the reigns of Fath 'Ali Shah, Muhammad Shah, Nasir al-Din. Shah, and .... Both Crown Prince 'Abbas Mirza and Muhammad Shah ...... Aqa Rahim was sent to St. Petersburg but ...... Haj Muhammad Khan, son of Wakil al-Mamalik Kirmani was.
Introduction
The
expansion
of
European
influence
in
the
Ottoman
Empire, Egypt, and Iran in the nineteenth century left a significant impact on those societies.
Their traditional
subsistence economies were transformed and grew increasingly dependent on commodities imported from Europe and elsewhere. New armies were created after the European model, and the
old administrative system underwent drastic change and gave way to
modern bureaucracies. The educational system was also
gained
popularity.
transformed as European-style institutions were founded and generation elite
in
of
Modern
education
intelligentsia which became
those
countries.
This
produced
encounter
the new with
a
new
ruling
European
culture was a complicated and multi-dimensional process that encompassed all aspects of the people's lives. being
uniform,
character
in
the
each
transformation
of
the
took
countries
of
on
a
the
Far from
distinctive
region,
and
happened at a different pace in each society. Understanding this transformation that continues to date requires a broad study involving various disciplines.
In
the
nineteenth
century, the most important vehicle for the introduction of
European culture to the region was a combination of sending student missions to Europe, creation of missionary schools, establishment of European-style institutions of elementary, secondary, and higher education, as well as modern military
2 schools.
The introduction of modern education in nineteenth
century Iran began with the sending of student missions to Europe
in
1811.
The
establishment
of
European-style
institutions of higher education followed in 1851 with the founding
of
the
Dar
al-Funun,
while
new
elementary
and
secondary schools did not appear until the last decade of the century.
Missionary schools emerged during the 1830s and
1840s, and were in operation for a century.
It is the sending of Iranian students to Europe in the
nineteenth century that this work attempts to examine. reasons that justify such a study seem obvious.
The
The students
returning from Europe introduced various elements of European culture
to
Iranian
society,
from
printing
press
and
journalism, to modern medicine and ideas of representative government.
Many of the students later occupied the highest
positions of power in the country, and thus influenced the turn of events on the social, economic, and political scenes.
Others turned activist in the Constitutional Revolution of
1906, and were elected to the post-revolution parliaments, and played a critical role in drawing up the draft of the constitution. men
played,
An examination of the actual role these young
and
transformation
the
of
extent
Iranian
of
their
society
understanding this complicated process.
involvement is
in
essential
the
in
Despite this, a detailed and comprehensive study of the
subject, the reasons for sending the students abroad, their
3 preparation,
experience
in
Europe,
and
contribution
to
Iranian society after their return, has not yet been made. The pioneering work of Muhammad Muhit Tabataba'i in a series of articles in Shafaq-i Surkh for the first time.
1
drew attention to the subject
Others such as Majd al-Islam Kirmani
dealt with it in a general survey.2
Mujtaba Minuwi's article
in Yaghma examined in more detail the first student mission to Europe.3
Muhammad Husayn Mahbubi Ardakani's valuable work
Tarikh-i Mu'assasat-i Tamadduni-i Jadid dar Iran is the most comprehensive study related to the subject.
Yet it deals
with the issue in the context of the general theme of the introduction Furthermore,
of
it
modern
is
mainly
civil
institutions
concerned
with
the
in
Iran.
government
sponsored student missions, and does not include the students sent abroad independently, and those sent during the reign of
Muzaffar al-Din Shah in the years immediately preceding the Constitutional Revolution. The
present
work
seeks
to
shed
some
light
on
this
aspect of the encounter with European culture, namely the sending of students to Europe. It is an attempt to search in
Muhit Tabataba'i, Muhammad, " Tarikhchah-i I'zam-i Muhassil bi Urupa", Shafaq-i Surkh, no. 2392-2437. 1
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, "Muhasssilin-i Irani dar Urupa dar Zaman-i Nasir al-Din Shah", Amuzish wa Parwarish, Vol. 24, no. 1, pp. 36-44. 2
Minuwi, Mujtaba, "Awwalin Kariwan-i Ma'rifat", Yaghma, Vol. 6, pp. 181-185, 232-237, 274-278, 313-318, 351-353. 3
4 the
official
documents,
histories,
memoirs,
and
travel
diaries written in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in order to identify every Iranian student that was sent abroad. It covers the period between 1811, when the first students
were sent to Britain, and 1906, the year of the signing of the
Constitution.
student's
It
background,
professional
career
further
his
after
contribution to his society.
attempts
experience
his
return
in
to
trace
Europe,
home,
and
each his
his
Chapters one and two provide a
brief overview of the state of education in Iran before the
introduction of modern education in the nineteenth century,
and of the founding of mission schools. Chapters Three, Four, Five, and Six cover the sending of students to Europe during
the reigns of Fath 'Ali Shah, Muhammad Shah, Nasir al-Din Shah, and Muzaffar al-Din Shah, respectively.
The final
chapter is a comparative study of the experiment in Iran, the Ottoman Empire, and Egypt.
5
EDUCATION
CENTURY
and
IN
IRAN
BEFORE
THE
NINETEENTH
Information on education in pre-Islamic Iran is sparse
does
not
provide
us with a detailed picture of the
schooling system in those days.
