‘I’m a migrant, but I’m the right sort of migrant’: migrant academics in Australia and New Zealand Katherine Sang, Heriot Watt University, Scotland
[email protected] Mustafa Ozbilgin, Brunel University, England
[email protected] Haya AlDajani, University of East Anglia, England
[email protected] Abstract
Despite continued interest in the globalisation of higher education, comparatively little attention has been paid to the international careers of many academics. In addition, gender has frequently been ignored in any discussions of migrant academics. Women academics, in developed economies, are typically focussed in more junior posts, typically receive fewer job offers outside their institution and experience a gender pay gap which benefits their male colleagues. The current study aims to explore the experiences of migrant academics in Australia and New Zealand, understanding how gender and ethnicity may affect these experiences. Qualitative interviews were conducted with 19 academics at various stages of their careers in both Australia and New Zealand. All interviewees were social scientists employed within urban centres. Preliminary analysis of the data has identified emerging themes including; reasons for migration, the importance of social and professional networks, a long working hours culture, discrimination against women and racism. The paper concludes by suggesting how theoretical lenses informed by critical race theories and masculinity studies can help to explain the continued dominance of white men within the academy. Introduction Richardson and McKenna (2002) have argued that despite considerable focus on the internationalisation of education systems and the student body, academics have been neglected within the literature. This paper presents the preliminary findings of a qualitative study with migrant academics working in Australia and New Zealand. We begin by presenting the limited literature on migrant academics, leading to a discussion of gender and academic careers. For the purpose of this study ‘first generation migrants’ are defined as individuals with differing birth and residency countries (Husted et al, 2001). However, they may also be referred to as ‘foreign born’ academics (US Census Bureau, 2004) or ‘expatriate’ academics (Richardson and McKenna, 2002). While an international sabbatical has long been a characteristic of an academic career, there has been an increasing trend for international mobility (beyond a short time abroad) particularly given the emphasis on self-directed career development (Richardson and Zikic, 2007). The motivations for migration amongst academics have been identified as a desire to experience new cultures and travel, to escape work environments in home countries, higher salaries and career development (Richardson and McKenna, 2002). Despite these apparent positive aspects of migration, there is evidence that academics may experience a ‘darker side’ of an international career (Richardson and Zikic, 2007: 164). Once academics migrate they can find themselves subject to culture shock which may affect performance (Katrinli and Penbek, 2010). Ifedi (2010) has highlighted the racialization process African born academics may experience when they migrate to the United States. Richardson and Zikic (2007) identified some of the negative aspects of academics’ migration as; insecure employment contracts, losing close friends, feelings of outsiderness and the impact on partners and children.
Much of the literature on migrant academics has neglected the role of gender and ethnicity. The following section begins with a discussion of the gendered and ‘raced’ experiences of women academics,. In most developed economies, women academics tend to occupy lower positions in universities (Özbilgin and Healy, 2004; Probert, 2005; Acker, 2008). Despite entering academia in near equal numbers to men, data from the Higher Education Statistics Authority (HESA) shows that less than 20% of professors are female (HESA, 2012). The majority of women can be found in junior grades such as researchers and lecturers (ibid). Similar patterns can be seen in Australia (Strachan et al., 2011) and New Zealand (New Zealand Commission of Human Rights, 2012), the countries of focus in the current study. In addition to this hierarchal inequality, data suggests that a gender pay gap persists within academia (ECU 2010; Barbezat and Hughes, 2005). Further, there is evidence that male academics in the UK are more likely be offered a (more senior) position outside their current institution, which may in part explain the gender pay gap (Blackaby et al., 2005). Similar patterns are seen for black and minority ethnic academics. Recent evidence from the UK highlights the under-representation of ethnic minority academics within senior levels of universities (Bhopal and Jackson, 2013). Similar experiences are reported by ethnic minority faculty within the US (Griffen et al., 2013). Further data points to a pay gap for ethnic minority academics (Blackaby and Frank, 2000). However, within the UK understanding of the experiences of ethnic minority academics is complicated due to the conflation of ethnic minority and migrant statuses. While ethnic minority employees represent over 10% of academics, around 1% are British born (Blackaby and Frank, 2013). Czarniawska and Sevon, (2008) analysed the career histories of four migrant women academics and challenged the assumption that the combination of women and ‘foreign’ within a masculine profession such as academia, would lead to