The decline of the duel, the vendetta, and other forms of private revenge went hand in hand with the overall drop in homicide rates. Declines in homi- cide rates ...
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Homicide in Europe Marieke Liem
Introduction For a long time, European comparative homicide research has remained a relatively marginal field. Relative to the United States and several commonwealth countries, Europe1 does not have a long tradition of studying the trends, patterns, and explanations of homicide. This is perhaps not surprising given the large differences that exist between European countries in legal definitions of and data sources on homicide. In addition, the overwhelming presence of the United States as the point of reference in studies on European homicide may have impeded comparative analysis within Europe (Granath et al. 2011). Recent initiatives, however, have begun to systematically address homicide and homicide research in Europe. First, the construction of the European Homicide Monitor (EHM) is enabling comparisons and analyses among European countries. So far, three countries constitute the basis of the database: Finland, the Netherlands, and Sweden (Granath et al. 2011; Liem et al. 2013). Other European countries, including Norway and Switzerland, are now in the process of joining this initiative, filling a long‐existing lacuna. A homicide measurement project like this is fundamental for further research that will provide evidence‐based knowledge on topics such as the social factors that foster lethal violence, effective violence prevention, and setting rational punishment, sentencing policy, and treatment of offenders. A second initiative includes the publication of the Handbook of European Homicide Research: Patterns, Explanations, and Country Studies, which provides the first large‐scale systematic collection of information on homicide research in Europe and serves as a foundation for research on the topic moving forward. Third, the increased activity of the The Handbook of Homicide, First Edition. Edited by Fiona Brookman, Edward R. Maguire, and Mike Maguire. © 2017 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Published 2017 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
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European Homicide Research Group, part of the European Society of Criminology, reveals an indication of the growing interest in this field. A recent special issue on homicide in Europe of the European Journal of Criminology featured the diverse and exciting work of our research group members. In short: Research on homicide in Europe is rapidly expanding, giving rise to new initiatives and collaborations. This chapter builds on these new developments, providing an overview of contemporary homicide research in Europe. The chapter is organized in three sections. Section I presents an overview of prior and current research on homicide in Europe.2 Section II provides a description of the geographical and historical variation of homicide throughout Europe, and draws from current theories to explain these spatial and temporal variations. Finally, Section III explores ways in which future research may contribute in moving forward the field of European homicide research.
Section I: An Overview of Research on Homicide in Europe Research on homicide in Europe can roughly be divided into four approaches: Sociological, historical, psychological, and descriptive (the last mainly exploring specific subtypes of homicide). Next, I will provide a brief overview of each of these approaches.
Sociological approaches to homicide in Europe One of the earliest accounts of sociological approaches to homicide in Europe can be traced back to the 1920s when the Finnish scholar Verkko (1951) observed that the proportion of female homicide victims was higher when the overall homicide rate was low, and vice versa. Homicides involving unrelated young males as offender and victim tended to be the most variable part. In other words, increases and decreases of homicide are typically explained by the prevalence of such male‐to‐male encounters (Kivivuori, Savolainen, and Danielsson 2012). Today, these laws are also known as “Verkko’s laws” and can still be applied to explain regional and historical variations in homicide. Contemporary sociological approaches to homicide in Europe tend to focus on how the causes of homicide are located in the sociodemographic structure of society as well as in the recurring temporal and spatial dimensions and rhythms of everyday life (for an overview, see Granath et al. 2011). Much of this European research is inspired by US colleagues, as scholars have examined whether US‐based findings hold in Europe as well (Kivivuori, Suonpää, and Lehti 2014). Three major themes can be identified in these sociological approaches. The first is the role of alcohol in lethal violence. It is estimated that in the European Union, over 2,000 homicide deaths per year are attributable to alcohol use. This implies that four out of every ten homicides that occur in the European Union are alcohol‐related (Bye 2012). The role of alcohol is particularly pronounced in male‐on‐male
