Female Veterans' Identity Construction, Maintenance ...

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Elizabeth A. Suter, Emily N. Lamb, Meredith Marko, and Stacy Tye-Williams. Abstract: This .... Our team of four researchers used Smith's (1995) techniques for ...
Female Veterans' Identity Construction, Maintenance, and Reproduction Elizabeth A. Suter, Emily N. Lamb, Meredith Marko, and Stacy Tye-Williams Abstract: This study explores female veteran's identity construction, maintenance, and reproduction. Participants included all members of one regional veteran organization, the Women Accepted for Voluntary Emergency Services in the Navy (WA VES). Participants' service began as early as World War II and ended as late as the Persian Gulf War. The community of practice approach (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 1992) frames our analysis of how the practices of this WA VES veteran's group help maintain and reproduce identities constructed during military service. Participants described their time in the military as the most important experience of their lives. They reported growing from shy, naive young women to mature, self-confident adults. Participants found the transition back to civilian life problematic, in part due to difficulties meeting traditional gender role expectations and in part due to isolation, as they no longer related to civilian women in their hometowns. Participants reported membership in this WAVES unit allows opportunities to reminisce and relate to women with similar experiences. Based on participants' reports, we argue this unit serves as a community of practice through which members maintain and reproduce identities constituted during active military duty.

Introduction WAVES Historv The Women Accepted for Volunteer Emergency Services in the Navy or the WAVES organization began on September 11, 1942. WAVES had to be between the ages of 20 and 36, high school graduates. United States citizens of good character, in good health, and not married to Navy men (Ebbert & Hall, 1993). Franklin Roosevelt said because of the WAVES "thousands of fighting Navy men are now at battle stations because they were released from vital shore jobs by women within and wholly a part of the naval service" (qtd in Rosenman, 1950, p. 337). While WAVES mainly held clerical positions, some worked as nurses, code breakers, radio operators, chaplain's assistants, photo interpreters, and as the first U.S. female military truck drivers. WAVES service during World War II did not last long. Demobilization began October 1, 1945 and was nearly complete by September, 1946 (Ebbert & Hall, 1993). Although the WAVES organization waned after World War II, some women continued in military service during the Korean, Vietnam, and Persian Gulf Wars. Therefore, 1946 marked neither the end ofthe WAVES in the military nor the end of the WAVES as an organization. Thirty-three years after World War II demobilization, the group reorganized on November 24, 1979 as the WAVES National Organization (B. Turner, Women and Language, Vol. 29, No. 1, Pg. 10

personal communication, March 20, 2005). Sea service women interested in rekindling their military experiences joined. At the outset of 2005, 107 regional WAVES units existed (B. Turner, personal communication, March 20, 2005). Our search revealed no scholarly work studying any WAVES national or regional units. This dearth of scholarship provides a strong warrant for research in this area. Literature Review Communities of Practice Taking a community of practice orientation, a framework developed by Lave and Wenger (1991) and expanded by others (Baym, 2000; Eckert, 1989; Kiesling, 1997; Perry, 2000; Stapleton, 2003; Timm, 2000), we argue that identity is constructed in local, situated practices (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 2003; Lave & Wenger, 1991). A community of practice is an "aggregate of people who come together around mutual engagement in an endeavor. Ways of doing things, ways of talking, beliefs, values, power relations-in short, practices emerge in the course of this mutual endeavor" (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 1992, p. 434-435). Thus personal identities are directly influenced by the social practices of the unique communities in which they engage. Although individuals draw from larger discourses to help construct their identity, a community of practice framework forwards understanding of how everyday social practices (i.e., language) that take place within a particular situated group also contribute to members' identity construction (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 1992; Stapleton, 2003). WAVES and Identitv To explore the discursive processes of identity construction, maintenance, and reproduction, we employed a social constructionist-informed perspective on identity (Hall & Bucholtz, 1995; Stapleton, 2003). The fusion of social constructionist and community of practice approaches provides a unique lens on the negotiation of identity "situated in dynamic socio-historical contexts" (Perinbanayagam, 2003, p. 70), such as in communities of practice that structure language and help shape participants' identities (Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 2003). This study focuses on women who belong to one regional WAVES unit in order to gain insight into the following question: RQl: What are the processes by which women in one regional WAVES unit constitute, maintain, and reproduce identity while and after serving in the United States military?