discrimination. They coined the term ‘double strangers’ arguing that ‘foreign’ and ‘woman’ cancelled each other out, leading to greater career success than non-foreign women academics. Acker (2008) has responded to this analysis by considering the role of male mentors to women (migrant) academics and by suggesting that ‘foreignness’ may mitigate rather than cancel out the negative aspects of being a woman in a male dominated space. Sang et al (2013), through the lens of intersectionality, examined the experiences of migrant women professors in the UK. These life history interviews revealed that these women were able to mobilise a range of resources in order to have uninterrupted career paths which resulted in rapid progression to professor. However, even less is known about the experiences of ethnic minority migrant academics. Given that gender and ethnicity appear to influence academics’ experiences of academia, and potentially of migration, this paper adopts the lens of intersectionality to explore how gender, ethnicity and migrant status may intersect to qualitatively affect experiences within the academy. Intersectionality is an appropriate theoretical lens through which to examine the experiences of first generation migrant academics. Although women and ethnic minority academics may share some common experiences, it is important to note that group unity does not automatically mean group uniformity (Hancock, 2007). Warner (2008) provides the following definition of intersectionality: ‘the idea that social identities such as race, gender and class interact to form qualitatively different meanings and experiences’ (p. 454). An important element of intersectionality is that individuals are not the sum of the social groups they belong to. Rather each group interacts with each other to form experiences and manifestations which cannot be explained by membership to one group (Warner, 2008). Tatli and Özbilgin (2012b) explain that considering intersectionality of multiple forms of privilege and disadvantage can help to account for career and life outcomes.
The existing literature has explored career progression, pay and experiences of women academics, ethnic minority academics and migrant academics, however, little is known of how these identities may interact to affect experiences within the academy. Adopting the intersectional approach set out above will allow for an analysis of how gender (both for men and women) and ethnicity (ethnic minority and ‘white’ academics) intersect to confer privilege and disadvantage informing the migration experiences of academics.
Methods This study used semi-structured interviews There was no interview schedule as such, rather broad themes were covered, namely, a description of current role and working patterns, career history, motivations for migration, the experience of migration and future career plans. The use of a flexible schedule of themes enabled flexibility between interviews, and for interviewees to raise issues which were of particular concern to them, including explicit discussions about gender, racism and non-work factors. Respondents were approached through existing contacts within Australia and New Zealand (advertisements were shared by the interviewer’s contacts through staff email lists) and as such represents convenience sampling. The criteria for participation were first generation migrant status, working in social sciences within urban centres and for migration to have been more than six months prior to participation. All interviewees were informed of the true purpose of the study and were assured of their anonymity and of their right to withdraw from the study at any point. The study received ethical approval from the lead author’s institution. Interviews lasted between 50 minutes and 75 minutes. Of the nineteen interviews conducted 17 were digitally recorded. Detailed field notes were taken at each interview. Fifteen interviewees took place face to face, two were conducted via the telephone and the remaining two were conducted using Skype. The resulting data has been subject to thematic analysis in order to identify recurring themes which emerge from the data itself. This is similar to approaches adopted in previous qualitative studies of the working lives of professionals (Smithson et al., 2004). A detailed description of the respondents can be seen in Table 1.Of the 19 respondents interviewed, nine identified as male, nine identified as female and one identified as queer with a preference for female pronouns. The majority were in permanent full time posts, with two occupying roles of ‘casual academics’ and two on research contracts. Their ages ranged from mid 20s to 60s. All identified as heterosexual, with the exception of the one queer respondent (Chris) who was in a relationship with a woman. The majority were White (using UK Census categorisation), with eleven of the nineteen migrating from Northern Europe. Identifier Cain* (Aus) Cathy (NZ) Chris* (Aus) Edwin* (NZ) Emma (Aus) Harry* (Aus) Janet (NZ) Julia (NZ)
Gender
Age
Job title
Country of origin
Ethnicity
M
30s
Casual
Canada
Jewish
F
60s
Head of group
UK (Scotland)
White
Q
20s
Lecturer
UK
White
M
40s
SL
UK/Netherlands
White
Sexual orientation Het Het Queer lesbian Het Het
F
30s
Lecturer (pt)
UK
White
M
50s?
Prof
UK
White
F
60s
Prof
UK
White
Het Het Het
F
30s
SL
Germany
White
Marital status Married not stated lives with partner separated lives with partner married married lives with partner
K* (Aus) Karen (Aus) Laura (Aus)
M
30s
Casual
Jordan
Arabic
Het
F
50s?