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omicides in the context of a fight or conflict. Data from the United Kingdom, h Sweden, and Finland show that in these male‐to‐male homicides, a significant proportion of offenders, victims, or both have consumed alcohol, oftentimes to excess (Brookman 2003; Brookman and Maguire 2004; Granath et al. 2011). There are at least three possible mechanisms for the alcohol–violence association (Bye 2008, 2012): First, people who have been drinking may feel less inhibited from using violence to achieve their ends in interactions. A second perspective holds that alcohol may not only enhance or trigger aggressive behavior and increase the risk of violent victimization, but may reduce the likelihood of any bystanders intervening when a violent encounter takes place. Third, the association between alcohol consumption and homicide may depend on other factors associated with violence; for example, alcohol consumption may be greater in times or regions of high unemployment or poverty. Recent studies show that the association between alcohol consumption and homicide rates is stronger in Northern and Eastern Europe than in Southern Europe. The reason for this discrepancy can be found in different drinking patterns. Southern European countries are characterized by frequent daily drinking, mainly during meals. In these countries there is less acceptance of drunkenness in public. In contrast, the main drinking pattern in Northern Europe, and in several East European countries, consists of irregular and intoxication‐oriented drinking (sometimes referred to as “binge” drinking), combined with societal acceptance of drunkenness in public (Bye 2012). A second important string of sociological approaches to homicide focuses on the link between economic deprivation and homicide. In this light, economic deprivation may result in individuals striking out against the sources of economic strain or produce diffused aggression that stimulates violent behavior. On a macro level, McCall and Nieuwbeerta (2007) suggested that in areas suffering an economic decline, criminally predisposed individuals may become further marginalized and the social bonds and networks that might otherwise support law‐abiding behavior may be compromised. In using data from over 100 European cities, McCall and Nieuwbeerta (2007) found that economic hardship was a robust predictor of urban homicide rates. The relationship between relative deprivation and homicide has also been found in cross‐national comparisons assessing nationwide homicide rates (Bjerregaard and Cochran 2008a, 2008b; Chamlin and Cochran 2006; Savolainen 2000). It should be noted, however, that the last comparisons relied on global, crude data, rather than zooming in on the relationship between economic deprivation and homicide in Europe specifically. The third major strand of sociological perspectives in homicide research focuses on the relationship between firearms and homicide. The notion of guns facilitating violence is the key assumption behind the strict regulation of gun ownership in most European countries. Even though the percentage of the European population possessing a firearm is lower than other Western countries, particularly the United States, there are considerable variations between European countries when it comes to gun ownership. Finland and Switzerland, for example, have very high rates of firearm possession compared to other Western European countries such as the
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Netherlands and England and Wales. The reasons for firearm possession, however, differ markedly. For example, in Finland guns (particularly rifles) are mostly used in hunting and sports, but the dominant reason among the Swiss is having a gun as part of military equipment (Killias and Markwalder 2012). European studies consistently find positive correlations between the rates of household gun ownership and the national rates of homicide as well as the proportions of homicides committed with a firearm (Killias 1993). The correlation is particularly strong between firearm possession and female firearm homicide (Killias, Van Kesteren, and Rindlisbacher 2001). In these analyses, there was no negative correlation between the rates of ownership and the rates of homicide committed by other means; in other words, other means are not used to “compensate” for the absence of guns in countries with a lower rate of gun ownership and victimization. In their recent analyses on 50 (mostly European) countries, Van Kesteren (2014) focused on the individual level of gun ownership. They found that high availability of guns in a country increases the risk of being victimized by gun‐related violence or homicide, suggesting that gun availability offers potential offenders the opportunity to be more intimidating in their threats or attacks. Alternatively, it may be argued that ownership, and especially the habit of carrying a concealed gun around, may generate the “illusion of invincibility.” This could result in risk‐taking or provocative behavior, which in turn increases the risk of becoming a victim of lethal violence (Van Kesteren 2014).