As do other gender and language scholars' studies of the practices of specific communities (e.g., Baym, 2000; Eckert, 1989; Kiesling, 1997; Perry, 2000; Stapleton, 2003; Timm, 2000), we aimed to explore connections among gender, linguistic practice, and identity formation. Methods Our team of four researchers used Smith's (1995) techniques for conducting and analyzing semi-structured interviews. Recruitment Upon receiving institutional review board approval, we recruited participants who met two criteria: they served in the U.S. military and belonged to the specific regional WAVES unit under study. By sending a letter informing members about our study, and scheduling our first interviews, the president of the regional WAVES unit was instrumental. Participants We interviewed all members of one regional WAVES unit. Average participant age was 78 years, ranging from 51 to 91; their years of service ranged from 1943 to 1992. Twenty-one ofthe 28 participants served during World War II; three reported service during the Korean conflict, two the Vietnam War, one the Cold War, and one reported serving both in Vietnam and the Persian Gulf Twenty-five served in the Navy; two in the Marines and one in the Air Force. The latter three women are official members of this regional WAVES unit, although considered associate members to denote that they did not serve in the Navy. Data Collection We interviewed participants face-to-face and over the telephone. In order to interview the entire community of practice, we conducted phone interviews with members who lived several hundred miles away. Nineteen participants were interviewed in their homes, six over the phone, two in an agreed upon business location, and one preceding a WAVES meeting. Eighteen interviews were conducted by interview pairs; ten interviews were conducted by one interviewer due to interviewee and interviewer availability. Each interview lasted roughly an hour. The president of the regional WAVES unit provided a videotape of several members narrating five-to-ten minute oral histories of their military experiences, recorded to commemorate the 25* anniversary of WAVES National. Through a process of diagramming (Strauss & Corbin, 1998) and refinement,' we created an interview schedule guided by the videotaped information, the relevant literature, and our insights.

We asked interviewees: 1) "how you became a WAVE"; 2) "where you went and what you did"; 3) "how your WAVE experience made you feel about yourself; 4) "what it was like to serve with men"; 5) "what the transition was like moving from military to civilian life"; 6) "about any lasting relationships you built in your own WAVE unit"; 7) "why you are a member of this regional WAVES unit." (Complete interview guide appears in the Appendix). Using Smith's (1995) discussion of semistructured interviewing, each participant told her own story; we interjected only to probe or ask clarifying questions. We audio taped 27 of the 28 interviews as one participant declined audio taping, then transcribed the tapes verbatim. For the other interview, the researcher took extensive notes and typed these notes. Interviews produced 246 pages of single-spaced transcripts. We used age-group appropriate female pseudonyms and changed location names to further protect participants' confidentiality. Each participant received a copy of her audio-taped interview as an oral record for family members, archivists, and historians.

We followed Smith's (1995) procedures.^ We each independently analyzed the initial transcript by writing significant findings on the left margin and emerging themes on the right after which we compared analyses to develop a master list of themes. Using this master list, we analyzed five more transcripts. The research team then met and used Strauss and Corbin's (1998) process of diagramming to visualize emerging relationships among themes. Using the diagrams we constructed a refined list of master codes,^ which we used to analyze the remaining transcripts. We analyzed transcripts 7 through 15 using the master list of codes and returned to the initial six interviews and re-coded them. We organized these data with the emergent themes under each master code. For a theme to be included, it had to have been mentioned by three different participants with three of the four researchers having independently identified the same instances as exemplars. Interviews 16 through 28 were collected for theoretical sampling. Theoretical sampling is not considered to represent a population (Charmaz, 2002), but to help refine the data analysis process and make the analysis more complex (Charmaz, 1995). Theoretical sampling requires researchers to compare data with previous data and develop a "provisional set of relevant categories for explaining . . . data" (Charmaz, 2000, p. 519). With this set of provisional categories (our refined list of master codes), we returned to data collection. This further refining of our master codes made a more precise and explanatory articulation of the processes of identity construction, maintenance, and reproduction. We found variation as well as repetition within each master code.