It is known, however, that
Zoroastrian temples and Nestorian churches were the centers
for higher education. Under the Sassanian dynasty (226 to 641 A.D.), many of the important Nestorian centers were located in the southern cities of Shiraz, Mada'in, as well as in
Iraq, and in the eastern cities of Merv, and Samarkand.
There was also the famous medical center at Gundi Shapur, east of Susa, in which Zoroastrian, Christian, and Indian scientists worked and conducted research.4
Gundi Shapur remained an important medical center after the conquest. In the eighth century one of its physicians, Jurjis son of Bakhtishu', was called to Baghdad to treat the ailing Kaliph, al-Mansur. See Safa, "Amuzishgahha-i Iran-i Islami wa Sazman-i Anha" Amuzish wa Parwarish, Vol. 11, no. 5/6, p. 37. For detailed information on education in Iran see Safa's series of articles in Amuzish wa Parwarish, no. 5/6, pp. 22-43, no. 7/8, pp. 24-38, no. 9/10, pp. 22-33, Vol. 12, no. 1/2, pp. 25-34. Also see Z. Safa, Amuzish wa Danish dar Iran (Tehran, 1363/1984), Arasteh, Reza A, Education and Social Awakening in Iran, 1850-1968 (Leiden, 1969), and Sultan-zadah, Husayn, Tarikh-i Madaris-i Iran az 'Ahd-i Bastan ta Ta'sis-i Dar al-Funun 4
6 After
Islam,
mosques were the centers of education.
From early on, the Quran, hadith, and religious law were discussed and studied in the mosques. century
the
madrasas
were
created
education
while
the mosques remained
Nishabur,
which
was
By the early eleventh
with
an
emphasis
centers for prayer,
social gathering, as well as academic activity. one
of
the
on
important
The city of
political
and
scientific centers in Khurasan, housed the earliest madrasas. Jami'-i Mani'i, the old Mosque of Nishabur, and Madrasa-i
Bayhaqi were but two of such institutions in which hundreds of students studied.5
Nizam al-Mulk, the powerful vizier of
the Seljukids, expanded the madrasa system in the eleventh century, instituting an elaborate system of pensions, and scholarships
for
institutions
were
the
teachers
mainly
funded
and
students.6
through
endowments,
These even
though they received contributions from pious individuals, wealthy merchants, and sympathetic rulers as well.
As the
schools expanded so did the subjects that were taught in them.
orders,
With the emergence and proliferation of sufi ideas and their
Khanaqahs
provided
an
alternative
to
the
chose
the
madrasas which were more restricted in the subject matter they
taught.
particular
In
school
(Tehran, 1364/1985) 5 6
both of
cases
his
a
student
interest
often
and,
if
necessary,
Safa, Amuzishgahha , Vol. 11, no. 5/6, p. 29. Ibid., Vol. 11, no. 7/8, pp. 25-26.
7 travelled to other cities in order to join the halqa of the master or teacher of his choice. The
throughout Mongol
educational the
institutions
centuries, many were
invasion
and
their
underwent
upheavals
destroyed during
libraries
were
the
burned.
Nevertheless, others were built in the following decades and even during the reign of the Mongols themselves.
Throughout
the centuries new centers for education emerged as political power shifted from one region to another. The approach to education
educationnineteenth declined
-what
is
remained
century,
steadily
generally more
even
after
or
referred less
though
the
the
twelfth
to
as
unchanged
traditional until
the
quality of education century.
Under
the
traditional approach to education there were no designated
courses that the students had to take. Classes were conducted more in the form of seminars. The subject matters studied were flexible and were determined by
students' inclination
and the recommendation or consent of the instructor.7 During the Qajar rule a number of traditional madrasas were built, of which Madrasa-i Sipahsalar, founded by Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawlah, is well known. Other such schools included Initially there were no restrictions on subject matters discussed in the madrasas. After the twelfth century philosophy was gradually eliminated from many school curiculums, and theology gained more emphasis. Also, standard books emerged, the reading of which was required for the students. See Zabih Allah Safa's Amuzish wa Danish dar Iran (Tehran, 1363/1984), pp. 34-38. 7
8 the Madrasa-i Dar al-Shifa in Tehran, and Madrasa-i Sadri in Isfahan.8
Until the emergence of modern schools toward the end of
the nineteenth century, the maktabs provided most of the elementary
education
endowments
and
small
institutions
in
that
Iran. were
individual
These
were
supported
community-based
through
contributions.
religious
Maktabs
were
regarded throughout the centuries as important institutions, critical
in
educating
the
children
and
forming
their
personalities. Strict discipline and often harsh treatment of the children were seen as essential in early education.9
Basic reading skills were taught at the maktabs, as were reading the Quran and some arithmetic.
Wealthy individuals
and members of the ruling elite often had private maktabs in their households, in which their sons and daughters received elementary
education.
Paying
junior
clergy
for
private
lessons to children was also a common practice among those who could afford it.
Elementary education was for a larger percentage of the
population. Higher education at the madrasas, while open to everyone, was primarily for those who had the motivation or ambition to further their studies.
The madrasas offered
education in various subjects that included theology, hadith, 8 9
Safa, Amuzish wa Danish, p. 22-23. Ibid., pp. 24-27.
