European Identity Revisited

European Identity Revisited

It has been argued that the emergence of a European collective identity would help overcome growing disparity caused by the increasing diversity of today’s European Union, with 28 member states and more than 500 million people. Research on European integration is facing the pressing question of what holds ‘Europe’ together in times of crisis, growing distributional conflict and instability in its neighbourhood. This book departs from the ideas of group cohesion in the EU and reflects on the newest dynamics and practices of European identity. Whilst applying innovative qualitative, quantitative and experimental research methods and an interdisciplinary approach, this volume looks at a variety of issues such as European citizenship, mobility of European citizens, space-based identities, dual identities, student identity and value-sharing. In doing so, this volume presents new perspectives on this complex and dynamic subject and points to potential solutions both in the academic discourse and in the political practice of the EU. This text will be of key interest to scholars and students of European integration, European studies, international relations, citizenship studies, political sociology, as well as more broadly in the social sciences. Viktoria Kaina is Full Professor and holds the Chair of Political Science I: State and Governance at the University of Hagen. Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski is Professor and holds the Chair of Political Science at the Willy Brandt Centre for German and European Studies, at the University of Wroclaw. He is also Adjunct Professor at the Chair of Political Theory, University of Potsdam. Sebastian Kuhn is Research Assistant and Lecturer at the Chair of Political Science I: State and Governance at the University of Hagen.

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European Identity Revisited New approaches and recent empirical evidence

Edited by Viktoria Kaina, Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski and Sebastian Kuhn

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First published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2016 selection and editorial material, Viktoria Kaina, Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski and Sebastian Kuhn; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Viktoria Kaina, Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski and Sebastian Kuhn to be identified as the author of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data [CIP data] ISBN: 978-1-138-88636-0 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-71490-5 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex CoVantage, LLC

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Contents

List of figuresvii List of tablesix Notes on contributorsxi Prefacexix IRENEUSZ PAWEL KAROLEWSKI

Introduction

1

IRENEUSZ PAWEL KAROLEWSKI, VIKTORIA KAINA AND SEBASTIAN KUHN

PART I

Theorizing European identity: recent conceptual perspectives

13

1 The citizenship–identity nexus in the EU revisited

15

IRENEUSZ PAWEL KAROLEWSKI

2 Theorizing European identity: Contributions to constructivist international relations debates on collective identity

31

BAHAR RUMELILI AND MÜNEVVER CEBECI

3 European identity after Ockham’s razor: European identification

44

JOCHEN ROOSE

PART II

Measuring European identity: new methodological outlooks

59

4 European Union symbols under threat: identity considerations

61

LAURA CRAM AND STRATOS PATRIKIOS

5 Experimental exposure to the EU energy label: trust and implicit identification with the EU

71

PHILIPP HEINRICH

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vi Contents 6 A Europeanisation of identities? Quantitative analysis of space-based collective identities in Europe

84

KATHARINA CIRLANARU

PART III

Explaining European identity: fresh empirical evidence115 7 Crisis, resilience and EU citizenship: collective identifications of EU migrants in Norway and Denmark

117

DENIZ NERIMAN DURU, ASIMINA MICHAILIDOU AND HANS-JÖRG TRENZ

8 Dual identity and its mechanisms: national and European identity in the Italo-Slovene border area

132

SIMONA GUGLIELMI

9 Does immigration contribute to the formation of a European identity? A multilevel analysis in western Europe

157

HANNES WEBER

10 European identity and diffuse support for the European Union in a time of crisis: what can we learn from university students?

177

KRISTINE MITCHELL

11 Commonality and EU identification: the perception of value sharing as a foundation of European identity

199

TUULI-MARJA KLEINER AND NICOLA BÜCKER

12 Building ‘us’ and constructing ‘them’: mass European identity building and the problem of inside–outside definitions

218

VIKTORIA KAINA AND SEBASTIAN KUHN

13 ‘In search of the unknown’: an essay on the need for non-knowledge in European identity research

245

VIKTORIA KAINA

Index

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259

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Contributors

Nicola Bücker is a research associate at the Comenius-Institute Münster (Germany). She received her PhD from Jacobs University Bremen and worked as a research associate at the Department of Social Sciences at Jacobs University Bremen and at the Department of Political Sciences at Philipps University Marburg. Her research interests include mass attitudes towards the European Union, social identities, framing processes and migration and integration in Europe. Recent publications include ‘Cues or Performance? Sources of Trust in the European Union’, in Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft (2014) 8: 5–33 (with T.-M. Kleiner); ‘Cultural Foundations of EU Support: The Influence of the Attribution of Values on Supranational Political Trust’, in Politische Vierteljahresschrift (2014) 55: 295–320 (with T.-M. Kleiner); Europe Bottom-Up: How Eastern Germans and Poles Frame the European (Nomos 2012); ‘What Does the EU Mean to You Personally? Citizens’ Images of and Support for the European Union’ (in I. P. Karolewski, V. Kaina: Civic Resources in the European Union, Routledge 2012: 37–58). Münevver Cebeci is an Associate Professor and the Head of Department of EU Politics and International Relations at the European Union Institute (a Jean Monnet Centre of Excellence), Marmara University in Istanbul. She has taught several courses, including ‘European Foreign Policy’, ‘Security Studies’, ‘International Relations Theories’ and ‘Turkey-EU Relations’ since 2001. Her course ‘International Politics of the EU’ was awarded as a ‘Jean Monnet Permanent Course’ by the European Commission in 2002–2007. She gave lectures (as a guest) at various universities; including Bilgi University-Istanbul, Bilkent University-Ankara, the College of Europe-Natolin, and Canterbury Christ Church University-Canterbury. She is a former visiting fellow of WEU (now, the EU) Institute for Security Studies. She holds a PhD in EU Politics and International Relations from the European Union Institute, Marmara University, an MSc in International Relations from the London School of Economics (as a Jean Monnet scholar) and an MA in International Relations from the Social Sciences Institute, Marmara University. Her research interests include European Foreign Policy and Security Studies. She has published two books and numerous scholarly articles in journals and edited books. Her latest book,