Historical approaches to homicide in Europe Through historical analyses, various researchers have been able to trace homicide figures in Europe back to the thirteenth century. These show that serious interpersonal violence decreased remarkably throughout Europe between the mid‐sixteenth and early twentieth centuries (Eisner 2003). While in the fifteenth century, about 50 people per 100,000 were victimized in a homicide, in the nineteenth century this figure had decreased to about one per 100,000. The transition to declining homicide rates appears to have started earliest in the northwestern parts of Europe and then to have gradually diffused to more peripheral regions of the continent (Eisner 2003). In combining various data sources in a historical dataset, Manuel Eisner (2003) found that the long‐ term decline was particularly associated with a disproportionate decline in elite homicide and a drop in male‐to‐male conflicts in public space. In such confrontations the role of honor seemed to have played an important role: in medieval and early modern society, insults constituted a frequently cited motive for knife fighting if efforts at reconciliation failed. The decline of the duel, the vendetta, and other forms of private revenge went hand in hand with the overall drop in homicide rates. Declines in homicide rates, in short, primarily resulted from some degree of pacification of encounters in public space, a reluctance to engage in physical confrontation over conflicts, and the waning of honor as a cultural code regulating everyday behavior (Eisner 2003). Strongly associated with this line of reasoning is the work by Norbert Elias (2000[1939])—particularly his civilization theory (Spierenburg 2012). In this major
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work, Elias assumed that an interplay between the expansion of the state’s monopoly of power and increasing economic interdependence would lead to the growth of pacified social spaces and restraint from violent behavior through increased self‐ control (Eisner 2003). The downward trend of homicide rates in Western Europe continued well into the twentieth century. Homicide rates remained low (below 2 per 100,000) until approximately the late 1960s. Starting in the early 1970s, homicide rates showed a slight increase throughout Europe, before decreasing again in the 1990s. Eisner (2008) has argued that this increase can be attributed to an increase in homicides between young men in public places, who are often strangers to one another. In this light, the “swinging sixties” brought along a loosening of social control and a relaxation of the norms that regulated the relationships between youths. In the same period, others point out, homicide peaks were recorded by individual countries such as France, which waged the Algerian war around 1960, and Italy, where years of terrorism and Mafia‐related violence continued until the early 1990s (UNODC 2014). The overall European decrease in homicide rate in the early 1990s, in turn, could be explained by pan‐Western cultural changes: to a new emphasis on self‐control and more conservative cultural values. In their latest analysis of Western European homicide rates, Aebi and Linde (2014) found that male and female victims from different age categories followed the same trend from the 1960s through the 1990s, not only the young generations. This throws into doubt the Eliasian idea that the homicide rate is merely a reflection of the presence of young men in public space. Instead, Aebi and Linde (2014) hold that the increases and decreases in homicide are reflections of a change in lifestyle. They attribute the parallel trends in male and female victimization since the 1960s to the integration of women in the labor market, and the sharing of similar lifestyles by men and women. As a result, both men and women are exposed to similar risks outside their homes. From a lifestyle theory perspective, the decrease of homicide in the late 1990s could be attributed to the rapid development of computer technologies and the Internet, leading to an increase in time spent at home, especially for young people, and in turn, a lowered risk of homicide victimization. It is important to note that not all European countries followed this pattern. The homicide drop was particularly noticeable in Western European countries. Homicide levels in Eastern Europe remained high, while rates in Southern European countries have converged to levels typically found in Northern and Western Europe (Eisner 2003). We will take a closer look at these regional variations shortly.
Psychological approaches to homicide A third line of research on homicide in Europe involves psychological approaches, particularly those that focus on the role of mental illness in homicide. Several population‐based studies in England (Flynn et al. 2011; Nielssen and Large 2010; Swinson et al. 2011), Denmark (Brennan, Mednick, and Hodgins 2000), Sweden
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(Fazel and Grann 2006), and Finland (Eronen, Hakola, and Tiihonen 1996; Tiihonen et al. 1997) revealed a higher prevalence of mental illness among homicide offenders compared to the general population. Similar findings have been reported on the relationship between mental illness and victims of homicide in studies in Sweden (Crump et al. 2013) and Denmark (Hiroeh et al. 2001). One of the explanations for these associations lies in the relationship between mental illness, drug use, and alcoholism. Individuals suffering from mental illness and substance abuse are more likely to live in, and contribute to, a violent (inner‐city) subculture where there is a higher likelihood that they will become involved in violent encounters (Hiroeh et al. 2001). Alternatively, they may have behavioral characteristics, such as alcohol or drug misuse, that increase their risk of becoming involved in violent conflict. Further, they may be less aware of their safety needs, or may provoke the hostility of others through the symptoms of illness, such as irritability or paranoia (Hiroeh et al. 2001). Within the (forensic) psychological approach to homicidal behavior, numerous European studies have focused on specific subtypes of mental illness. Here, the focus lies on the association between psychotic disorders, such as schizophrenia, and homicidal behavior (Fazel et al. 2010; Sturup and Lindqvist 2014; Vinkers and Liem 2011). These studies all take a national perspective, describing the nature and incidence of the relationship between severe mental illness and homicide in separate countries. With the exception of several meta‐analyses (Fazel et al. 2009; Nielssen and Large 2010) that include several European countries among other Western countries, studies based on pan‐European data are virtually absent.
