Gender violence: Narratives and experiences of girls ...

Gender violence: Narratives and experiences of girls in three rural primary schools in Lesotho Pholoho Morojele

abstract This article discusses forms of gender violence that characterised girls’ experiences and narratives of gender, drawing on a qualitative study (part of a doctoral dissertation) conducted in three rural schools within the context of Free Primary Education (FPE) in Lesotho (Morojele, 2009). Drawing from the ethnographic data (conversations, observations and informal discussions), the article illustrates how boys and teachers inflicted (and incited) sexual violence and sexual harassment against girls. The article is sensitive to the ways in which girls’ age and social minority status (and that of women) in Basotho communities affected reporting of these events. These painful realities occurred against the backdrop of high numbers of girls’ enrolment in Lesotho primary schools (UNICEF, 2008) which provide a misleadingly rosy picture of girls’ education that is at odds with girls’ lived experience.

keywords gender violence, sexual violence, sexual harassment, corporal punishment, Free Primary Education

Introduction

the study used questionnaires, semi-structured

This article discusses forms of gender violence

interviews, document analysis, observations and

in rural primary schools in Lesotho. It is based

informal conversations for data collection. This

on a doctoral study conducted in three rural

article draws on data obtained through informal

primary schools in the context of the Free

conversations and observations. Against the

Primary Education (FPE) policy implemented

backdrop of patriarchy in Basotho communities, the

in most primary schools in 2000. One of the

article discusses girls’ narratives and experiences

main objectives of FPE was to alleviate gender

of sexual violence and sexual harassment (and

inequality in primary schools (Ministry of Education

corporal punishment) which characterised girls’

in Lesotho, 2000).

experiences of gender. It begins with a brief

Conducted over a period of nine months,

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discussion of the social positioning of Basotho

article ALLEN JEFTHAS

Young schoolgirls in Swaziland.

girls, the research background and methodology,

a significant determinant of respect and social

and proceeds to exploration of the findings.

status in Basotho communities, where respect of older people by young people is mandatory.

Social positioning of girls in Lesotho

The reverse does not apply. Age refers first to the

Basotho

subservient

number of years a child has from birth, then to the

attributes such as physical weakness, lack of

social status that is accorded to children, in terms

assertiveness and modesty to girls. Conversely,

of their birth order in the case of boys, or in terms

boys are constructed as competitive, tough,

of whether they are boys or girls (Women & Law

assertive and adventurous (Laydevant, 1953;

in Southern Africa, 1997).

communities

ascribe

Sekese, 2002). These oppositional attributes forge

Girls and women bear a perpetual social

inequitable power relations between boys and

minority status – first under the headship of their

girls, and render Basotho girls susceptible to

fathers, later under their husbands when they get

social ills such as gender violence (UNESCO,

married, and under their male relatives if their

2002). Young primary school girls are particularly

husbands die (Molapo, 2005). From a social sense

vulnerable to gender violence in Lesotho (Chaka-

boys are generally constructed as if they are older

Makhooane et al., 2002). This is because age is

than girls, to allow for the headship that boys are

Gender violence: Narratives and experiences of girls in three rural primary schools in Lesotho

81

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expected to take over girls later in life (as husband

that teachers, parents and children ascribe to

and wife) (Sekese, 2002). In terms of incidents

gender (being male or female) were central in this

of gender violence, younger primary school girls

study.

are thus disadvantaged both by age and social

The study unveiled how tradition and language

minority status, and find it difficult to navigate and

usage are vital in transmitting the meanings

report such incidents (Chaka-Makhooane et al.,

and values of gender in Basotho cultural

2002). If they do report, it becomes difficult for

contexts (Machobane, 1996). Analysis in this

the adult parents, police and court magistrates to

article illustrates how children’s narratives and

believe them.

experiences of gender drew upon the available

Within this highly patriarchal context, gender violence forms an important part of girls’ experiences and narratives of gender, particularly in schools.

repertoire of gender values and discourses within Basotho culture (Cole, 1996). Conducted over a period of nine months (three months at each schooling site) in 2006, the study used questionnaires, semi-structured interviews