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xii Contributors Issues in EU and US Foreign Policy (an edited volume), was published by Lexington Books in 2011. Cebeci is also the author of ‘European Foreign Policy Research Reconsidered: Constructing an ‘Ideal Power Europe’ through Theory?’ in Millennium – Journal of International Studies (2012) 40(3): 563–583. Katharina Cirlanaru is a research associate at Jacobs University Bremen. She holds a BA in Integrated Social Sciences from Jacobs University Bremen and an M.Soc.Sci in Ethnic Relations, Cultural Diversity, and Integration/Sociology from the University of Helsinki. Her research interests include social transnationalism, transnational sense of community and denationalization, especially with respect to the European integration process. Laura Cram is professor of European Politics and heads the Neuropolitics group at the University of Edinburgh. She has an established track record of research on the European Union policy process and on European Union identity. She has a particular interest in the neuropolitics of identity and was awarded an ESRC transformative research grant to extend her identity research into the field of neuropolitics. She currently holds an ESRC Senior Europe Fellowship to examine the European Union in the public imagination. Her group uses experimental approaches, including functional magnetic resonance imaging brain scanning, survey experiments, behavioural games and physiological hormone testing to examine the meaning and effect of identity(ies) in multilevel polities. She is the author of a monograph and three edited works on European integration, as well as more than 30 articles and chapters appearing in journals such as Democratization; Journal of European Public Policy; Journal of Common Market Studies; and Governance. Deniz Neriman Duru is a postdoctoral research fellow in the Media, Cognition and Communication Department at the University of Copenhagen. She currently works for the Eurochallenge project on the accommodation and mediation of diversity of intra-EU and international migrants in Denmark. She holds a BA in Social Anthropology from SOAS, University of London. She wrote her PhD thesis is in Social Anthropology on ‘Coexistence and Conviviality in Multi-faith, Multi- Ethnic Burgazadasi, Istanbul’ at the University of Sussex and worked as a postdoc afterwards at the Sociology department at the University of York for the EUCROSS project financed by the EC’s 7th Framework. Her research and teaching experiences include issues of multiculturalism, diversity, conviviality, coexistence, anthropology of Turkey and Turkish migrants in Europe, media anthropology, social media and intra-EU and international migration within the eurocrisis context. She has a forthcoming article entitled ‘From Mosaic to Ebru: Conviviality in Multi-Faith, Multi-Ethnic Burgazadasi, Istanbul’ in South European Society and Politics. Simona Guglielmi earned a PhD in Sociology from the University of Study of Milan and an MA in Statistics from the University of Study of Milano Bicocca. She is currently a postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Political and Social Sciences at the University of Study of Milan. Her main research

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Contributors xiii interests lie in the relationship between collective identity, political culture and political system. She has expertise in the collection and management of survey data and strong methodological and statistical-technical skills. Her methodological interests include comparative studies and cross-national equivalence. Her most recent publications focus on conceptualizing and measuring national and European identity: ‘National Minority and Acceptance of Minority Right by the Majority: The Case of Slovenians in Italy’, Studia UBB Sociologia (2013) 1: 9–19 (with P. Segatti), ‘Unpacking the Components of National Identity and Their Effects on European Identity’ (with P. Segatti) and ‘Meanings of National and of European Identity’ (with C. Vezzoni), in P. Segatti and B. Westle (eds.), European Identity in the Context of National Identity, Oxford University Press (forthcoming). Philipp Heinrich is a PhD student at the University of Edinburgh. He earned an MA in Cross-Cultural Communication from Newcastle University and a M.Sc. in Political Research from Strathclyde University. His principal research interests lie in the meaning of the EU for the wider public, with a focus on experimental research using implicit visual triggers tied to the concept of ‘banal Europeanism’. Further interests in the field of EU integration include measures of public attitudes, EU identities and political trust. He is well versed in the collection of survey and experimental data and has received broad training in statistical methods. Past methodological training and research include qualitative work, with a particular focus on critical discourse analysis. Viktoria Kaina is full professor at the University of Hagen and holds the Chair of Political Science I: State and Governance. She is Co-Convenor of the ECPR Standing Group ‘Identity’, Country Expert for ‘Varieties in Democracies (V-Dem)’ and Standing Author of ‘Living Reviews in European Governance’. Furthermore, she is reviewer for the German Science Foundation, the Heidelberg Academy of Sciences and Humanities and Palgrave Macmillan as well as for various national and international high quality scholarly journals. Her research interests include European identity and European integration, empirical democratic theory and political sociology, including mass attitudes and political behaviour, trust and elites. Recent publications include: ‘Why Do We Trust Strangers? Revising the Institutional Approach to Generalized Trust Creation’, West European Politics (2011) 34(2): 282–295; ‘Civic Resources and the Future of the European Union’ (Routledge 2012 – co-edited with I. P. Karolewski); ‘How to Reduce Disorder in European Identity Research?’, European Political Science (2013): 12: 184–196; ‘EU Governance and European Identity’, Living Reviews in European Governance (2013): 8(1) [online article – major update] (with I. P. Karolewski); ‘Are Quantitative Research Methods to Blame for a Growing Irrelevance of Political Science? A Rejoinder to John Trent’, European Political Science (2014): 13: 201–206 (with S. Kuhn). Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski holds the Chair of Political Science at the Willy Brandt Centre for German and European Studies, University of Wroclaw (Poland), is full professor at the University of Wroclaw and is an adjunct