Assoc Prof (pt)
NZ
White
Het Het
F
30s
UK
White
Liz (Aus) Martin (Aus) Raj* (Aus) Richard (NZ) Riza (Aus) Sean (NZ)
F
20s
Assoc Prof Research Associate
Canada
White
M
50s?
Prof
UK
White
M
30s
SL
India
Indian
M
30s
Lecturer
UK
M
20s
Lecturer
Thailand
White Asian (Thai)
M
40s
SL
US
White
Het Het
lives with partner married married lives with partner married
Het Het
married married
Het Het
single single
Het U* (Aus) Vicky (Aus)
F
30s
F
30s
SL Research Fellow
Turkey
Turkish
UK
White
divorced Het
married
Table 1. Respondents, with * indicating a pseudonym
Findings and discussion This section presents the key themes emerging from the data, namely, reasons for migration, settling in, and academic working life and careers. Each of these key themes is analysed in relation to how gender and ethnicity affects these migratory experiences, particularly how gender and ethnicity may intersect to inform these experiences.
Reasons for migration Reasons for migration were varied reflecting the complex relationships between ethnicity, gender and nationality which intersected to inform the migration decision. Women respondents, both white and ethnic minority cited familial motivations for migrating, for example,e Chris cited a range of motivators including her New Zealand’s partner’s desire to be closer to her country of birth.. U a female senior lecturer from Turkey had migrated to Australia so that her son could be close to his father. One ethnic minority white academic, Cain had moved to Australia to be with his Australian partner who he had met while travelling when The motivations presented here are similar to those identified by Richardson and McKenna (2002), namely, new experiences, escaping academic cultures in home country and career development. For example, Martin, a white British male professor cited lifestyle reasons for his move to Australia. In particular, the sporting culture. While lifestyle was not cited by all respondents, it was cited by many male and female white participants as a motivator to remain in either Australia or New Zealand. More precisely the data shows that while lifestyle or experiencing a new culture may not have been the primary motivator for migration, it was a motivator to remain in their host country. In contrast, career development was a stronger motivator for the current participants than those in Richardson and McKenna’s (2002) study. The majority of participants in this study reported migrating primarily for academic purposes, namely to pursue further study or to take an academic post. However, for some, the reasons were more complicated. Emma for example had migrated to take up an academic post, at a grade below her position in the UK, to satisfy her partner’s desire to live in Australia.
The current study also highlighted political concerns as a push factor. One participant, K a male Jordanian casual academic, reported a strong desire to leave his country of birth (rather than a strong desire to move to Australia). K cited political reasons for his move, namely his desire for free speech and to live somewhere with more equal gender relations. No similar motivations were reported in the previous literature, however, similar work has focussed on academics migrating from Western democracies (e.g. Richardson and McKenna, 2002) where freedom of expression may of less concern. As such it suggests that academic migration is influenced by a combination of factors, however, previous literature had neglected to consider gender and ethnicity. In particular, for the white participants in this study, career and lifestyle were important motivators for migration. For women, and one ethnic minority man, familial concerns motivated migration. Settling in Social networks were reported by all respondents as vital to the extent to which they felt settled in either Australia or New Zealand. Respondents with strong social networks felt they had settled into either Australia or New Zealand quickly. Riza (male, lecturer, Australia) had joined a church in Sydney through which he had quickly made friends. Chris (queer, lectuer, Australia) reported that joining ‘queer social groups’ where she had lived had enabled her to settle in and make new friends with ease. White participants reported engaging in in a range of sporting and leisure activities which they felt had facilitated their settling in in Australia and New Zealand. Specifically Julia had joined a sailing club where she had quickly developed a social circle. Edwin had joined a running group and had made friends rapidly following migration. Martin reported making friends through his love of surfing. Emma (female, lecturer, Australia) had joined an orchestra, a cinema group, set up a book group and had made friends through exercising her dog. However, Emma did say that she felt she had ‘to be quite brazen. I went to a church jumble sale with a plate of homemade biscuits. I’m an outgoing person and I will make friends.’ Liz (female, researcher, Australia), in contrast, said she had few hobbies or interests outside of work and this had made it difficult for her to settle in Australia. For British and North American migrants this was facilitated by a shared language, identifying a further source of privilege for these respondents. Further, for the white academics who had migrated to Australia from the UK, Canada, New Zealand and Germany the period of adjustment to their host countries’ culture appeared to have been rapid, with few difficulties. White academics migrating to New Zealand reported some difficulties acculturating for example, Cathy (Scottish female, head of group, New Zealand) commented at length on her period of adjustment to Maori culture, despite some superficial similarities with Scottish clan culture, ‘[by] virtue of [my] white skin I was assumed to be racist. I found out that I was. The racial aspect of culture and academic cultures was very different’. In contrast, ethnic minority participants recalled significant difficulties in their initial settling in periods and developing social networks. Cain and Raj felt this was linked to what they identified as explicit racism within Australian culture. Cain (Canadian male, casual academic in Australia) said ‘you’d have to be racist not to notice the racism’ and went on to explain that he often felt like ‘Cain the Jew’. Raj (Indian male senior lecturer, Australia) recalled being the victim of a racially motivated physical assault when he was a PhD student. Within academia Raj felt that racism was not ‘in your face’, but ‘behind your face, definitely, yes’, citing the lack of ethnic minority academics at senior levels within his institution. K (Jordanian, male, causal academic, Australia) described how his initial months in Australia had been difficult due to his strong links within Jordanian diaspora. In particular, he felt this had limited his acculturation to white Australian culture. In contrast to Cain and Raj, K refuted the existence of racism within Australia or academia. However, he did state that women Jordanian academics had told him of their difficulties settling in Australia and that they were frequently subject to negative teaching evaluations from students. U, the only ethnic minority women interviewed in the study did not report any negative experiences on the basis of her ethnicity.