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Findings and Discussion Our study illustrates how this regional WAVES unit serves as a community of practice (Eckert & McConnellGinet, 1992). Through their social interaction within and practices of this particular unit, these women continue to maintain and reproduce identities constituted during military service. Participants reported making a life-altering decision to join the U.S. military, despite messages from others that joining was socially unacceptable. Emily informed, "back then that wasn't the thing for girls to do," because, as Wilma explained, "some people thought that all you'd be doing is having sex." Deborah noted, "it was a stereotypical idea . . . that loose women, as my grandmother would say . . . might join the military." Others "thought it was just kind of rough for girls," Grace informed. Irene was told, "'That's a man's job, period.'" Identity is not static. Instead, it develops and is transformed through time and experience (Hall & Bucholtz, 1995). Participants reported they began their military careers as naiVe, innocent young women, determined to do more with their lives. During service, that sense of self began to change. Participants felt their military experiences contributed to the development of a new, transformed identity, "I just felt like an entirely different person," Alice said. Participants reported a considerable gain in self-confidence as they grew through the experience into strong, capable women. For instance, Leona remarked that her service "gave a very strong sense of responsibility and helped me mature . . . I had a lot more confidence in myself, you know, I wasn't such a wimp." Military service also left participants feeling special. They were proud of themselves and their contribution to their country. Margaret remarked, "you had a sense of pride and we would sing these songs that 'You did a man's job so he could be off to sea' and you just felt like you were really worthwhile." Deborah stated, "it's kind of nice to feel at some point you were in something bigger than yourself" Service also exposed participants to new experiences and places. They met persons with backgrounds dissimilar to their own and reported, as a result, that they learned to be more openminded. Mildred explained, "You learned to get along with all kinds of people. There were those that had an education and those that were just right fresh out of high school." Deborah added, "The training is great. It does teach you to work with other people for a common goal." Participants reported their military experiences led to feeling like well-rounded individuals, eager to continue learning about and exploring the world. Many found the transition back to civilian life difficult. "It is a terrible adjustment," Thelma reported, "I broke out in hives." Many participants married while in the service or shortly after discharge and returned home to raise families. Although proud to be wives and mothers, they experienced difficulties fulfilling traditional female roles, having once been soldiers. Some even began to Women and Language, Vol. 29, No. 1, Pg. 12

miss active duty. Participants had developed atypical identities as they served, and upon returning home, had no one who indexed this transformed identity. Irene "was the only female in the whole town that went into the service." "When you get out of the service," Grace explained, "you're in an entirely different type of life. You can't talk about things.... I talk to my husband about it and it bores him." Participants reported civilians did not seem to understand their military experiences. Deborah suggested, "Civilians don't quite understand, because it isn't just a job." Many reported feelings of isolation and loneliness after discharge. For a few, the transition back to civilian life made them re-identify with their pre-service identity, as Leona lamented, "You just go back to being the way you were before." Joining a Communitv of Practice Participants joined this WAVES regional unit in large part to reminisce. As Phyllis stated, "I'm not sure our purpose goes much beyond reminiscing." Deborah laughed that as they reminisce, the "sea stories . . . get bigger with every telling." They also joined to relate to women who share "common ground," as Pearl said. "We all know what it's all about," Edna reported. Or, as Viola noted, "It just felt like family 'cause we had all done something in the service." This "camaraderie," to use Evelyn's description, was reported as crucial, given participants' difficulties relating with family and friends. "No one else talks the language," Grace explained. For many, it was critical the group be comprised of "all women," as Ida stated. Participants felt veteran's organizations tended to overlook women's contributions to the U.S. military. Given that WAVES is an all female organization, they felt in control, characterizing their unit as a "league of our own," to use Sandra's words. Despite serving in different locations, in different jobs, and in different eras, participants felt a unique bond with one another, in Leona's words, as "sisters under the skin." Within this regional WAVES unit, these women found others who understood the importance of their military experience. Levels of Participation Members of communities of practice differ in their levels of participation. "Peripherality suggests that there are multiple, varied, more-or-less engaged and-inclusive ways of being located in the fields of participation defined by a community" (Lave & Wenger, 1991, p. 35-36). Some members of this regional unit are extremely active, attending meetings regularly and serving as officers. Others meet frequently for coffee or to visit nearby Veteran's gardens. Lillian described a "poppy group" that meets every Friday: "There is a group of us, probably it is just five of us, we get together and make poppies for Memorial Day [for the American Legion Veteran's Organization] . . . and sometimes we'll go out on