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xiv Contributors professor at the Chair of Political Theory, University of Potsdam (Germany). He received his PhD in Political Science from the University of Potsdam, where he held an assistant professorship at the Chair of Political Theory (1999–2008). He was a visiting professor at Harvard University, Hebrew University Jerusalem, the Institut D’Etudes Politiques in Lille (France) and the University of Pondicherry (India), as well as a research fellow at the University of California in Santa Barbara, New York University and the University of Montreal. His research interests include European citizenship, collective identity, nation and nationalism in Europe and constitutionalism in the EU. Among other things he published and co-edited: European Identity: Theoretical Perspectives and Empirical Insights (LIT, 2006, with V. Kaina), Nationalism and European Integration (Continuum, 2007, with A. M. Suszycki), Citizenship and Collective Identity in Europe (Routledge, 2010), Multiplicity of Nationalism in Europe (Lanham, 2009, with A. M. Suszycki), The Nation and Nationalism in Europe (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011, with A. M. Suszycki), Civic Resources and the Future of the European Union (Routledge 2012, with V. Kaina) and articles in the Journal of European Integration; Europe-Asia Studies and the European Law Journal. Tuuli-Marja Kleiner is a postdoc researcher and lecturer at the Department of Political Science at the University of Hagen. Her research interests include European identity, social and political trust, national images, value orientations, including cultural differences and ideological polarization, political support and political participation. Recent publications: ‘Regional Cultures Attracting Interregional Migrants’, in Urban Studies (2014) 51: 3348–3364 (with J. Hirschle); ‘Cues or Performance? Sources of Trust in the European Union’, in Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft (2014) 8: 5–33 (with N. Bücker); ‘Cultural Foundations of EU Support. The Influence of the Attribution of Values on Supranational Political Trust’, in Politische Vierteljahresschrift (2014) 55: 295–320 (with N. Bücker); ‘National Image and Trustworthiness – The Role of Cultural Values in the Creation of Trust Between European Nations’, in Place Branding and Public Diplomacy (2012) 8: 223–234. Sebastian Kuhn is a research associate at the Chair of Political Science I: State and Governance at the University of Hagen. Previously he was research assistant and lecturer at the Department of Government at the Friedrich Schiller University Jena and Lecturer at the Department of Comparative Politics and Political Sociology at the University of Stuttgart. Since 2012 he has been a member of the Steering Committee of the ECPR Standing Group Identity. His research interests include political culture, European identity, empirical democratic theory and research methods. Recent publications include: ‘Lokale Orientierungen’, in Tausendpfund, Markus/van Deth, Jan (eds.), Politik im Kontext. Wiesbaden: Springer VS, 35–65 (2013) and ‘Are Quantitative Research Methods to Blame for a Growing Irrelevance of Political Science? A Rejoinder to John Trent’, European Political Science (2014) 13(2): 201–206 (with V. Kaina).

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Contributors xv Asimina Michailidou is senior researcher in the Citizens’ Resilience and Mobilization division in the Law and Democracy sub-project of the EuroDiv programme (‘Integration and Division: Towards a Segmented Europe?’), at the ARENA Centre for European Studies, UiO. She holds a PhD in Political Communication from Loughborough University, UK, and has held teaching and research positions at the University of Bristol (2007–2009) and the University of Oslo (2009–to date). Her main areas of research are online media, mobilization and crises in the EU; online journalism and European elections; Euroscepticism; and the public communication strategies of EU institutions. Among her main publications are: The Internet and European Integration (Barbara Budrich, 2014; with Pieter de Wilde and Hans-Jörg Trenz); Contesting Europe (ECPR Press, 2013, with Pieter de Wilde and Hans-Jörg Trenz); and The European Union Online (Akademiker, 2012); along with peer-reviewed articles in Journalism Practice; the European Journal of Communication Research; the European Journal of Political Research; the International Political Science Review; and the Journal of European Public Policy. She is frequently invited to act as referee for international journals such as the Journal of Common Market Studies; Governance; South European Society and Politics; Ethnicities and the British Journal of Sociology. Kristine Mitchell is associate professor of Political Science and International Studies at Dickinson College in Pennsylvania (USA). Her research focuses on European integration, political identities, and labor politics. She has conducted field research in Belgium, France, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom and has held research appointments at the Institute for European Studies at UC Berkeley, the Center for European Studies at New York University, the Institut d’Etudes Politiques (Sciences Po) in Paris and the Department of Political Science at Northwestern University. Her recent scholarship includes ‘Rethinking the ‘Erasmus Effect’ on European Identity’ (Journal of Common Market Studies); ‘Does Identification with Europe Increase Support for Further Economic Integration?’ (Journal of European Integration); ‘The European Trade Union at Forty: Integration and Diversity in the European Labor Movement’ (Labor History); ‘Student Mobility and European Identity: Erasmus Study as a Civic Experience?’ (Journal of Contemporary European Research); and ‘From Whitehall to Brussels: Thatcher, Delors and the Europeanization of the TUC’ (Labor History). She holds a BA in European Studies from Oberlin College and an MA and PhD in Politics from Princeton University. Stratos Patrikios is lecturer in Political Science, School of Government and Public Policy, University of Strathclyde, Glasgow (UK). He received his PhD in Political Science from the University of Strathclyde (2008), where he was also postdoctoral research fellow in 2008–2009. His research interests include social identity theory, political behaviour and religion and politics. His publications include articles in Comparative European Politics, the Journal of Social Policy, Political Behavior and the Journal of Peace Research.

