enter this forest only once a year after rituals are performed and this is usually during the Odwira Festival, an annual colourful celebration of the Chiefs and people of the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area to honor gods of the land. It is therefore a taboo to enter that forest outside the permitted period. Tradition has it that whoever violates this regulation may not find his way out of the forest. In the middle of this forest lies a sacred stone. It is believed that no one, not even bulldozer, can move this sacred stone, even though it is not particularly large, from its location. The name of the town seems to be derived from the unmovable nature of the stone―Kukuru antumi―to wit, unable to lift. Granting this to be so, then it stands to reason that the original settlement began close to that shrine. The credibility in this assertion is in the fact that in the olden days many settlements were built around the shrine of the guardian deity (personal communication, December 17, 2010). There are various kinds of wildlife and exotic plant species, including huge trees, located in this sacred forest. The War god of Akyem Abuakwa, Bresaa, is also well-regarded. The Bresaa shrine is located at Apapam. This god is believed to have helped Akyem to defeat all enemies including the Asante during the time of King Osei Tutu I. King Osei Tutu I is said to have been beheaded by Akyem Abuakwa during worldviews 18 (2014) 30-53

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their 99th War with the Asante, when crossing River Pra. The knife used by this King is kept in this shrine today. The various gods in the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area, including the four prominent ones discussed above, have taboos associated with them. These fall generally into three categories: prohibition of entering the surrounding areas of the gods on dabone (sacred day which prohibits farming or carrying out any economic activity in the river and its surrounding); banning or limited fishing access in rivers; and prohibition of entry by women on the their menstrual period. This is in conformity with observations made by SarfoMensah and Oduro (2007: 9) about the transitional forest zone of Ghana. The function of these taboos is to reduce humans’ negative impact in the natural resources (land, rivers and forests) and to enhance purity of the gods. For example, in all the communities that the Birim river deity is revered, Tuesday is considered dabone and the activities mentioned above are prohibited. Any contravention is sanctioned by the local communities. Offenders have to pacify the gods through making sacrifices. The sacrifices are usually determined by the priests in consultation with the god. However, local people confirmed the effectiveness of these taboos are being undermined due to growing disbelief in the traditional practice due mainly to the influence of Christianity and Islam (Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro 2007: 9).

Threats to the Environmental and Cultural Heritage of the Traditional Area

The cultural and environmental assets of the traditional area, as in several parts of the country, are threatened with changes, which may undermine their integrity. Of course, in the past, these forces of change were in play, but they have assumed alarming dimensions in recent times. Factors that cause degradation or serve as threats to the sustainability of the environment of the traditional area are complex and interrelated. They arise from commercial factors such as farming and logging; bush fires (see Attuquayefio and Fobil,2005), the weakening of traditional institutions and the lack of governmental support. Agriculture, which is the mainstay of the local economy, has contributed significantly in the depletion of forest resources in the area. Slash and burn and shifting cultivation, which are still the predominant farming systems, are major threats to the forests and wildlife resources of the area. It has been established that the rapid population growth in the traditional area has also increased pressure on land for farming with concomitant environmental degradation. Population in the study area is increasing due to the influx of worldviews 18 (2014) 30-53