Memorial Day and see the fiags," Margaret explained. Members feel these informal get-togethers strengthen their bonds of friendship, while also allowing them to stay active in military causes. Other members have lower levels of participation, paying their dues regularly, but are often unable to attend meetings regularly, due to agerelated limitations, physical ability, family situations, or simply geographical distance. Old Timers and New Comers Communities of practice consist of both older as well as newer members (Lave & Wenger, 1991). World War II veterans are this unit's old timers. Vietnam War, Korean War, Cold War, and Persian Gulf War veterans are the new comers. New comers are critical to the success of the organization. Pearl explained how World War II veterans are "sort of a dying breed . . . they are falling by the wayside pretty fast because most of them are in their 80s or close to . . . their 90s." Ruth, who served during World War II, explained, "We would like to have younger women join us. We're not exclusive. We don't want to say, 'Well, you weren't in WWII, so we don't want you.'" This community of practice has recently come to depend upon new, younger members to continue functioning. Shirley runs a car pool so older women who no longer drive can attend meetings. "We have a group. I pick up one girl in her town, one in the town next door. There's some everywhere, if we have to go to the city, you know, I just kind of car pool. And it's been fim." In addition to carpooling older members, younger members help older members stay informed. Emily noted, "We had one of the gals, she's a researcher, and we get on [a] subject that we don't [know] the answer to, she's got a book, so she'll go start looking, she's a smart lady, she'll look for it and she'll usually come up with the answer." Meanwhile, younger members enjoy their interaction with the older women. Deborah, who served during Vietnam, stated, "It's interesting to see the different generations and these WWII ladies are just a hoot! I mean they ran away and joined the Navy . . . they are a feisty bunch!" Old timers help the new comers become acclimated to the regional unit's purpose and the new comers, in turn, help the old timers by providing new military perspectives, physical assistance such as transportation to meetings, and by taking over unit officer roles. Contribution to Research This study contributes, in part, by fusing together social constructionist and community of practice approaches. It utilizes Eckert and McConnell-Ginet's (1992) notion of thinking practically and looking locally. In answer to Eckert and McConnell-Ginet's call, the present study examined how people "negotiate meaning in and among the specific communities of practice to which they belong" (p. 441). Our analysis supports that identity construction, maintenance, and reproduction

occurs within social practice and within situated communities of practice. Through specific social practices, such as reminiscing and relating, this regional WAVES unit maintains and reproduces the identities of its members. Immediately preceding our interviewing, a member had passed away. In her death, the group realized that they were not only losing a cherished group member, but they were also losing the opportunity to pass on both her story and potentially all of their stories. Since these narratives have been collected, another member of this unit has passed away. This study contributes, in part, by passing along these women's first-hand reports of what all claimed to be the most vital time of their lives. Limitations and Future Research Despite its contributions, this study is not without limitations. One limitation may stem from the use of both face-to-face and telephone interviewing. Twenty-two interviews were conducted face-to-face; six participants were interviewed via telephone because they resided several hundred miles away. Interviews collected via telephone may have evoked responses different from those collected face-to-face. Greater anonymity on the phone may have resulted in more open interviews. At the same time, telephone interviewing can sometimes be awkward. We questioned our analysis and did not find apparent differences related to the method of interviewing. Still, we cannot be certain whether the disparate methods of data collection infiuenced our findings. In keeping with a community of practice framework, the present study looks in depth at one particular community. While the identity negotiations reported here may resonate with other female veterans or other communities, it is also possible these findings do not generalize to other women who served in the military and are now participating in female veteran's organizations in other regions of the United States. Further scholarship in other regional units across the U.S. is needed to understand how other stories may relate to those presented here. In addition, the WAVES represent a group of women enacting atypical feminine roles. Future research, similar to scholarship on Rosie the Riveter's post-World War II return to domesticity from industrialization (Hartmann, 1978; Kimble, 2004), should examine how the women of the WAVES negotiated their transition fTom masculinized military roles to traditional domestic roles. A deeper investigation of WAVES women may lead to greater insight into the effects such a transition might have had on their gender identity. Further, examination of this potentially difficult transition may provide insight into the part WAVES women played in shaping the second wave of the feminist movement.