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xvi Contributors Jochen Roose holds the Chair of Social Science at the Willy Brandt Centre for German and European Studies, University of Wrocław (Poland), is full professor at the University of Wrocław and is a Privatdozent at the Free University Berlin (Germany). He received his PhD in Sociology from the Free University Berlin and worked there as a junior professor. Other professional positions were at the University of Leipzig and the Social Science Center Berlin. His research interests are Europeanization (particularly Europeanization in border regions, European identity, European public sphere, attitudes on the EU), participation (particularly social movements, interest associations, volunteering) and methods of social research. Among his publications are: Vergesellschaftung an Europas Binnengrenzen [Societisation at Europe’s internal borders] (Wiesbaden 2010), Empirische Kultursoziologie [Empirical Cultural Sociology] (co-edited, Wiesbaden 2015), ‘How European Is European Identification?’, in Journal of Common Market Studies (2013) 51(2): 281–297; ‘Fehlermultiplikation und Pfadabhängigkeit [Error Multiplication and Path Dependency]’, in Kölner Zeitschrift für Soziologie und Sozialpsychologie (2013) 65(4): 697–714; ‘Bürgerschaftliches Engagement in Europa [Volunteering in Europe]’, in Forschungsjournal Neue Soziale Bewegungen (2010) 23(4): 19–30. Bahar Rumelili is associate professor and Jean Monnet Chair at the Department of International Relations, Koc University, Istanbul. Dr. Rumelili has received her PhD degree at the Political Science Department of University of Minnesota in 2002. Her research has focused on international relations theory, processes of European identity construction, conflict resolution, and the interaction between the EU and Turkish politics and civil society. She is the author of Constructing Regional Community and Order in Europe and Southeast Asia (Palgrave, 2007) and the editor of Conflict Resolution and Ontological Security: Peace Anxieties (Routledge 2015). Her articles have appeared in European Journal of International Relations; Review of International Studies; Journal of Common Market Studies; and Journal of International Relations and Development. She is the 2009 recipient of Turkish Academy of Sciences’ Distinguished Young Scientist Award and the 2014 recipient of Turkish Scientific and Technological Research Council’s Incentive Award. Hans-Jörg Trenz is professor at the Department of Media, Cognition and Communication at University of Copenhagen, and adjunct Professor at ARENA, Centre for European Studies of University of Oslo. His main research interests are in the areas of media, communication and public sphere, civil society, European civilization and identity, political sociology and democracy. His most recent publications include: (2014) The Internet and European Integration. Pro- and Anti-EU Debates in Online News Media. Opladen: Barbara Budrich (together with. A. Michailidou and P. de Wilde); (2013) Rethinking the Public Sphere through Transnationalizing Processes: Europe and Beyond. Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan (edited together with Armando

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Contributors xvii Salvatore and Oliver Schmidtke); (2012) The Politicization of Europe. London: Routledge (together with P. Statham). Hannes Weber is a research associate at the Department of Sociology at the University of Tuebingen (Germany). He completed his PhD on the topic of migration in Europe at the University of Stuttgart (Germany). Recent publications include: ‘National and Regional Proportion of Immigrants and Perceived Threat of Immigration: a Three-Level Analysis in Western Europe’, in International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 2015 (online first); ‘Could Immigration Prevent Population Decline? The Demographic Prospects of Germany Revisited’, in Comparative Population Studies, 2015 (online first); and ‘Demography and Democracy: The Impact of Youth Cohort Size on Democratic Stability in the World’, in Democratization (2013) 20(2).

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Introduction Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski, Viktoria Kaina and Sebastian Kuhn

European identity research in times of crisis: do we waste our time? Almost ten years ago, two of us published a volume entitled European Identity: Theoretical Perspectives and Empirical Insights (Karolewski/Kaina 2006). Wolfgang Schäuble, Germany’s then Federal Minister of the Interior, contributed a telling preface that went beyond a purely academic debate. Known for his commitment to the European unification project, he was worried about discernible signs of a European Union suffering from a crunch (Schäuble 2006: 7): The European Union is currently facing its worst crisis: the constitutional treaty has been put to one side, the future financial structure is uncertain, the economic vitality has been lost, the joint foreign policy has been thrown back and the enlargement process remains undecided. In short, we are facing a crisis of confidence that goes to the heart of the question about our European identity. Or to put it differently: without making the effort to reconnect to our identity as Europeans, we can only temporarily cover up our current problems, not find a long-term solution. Written on the eve of the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression and the following economic and political aftershocks within the euro zone, Schäuble’s unease about a lack of confidence within the European community seems to be a gloomy herald of the EU’s uncertain future. In fact, there is no guarantee that the EU will get out of its plight unharmed. In his recent provocative book, Jan Zielonka argues that the euro crisis has undermined trust between states and generated fear and mutual suspicion’ (2014: 78). Suffering from a severe ‘crisis [. . .] of cohesion, imagination and trust’ (Zielonka 2014: 3), so his argument goes, ‘the EU may well be doomed’ (Zielonka 2014: 101). Recent research on public opinion corroborates a decline in citizen support for the European Union, an ongoing rise of Eurosceptic sentiments among the EU publics and a downward trend of political trust at both the national and supranational level in the aftermath of the currency and sovereign debt crisis within the EU (e.g. Serricchio et al. 2013; Armingeon/ Ceka 2014; Braun/Tausendpfund 2014; Clements et al. 2014; Roth et al. 2014; Gomez 2015; Hobolt 2015). Furthermore, the political measures undertaken to

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2 Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski, et al.