9 law,
philosophy,
literature. a
variety
profession,
as
well
as
Arabic
language
and
Persian
Graduating from the madrasas opened the doors to
of
careers,
and
a
wide
including, range
of
religious
civil
and
service
judicial
jobs
and
positions. Graduating from a madrasa was not a prerequisit for entering civil service profession. Once a student had
aquired the basic education he could work as an apprentice
under a secretary or official bureaucrat, thus gaining the necessary
knowledge
and
skills
for
the
profession.
Many
individuals whose proclivities lay in self-realization and
enlightment often turned to the sufi Khanaqahs, where they proceeded under the guidance of a pir.
Technical skills were acquired outside of madrasas, and
through a system of apprenticeship at the desired guild.
Thus a person interested in goldsmithing would join a master goldsmith and work under him until he, himself, became a master.
The well-to-do and the elite, however, typically
shunned such professions, considering them of lower esteem and hence not prestigious.
Education in other professions
such as medicine was also acquired through a similar system, and outside of the madrasas. military schools. military joined.
career
There were no specialized
Individuals who were recruited or chose a
were
trained
at
the
military
unit
they
The advent of modern education that was introduced to
Iran during the nineteenth century laid the groundwork for
10 the shrinking of traditional education in the first half of the
twentieth
sidelines.
century,
and
effectively
pushed
it
to
the
The returning students from Europe contributed to
this process.
THE MISSION SCHOOLS
Christian
missionaries
modern schools in Iran.
afterwards
arrived
opened
the
the
first
to
introduce
They appeared in the 1830s during
the reign of Muhammad Shah. Presbyterian,
were
in
Justin Perkins, an American
Urmia
first
in
1834,
missionary
and
school
shortly
for
the
Nestorian Christians of the area.10 The school of the French Lorentz, John H., "The Impact of Western Education on Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Century Iran", unpublished paper, n.d. 10
11 Lazarists and the Soeurs de la Charite was founded in Urmia in
1840.
In
1858
Tehran, and Isfahan.
they
founded
their
schools
in
Salmas,
With a few exceptions, until the latter
quarter of the 19th century mission activity was directed toward
Eastern
Christian
Muslim population.11 the
missions
because
churches,
avoiding
the
majority
a
negative
Reportedly the policy was adopted by earlier
they
received
responce from the Muslim community in the Ottoman Empire.
There was a resurgence of missionary activity in the
last
quarter
of
the
19th century, which may also be an
indication of the increasing influence of the European powers in Iran, and of the continued weakening of Qajar rule.
In
1872 the American Presbyterian missionaries founded a school in Tehran, and in 1873, 1881, and 1883 founded new schools in Tabriz,
Hamadan,
and
Rasht,
respectively.
The
Anglican
mission started in 1881 in Urmia, and later moved to the
south of the country, opening schools in Isfahan, Shiraz, and Yazd.
This time there was a shift in the policy of the
missions, as attempts were made at directing their activities towards
the
Muslim
population.
While
their
educational
impact was significant in the twentieth century, Christian
missionaries seem to have had much less influence on Iranian education in the nineteeth century.
Both Crown Prince 'Abbas Mirza and Muhammad Shah showed interest in mission schools. Muhammad Shah permitted twenty members of the court to attend Beure's school. See Chapter Four below. 11
12
CHAPTER II
THE REIGN OF FATH 'ALI SHAH (1797-1834)
of
The sending of students to Europe began during the rule
Fath
'Ali
Shah.
His crown
prince, 'Abbas Mirza, is
credited with taking steps to bring about change and to modernize his army.
Although not the eldest son, he was
favored over his older brothers and was made heir to the
throne. He was sent to the north west city of Tabriz as
13 governor of the province of Azarbayjan, where he was also entrusted with managing the foreign affairs of the country.
Mirza Buzurg Qaim Maqam Farahani, the able vizier and man of letters, was sent along with him to advise and train the young
prince
for
his
future
career.
'Abbas
Mirza
has
received unanimous praise from both Iranians and Europeans for
his
"bravery,
generosity,
and
other
excellent
qualities."12 By the time of his premature death on 25 Oct, 1833, 'Abbas Mirza was said to have transformed the court in Tabriz, built modern forts, gun and ammunition factories, and initiated
wide
ranging
reforms.
Whereas previously "the
residents of Iran would be amazed by the appearance of a
European", during his time "people frequented the court, from among the English, the French, the Russians, and from India, Istanbul
and
elsewhere.
They
warmly received by the prince".13
brought
presents
and
were
Reportedly, the people at
his court knew foreign languages and "corresponded in French, English, Hindi, Polish, Russian, Latin and German."14
This "noblest of the Kadjar race", as Watson called
him,15 led the Iranian army against the Russian forces, at Lockhart, L, "'Abbas Mirza", new edition, pp. 13-14. 12
Encyclopedia of Islam,
Dunbuli,Abd al-Razzaq, Ma'athir-i (Tehran, 1351), G. H. Sadri Afshar ed., p.142. 13 14
Ibid, p. 141.
Sultaniyyah
Watson, Robert G., History of Persia (London, 1866), pp. 128-129. 15
14 whose hands it suffered a humiliating defeat.
'Abbas Mirza
became convinced that his traditional army was no match for the army of the Tsar. advisors
to
train
his
Hence, he employed European military men
in
modern
military
warfare.
Furthermore, hoping to regain the vast territories lost to
Russia, Fath 'Ali Shah was lured into a strategic pact with Napoleon who, in order to realize his ambitious plan of conquering India, needed Iran on his side. Finkenstein
protocol
of
1807
between
the
Following the
two
countries,
General Gardane was sent to Tehran at the head of a military advisory delegation.