Research background and methodology

observations and informal conversations for data

This article draws on a qualitative study (part of

interviews provided most data on the social

a doctoral dissertation) of teachers’, parents’ and

and structural patterns of gender relations

children’s constructions of gender in three rural

within the broader context of Basotho society

primary schools in the context of FPE in Lesotho

(Mouton, 2001). Observations and informal

(Morojele, 2009). The purpose of the study was

conversations provided ethnographic data (Hey,

to investigate the stakeholders’ constructions

1997), particularly on how girls and boys actively

and experiences of gender and the implications

constructed and contested gender in everyday

of these on gender in/equality in the schools. FPE

schooling experiences.

collection. Questionnaires and semi-structured

which was implemented in most Lesotho primary

Grade 7 learners aged between 11 and 19 years

schools in 2000, one of its aims being to address

were the main participants. A total of 69 girls and

gender inequality in primary schools (Ministry of

42 boys were involved in the study. Conversations

Education, 2000).

were designed to prompt girls and boys to discuss aspects of their lives (whether at school or

Younger primary school girls are thus disadvantaged both by age and social minority status, and find it difficult to navigate and report such incidents

home) related to gender, and related matters of femininities and masculinities. Classroom and playground observations, which involved jotting down notes and reflections on children’s activities,

The study employed the social constructionist

elucidated how boys and girls constructed and

paradigm as its guiding theoretical framework to

enacted gender in real-life situations, including

examine how these stakeholders in Lesotho rural

episodic cases of gender contestations. These

schools ravaged by gender inequality construct

learners had enrolled in schools in 2000 when FPE

gender, and what this implies for girls’ and boys’

was first incepted. The rationale was that Grade

experiences of gender in these schools. At the

7 learners who (in 2006) had spend their entire

core of this paradigm is the view that our ways

primary schooling under FPE would yield useful

of seeing the world are generated by relations

data concerning constructions and experiences of

rather than by external realities (Gergen, 2001;

gender in relation to FPE’s objectives to address

Burr, 1995). The social relations of and values

gender inequality.

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Selloane: [Crying] No sir, I am afraid of him. He

In the presentation of findings pseudonyms have

made me watch silly things on the TV [video

been used to represent the schools, learners and

recorder], then he went into his mother’s

teachers involved.

bedroom and he came with a cloth in his hand, and said ‘you see how these people do

Sexual violence

it, now its our turn’. I smiled and thought he

Girls’ narratives of gender experiences concentrated

was joking. I was so used to him since I was

on their relationships with boys or incidents that

very young but he was older than me. Then he

their friends encountered in such relationships.

went behind me and pushed the cloth in my

In Basotho communities dominant perceptions of

mouth and raped me. I told my mother and

gender embody deep unquestioned assumptions

she said she would speak to his mother. But

of heterosexuality as a norm. Heterosexuality was

now I am afraid because he got sick and he is

a means through which girls made meaning of

dead – each time I try to sleep I…[crying]…

gender – yet its pursuit was also a fundamental

or when I am asleep I see him coming to me

cause of pain and suffering for these girls. The

wearing the same sporty hat he was wearing

social construction of boys as superior to girls

that day – and this hounds me, I cannot sleep

(Molapo, 2005) ensured that adverse experiences

…[crying]….but it happened last year.1

of heterosexual relationships mostly (but not always) militated against girls.

Selloane’s story illustrates how even parents

The data below come from my conversations

(mothers) did not take seriously cases of their

with a group of Grade 7 girls at Tsuoe-Tsuoe

daughter’s alleged rape. The challenges of

Primary School. It is about a serious case of sexual

reporting cases of sexual violence in Basotho

violence and involves the personal story of an

communities have been well documented (see

11-year-old girl (Sellaone):

Chaka-Makhooane et al., 2002; Women & Law in Southern Africa, 1997). The social minority

Selloane: Me, my story is a painful one and I

status of younger primary school girls with regards

am afraid to tell people about it.

to age, gender and their coming from povertystricken households inhibits girls from reporting

Liteboho: No, Selloane just say it, I was afraid

cases of sexual violence. Another factor is the

to tell mine but now I feel better after I said it.

predominance of male adults in structures where

[Liteboho had just told a story where intruders

rape is reported (chiefs, police and magistrates).

vandalised her home and raped her older

Girls (and women) are normally relegated to the

sister while she hid under the bed.]

lower tiers of the social status continuum, making it difficult for them to assertively report cases of rape.