AuQ1

rescue the euro zone deepen the core/periphery divide in the EU and tend to solidify patterns of differentiated integration in the European community (e.g. Schimmelfennig 2015; Schimmelfennig et al. 2015). In addition, research on the politicisation of the European integration process reveals that the euro crisis ‘has significantly intensified political conflicts on national sovereignty and solidarity’ (Grande/Kriesi 2015: 211). On the one hand, new redistributional conflicts between ‘donor’ and ‘debtor’ states come to the fore (Grande/Kriesi 2015: 211). On the other hand, there is also a public opinion gap between the euro zone and the rest of the EU: based on survey data between 2005 and 2013, Hobolt and Wratil demonstrated that citizens inside the euro area remained more supportive of the euro than those outside (2015: 252). Moreover, utilitarian considerations and cost/benefit calculations have become more important to the publics in the euro zone during the crisis, while identity issues have become less significant in shaping the citizens’ attitudes inside the euro area (Hobolt/ Wratil 2015: 252). This book is not another contribution to the causes and repercussions of the EU’s crisis. Yet, the road the European unification process has recently taken constitutes the context of European identity research. In particular, students of European collective identity are facing the question of relevance again. According to Jan Zielonka’s argument, the EU will survive only in ‘modest form, deprived gradually of major legal powers and political prominence’ (Zielonka 2014: x–xi). His prospect of the EU’s decline accompanied by the rise of a new area of neo-medievalism in Europe (Zielonka 2014: xi, in greater detail: 73–114) challenges a fundamental theoretical premise in European identity research. Most students of European collective identity consider it as a kind of political identity referring to a supranational political collectivity in the making and originating from establishing a supranational authority, a Weberian Herrschaftsverband, at the European level (Kaina/Karolewski 2012: 1). If Zielonka’s scenario of the EU’s demise should prove to be true, however, the supranational authority at the European level will vanish. What does this mean for research on European collective identity? Do we only have to modify the conceptualisation of European identity as no longer being related to a supranational political collectivity? Or do we just waste our time with studying a phenomenon that will turn out to be irrelevant in the near future? As to the latter question, we do not think so. Conceding that the EU is likely to be facing the worst crisis of its history, the situation is far from being unambiguous. In fact, Anthony Giddens recently argued that the depth of the EU’s crisis has been strengthening the perception of the EU as a community of fate (Giddens 2014: 8). Due to the crisis’ impacts on the EU member states – including the rise of new groups of winners and losers in European integration – citizens and political leaders across Europe have become more than ever aware of their interdependence (Giddens 2014: 8). What is more, the process of differentiated integration goes along with different stages of deepening European integration between some member states and other member states that are not ready to transfer further policy competence from the national to the supranational level. If this development


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Introduction 3 proceeds, there will not only be a continuous gap between the EU’s core and its periphery but also the emergence of different political European communities, offering a reference point for collective identity formation and partly overlapping with existing supranational and national communities. In this sense, we might be confronted with the emergence of several European identities, which do not relate to the entire authority structure of the EU. Finally, and in contrast to scenarios of the EU’s decline, there is evidence for the EU’s capacity to adapt to challenges. Recent empirical findings show that the EU’s answers to the economic/financial crisis have brought about an incremental shift in EU institutions and policies (Tosun et al. 2014: 208). Most importantly, although citizen support for the EU and trust in European institutions has been negatively affected during the crisis, public support for key achievements of European integration such as the euro is still widespread (Tosun et al. 2014: 2008). These findings allow for an alternative, more optimistic interpretation. Accordingly, the EU’s crisis does not need to be the beginning of its destruction. Rather, the crisis opens up a window of opportunity for closing the ranks and standing together against a severe threat of internal crisis. Against this backdrop, research on European collective identity remains significant for several reasons. First, a strong sense of togetherness among the EU citizens is crucial when they will be ‘asked to refrain from benefits in order to support other members of the [EU] citizenry’ (Føllesdal 2015: 255). Thus, a resilient we-identity among EU citizens becomes an essential precondition for their willingness to show solidarity throughout Europe by accepting redistributional policies (Kaina/Karolewski 2009: 5). Interestingly enough, recent evidence provided by Kuhn and Stoeckel (2014) support the assumption that people identifying with Europe show an increased level of solidarity in the crunch. Hence, the degree of European collective identity has a bearing on EU citizens’ behavioral orientations in that exclusive nationalists less likely support European economic governance with redistributive consequences. Second, collective identity is necessary for countervailing the specific ‘burdens’ of democratic governance. An unconditional resilient feeling of commonness, so the argument goes, makes the political minority trust that the ruling majority would not exploit its power position at the minority’s expense (Kaina/Karolewski 2009: 5). Only if the losers of a majoritarian decision believe that the majority will not do harm to them and that they have an effective chance to become winners on other occasions can the minority be expected to comply (Føllesdal 2015: 255). Hence, the gradual emergence of a mass European identity remains crucial for areas of advanced European integration such as the euro zone. Third, research on political conflict in western Europe reveals that the politicisation of European integration is part of a fundamental change of cleavage structures in Europe that has been caused by a process of denationalisation and globalisation (Grande/Kriesi 2015: 193; see also Kriesi et al. 2012). These processes are accompanied by the fact that collective problems increasingly cross national borders and overstrain the capacities of single nation states. A strong sense of togetherness fosters cooperation and reinforces the mutual willingness of