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Conciusion This regional WAVES unit exemplifies a community of practice. Through numerous linguistic practices such as sharing sea stories, commiserating, and affirming one another's transformed identities, these women not only reminisce and relate, they maintain and reproduce the atypical gender identities they constituted during their time of service. Participants reported that military service broadened their horizons; gave them a more confident and open-minded sense of self In addition, through these linguistic practices, these women bond and experience a sense of community. This regional WAVES unit allows these women to relive this special time of their lives. Analysis of the linguistic practices within the situated context of this female veteran's unit illuminated the practices of and process by which one community of practice maintains and reproduces gender identities forged during military service.

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Appendix WAVES Interview Protocol 1.

Tell us how you became a WAVE. a. What did your family think about your decision to join? b. What did others think about your decision to join? c. What did you think about joining?

2.

Tell us where you went and what you did. a. What was it like to be in (Fill in the Blank Citv?) b. Were there any firsts for you (i.e. first woman to do something?)

3.

Tell us how your WAVE experience made you feel about yourself.

4.

Tell us about what it was like to serve with men. a. What, if any, were some positive aspects of serving with men? b. What, if any, were some negative aspects of serving with men?

5.

Tell us what the transition was like moving from military to civilian life.

6.

Tell us about any lasting relationships you built in your own WAVE unit. a. Do you still keep in touch? b. If so, why?

7.

Tell us why you are a member of this regional WAVES Unit.

Postscript Upon completion of the study, we were invited to attend a monthly meeting to report our findings. Attendance allowed us to observe this community of practice, as it was being enacted. During their business meeting, which preceded our report, we listened to the women converse. Although the meeting's purpose was to discuss official business, most conversation centered on their memories of and their feelings about their time in the service. Similar discussions went on into the luncheon and continued during the formal presentation of our findings. We witnessed the collective reminiscing and relating apparent in our data analysis. The women used specific military jargon while discussing their service experiences. Old timers schooled new comers on how the military was in their day and vice versa. Without our prompting, the women verbally expressed how their experience continued to affect their lives to the present day. In fact, the oldest member in attendance that day, who was celebrating her 90"" birthday, stopped the individual conversations at one point and asked the entire group, "Were you homesick at all when you went away to boot?" The women proceeded to answer at once, exclaiming that they were not the kind of women to get homesick, and that their military experiences helped transform them into the women we saw before us that day. Our attendance at the regional WAVES meeting supported our analysis of this group of women. They are indeed a community of practice, using their membership in the regional WAVES unit to reproduce unique identities that service in the U.S. military afforded. Notes 1

Diagrams are "visual devices that depict the relationships among concepts" (Strauss & Corbin, 1998, p. 217).

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Smith (1995) suggests first beginning with one transcript following these five steps: I) Reading the transcript several times, using one side of the margin to note significant findings; 2) Using the other margin to document emerging themes; 3) Listing the emergent themes and looking for connections between them; 4) Producing a master list of themes; and 5) Indicating instances of each master theme in the transcript. Once a master list of themes is produced fi'om the analysis ofthe initial transcript, Smith suggests using the master list to analyze an additional five transcripts. If one is working with a data set larger than five to six transcripts. Smith suggests producing a code for each theme and continuing to identify instances in the remaining transcripts. Smith (1995) suggests refining the categorization of themes into codes. He notes that this process may lead to a more integrated organization of connections across the data. This integration occurred for us via diagramming and we refer to this higher level of data organization as our master list of codes.