PM: Okay Selloane, if you don’t feel free you

Selloane’s mother’s reluctance to report the alleged

may not tell your story, or just tell anything that

rape of her daughter might bear testimony to the

made you happy.

impact of this status. She might have feared that her little daughter’s experience of rape was less

Selloane: It’s about a boy who raped me [other girls looking down shamefully].

likely to be taken seriously than the boy’s story. In traditional Basotho society, when a man raped a girl (woman) the penalty was that he

PM: And now how do you feel about the

must pay six cattle. The cattle were paid to the

situation?

father (or male relatives) of a raped girl (woman),


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Findings

article

denoting that even the sanctions against rape

Standard 7 girls and boys are outside their

benefited males more than females. Somehow

classroom today preparing the pumpkin to

rape/sexual assault of girls and women was seen

be cooked as part of their home economics

more as an idiom of wealth and the praiseworthy

lesson. I hear one boy shouting loudly, “Hey

supremacy of men (just like polygamy) (Molapo,

you girls, get away from there [pointing to the

2005). The stigma attached to rape in Basotho

place where the pumpkin was to be cooked],

communities (especially given the HIV and AIDS

you are going to give us phehla.2”

pandemic) also discouraged women (girls) from

(Field notes: Tsuoe-Tsuoe Primary School)

reporting cases of sexual violence. These factors might also explain why Selloane’s mother did not

The data illustrate that during formal schooling

report her daughter’s rape.

processes, boys resorted to superstitious and

Even though rape may be seen as rough and

traditional Basotho myths to justify their rejection

uncaring, these are also values seen as appropriate

of girls. In traditional Basotho society this was

to men and boys, while girls and women who

meant to create suspicion and lack of trust

become victims are stigmatised. This discouraged

between men and women as a means to separate

reporting of gender violence, thereby ensuring that

them. It also justified abuse and mistreatment of

the perpetrators continued with impunity. The data

women by men (for example, by their husbands).

also show how the construction of hegemonic

In their quest to wield power over girls, boys

masculine performances was inextricably tied

used this traditional myth to perceive girls as a

to dominant notions of heterosexuality (Connell,

source of contamination. This invoked feelings

1995). In other words, boys tended to express

of inferiority on the part of girls. Thorne (1993:

core values of masculinities through heterosexual

75) noted the same in American schools: “Girls

erotic advances, including rape.

[were] often defined as giving the imaginary

The

data

also

exemplify

the

negative

psychological effects that such brutal phenomena

disease called ‘cooties’ and low-status girls are called ‘cootie queens’.”

have on girls. It inflicts pain at a personal level and

Similarly, within Zulu traditional religion,

leaves a stigma at a social level. Perhaps that was

women were seen as potentially dangerous

the reason why Selloane was not willing to share

because of their link to the underworld (Ngubane,

her story with anyone once her mother could not

1977). Within the schools under study, such

help her. Indeed, such experiences of gender mean

myths created arbitrary yet damaging attributes

that for some girls they will never be able to trust

that negatively affected girls’ lives. These ensured

and understand boys, thereby reinstating social

that boys had difficulty in staying in close physical

divisions based on gender, which the study found

proximity to girls since they (girls) were perceived

as having negative implications on gender equality.

to be contaminating. Boys generally used such mythical attributes to justify social distance from

Sexual harassment and violence

girls and to claim superiority over them.

Sexual harassment was a major feature of girls’ experiences in the schools. Boys had a

Corporal punishment

tendency to call girls denigrating names that were

Cases of sexual harassment that occurred during

meant to devalue them. Some of these names

formal schooling processes were sometimes

were associated with traditional constructions of

incited by female teachers, since they too upheld

women as wicked wizards who aspired to bewitch

stereotypic perceptions of gender. The fact that

men:

almost all teachers in these schools were women

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teachers

addressing gender inequality. The data below

attitudes as a means of discipline. The data

illustrate:

illustrate the manner in which this militated against

embraced

masculine

authoritarian

girls. Yet the consequences of Mrs Mamotsoane’s When Mrs Momotsoane came to join her class

reactions to girls who cried merely served to

she found that boys and girls were making

exacerbate the situation:

noise, particularly boys shouting at girls about phehla. She started to beat everyone asking