In addition to training the military he
was to establish gun and ammunition factories in Iran. certain
Monsieur
Verdi,
one of
Gardane's companions,
A
was
chosen as commander of 'Abbas Mirza's forces, and a Monsieur Lami, an army engineer, was assigned the task of teaching
mathematics, geometry, and graphing to thirty of the prince's men.
'Abbas Mirza, too, was said to have taken mathematics
and geometry lessons from him.16
The prince also reached an
agreement with the French according to which Iranian students were to be admitted to study in France.
The Mission of Harford Jones to Iran Navvabi, David, "l'enseignement du francais en Iran", Luqmqn III, 2, printemps-ete 1987, p. 24. 16
15
the
The British government wasted no time in approaching
Persian
Harford
Jones
monarch
arrived
after in
his
Tehran
agreement in
1809
with
with
Napoleon.
gifts
promises of help on behalf of the British government. same year he secured the expulsion of the
and
In the
Gardane mission
and the signing of a "Provisional Treaty of Friendship and Alliance" between Britain and Iran.
Soon English military
personnel replaced the French in training Iranian soldiers.
Arrangements were also made for young Iranians to study in England, the first students to be sent to Europe.
They were
to accompany Iran's ambassador to London, who was to be appointed shortly by the king. Tehran lasted two years.
Harford Jonses' mission to
The First Students By the time of his departure in mid-1811, no ambassador
was named and neither were any students selected to leave with him.
As a gesture of good will, Jones took two students
with him to London. to
take
the
Persian sources suggest that the offer
students
came
from
Harford
Jones.17
Denis
Wright, however, asserts that it was 'Abbas Mirza who made
the request just before Harford Jones' departure.18 Given the
For more details see Minuwi, Mujtaba, "Awwalin Kariwan-i Ma'rifat," Yaghma, Vol. 6, no. 5, p. 183. and Vol. 6, no. 6, pp. 232-233. 17
18
Denis
Wright,
The
Persians
Amongst
the
English
16 nature of his mission, Jones was anxious to match all the French
offers
so
as
not
to
leave
any
continuation of their cooperation with Iran.
excuse
for
a
The French had
agreed to take Iranian students, and Jones was only happy to
match, on behalf of his government, the French offer in this area as well.
As for the two students, the request may well
obligated
consent
have
come
insistence
from
to
had
the
Crown
since
Prince.
relinquished
"His
the
Harford
Royal
strong
connections he had formed with France."19
Jones
Highness and
at
felt my
intimate
As he was already on his way, Jones did not have time
to consult London on the matter.
Nor did he discuss with the
Crown Prince the issue of the students' expenses and the
question of who was going to pay for their education and
living costs in England, since "it would have been unbecoming to the dignity of His Majesty's Government or the character
of the nation considering the great and eminent services the Prince Royal had rendered us in Persia."20
The ship carrying
Jones, and the two young men arrived in England on the night of October 11, 1811.
The two students, the first Iranians known to have been
sent to study in Europe, were Muhammad Kazim and Haji Baba, (London, 1985), 19
p. 71.
Ibid., p. 71.
PRO, FO 60/5, Jones to Castlereagh, Boultibroke 20 April 1812. as quoted in Wright, op. cit., p. 71. 20
17 later known as Mirza Haji Baba Afshar, Hakim Bashi.
The
former, who was the older of the two, was the son of the
court portrait painter (Naqqash Bashi) in the service of 'Abbas Mirza, and the latter was the son of one of 'Abbas Mirza's officers. in Azarbayjan.
They were both from respectable families
Their supervisor expressed regret however,
that they were illiterate in the Persian language, which
would make it difficult for them to learn English.21 They were accompanied by a native servant.
Jones assigned Major James Sutherland, a lieutenant in
the Indian army accompanying Jones' mission to Iran, as their supervisor.
Sutherland was unhappy with his new assignment
since it sent him back to London and blocked a brighter career
for
him
overseas.22
Upon arriving
in London Jones
introduced the two students to the Foreign Secretary, Lord Wellesly, and reminded him of the importance of their wellbeing
for
the
success
of
Britain's
relations
with
Iran.
Wellesly shared Jonse's view of the "education and treatment of those boys as a national object, if we mean to preserve
the influence we have so happily acquired in Persia", and
issued "the most liberal direction" for their treatment.23 Minuvi, op. cit., p. 184. Given the background of both Muhammad Kazim and Haji Baba, it is unlikely that they were totally illiterate, and must be taken as an exageration of the part of their supervisor. 21
22
Wright, op. cit., pp. 70-72.
PRO, FO 60/5, Jones to Castlereagh, Boultibroke 20 April 1812, as quoted in Wright, op. cit., pp. 71-2. 23
18 They were promptly lodged in an expensive boarding house in a
smart neighborhood of London and the Foreign Office paid for their expenses.24 Each of them received a stipend of 6600
pounds a year, a sizable amount off which they could live comfortably.25
Two men by the names of Drummond and Gibson
were assigned to teach them English. The
offer
by
the
British
government
to
host
the
students was due to strategic and diplomatic considerations.