Descriptive approaches to subtypes of homicide The fourth set of studies on homicide in Europe is also the most voluminous and the most rapidly increasing (Kivivuori, Suonpää, and Lehti 2014). These studies focus on specific subtypes of homicide, in which research on domestic homicides is well represented. This includes research on spousal homicide based on national data, such as conducted in Russia (Gondolf and Shestakov 1997), England (Dobash, Dobash, and Cavanagh 2009), Sweden (Belfrage and Rying 2004), and Denmark (Leth 2009). In their meta‐analysis on spousal homicide worldwide, Stöckl and colleagues (2013) were able to include data on the majority of European countries, indicating that figures on this type of homicide are obtainable and suitable for comparisons. This development is underscored by a recent Europe‐wide initiative, the COST Action on Femicide, which seeks to combine already existing national research efforts into a pan‐European coalition of research on intimate partner homicide. Another branch of research focuses on event and perpetrator characteristics of child homicide. The majority of these studies tend to rely on forensic‐psychiatric data, stemming from forensic hospitals and connected universities, and are conducted in countries such as England and Wales (Wilczynski 1997), Finland (Vanamo
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et al. 2001), the Netherlands (Liem and Koenraadt 2008), and Denmark (Laursen et al. 2011). Again, similar to psychotic homicide and intimate partner homicide, there is an absence of studies that include data from multiple countries that allow for comparisons. One exception constitutes a comparison between child homicide in Austria and Finland (Putkonen et al. 2009, 2011). Homicide‐suicides constitute another homicide subtype that has been studied in European countries separately (Barraclough and Harris 2002; Flynn et al. 2009; Kivivuori and Lehti 2003; Liem and Koenraadt 2007; Shiferaw et al. 2010) as well as several countries combined (Liem et al. 2011; Liem and Oberwittler 2012). Other subtypes of nondomestic homicide include stranger murder, which has been studied in the United Kingdom (Salfati and Canter 1999; Hall and Wilson 2014) and Germany (Harbort and Mokros 2001) in particular. A more common type includes confrontational and revenge homicides, which have been examined extensively by Brookman (2003). Based on Home Office data and police murder files, she showed that homicides among unrelated men are often characterized by either confrontational “honor contests” that erupt spontaneously, or by preplanned assaults in which the offender seeks out the victim because of a grudge or the need for revenge (Brookman 2003; Brookman and Maguire 2004). Finally, due to their low prevalence in Europe, studies on other subtypes of homicide such as sexual homicides (Greenall and Richardson 2014; Häkkänen‐Nyholm et al. 2009) are relatively rare and limited to anecdotal accounts.
Section II: Patterns of Homicide in Europe Spatial and temporal variation First, it should be noted that precise definitions of homicide throughout Europe are diffuse; some European nations combine incomplete homicides with completed homicide as a singular legal entity and include infanticide and aggravated assaults, while others offer a variety of distinctions based on the severity of the crime, age of the offender, mental state, and other mitigating factors (Aebi and Delgrande 2010). In spite of the discrepancies in definitions and the scope of data collection, some general patterns throughout Europe can be observed. If measured by crude homicide rates, Europe is one of the most peaceful regions in the world (Granath et al. 2011): In their recent report on global homicide rates, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC 2014) reported that Europe and Oceania shared the lowest homicide rate among the regions of the world. The estimated homicide rate in Europe is 3.0 per 100,000, compared to 6.2 per 100,000 worldwide (UNODC 2014). It is important to note, however, that although homicide rates in Europe in general are low compared to global standards, there is a considerable variation in homicide rates between European countries (Granath et al. 2011). This is particularly noticeable when comparing Eastern Europe to its counterparts (see Figure 17.1 and Figure 17.2).