A number of white participants explicitly discussed how they felt the intersection of their ethnicity and migrant status conferred privilege. Frankenberg (1993) has argued that both white people and those of colour lead lives in which they are raced. A number of white (British and North American) respondents reflected explicitly on what Cain identified as his ‘white privilege’. Cain and Laura recalled their experiences of navigating with the Australian immigration system. Laura stated ‘I’m white and that brings with it significant advantage’, specifically what she called ‘Anglo privilege’, citing how her ‘educational privilege’ facilitated her understanding of and ability to understand immigration paper work. Cain recalled visiting the immigration office and his perception that as a white male he was called to the front of the queue, while Asian migrants were pushed to the back of the queue and treated badly by those working in the office. Chris reflected ‘I’m a migrant, but I’m the right sort of migrant’ (Lecturer, Australia). Emma called herself an ‘invisible migrant, an English migrant coming to an Anglo-White colony’ (Lecturer, Australia). Specifically Laura and Emma reflected not just on their whiteness, but how being white British resulted in significant privilege. Ifedi (2010) in her exploration of African women faculty in the US argues for a move away from a deficit definition of racialization, instead suggesting that racialization can also be taken to mean an individual moves from not having race consciousness to one that does with ‘recognition of the societal and individual implications of this’. For the participants discussed in this section, migration to Australia resulted in an increased awareness of their own whiteness. In this sense they became aware of their own racial identity and were able to articulate some understanding of the privileges this conferred. Although whiteness has been used to explain continued inequalities in educational outcomes, there appears to be little work problematizing whiteness within the academic staff community. The data presented here suggests that whiteness does indeed shape the experiences of migrant academics and such intersectional analyses of migrant status and ethnicity can add to our understanding of patterns of disadvantage and privilege within the academy. . Academic careers For all respondents, professional networks were identified as key to their academic careers. This could take the form of links with industry for securing funding, applications for research funding and for informal mentoring. A number of respondents felt that international scholars were privileged within the recruitment processes at universities in both Australia and New Zealand. Cathy (female, head of group, New Zealand) stated that there was a hiring policy in New Zealand to prioritise the recruitment of international scholars, ‘active policy to employ international academics in some situations. The government asks universities to maintain international links’. Respondents felt that this apparent preference was in large part due to the international academic networks that such scholars would bring with them. For those respondents from the UK, Europe and North America, maintaining professional networks in their home countries was considered to be very important although difficult due to distance and time differences. Key to maintaining these networks was attendance at international conferences and the use of technologies such as Skype for ‘maintaining links with former colleagues’ (Edwin, male, senior lecturer, New Zealand). All respondents in permanent academic posts clearly articulated what they felt was necessary for promotion. Namely respondents indicated it was necessary to demonstrate excellence in Teaching, Research and Service. Generally respondents felt that promotion criteria were clearly articulated. This was not the case for all participants, for example, when recalling his experience of promotion from Lecturer to Senior Lecturer Raj felt ‘there were no criteria, it’s all political’. Promotion from Lecturer to Senior Lecturer was felt by most respondents to be achievable, however promotion to Associate Professor was considered more problematic. Gender and academic careers Gender was an important factor for the respondents in relation to careers. For those respondents with children career progression was combined with a partner who worked part time or did not have a paid job. Karen, Janet and Laura attributed their career progression in part to their male partners’