Not long afterwards however, Britain's concerns over Iran's relations
with
France
disappeared,
interest in the students diminished.
and
with
it
London's
Four months after their
arrival in London Sutherland wrote to Jones:
They are very well and improving daily but not, as I have often repeated, owing to the exertions of their masters. [Gibson] as usual devotes about an hour in the evening but more in poisoning their minds as to his superiority and interest over me, than to improve them in their studies. As for Drummond, he had not seen them for three weeks.26
The
Foreign Office, which was ultimately responsible for the two
The boarding house was located on Half Moon Street, off Piccadilly. Their host, a certain Mr. William Knowles, apparently out of a desire to enrich himself, gave them a VIP treatment which prompted Jones to urge on him " for a proper economy". Yet the bill he sent to the Foreign Office after the first eight weeks of their stay totalled over 430 pounds. see Wright, op. cit., p. 72. 24
25
Minuvi, op. cit., p. 184.
NLW, Kentchurch Court papers, 9009, Sutherland to Jones, London, February 21, 1812, as quoted in Wright, op. cit., p.72. 26
19 young
men,
studies.
did
not
produce
any
definite
plan
for
their
In the absence of any Persian diplomatic mission or
representation to provide them with guidance and support, Muhammad Kazim and Haji Baba were left to find their own way around.
In the meantime Drummond, Gibson, and Sutherland
each pursued his own interest in this matter. especially unhappy about his situation.
Sutherland was
He had given up a
bright career in India to supervise the two students.
As if
that had not been enough he had lost all of his personal
belongings on the ship to England -for which the Foreign Office failed to pay any compensation- and now the Foreign Office
was
not
forthcoming with
the
students' education.
After nine months Sutherland proposed his own program for their studies to the Foreign Office. 1813,
i.e
nineteen
months
after
It was not until May
their
arrival,
that
it
approved a detailed program by which time Muhammad Kazim had
died of an illness27 and had been buried in St. Pancras churchyard, "with all the respect and ceremony due to the Mussoulman religion, and a person patronized by H.R.H. Prince 'Abbas Mirza".
At the request of Haji Baba the following
inscription appeared on his grave stone: Here lies Muhammad Kanzim [sic] a youth sent by Prince 'Abbas Mirza of Persia to this country to be educated but who unfortunately died on March 25 1813 of a consumption about eighteen months after his arrival, his friend Hajee Baba desirous of
He died on March 25, 1813. See Iqbal, 'Abbas, "Kitabi Haji Baba wa Dastan-i Nakhustin Muhassilin-i Irani dar Farang", Yadgar, Vol. 1, no. 5, p. 30. 27
20
paying the last respect to his memory has added this inscription.
Haji Baba was relocated from his expensive lodging on
Half Moon Street and put under the care of a certain Mr. Frimanger. to
study
Under a plan proposed by Frimanger, Haji Baba was
English,
Latin,
anatomy
and
surgery,
geometry,
algebra, astronomy, as well as surveying and leveling for digging canals and irrigation.28
He found his way to Oxford
and completed part of his studies there. While in England he
frequented high English officials and other personnel who had previously been on assignment to Iran.
Haji Baba returned home as the first Iranian physician
educated in Europe and was granted the title of Hakim Bashi at
the
prince's
court
of
personal
'Abbas Mirza, where he English physician,
worked with the
Dr. Kormick.
After
'Abbas Mirza's death Haji Baba entered the service of the new Crown Prince Muhammad Mirza where he visited the prince every day and was given the title of Mirza Baba.
He also saw
numerous patients at his home "from whom he did not solicit
money" for his services.29 He was sent abroad with a number of official delegations. with
European
manners,
As he knew English and was familiar
he
also
advisor to those delegations. 28
Ibid. pp. 73-4.
acted
as
interpreter
and
One such mission was his trip
Mahbubi Ardakani, Husayn, Tarikh-i Mu'sisat-i Tamadduni-i Jadid dar Iran, Vol. 1 (Tehran, 1345), p. 129. 29
21 to St. Petersburg accompanying the Crown Prince Khosraw Mirza on
an
official
mission
after
the
killing
Griboyedov, the Russian ambassador in Tehran.
of
Prince
It is widely assumed that the sending of students to
Europe by 'Abbas Mirza was initiated in order to train them in modern military warfare.
There is no doubt about 'Abbas
Mirza's commitment to modernizing his army, yet there is reason
to
doubt
the
assumption
that
the
sending
students was primarily for military training.
of
the
Within two
years after 'Abbas Mirza had embarked on modernizing his army,
12000
infantry,
men
were
artillery,
said
to
building
be
receiving
forts
and
training
in
munitions
factories.30 Given the scale of the undertaking already in progress inside the country, one would expect the students to be sent to study military sciences if the above assumption were
correct.
Medicine
and
considered military sciences.
painting
could
hardly
be
Abd al-Razzaq Dunbuli, 'Abbas
Mirza's historian wrote that the crown prince envisioned an Iran where its residents "would not be in need of other countries
in
their
affairs,
its
intelligent
masters
and
craftsmen would not look up to foreign countries, and would
produce what they needed in this country."31 'Abbas Mirza was Dunbuli, op. cit., pp. 131-133. Dunbuli's figures may be inflated. They do, nevertheless, indicate the large scale of the undertaking. 30
31
Ibid., p. 143.