When she could not reach her she called, “Hey

why they made noise instead of preparing the

boys, go and fetch her for me”. In a moment

pumpkin. Some boys denied that they made

six boys had come very quickly and were

noise, pointing to some individual girls. Mrs

now chasing the girl [Nthabiseng]. Everyone

Mamotsoane took turns whipping all boys

was laughing, especially the boys, and a few

and girls in this class. Suddenly two girls were

girls. I wondered if the teacher realised I was

crying, and Mrs Mamotsoane went to them

already in the school. I thought if she did she

wanting to beat them again. I heard her saying:

would avoid inflicting this misery. When the

“Why are you crying, are you angry why I beat

boys reached Nthabiseng [aged 12], she had

you when you make noise? I think you are

stopped running and was then facing the

spoiled little girls”. She then ran towards the

boys; she wanted to fight back, and the boys

crying girls, whipping them indiscriminately as

stopped a bit. Mrs Mamotsoane shouted

they scattered, each one of them running for

again, “Hey you boys, bring her here [pointing

their own life. She only managed to beat one

to herself], do you fear her…?”

girl, who cried louder as she ran away. Mrs Mamotsoane said: “Oh! You are still crying,

She did not finish saying that - the boys

are you saying its wrong when I beat you

jumped over Nthabiseng. Now it was a fight –

[running after the girl]?”

the girl was hitting back, beating, kicking and


now screaming even louder. Mrs Mamotsoane shouted at the boys, “Hey you, you are stupid,

The use of corporal punishment to institute

hold her by the legs, she will stop troubling

discipline was a major element in gender violence

you”. Nthabiseng was down, crying loudly,

in these schools. The absurd nature of this is

with no-one ready to protect her. This is what

illustrated when Mrs Mamotsoane assumed that

the boys in this school told me they wanted –

girls cried in disagreement with her reasons to beat

to be in a place with a girl where no one could

them, instead of assuming that they cried because

protect her. Two boys fiercely pulled her left

they felt pain. Studies (Morrell (1998), for instance)

leg apart and two other boys pulled her right

have shown that use of corporal punishment was

leg to the other direction…

intricately associated with masculinities, and that


this form of punishment tended to be harsher for girls.

The role that teachers played in inflicting violence

Indeed, the use of corporal punishment in

and the sexualised connotations of such violence

these schools denotes that patriarchal ideologies

are illustrated above. Within traditional Basotho

have pervaded Basotho society to the extent

communities girls are encouraged to sit with

that women who assumed positions of authority

their legs tight together. Girls who do not do this

symbolically became the male ones. Women

are normally laughed at and blamed to be sitting


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did not translate into their being committed to

article

‘like boys’. It is a thing of shame for a girl to open

might paint a false impression concerning gender

up her legs, especially in the presence of boys.

equality in Lesotho primary schools.

Mrs Mamotsoane used this stereotypical gender

As illustrated, the quality of girls’ schooling

expectation to advise the boys on what they

experience compared to that of boys was

needed to do in order to humiliate and defeat

adversely compromised, regardless of girls’

Nthabiseng. This shows the way in which the

high enrolment in these schools. Patriarchy in

stereotypical gender attributes ascribed to girls

Lesotho ensures that boys get to higher decision-

in Basotho communities were used in a formal

making positions as men with barely any form of

school setting as a strategy to abuse power and

education, whereas formal schooling for girls is

control over girls.

the only vital means through which they can attain a reasonable livelihood. This precious opportunity

I took a position to capture the scene, very

(formal schooling) often brings such misery

obtrusively attempting to rescue Nthabiseng.

to girls. The implication for the FPE policy in

Once Mrs Mamotsoane saw this, she came

Lesotho is that it should strategise to alleviate

running to me, trying to avoid the camera,

stereotypical

saying, “Look, you see she is silly. These

encourage sexual violence if it is to achieve

children who are not raised properly, you see

its objective of addressing gender inequality in

them here.” I tried to disguise my anger. I

primary schools.

perceptions

of

gender

that

looked at Nthabiseng, now crying with tears mixed with mucus all over her face. Her

Conclusion

picture still hounds me even today, as she

In these schools, gender violence characterised

walked slowly back to the group, her head and

girls’ experiences and narratives of gender.

school uniform were covered with dry grass

Gender violence emanated from boys’ attempts

and mud.

to wield power over girls in tandem with societal


expectations

in

Basotho

communities

and

schools. Girls’ and women’s social minority status The challenge of conducting research on gender

discouraged them from reporting gender violence,

where gender violence is endemic is illustrated

thereby encouraging the perpetrators to continue

above. As a researcher, a man with social seniority

unabated. The emotional and psychological

but with a commitment to gender equality, I was

consequences of gender violence have been found

intricately entangled in the research processes.

to compromise girls’ schooling experiences.