willingness to undertake the majority of childcare responsibilities. In contrast, none ofthe male participants with reflected on their female partner’s role with childcare, despite being asked to consider this. Respondents expressed mixed attitudes regarding gender bias within Australian and New Zealand academia. Within her career in Australia Karen identified ‘overt sexism…as my primary discriminatory experience’. Reflecting across her career Janet in New Zealand felt that ‘discrimination against women [was] very strong’. In contrast, Laura felt that gender was ‘more salient in [name of previous UK institution]…a real boys’ club’ although she also felt that the ‘performance of professionalism [is] very masculine, being seen at the office’. U who had worked as an academic in Turkey, the USA and Australia felt that within Australia there was ‘male dominance…the female academic has to be twice as good to be acknowledged at the same level…a dominant woman may go through [promotion] but introvert or silent [women] you won’t get anywhere. You have to fight. It’s a boy’s club’. Cathy a New Zealand based academic felt that her host country was more open to women in senior positions than the UK: ‘New Zealand had a woman prime minister, there are women in high places. There’s still a glass ceiling, but it’s less tradition based, less barriers for women to break through. It’s based on merit’ It is worth noting that despite Laura and Cathy’s assertions that Australia and New Zealand may be less gender biased than the UK, the statistics relating to women’s promotion to senior levels within higher education are almost identical (HESA, 2012; Strachan et al., 2011; New Zealand Commission on Human Rights, 2012). The data suggests that gender and ethnicity may intersect to influence academic careers, in particular regarding the benefits of academic mentors. The white male respondents reported the benefits of these most clearly for example Edwin (male, senior lecturer, New Zealand) had been head-hunted via a former mentor. Harry (male, professor, Australia) had secured each of his academic posts and promotions without having to apply for a post as he was recommended or head hunted by mentors or members of his extensive networks. Martin (male, professor, Australia) was able to mobilise his industrial and academic networks to successfully apply for research funding, a key aspect of his career success. Notably these mentors and networks were other white men. However, when asked to reflect on the important of mentors and networks to their academic careers, each of these men stated that they were not important and their success was the result of their own hard work. None of the women (or ethnic minority men) in the current study were able to point to such clear examples of career benefits. Further analysis of the data is required, but for white male migrant academics mentoring by other white male academics, a form of homosociability (Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005), may be an important consideration. Much of the extant literature on gender in academic careers has focussed on women, leaving men as an unexamined group. As such it is women academics who are gendered, rather than male academics. The data presented here suggests there may be benefit in rendering visible the gender performed by male academics and how this may affect their careers. It is important to note that those white men who were in more junior academic posts or ethnic minority male academics did not report such benefits from homosocial networking, suggesting that intersectional analyses of gender and ethnicity may benefit from drawing from a theoretical lens such as hegemonic masculinity (Connell, 1987; 2002; Connell and Messerschmidt, 2005) which can help to understand how a hierarchy of masculinity is formed within a context and how this maintains the current gender order to which privileges all men over women, while providing greater privilege for those (white and senior) men who are able to perform their gender along hegemonic lines.
Conclusions This paper has presented the preliminary findings from a qualitative study with migrant academics working within Australia and New Zealand. Although in the early stages of analysis, a number of themes have emerged which suggest that to understand the migratory experience, analyses would benefit from drawing upon the theoretical lens of intersectionality. Doing so would help reveal the complex relationships between gender, ethnicity and migrant status which can confer both privilege and disadvantage. The process of migration allowed a number of respondents to reflect on their ‘whiteness’ and associated privileges in a way they had not done in their home countries. The application of critical race theories may help to unveil the cultural and academic practices which are associated with whiteness but have to date remained invisible. Further, the data reveals the benefits of being a white male academic. The literature on gender within academia has tended to retain focus on women academics, with men and their gender rendered unseen. The application of theoretical lenses such as that of hegemonic masculinity and critical whiteness may help to explain the continued domination of white men within the academy. References Acker, J. (2008). Helpful men and feminist support: more than double strangeness. Gender, Work & Organization, 15(3), 288-293. Barbezat, D., and Hughes, J.W. (2005) ‘Salary Structure Effects and the Gender Pay Gap in Academia’. Research in Higher Education, 46, 6, 621-640. Blackaby, D., & Frank, J. (2000). Ethnic and other minority representation in UK academic economics. The Economic Journal, 110(464), 293-311.
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