22 convinced that God had not made the East in any way inferior
to the West, and there was no reason why Iran should be
resigned to such a fate.32 The sending of the students seems to have been more in line with 'Abbas Mirza's overall dream
of self-sufficiency in sciences and crafts for Iran than for the
sake
of
mere
military
considerations.
Yet,
the
circumstances in which Haji Baba and Muhammad Kazim were
chosen suggest that it was done on the spot and without much planning.
As
far
as
could
be
determined,
there
is
no
indication in the available sources of a selection procedure or criteria for the sending of students to Europe.
The Second Group of Students While Haji Baba was engaged in his studies in London,
in 1815 'Abbas Mirza sent a second group of students to England.
They were:
Mirza Salih Shirazi, a secretary in 'Abbas Mirza's army, who
was to study English and other foreign languages in order to become a government translator.
Mirza Sayyid Ja'far Muhandis son of Mirza Taqi the minister of Tabriz.
Ja'far was an engineer in his twenties.
He
See for example Abbas Mirza's remarks to the French envoy to Iran, in A. Jaubert's Voyage en Armenie et en Perse ( Paris, 1821), p. 176. 32
23 was later known as Mirza Ja'far Khan Mushir al-Dawla. He was to study engineering.
Mirza Rida, a twenty-five-year-old artillery captain, later known
as
Mirza
study artillery.
Rida
Sawbadar
Tupkhanah,
who
was
to
Both Mirza Ja'far and Mirza Rida were
to study at the military school in Woolwich.
Mirza Muhammad Ja'far, later known as Mirza Ja'far Tabib, was to study medicine or chemistry.33
Muhammad
'Ali
Chakhmaqsaz,
a
master-craftsman
and
locksmith, was to study locksmithing and gunsmithing.
a
They were placed under the supervision of Lieutenant Colonel
Joseph D'Arcy of the Royal Artillery, the commanding officer of the British mission in Tehran.
This second group of students was sent to Britain at
D'Arcy's initiative. to
a
close,
revenue,
he
When his tenure in Tehran was drawing
apparently
presented
hoping
himself
to
to
earn
the
some
additional
enthusiastic
Crown
Prince as a meritorious candidate for supervising a second group of students in England.
On May 18, 1815, D'Arcy wrote
a letter to James Morier, the British minister in Tehran informing him of the prince's desire to send the students.34 Morier warned him that in the absence of confirmation from
London, "the arrangement must be regarded as a private one 33 34
Minuvi, op. cit., p. 185. Minuvi, op. cit., p. 232.
24 between himself and the Crown Prince."35
In fact D'Arcy must
have already reached an agreement with 'Abbas Mirza since on
April 19, 1815, one month before D'Arcy's letter to Morier,
the students were received by the Crown Prince for a farewell visit before their departure.36
Morier promptly informed
London that D'Arcy had acted on his own, without authority, in taking the students with him to England.37 D'Arcy
had
even pledged that the students' expenses
would be paid by the British government. 'Abbas Mirza did not trust
him,
however,
known
that
he
longer
as
and
an
official
confirmation
was
requested from the British charge d'affaires, who let it be could
not
authorization from London. enthusiastic
confirm
the
pledge
without
The fact was that London was no
about
receiving
Iranian
students.
Napoleon's threat to India had disappeared, Russia was now an ally of Britain, and maintaining close ties with Iran was no
longer of significance,38 especially since Iran expected to Wright, op. cit., p. 74. Wright suggests that the Crown Prince asked D'Arcy to take the students with him, and that " D'Arcy, who felt he could not altogether refuse such a request from the Shah's heir, agreed to take five". However,in the absence of the approval by his minister in Tehran or the Foreign Office in London, he could have declined the request, unless, as it seems to have been the case, D'Arcy himself, was quite enthusiastic about the assignment. 35
36
Minuvi, op. cit., p.232.
Mirza Salih Shirazi, Guzarish-i Safar, H. Shahidi ed. (Tehran, 1362/1983)p. 165. 37
The students themselves were mindful of this, and attributed the British authorities' poor handling of their 38
25 gain
back,
with
British
pressure,
Russia in her recent wars.
the
territory
lost
to
Furthermore, to 'Abbas Mirza's
disappointment, London had just removed a sizable portion of its military mission from Iran.
This does not mean that
influence at the Iranian court.
D'Arcy, apparently in an
London was not concerned about other European powers gaining attempt to gain support for his arrangement with the Prince,
wrote a letter to the Foreign Office explaining the benefits of
accepting
the
students.
In
correspondence
with
the
bringing
the
Ministry of War, the Foreign Office, referring to D'Arcy"s letter,
students
confirmed to
that
Britain
the
was
to
main
reason
deter
the
for
Crown
Prince
from
recruiting Polish and other European advisors for his army.39 Despite
the
lukewarm
response
from
Morier,
D'Arcy
convinced the prince to send the students anyway, promising
to use his personal influence in London to ensure proper treatment of the students in England.
'Abbas Mirza decided
to pay their expenses personally and asked D'Arcy for an estimate,40based
on
which
each
student
was
allotted
250
pounds for the first year. Muhammad 'Ali, the gunsmith, was given 100 pounds.
An additional 50 pounds each was earmarked
education in England to this factor. cit., pp. 168-169. 39 40
Minuvi, op. cit., p. 236. Mahbubi, Tarikh, p.131.
See Mirza Salih, op.
26 for the two Ja'fars' extra expenses.41 The Crown Prince paid a total of 1200 pounds to D'Arcy for the students' first year expenses.