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migrants (World Bank and GEF 2004). Population-related pressures on land and other natural resources have affected traditional natural resources management. In addition, fallow periods have been reduced and continuous cropping has become common. The growing demand for land and the presence of migrants have extended agriculture to marginal lands. The increasing demand for land threatens forest reserves particularly the Atewa Range and other sacred sites. (All the five District Environmental officers emphasized these problems.) Recent studies by the World Bank and GEF in the area showed, for example, that population in major settlements on the fringes of the Atewa Range including Sagyimase have experienced increases in population in the range of 60 and 70 percent between 1984 and 2000 (World Bank and GEF 2004). The study also showed that chainsaw operators are still active in some enclaves in the traditional area; although their operations have been reduced in the Atewa range and other forest reserves. In spite of the formation of fire volunteer groups in most communities in the traditional area, incidents of bush fires resulting especially from farmlands preparation, group hunting and palm wine tapping are still rampant. Noncompliance with local rules and regulations on these activities poses a major threat to the local environment (personal communication with the secretary, O̱ kyeman Brigade, June 20, 2009). It has also been emphasized by traditional authorities that lack of adequate backing from the government for the enforcement of traditional rules on natural resource management affects the environment. Delays in prosecuting offenders and meting out appropriate punishment as well as the colluding of some security agencies with recalcitrant encroachers of forest reserves are undermining efforts at conserving the environment in the traditional area. It has been argued that changes in local perceptions of the natural environment, especially local beliefs and taboos that ensured judicious use of environmental resources and their conservation, account for the degradation of the environment including the pollution of local water bodies. Although studies (Awuah-Nyamekye 2009a and b; Jehu-Beaulaton 2008; Sarfo-Mensah 2002; Nukunya 1986; Smith 1986) have shown that Christianity and Islam have influenced attitudinal changes in this regard, economic motivations have been found to underlie most of the actions of those who disregard traditional beliefs and taboos that protect the natural environment. In the traditional area, disregard for non-farming days, farming close to water bodies and in sacred sites is on the ascendancy (all the chiefs with whom we interacted agreed about this point). The interplay of the above-mentioned factors also directly and indirectly undermines the cultural heritage of the traditional area. In fact, local worldviews 18 (2014) 30-53

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people’s attitudes towards the environment may be used as a measure of their regard for their cultural heritage. This is because the environment and culture are inextricably linked and are mutually constituted. Therefore the corruption of one affects the other. However, it must be noted that local people, especially the traditional leaders and elders emphasize modernity (i.e. the influence of Western cultures, Christianity and Islam) as the major force that threatens the sustainability of local cultural beliefs and practices.

Policy Imperatives

From the foregoing it is apparent that the cultural and environmental heritage of the Akyem Abuakwa traditional area are rich and have the potential for sustained tourism development which could reduce poverty and improve the living conditions of the people of the traditional area. However, these natural heritage assets are threatened by various factors including unsustainable economic activities and inimical attitudinal changes. To enhance the preservation of the local cultural heritage and environmental conservation, the following are considered useful policy imperatives: Government Support It is becoming increasingly difficult for local leaders to enforce traditional religious practices and regulations in the face of state laws and the judiciary (Osemeobo 1994). To allow them to increase their involvement in environmental issues, traditional chiefs should be given legal backing to enforce the conservation of traditionally protected areas including sacred sites. District assemblies and relevant decentralized government departments should complement the efforts of traditional authorities by prosecuting illegal chainsaw operators, group hunters, palm wine tapers and charcoal producers who are arrested by local people. Swift prosecution of offenders and punitive sentences may deter potential offenders and also encourage local people to be more vigilant in protecting local resources. Capacity Building and Support for Traditional Leaders To enhance the performance of the chiefs and traditional leaders of the traditional area to protect their rich heritage assets, it is also proposed that capacity building programs be developed for traditional leaders of the traditional area. This should involve training needs assessment and training of chiefs and elders of their courts as well as the staff of their secretariats. The aim of the worldviews 18 (2014) 30-53


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programme should be to build the capacities of traditional leaders to meet the challenges of contemporary development options and their implications for environmental conservation.

Platform for Dialogue between Islam, Christianity and Traditional Religion The attitudes and values that shape the concepts of environment and culture by people come primarily from their religious worldview (Tucker and Grim 2000). Since, in the traditional area, as in the rest of Ghana, Christianity and Islam have taken root, the moral imperatives and value systems of these religions need to be drawn on to mobilize local people to practice environmental conservation and respect for local traditions. In the study area, as elsewhere in Ghana, Christians, Muslims and adherents of indigenous African religion engage in little regular dialogue to create partnerships to implement long-term solutions to environmental problems. Creation of these platforms within the traditional area could serve to promote mutual respect and recognition of the tenets of each of these religions. Recent media reports of events in Ghana, which suggest open confrontations between the believers of Indigenous African Religion and members of other religions especially Christians on issues related to the enforcement of certain traditional beliefs, make constant dialogue imperative.