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Figure 17.1 Homicide Rate per 100,000 in Europe in 2012. Source: UNODC (2013).
These diverging patterns of homicide victimization are most striking when comparing Eastern European countries to the rest of the continent (Liem and Campbell 2014): in Eastern European countries such as Belarus, Moldova, and Ukraine the homicide rate ranges from 4.3 to 6.5 per 100,000. This pattern is also visible among other former Soviet nations such as Albania (5.0 per 100,000), Estonia (5.4 per 100,000), Latvia (4.7 per 100,000), and Lithuania (6.7 per 100,000). Russia appears to be a notable outlier with 9.2 homicide deaths per 100,000. It should be noted that, as Stamatel (2009) points out, former communist Eastern European countries are often treated as a monolithic bloc by Westerners. However, they are quite different in terms of pre‐communist political configurations, state formation, the adoption and implementation of communism, and extent of political and economic reforms embraced after the fall of communism. East‐central European countries such as Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Macedonia, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia have quickly assimilated with Western Europe, as witnessed by early accessions into the European Union—as opposed to the newly independent states such as Ukraine, Belarus, and Moldova. The quick adaptation of democratization
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Figure 17.2 Homicide Rate per 100,000 by region and country in 2012. Source: UNODC (2013). Note: For countries with an asterisk (*) rates are based on 2010 as data for 2012 was unavailable.
and economic reforms toward marketization among East‐central European countries are associated with relatively low contemporary homicide rates, ranging from 0.7 per 100,000 in Slovenia to 2 per 100,000 in Macedonia. Arguably, these rates are expected to decline even further: Following the years after the fall of communism in 1989, the homicide rates in countries such as Poland and East Germany doubled (Stamatel 2012) before showing a steady decline at the turn of this century.
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The reasons for present‐day high homicide rates in former Soviet states, such as Belarus, Ukraine, Lithuania, and Russia, can be found, according to Pridemore and Kim (2006), in these countries’ sheer size and histories of authoritarian rule. Continuing high levels of violence may be regarded as a result of swift political change following the transition toward democratization and marketization, which stress individual freedoms, goals, rights, and responsibilities. This has arguably led to societal deregulation and anomie and, in turn, to higher homicide rates. Another reason can be found in the relationship between alcohol and homicide. In this regard, Russia—with widespread alcohol use and a high homicide rate—appears to be a case in point. Intoxication‐oriented, heavy drinking episodes dominate the drinking pattern in Russia. Rapid intoxication in unregulated private or semiprivate settings, and thus a lack of regulatory mechanisms, could explain why a simple argument could lead to a homicide when alcohol is involved (Pridemore 2002, 2004; Pridemore and Chamlin 2006). Other factors that explain the relatively high homicide rate in former Soviet countries include specific historical conditions, social structural factors such as poverty and family instability, and individual‐level factors such as education and marriage (Lysova, Shchitov, and Pridemore 2012). Shifting our attention to Western Europe and Scandinavia, relatively low homicide rates can be observed, ranging from 2.0 per 100,000 in Luxembourg to even lower rates in Scandinavia (0.3 per 100,000 in Iceland and 0.6 in Norway). The overall low homicide figures can be ascribed to the fact that these countries are rather alike in terms of the variables commonly used to explain differences in the levels of homicide on a pan‐European level (Nivette 2011). High economic development, a high standard of living, a high level of education, and high average life expectancy characterize all these nations (Granath et al. 2011; Liem et al. 2013). In addition, it has been suggested that what Western European countries have in common are functioning and stable state structures that are accountable to their citizens, relatively effective public health, education, and criminal justice systems, relatively low social inequality, and substantial proportions of citizens that actively engage in matters of shared concern (Eisner and Nivette 2012). It should be noted, however, that nationally low levels of homicide can obscure subnational “hotspots,” where homicide rates are consistently higher compared to their direct surroundings. Such spots can be found in the Algarve, the southernmost part of Portugal, which has a homicide rate of 2.5 per 100,000; in the southern tip of Italy, whose homicide rate is attributable to the prevalence of Mafia‐related killings; on the French island of Corsica; and in certain more densely populated urban areas that have higher homicide rates than the rest of their respective countries, such as Amsterdam, Brussels, Prague, and Vienna (UNODC 2014).