This was a meager allowance compared to the 660
pounds each given to Haji Baba and Muhammad Kazim.
As will
be seen D'Arcy's under-estimating of their expenses caused the students tremendous hardship during their journey to and stay in England.
'Abbas Mirza assigned D'Arcy the task of selecting from
among "the residents of Iran those who are worthy of learning your sciences."42 How D'Arcy selected the candidates is not known.
It is probable that aside from Mirza Salih, who was
on his staff, he knew at least two of them closely.
Mirza
Rida and Muhammad 'Ali both served at the artillery division
in Tabriz where D'Arcy had been working. The fact that the selection of students was left to D'Arcy is significant. It suggests
that
despite
'Abbas
Mirza's
enthusiasm
for
acquisition of European sciences, there was no clear idea on the specific aspects of sending students abroad.
Neither
were there any criteria for the selection of the students and their fields of study. At
D'Arcy's
suggestion
Mirza
Salih
kept
a
diary
of
Wright, op. cit., p. 75. Minuvi quotes the expenses as 125 pounds per year for each of the four students, plus 50 pounds each for travel expenses. As for Muhammad 'Ali, the gunsmith, he was allotted 180 pounds plus 25 pounds for his travel costs. see Minuvi, op. cit., p. 232. 41
42
Mirza Salih, op. cit., p. 52.
27 their
journey
provides
us
to
with
Europe.
Mirza
Salih's
travel
invaluable information on
experiences in Europe.
account
the students'
About his own decision to go abroad
he writes that upon D'Arcy's suggestion, he thought about it and
decided
to
go.
"I
would
learn
sciences,...and
knowledge about the affairs of the world.
gain
I would then
return to Iran and be of help to a group of fellow Muslims", he
wrote.43
About
his
intended
field
of
study,
he
had
informed the Crown Prince that as he did not find himself able to study technology, he would read French, English, and Latin as well as natural philosophy.44
As for the rest of
were to carry on in their own fields.
It is not clear how
the group, Mirza Rida Tupkhanah and Muhammad 'Ali Chakhmaqsaz the choices of engineering for Mirza Ja'far-i Muhandis and chemistry for Muhammad Ja'far were made.
The wide range of
the students' areas of study demonstrates once again however, that training for the military was not the primary objective in sending them abroad.
Even though the presence in Tabriz of foreign diplomats
and travellers and military advisors to 'Abbas Mirza's army had
introduced
some
aspects
nor
a
especially
culture into that region,
43 44
desire,
Ibid., pp. 53-54.
Ibid, p. 55.
of
European
technology
and
there was neither a sense of need in
the
rest
of
the
country,
28 including
Tehran,
for broadening
acquiring European technology.
contact
with Europe
and
Setting out to Europe in
order to study was considered madness and adventurism even by many of the educated elite. intention
to
accompany
Upon breaking the news of his
Colonel
D'Arcy,
Mirza
Salih
was
vehemently criticized by his friends, who wondered what he would gain by travelling among "a group of ignorant people." It
reached
a
point
where he
"did not
dare visit them"
anymore, wondering "is it I who is mistaken or they who are not as farsighted as I?".45
Mirza Salih Shirazi, son of Haji Baqir Kaziruni, an
officer in 'Abbas Mirza's army, had entered the Prince's service after completing his education.
He had served as
secretary to Colonel Lindsay, and later to Colonel D'Arcy,
both of whom were in Iran for training 'Abbas Mirza's men. He had received the customary education of his day and must
have been in his late thirties at the time of departure.46 Mirza Ja'far Muhandis, son of Mirza Muhammad Taqi Huseyni
minister of Tabriz, had studied Persian literature, Arabic, and a little of modern science in Tabriz. Mirza Rida was twenty
seven
years
old
when
he
left
for
London.
No
information is available on the background of Mirza Muhammad Ja'far.
Muhammad 'Ali Chakhmaqsaz came from a lower social
class and was an artisan. 45 46
Ibid., pp. 54-55.
Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2399.
29 Their journey got off to a bad start.
England
they
Waterloo.
heard
in
Moscow
about
On their way to
Napoleon's
defeat
in
This could have had undesirable implications as
far as they were concerned since it was understood that
Britain's interest in them was at least partially due to considerations of rivalry with France. the interest could wane.
With France defeated
From the very outset shortage of
money along with D'Arcy's harsh discipline made life very difficult
for
the
students. Mirza Salih's travel
account
abounds with detailed stories of D'Arcy's mistreatment of the students and his withholding money from them.
They arrived in Yarmouth on September 28, 1815.
Once
they arrived in Britain it became obvious that contrary to
what D'Arcy had promised, he could not gain the support and cooperation of the British authorities.
It further became
abundantly clear that D'Arcy's estimate of their expenses had been a great deal less than what was actually needed for their stay and education.
The Royal Military academy at
Woolwich, required a full 300 pounds before it would even enroll Mirza Ja'far Muhandis and Mirza Rida Tupkhanah. similar amount was needed for the other three students. as
Dennis
Wright
put
it
"instead
of
making
A
Yet,
provisional
arrangements until this financial problem was settled the
British authorities foolishly buried their heads in the sand and did next to nothing".47 47
Wright, op. cit., p.75.
30 The five men, along with D'Arcy, were housed at 27
Leicester Square,48 but no action was taken to place them in schools.