Eco-Conscious Agencies and NGOs Environmental agencies and non-government organizations (NGOs) can promote and facilitate this dialogue. At all levels, Christians, Muslims and adherents of Indigenous African Religion must be encouraged to forward joint proposals on environmental values of mutual benefit to all the religions. These should include religiously-rooted conservation practices such as bans on and the enforcement of sanctions on fishing, hunting as well as respect for the sacred sites of all religions, including sacred sites of the indigenous religions. These proposals should be linked to relevant areas of government policy on environmental development. Education and Public Awareness It is virtually impossible to expect people to change their attitudes towards forests and wildlife when they do not understand the conservation issues at stake (Ntiamoa-Baidu 1995). It may be even more difficult to do so when such issues involve beliefs and practices, which are in conflict with their own. However, education and public awareness campaigns may change their attitudes and behaviour. In the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area, worldviews 18 (2014) 30-53

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various congregations of churches, Islamic organizations, traditionalists and social groups of ethnic minorities (such as migrant farmers) exist. The district assemblies and environmental NGOs should use the leaders of Christian churches, Muslim clerics, heads of migrant groups and other social organizations to promote the education of their members so that they appreciate the social, economic and cultural problems that result from environmental degradation as well as national and global concerns on conservation. Also, simple publications in local languages, as well as in English, of stories and folklore about forests and the natural environment grounded in traditional culture, particularly beliefs and practices on conservation, may help create the necessary awareness amongst children, and adults. Television and radio documentaries should also be commissioned on the traditional area to showcase its rich natural and cultural heritage. Training in Sustainable Alternative Livelihoods A lack of alternative livelihood sources that are less dependent on land, forests and tree resources was observed to be common in the communities of the traditional area during the study. Opportunities in the traditional area for the creation of more livelihood opportunities less dependent on tree and forest resources should be appraised. Local people should be given the necessary support in training, exposure and credit to develop alternative livelihoods, which will reduce pressure on land, forests and tree resources and also improve their living standards. In this context, the promotion of community-based eco-tourism in the conservation of sacred sites and other natural resources (wildlife sanctuaries, waterfalls, caves, etc.) in the traditional area could provide viable opportunities local communities, conservationists and private sector operators to work together to mutual benefit. These sites should be assessed for their viability in sustainable and low impact tourism as well as their strategic importantance for environmental conservation and development. Collaborative Off-Reserve Forestry Activities The Forestry Service in the traditional area should expand their participatory off-reserve forest activities to include more sacred sites. This should be targeted at more remote communities, which are often little known and vulnerable to the clandestine activities of illegal chainsaw operators. Such collaborative efforts could also provide the needed support and training for local people in fire prevention and control to reduce the risk of fire.

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Funding of Research Anthropological studies should be funded to investigate local perceptions of forest space and landscape, the environment and conservation, traditional beliefs and their significance for natural resources management. Currently, little detailed scientific research on beliefs, taboos and practices associated with traditional natural resource management is being carried out to establish their significance for conservation. Although these management practices may be shrouded in complex myths and beliefs and may appear to have no scientific basis, many traditional practices and beliefs have been shown to be based on scientific principles (Appiah-Opoku and Hyma 1999; Ntiamoa-Baidu 1995). Collaborative research involving anthropologists, religionists and natural scientists may help explain the scientific and social value of beliefs related to traditional natural resources management. This may enhance the acceptability of these traditions, many of which have conservation potential. Conclusion There is no doubt that the Akyem Abuakwa Traditional Area abounds in magnificent natural resources cast in a beautiful landscape. This is complimented by a rich cultural heritage, which makes the traditional area one of the potentially endowed areas for tourism development in the country. Currently, not much benefit is derived from these resources due to their underdevelopment. The sustainable development of the cultural and environmental resources of the traditional area will certainly enhance tourism and improve the living conditions of the local people. To achieve these objectives the concerns expressed above on the threats to the local environment and culture must to be addressed. References Agar, M.H. and J.R. Hobbs. 1985. “How to Grow Schemata Out of Interviews” in J. W. D. Dougherty (ed.) Directions in Cognitive Anthropology. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Appiah-Opoku. 2005. The Need for Indigenous Knowledge in Environmental Impact Assessment: The Case of Ghana. New York: Edwin Mellen Press. Appiah-Opoku, S. and B. Hyma. 1999. “Indigenous Institutions and Resource Management in Ghana,” Indigenous Knowledge and Development Monitor 7.3: 15–17.

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