The demographic and situational context of homicide Similar to other types of violence, homicides are not randomly distributed. Perpetrators—and, to a lesser extent, victims as well—of homicide and sublethal violence are disproportionately represented in the lower socioeconomic strata
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(Brookman and Maguire 2004; Granath et al. 2011). This pattern is also reflected on a geographical level by McCall et al. (2012), who found that European homicide rates are highest in cities with highest economic deprivation as measured in percentage of low‐income households, percentage of households reliant on social security, percentage of households with one‐half of national mean income, and median disposable annual income. In their study based on 117 European cities they did not find support, however, for the relationship between unemployment and homicide rates. The absence of such a direct relationship may be explained by the fact that many European countries provide unemployment and other social benefits that cushion the economic hardship that citizens face in financially depressed periods. In terms of gender, following long‐term historical trends, men are still more likely to become victimized in homicide compared to women, although the gender gap is decreasing over time, particularly in recent years. In terms of age, recent figures based on the Global Study on Homicide (UNODC 2014), indicate that men between the ages of 30 and 44 run the highest risk of falling victim to homicide (6.4 per 100,000) compared to women of all ages and compared to men in other age categories3. The pattern of female homicide victims has remained fairly stable throughout age groups in Europe in recent years, although women aged 30 through 59 and above are at slightly higher risk (1.9 per 100,000) than younger women aged 15 through 29 (1.5 per 100,000) and at higher risk than older women (over 60 years of age). This could be explained by their exposure to intimate partner homicide, which disproportionately affects women compared to men (UNODC 2014). In Europe overall, the homicide rate of children under the age of 14 is 0.5. Among this youngest age group, gender differences are not as pronounced as in older age groups. Insofar as detailed data is available, throughout Europe children in general constitute a low‐risk group, although the risk for babies under one is often higher than among any other single‐year age group (see also Brookman and Maguire 2004). Compared to other types of homicide, interpersonal homicide is still the most prevalent. Throughout Europe, the largest component of interpersonal homicides consists of family related homicides, accounting for 28 percent of all homicides. By contrast, homicides related to criminal activity, such as gang‐related homicides or organized crime, are rare. A slight exception to this is homicides related to robbery or burglary, accounting for about 5 percent of homicides. In such cases, even though homicide may be considered a possible outcome of criminal action, it does not represent the primary goal of the perpetrator (Brookman and Maguire 2004). It should also be noted that although sociopolitical homicides generate much media attention, they are so far relatively rare in the European context. Finally, regarding the modus operandi in homicides throughout Europe, data from 42 countries indicates that physical violence (hitting, kicking, pushing, strangling) and so‐called “other” methods such as drowning, poisoning, et cetera, are used in over half (54%) of all homicides. The use of firearms is relatively rare (at approximately 13%), especially compared to other Western countries such as the United States. Sharp objects such as knives are used in about one‐third of all homicides. As mentioned earlier, there are notable exceptions to this rule, particularly
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concerning areas such as Finland and Eastern Europe, where the use of firearms in homicide is more widespread than elsewhere. Other exceptions include Scotland, England and Wales, where knives constitute the most prevalent type of modus operandi (Brookman and Maguire 2004; UNODC 2014), both in “domestic” and “street” homicides. These findings suggest that carrying a knife is by no means unusual, especially among young men who carry knives as a weapon or as a “means of self‐defense” when they go out (Brookman and Maguire 2004).