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4 Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski, et al. working together for the sake of resolving collective problems that go beyond the capacities of single nation states (Kaina 2006: 129). Not only the financial crisis but also the lasting tragedy of migrants in the Mediterranean Sea illustrate the need for cooperation to find and implement sustainable solutions for urgent issues that do not stop at national borders. Fourth, from the outset, the European community has considered itself a community of values. Freedom, democracy, security and wealth were integral to the national and European postwar elites and crucial for the successful history of European integration. With the formation of the European Union, the creation of the European single market and the EU’s enlargement of the supranational policy agenda of today’s 28 member states is changing (Hix 2008). While the central aims of the European foundational generation have been reached, the EU is facing new challenges. Whereas the internal challenges refer mainly to an ongoing politicisation of the European community (see above), there are also numerous external threats. Recently, the EU has been facing severe external security challenges, such as the annexation of the Crimea by the Russian Federation and the Russian destabilisation of Ukraine. Instead of showing a value-based unity, the EU offers a picture of disunity, with countries attempting to forge a common European position (for instance, Germany, Poland, Sweden) and countries circumventing European sanctions and playing the ‘Russian card’ in inter-European politics (for instance, Greece, Cyprus, Hungary, Slovakia). Against this background, the motto of the EU – ‘united in diversity’ – seems to emphasise the diversity part nowadays. Thus, a common collective identity is important for consensus building in the European multilevel system of governance and, therefore, is an important resource of the EU’s ability to act. Against this backdrop, this book goes beyond the debate on Europeanisation, politicisation and transnationalisation, which is currently dominant in the scholarship on European identity. We revisit older debates, return to some conventional questions about European identity and raise new ones. We are convinced that our knowledge on European identity is incomplete and subject to change, as the EU itself is constantly changing. However, we view this in a Popperian manner, as all scholarly knowledge is temporary and should be always treated with a healthy dose of skepticism.

Aims of the book As the title of the book suggests, this volume focuses on theoretical and methodological issues of European identity research on new empirical evidence. However, we do not want to give an overview of the state of research in terms of competing theories of identity, different approaches of measuring identity or a summary of empirical findings. The aim is rather to discuss new and courageous theoretical, conceptual and methodological ideas and fresh empirical findings from different disciplines of the social sciences. In this vein, the contributions to this book address problems of conceptual intricacy, theoretical shortcomings and several empirical voids in European identity


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Introduction 5 research. The volume responds to lasting methodological difficulties and the challenge of applying innovative – qualitative, quantitative and experimental – research methods. Furthermore, it deals with the issue of inconsistent evidence as well as conflicting diagnoses in hitherto European identity research. Accordingly, the book has three primary objectives: 1 To reconsider the conceptual bases and theoretical premises of European identity research with an interdisciplinary approach to collective identity research 2 To improve our methods and refine our instruments of measurement regarding European identity, including experimental research methods as well as novel qualitative and quantitative methods 3 To consolidate our empirical knowledge and open up new research perspectives by using an interdisciplinary approach to collective identity research The book chapters focus on different aspects of European identity and offer various angles of how to look at these aspects. There are chapters dealing with European citizenship, mobility of European citizens, space-based identities and dual identities, as well as chapters exploring the specific European identity of students and value sharing related to European identity. The goal of the book is not to offer a coherent picture but to add new facets to the already complex and dynamic European identity and point to potential solutions both in the academic discourse on it and the political practice of the EU.

Brief overview of the book The book consists of three main parts. In Part I, the contributions focus on the concept of European identity and its theoretical premises. Part II focuses on the issue of measurement and discusses some novel experimental, qualitative and quantitative approaches. Part III offers some fresh empirical evidence incorporating insights from various disciplines of the social sciences, including political science, sociology, social psychology and mass communication. Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski’s chapter, ‘The Citizenship-Identity Nexus in the EU Revisited’ opens up Part I of the book. It focuses on the link between citizenship and collective identity in the European Union. The chapter offers some ideas about how to systematise the relationship between these central categories in the research on the EU and suggests their possible application in the study of European integration. First, the chapter disaggregates citizenship into three generic models (republican, liberal and caesarean). Next, it turns to the concept of collective identity, in particular its semantic core and two semantic dimensions. Then, three models of citizenship including their corresponding identities are discussed. Afterwards, some examples of the EU’s citizenship-identity nexus and specific challenges for today’s EU will be explored. As European identity can assume different forms, develop varying strengths and shift between strong individualism and strong collectivism, a differentiation of various generic types


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6 Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski, et al. of citizenship promises to account for the variety of collective identities at the level of citizenship identity. In addition, the chapter argues that we can observe an expectations-outcome gap in the EU, a mismatch between the identity politics and the identity logic of the citizenship models in the EU. Poorly devised identity politics can produce contradictory outcomes when the political practice ignores the identity implications of the citizenship models by blurring the specific citizenship–collective identity nexus. Moreover, the chapter suggests that European citizenship spawns diverse and often contradictory conceptions and practices of collective identity. Its three-tiered character with republican, liberal and caesarean elements is therefore likely to remain unstable and subject to internal dynamics in the future as well. As a result, we cannot expect a linear and uncontroversial development of collective identity in Europe. Chapter 2 by Bahar Rumelili and Münevver Cebeci, ‘Theorizing European Identity: Contributions to Constructivist International Relations Debates on Collective Identity’, explores the role of European identity in international relations. It starts with an overview of the constructivist literature on European identity. Then, it explores the complex relationship between collective identity and the multiple selves. By linking this complex relationship to the study of European identity, it scrutinizes how European identity and national identities of the EU member states are conceptualised in constructivist accounts. It further looks into critical constructivist theorising about the construction of identity through practices of differentiation of others and how European identity is constructed against its various others, such as those Russian and Turkish ones. Finally, this chapter provides an analysis of the link between identity and foreign policy and attempts to show how the critical/poststructuralist constructivist frameworks help better explain the production and reproduction of European identity through practices of foreign policy. The chapter concludes that the research on European identity forces researchers in constructivist international relations theory to think in multidimensional ways in order to better understand and reflect on the pluralistic, cross-cutting, multilevel and much contested nature of identity. Chapter 3 by Jochen Roose, ‘European Identity after Ockham’s Razor: European Identification’, offers a provocative evaluation of the state of debate. It argues that the research on European identity suffers from three fundamental problems. First, it is a conceptual problem, as theoretical arguments on kinds of identity and relationships among various identities are highly sophisticated and much more complex than can be found in reality. Second, the debate is burdened by a normative problem. Expectations of an ideal European identity becoming the ground for an ideal political community and stabilising the European Union and a progressing integration limit the perspective of positive effects. Third, the empirical problem is a weak grounding of the debate, as European identity is too unimportant for people to facilitate open, unstandardised approaches, and standardised data on European identification impose a more nuanced and clearer concept on respondents than they really have in mind. Overall, the debate suffers from analogies to national identity because it refers to the nationalistic depiction of a national identity rather than an empirically grounded comparison. A cutoff