References Baym, N. K. (2000). Tune in, tog on: Soaps, fandom, and ontine community. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Charmaz, K. (1995). Grounded theory. In J. A. Smith, R. Harre, & L.V. Langenhove (Eds.), Rethinking methods in psychology (pp. 27-49). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Charmaz, K. (2000). Grounded theory: Objectivist and constructivist methods. In N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Handbook of qualitative research (2°'' ed.) (pp. 509-535). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Charmaz, K. (2002). Qualitative interviewing and grounded theory analysis. In J. F. Gubrium & J. A. Holstein (Eds.), Handbook of interview research: Context & method (pp. 675-694). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Ebbert, J., & Hall, M. (1993). Crossed currents: Navy women from WWI to Tailhook. Washington: Brassey's. Eckert, P. (1989). Jocks and burnouts: Social categories and identity in high school. New York: Teachers College Press. Eckert, P., & McConnell-Ginet, S. (1992). Think practically and look locally: Language and gender as community-based practice. Annual Review qf Anthropology, 21, 461-490.

Eckert, P., & McConnell-Ginet, S. (2003). Language and gender. New York: Cambridge University Press. Hall, K., & Bucholtz, M. (Eds.) (1995). Gender articulated: Language and the socially constructed self. London: Routledge. Hartmann, S. M. (1978). Prescription for Penelope: Literature on women's obligations to returning World War II veterans. Women's Studies, 5, 223-239. Kiesling, S. F. (1997). Power and language of men. In S. Johnson & U. H. Me'mhof (Eds.), Language and masculinity (pp. 65-85). Oxford: Pergamon Press. Kjmble, J. J. (2004). Feminine style and the rehumanization of the enemy: Peacemaking discourse in Ladies Home Journal, 19451946. Women and Language, 27,65-70. Lave, J., & Wenger, E. (1991). Situated learning: Legitimate peripheral participation. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Perinbanayagam, R. S. (2003). Telic reflections: Interactional processes, as such. Symbolic Interaction, 26, 67-83. Perry, L. R. (2000). Cherokee generative metaphors. In M. J. Hardman & A. Taylor (Eds.), Hearing many voices (pp. 221-232). Creskill, NJ: Hampton Press. Rosenman, S. I. (Ed.). (1950). The public papers and addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt (vol. 12). New York: Harper Brothers Publishers.

Smith, J. A. (1995). Semi-structured interviewing and qualitative analysis. In J. A. Smith, R. Harre, & L. V. Langenhove (Eds.), Rethinking methods in psychology, (pp. 9-26). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Stapleton, K. (2003). Gender and swearing: A community of practice. Women and Language, 26, 22-33. Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1998). Basics of qualitative research: Techniques and procedures for developing grounded theory. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Timm, L. A. (2000). Romancing the earth: Feminized matemal/erotic metaphors in recent eco-environmental literature. In M. J. Hardman & A. Taylor (Eds.), Hearing many voices (pp. 105-118). Creskill, NJ: Hampton Press. Elizabeth A. Suter is an Assistant Professor in the Human Communication Studies Department at the University of Denver where she may be reached at [email protected]. Emily N. Lamb, Meredith Marko and Stacy Tye-Williams are in the Communication Studies Department at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln.

Universal Invocation Given the many times people gather for holidays and ceremonies, we are struck by how appropriate and earing it would be to use words of eommemorative gathering as suggested by reader Sandra West. We share the sentiments she expressed when sending the material: I am distressed by speakers at public meetings who assume that all persons present believe in an intervening male god. At the same time, I am heedful of the value of auspicial rites on formal occasions. Thus, I was prompted to write "Universal Invocation." . . . I trust others will have their own ideas of what needs to be in a universal invocation. Good. I wish to stimulate new tradition, not set dogma. (Author Sandra West may be reached at egalithy(§aol.com)

Universal Invocation A gender-neutral nondenominational grace We give thanks for this occasion to come together with our companions. And for this good food we are about to eat. We give thanks for the liberty to pursue our dreams. And for opportunities to foster our shared vision. Let us value the diversity of this great melting pot we call America, And embrace each other's differences. Let us endeavor to act with integrity. And strive to meet our challenges boldly. Let us honor our commitments with courtesy and kindness. Even to those who do not deserve it. Let us be mindful ofthe needs of others. And make amends for our own transgressions. Let us cherish those we love. And possess the courage to be ourselves. Amen.

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