Section III: Directions for Future Research In this contribution, my aim has been to provide a brief overview of the current status of research on homicide in Europe, and to identify fruitful directions for future research. As outlined earlier, for many EU countries there is no systematic knowledge on lethal violence. Again, despite the central need for sound knowledge on lethal violence, the majority of EU countries lack well‐developed data of the kind that is required for reliable assessments. As this overview shows, detailed data that allows for in‐depth analyses on homicide patterns is available in only a handful of countries. The national databases that do exist are not compatible with one another, and reports such as supplied by the UNODC are helpful for rough statistics, but lack detail that enables the study of specific dynamics underlying homicides. Moving forward, we should join efforts in creating a data clearinghouse that would facilitate more sophisticated analyses. Further developing the European Homicide Monitor can fill these voids (Liem 2013). Future collaborations forged through the European Society of Criminology, the European Homicide Research Group or other professional forums might help overcome the extreme variation in linguistic, legal, administrative, and institutional norms and processes across Europe. The European Homicide Monitor (Granath et al. 2011; Liem et al. 2013), in its present state, including three European countries (Finland, the Netherlands, and Sweden), may provide a suitable platform to meet this aim. This Monitor promises to be an even richer data source in the future to be used by researchers and policy makers. In its present form, the European Homicide Monitor spans four years (2003–2006). We aspire to continue data collection, allowing for more detailed trend analyses, while at the same time allowing other countries to join this initiative. Expanding the temporal and geographical scope of the monitor would provide unique opportunities to follow and make assessments of trends in and factors that foster lethal violence from a pan‐European perspective. This would greatly improve the opportunities for EU‐level initiatives to work in different ways to prevent and reduce lethal violence and to follow up the measures that are introduced. With combined efforts, we can reach its full potential in the future. If such an endeavor could be completed, several areas of homicide research warrant particular attention. One of these areas consists of the criminal justice response to homicide. Even though Europe is increasingly becoming legally, politically, and economically unified, there is still a large discrepancy as to how we
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deal with those who commit violent offenses. Preliminary analyses show that punishments for homicide vary widely throughout Europe, ranging from life imprisonment to several years’ confinement (Liem and Campbell 2014). To conduct a pan‐ European comparison of the types of punishments given, accurate and reliable data collection is required that captures data on the main law enforcement, judicial, and correctional institutions involved, including the police, prosecution, courts, and prisons. Data on individual offenses and suspects should be collected at each stage of the process, so that criminal justice responses can be measured and compared across European countries (UNODC 2014). Another area of attention constitutes the evaluation of policies aimed at violence reduction, including homicide reduction. These include evaluations of specific policies designed to impact violence, such as domestic violence prevention schemes, parenting programs, alcohol and drug programs, firearm reduction programs, violence awareness programs, and policing strategies. Given that there is little knowledge and reliable data on such programs, research on the impact of these interventions has the potential to generate evidence‐based policy to further reduce the burden of homicide throughout the continent.
Notes 1 I should note that in this contribution, I consider Europe as the Council of Europe member states (which includes 47 member states spanning from the Russian Federation in the east to the United Kingdom, Ireland, and Iceland in the west) together with Belarus. 2 In assembling this overview, I relied on articles and book contributions that were written in English. The reader should be aware that there is an abundance of literature on region‐ specific and type‐specific homicide available in French, German, Dutch, Finnish, Swedish, Danish, Portuguese, Spanish, Russian, Italian, et cetera. Given the readership of this book, however, I chose to include scholarly work that would be accessible for all. 3 Other age categories include 0–14, 15–29, 45–59, and 60+.
References Aebi, M. and Delgrande, N. (2010) Council of Europe Annual Penal Statistics: SPACE I. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. Aebi, M. and Linde, A. (2014) The persistence of lifestyles: Rates and correlates of homicide in Western Europe from 1960 to 2010. European Journal of Criminology, 11(5): 552–577. Barraclough, B. and Harris, E.C. (2002) Suicide preceded by murder: The epidemiology of homicide‐suicide in England and Wales 1988–92. Psychological Medicine, 32(04): 577–584. Belfrage, H. and Rying, M. (2004) Characteristics of spousal homicide perpetrators: A study of all cases of spousal homicide in Sweden 1990–1999. Criminal Behaviour and Mental Health, 14(2): 121–133.
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Further Reading Brookman, F. and Maguire, M. (2005) Reducing homicide: A review of the possibilities. Crime, Law and Social Change, 42(4–5): 325–403. Liem, M. and Pridemore, W.A. (2012) Handbook of European Homicide Research: Patterns, Explanations, and Country Studies. New York: Springer. Liem, M. and Pridemore, W. (2014) Introduction. In Homicide in Europe. European Journal of Criminology, special issue, 11(5): 527—529. Smit, P.R., De Jong, R.R., and Bijleveld, C.C.J.H. (2012) Homicide data in Europe: Definitions, sources, and statistics. In M. Liem and W. Pridemore (eds), Handbook of European Homicide Research: Patterns, Explanations, and Country Studies (pp. 5–23). New York: Springer.