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Introduction 7 from these inadequate parallels and a fundamental relaxation of the exaggerated expectations leads to a simple but nevertheless very helpful concept of European identification as a personally felt sense of belonging to Europe. Part II starts with Chapter 4 by Laura Cram and Stratos Patrikios, ‘European Union Symbols under Threat: Identity Considerations’. This largely methodological chapter discusses how experimental research using implicit visual cues can offer insights into the nature and consequences of attachments in the multilevel European Union. The chapter illustrates the methodology of how exposure to threat might impact on attitudes to the European Union and how recent empirical efforts to illustrate the interaction of these two effects (exposure to visual stimuli and threats) point to a new research direction for students of European identity. The chapter deals with the measurement of the impact of threat exposure on EU attachment in an implicit manner, one that gauges ‘gut’ reactions and bypasses the biases of the standard measurement strategies relying on self-reports. The experimental strategy presented in the chapter on the implicit exposure of individuals to implicit threat cues relates to practical benefits of their country’s membership to the EU. The benefits are focused on the ease of movement across the EU. The experimental methodology constructs the threat exposure as accompanied by subtle exposure to a key EU symbol. Both these elements, implicit threat and visual cue, create a situation where individual respondents are primed to consider the potential risks to the practical benefits of EU membership for their country. As the chapter argues, the consequences of this priming are positive for EU attachments and preferences. In addition, the chapter proposes empirical applications that extend recent research. The following Chapter 5, ‘Experimental Exposure to the EU Energy Label: Trust and Implicit Identification with the EU’, by Philipp Heinrich, takes an experimental approach as well, since it uses the EU energy label as a visual cue in an experimental setup. The chapter aims at gaining some insights into people’s implicit attachment to and identification with the EU. It explores the relationship between the exposure of participants to banal visual triggers and the meaning people associate with the European Union. Heinrich proposes the exposure to well-known functional cues to acquire empirical data on how the EU symbol enhances perceptions of credibility and trust. Katharina Cirlanaru’s Chapter 6, ‘A Europeanisation of Identities? Quantitative Analysis of Space-Based Collective Identities in Europe’, completes Part II. This contribution connects Part II and Part III, since it discusses measurement issues on the one hand and presents new empirical evidence on the other. The chapter aims at deepening the understanding of space-based self-identifications in the EU by drawing attention to transnational identities that have been overlooked by previous research. First, the chapter investigates whether there is a process of Europeanisation of territorial self-identifications among EU citizens. By Europeanisation of EU citizens’ territorial self-identification, Cirlanaru means that Europeans’ self-identification with Europe constitutes a form of belonging that becomes increasingly relevant. Second, the chapter seeks to improve the measurement of space-based identity by proposing a novel typology of space-based identities next to a relational operationalisation of European identity based on


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8 Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski, et al. Eurobarometer data. The empirical findings suggest that an actual Europeanisation of territorial self-identifications is taking place. However, this Europeanisation has not resulted in Europe becoming the primary reference category for most individuals. Only a small group of EU citizens with a preference for European transnational self-identifications could be discovered relative to the national self-identification layer, and a somewhat more sizable group of citizens relative to the global layer. Part III opens up with Chapter 7 by Deniz Neriman Duru, Asimina Michailidou and Hans-Jörg Trenz, ‘Crisis, Resilience and EU Citizenship: Collective Identifications of EU Migrants in Norway and Denmark’. The chapter explores the overlapping and mutually reinforcing political-constitutional crisis and public debt crisis that have been unfolding in the European Union for the past seven years. They have exposed the asymmetries of European citizenship and the seemingly insurmountable differences that divide the peoples of Europe. Crisis is experienced by European citizens as a threat to material well-being as well as social and cultural identities. As such, the current state of crisis is generally understood as a state of gradual disintegration of the European social and political space, whereby a reinforced trend of renationalisation drives political preferences and identities. This chapter critically tests the disintegration assumption of social relations in the crisis-ridden EU. Instead of juxtaposing European and national identification of individuals, it investigates the multiple allegiances developed by individuals who act as ‘European citizens’. The chapter proposes that in the current conditions of socio-economic transformation and uncertainty, EU citizenship becomes a potential means of resilience for vulnerable citizens in their various attempts to cope with the negative consequences of crisis. The chapter thus approaches citizenship as a status of rights as well as a life experience. The main aim here is to understand how EU citizenship is brought to life: practised, claimed, asserted or disputed by so-called ‘EU mobiles’, i.e. people who leave crisis-ridden southern Europe for affluent northern Europe. In such a context, social belonging is redefined through cultural dialogues and conflicts which individual migrants enter in their new life situations. Focusing on EU migrants from the ‘eurozone crisis’ countries, namely Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal and Ireland, the chapter investigates life histories of eurocrisis migrants through questionnaires and interviews. Chapter 8, ‘Dual Identity and Its Mechanisms: National and European Identity in the Italo-Slovene Border Area’, by Simona Guglielmi, departs from the observation that there are several problems regarding the theoretical conceptualisation and the empirical measurement of dual identities. While it seems to be established that national and European identities are compatible in the perception of individuals, the chapter seeks to deepen the insights on the socio-psychological mechanisms underlying dual identification. Guglielmi aims to contribute to this line of inquiry by referring to two socio-psychological models, namely the Common In-group Identification model and the In-group Projection model. Both models are applied to survey data from the Italo-Slovene cross-border region. Strikingly, these two models give two different answers to the question of what it means to feel equally national and European.