This created tension as to what my actual role

Female teachers are shown to play a role in

was. I could not tolerate extreme incidents of

inflicting and inciting gender violence against girls.

sexual violence, at times placing my role as data

This included administering corporal punishment

collector at risk.

to girls and inciting boys to sexually harass girls in

Cases where teachers orchestrated sexual

the interest of maintaining their power over girls.

violence against girls were common across the

This article has illustrated the painful realities of

schools. Yet the statistics in Lesotho show that

girls’ schooling experiences, against the backdrop

more girls attend and continue school than boys.

of high numbers of girls in Lesotho primary

According to UNICEF (2008), the Lesotho primary

schools. It has argued that the statistics of high

school net enrolment ratio from 2000 to 2007 was

attendance by girls provides a rosy picture of girls’

71 males to 74 females, the net attendance ratio

education which is at odds with girls’ actual lived

for these years being 82 males to 88 females. This

experience.

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1 2

3

Basotho means people of Lesotho. Mosotho is the singular. The ethical dilemma presented by this and how I dealt with the situation is addressed in chapter 4 of the main study (Morojele, 2009). Phehla is a mysterious traditional Basotho muti believed to make men calm, soft and understanding. In traditional Basotho villages, if a man cooperated, loved and spent time with his wife, this was normally blamed on the wife. The wife was ridiculed and insulted to be a wicked wizard who has given the husband phehla. Other men and women laughed at the man saying he had eaten phehla-mokh’obolo – ‘phehla the pacifier’. So being cruel, not cooperating, and sometimes abusing their wives was seen as proof that the man had not eaten phehla.

Proverbs' in South African Journal of Folklore Studies 7: 34-41. Ministry of Education (2000) Free Primary Education in Lesotho. Maseru: Ministry of Education External Circular Notice No. 9. Molapo ELM (2005) ‘Women and Patriarchy in Lesotho: A Deconstructive Study’ unpublished PhD thesis, University of the Free State, South Africa. Morojele P (2009) ‘Constructions of Gender in the Context of Free Primary Education: A Multi-Site Case Study of Three Schools in Lesotho’ unpublished PhD thesis, University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Morrell R (1998) ‘Gender and Education: The Place of Masculinity in South Africa Schools’ in South African Journal of Education 18(4): 218-225. Mouton J (2001) How to Succeed in Master’s and Doctorate Studies. A South African Guide and Resource Book.

References Burr V (1995) An Introduction to Social Constructionism. London: Routledge. Chaka-makhooane LP et al. (2002) Sexual Violence in Lesotho. The Realities of Justice for Women. Maseru: WLSA Lesotho. Cole M (1996) Cultural Psychology: A Once and Future Discipline. Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Connell RW (1995) Masculinities. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Gergen KJ (2001) Social Construction in Context. London: Sage. Hey V (1997) The Company she Keeps: An Ethnography of Girls’ Friendship. Buckingham: Open University Press. Laydevant F (1953) The Basuto. Anthropological studies. Roma: Sesotho Book Depot, The Social Centre, St

Pretoria: Van Schaik. Ngubane H (1977) Body and Mind in Zulu Medicine: An Ethnography of Health and Disease in Nyuswa-Zulu Thought and Practice. London: Academic Press. Sekese A (2002) Mekhoa le Maele a Basotho. Morija: Sesotho Book Depot. Thorne B (1993) Gender Play: Girls and Boys in Schools. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press. UNESCO (2002) EFA Global Monitoring Report. New York: UNESCO. UNICEF (2008) Monitoring the Situation of Children and Women [online] http://www.childinfo.org/education_ primary.php (accessed 7 November 2009). Women & Law in Southern Africa (1997) Family Belonging for Women in Lesotho: Rights, Access and Control Over Resources. Maseru: WLSA Lesotho

Michael’s Mission.

PHOLOHO MOROJELE is a lecturer in Social Justice Education at the University of KwaZulu-Natal. He was born, grew up and was schooled in rural Lesotho. His research interests are in gender and social justice in education. Email: [email protected]


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Machobane M (1996) 'Gender Stereotypes in Sesotho

Endnotes