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Introduction 9 In Chapter 9, ‘Does Immigration Contribute to the Formation of a European Identity? A Multilevel Analysis in Western Europe’, Hannes Weber explorers whether immigration has an influence on natives’ sense of belonging to Europe. The chapter presents two diverging arguments: Drawing on Social Identity Theory (SIT), it is firstly hypothesised that a social environment marked by different national origins is likely to trigger national rather than European (or other) identities. Secondly, scholars such as Jürgen Habermas have argued that the presence of immigrants in one’s region of residence leads people to become more open about other cultures and gives rise to a European identity. The empirical part of the chapter sets out to test both hypotheses on the basis of multilevel analysis. In order to do so, Weber combines survey data from the European Values Study with data on immigration in 15 western European countries and 624 regions. The empirical findings suggest that a high regional percentage of immigrants is associated with higher levels of both European as well as national identity – at the expense of regional identity. Chapter 10 by Kristine Mitchell, ‘European Identity and Diffuse Support for the European Union in a Time of Crisis: What Can We Learn from University Students?’, explores the sources of diffuse support for European integration. The main question is whether diffuse support for the EU is associated with European identity or rather explained by EU citizens’ material interests – a question highly relevant in times of economic crisis. Mitchell argues that the multifaceted nature of the concept of European identity should be taken more seriously. Any operationalisation of European identity should include two dimensions at a minimum: identification as European and identification with Europe and other Europeans. Using novel data from a six-country survey of university students in the autumn of 2012, Mitchell’s analysis challenges the conventional view that EU support is rooted in material calculations. Instead, the empirical findings indicate that diffuse EU support is more closely associated with affective identification with Europe. This finding suggests that there may be a fairly deep reservoir of EU support among Europeans – even in this time of economic crisis. Chapter 11, ‘Commonality and EU Identification: The Perception of Value Sharing as a Foundation of European Identity’, by Tuuli-Marja Kleiner and Nicola Bücker, focuses on the sources of individuals’ European identity from a social psychological perspective. At the outset, the chapter seeks to clarify the main properties of the concept of European identity. In doing so, Kleiner and Bücker refer to SIT and Self-Categorization Theory in order to explain the individual processes of categorisation and identification. Empirically, the chapter explores the question of whether the perception of sharing common values provides a source of European identity. By using data from the Eurobarometer, the empirical analysis shows that there is a strong and significant association between subjective value sharing and European identity in most (but not all) EU member states. In addition, the chapter shows that other factors, like instrumental motives, individual resources and cognitive mobilisation, are relevant as well. Chapter 12 by Viktoria Kaina and Sebastian Kuhn, ‘Building “Us” and Constructing “Them”: Mass European Identity Building and the Problem of Inside-Outside Definitions’, is based on SIT as well. Accordingly, collective identity building


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10 Ireneusz Pawel Karolewski, et al. depends on two complementary conditions: first, in-group definition and, second, the delineation against out-groups. Both conditions emerge from the modelling and stereotyping of ‘precious’ commonalities that make a difference to others. However, despite a surge of publications on ‘European identity’, we still know far too little about the construction of commonality and difference when it comes to a mass European identity. In particular, there is a great empirical void concerning the way of ‘othering’ and demarcation, since we lack empirical evidence on Europeans’ psychological processes of delineation against out-groups. Based on Eurobarometer data, the chapter offers empirical findings on this topic. The most striking finding suggests that it is still difficult for EU citizens to find an agreement on how the delineation against out-groups can be justified and who precisely the relevant other, the out-group, is. The final chapter, ‘ “In Search of the Unknown”: An Essay on the Need for Non-Knowledge in European Identity Research’, by Viktoria Kaina, is not about what we already know about mass European identity but what we do not. Referring to the ideas of Stuart Firestein, professor of Neuroscience and chairman of the Department of Biology at Columbia University, the chapter discusses how our ignorance – not knowledge – could drive European identity research in the future. The main argument is that we should conduct scientific research on European identity by systematically collecting our ‘not knowing’. In order to explore new frontiers in studying European identity, we must more forcefully make sure of the present ‘state of the unknown’ in this field of research. Based on this line of thought, the chapter makes a first stab at it by dealing with three examples of non-knowledge in European identity research. In sum, the volume reflects on the newest dynamics, practices of European identity and novel challenges. It also picks up new methodological and theoretical venues for pushing European identity research on. As the European Union has become increasingly faced with huge internal and external challenges while lacking strong support among European citizens, we believe that research on European integration still faces the pressing question of what holds ‘Europe’ together in times of growing distributional conflicts, increasing politicisation, the transformation of cleavage structures, pressing immigration flows and instability in the EU’s neighborhood. The volume is based on the conviction that European identity is more than just an academic question as it is crucial for the very existence of the EU and its legitimacy among the citizens. With numerous economic, political and geopolitical crises in Europe, the EU is more than ever in need of resolving the ‘wicked problem’ of belonging together in a ‘community of communities’ (Etzioni 2007: 26).

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