Almost four months after their arrival in London
D'Arcy wrote a letter to Edward Cooke at the Foreign Office and expressed his concern about the students condition.
They
"feel themselves not nearer their hopes than they were at their first arrival, and with their funds very much reduced were talking of moving to St. Petersburg", he wrote.
The
Foreign Office agreed to provide D'Arcy with additional funds but "they were painfully slow in doing so."49
When D'Arcy,
who was hoping for additional income for supervising the students, realized that the money was not forthcoming, he abandoned them.
Not knowing the language and without any
official letter of reference from either government, they were left on their own, very much as Haji Baba and Muhammad Kazim had been abandoned.
The only difference was that Haji
Baba and Muhammad Kazim had money to spend whereas the new group was hard pressed for cash.
Thus Mirza Salih would
write: It is now eleven months since I have remained in Croydon. There is nothing much that is new to write except that Colonel D'Arcy does not come near us at all. His government assigned him to supervise us, and he was to be paid for it. (His) government, not having any interest in us, does not take action...50 48 49
Ibid, p. 75. Ibid.
Mirza Salih, op. cit., pp. 179-180. Also see Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2399. 50
31 On another occasion Mirza Salih wrote: "If I remain without a teacher for another two weeks I will go crazy".51 Mirza
situation.
Salih
and
his
companions
were
in
a
difficult
On the one hand they found themselves abandoned
in a foreign country with little money and no access to their desired educational institutions, and on the other hand they did not dare to return home empty handed.
Furthermore, their
movement in England and their visiting of military facilities was restricted by the Alien Act, a restriction which D'Arcy opposed lifting.52
Each of them eventually found himself a private tutor
or a place in which he could study or work. Chakhmaqsaz was the most neglected. years.
Muhammad 'Ali
He was idle for over two
Even though he was meant to receive training in the
government armament factories, his access to those facilities was
blocked.
In
order
to
gain
some
experience,
he
volunteered his services in shops around London.53 In May 1819, when the students had finally found their way around in England and had begun their studies, they were summoned home. The reason was that 'Abbas Mirza was not receiving any
report on their progress.
Furthermore, rumors had reached
Tabriz that they were not engaged in studying. 51 52 53
Ibid.
Wright, op. cit., p. 76. Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2399.
They had to
32 resort to Sir Gore Ouseley, the former British envoy to Tehran, to confirm their progress.54 of their stay was approved.
A two-month extension
Mirza Ja'far Tabib was given
permission to stay a full year.
Haji Baba, who was still in
England, was ordered to return with the four students.
They
set out for Iran on Friday July 23, 1819, and arrived in Tabriz on November 16th.
Shortly before their departure Mirza Salih placed an
"official notification from the Prince Royal of Persia" in the Times of London in which, on behalf of his master, he
extended an invitation to the citizens of Europe to take up residence
in
the
Iranian
province
of
Azarbayjan.
The
advertisement, which also tells us a little about 'Abbas
Mirza's interest in contact and cooperation with European countries, is worthy of being quoted in full. PERSIA
The Persian Minister, Mirza Mahomed Saulit, having effected the object of his mission to this country, and made the necessary arrangements for his departure for Russia, in the Jasper sloop of war, has issued, as his last public act, an official notification from the Prince Royal of Persia, to the people of England, and the several other European nations, of which the following is a copy:
"As many families from European countries have lately resorted, some to America and New Holland, and others to Georgia and Daghistan, as settlers; his Royal Highness Abbas Mirza, the Prince Royal of Persia, through the medium of his Ministers at the Court of Great Britain, personally assures all those who may be
54
Mirza Salih, op. cit., p. 187.
33
inclined to take up their residence in his Kingdom of Adzirbijan, of which the capital is Tabriz, that, on their arrival in the district of Sauvidgeboulogh, he will immediately assign to them portions of land, with residences attached, and every requisite for their comfort and subsistence. The soil will yield abundant crops of wheat, barley, rice, cotton, and every species of fruit or grain they may choose to cultivate; and the natural produce of the country exceeds that of any other quarter of the globe. Besides receiving grants of lands, such settlers shall, as long as they reside in Persia, be exempt from all taxes or contributions of any kind; their property and persons be held sacred, under the immediate protection of the Prince himself, who further engages, that they shall be treated with the greatest kindness and attention, and, as is the custom of Persia, be at full liberty to enjoy their own religious opinions and feelings, and to follow, without control or interruption, their own mode of worship. As all travellers who have visited Persia agree that it is the best climate under the sun, it is only necessary to state, by way of exemplification, that it is the usual place of resort for persons whose health has been impaired by a residence in India, and it rarely happens that such invalids do not speedily become convalescent from the change.
His Royal Highness, in issuing his commands to give publicity to these sentiments, is prompted by an ardent desire naturally to promote the welfare of settlers, and the improvement of his country; which he is convinced from past experiences would be greatly advanced in knowledge, and materially benefited in every point of view, by a more extended and familiar intercourse with Europeans, and especially with those whom he has ever felt pleasure in designating 'his English friends.' "The undersigned, in thus promulgating the view and wishes of his Prince, in obedience to the positive commands, with which he has been honoured, scarcely conceives it necessary to offer any observations upon the assurances given in this paper, as the character of his Royal Highness is so well understood, and has been so duly appreciated by the subjects of Great Britain who have for years been domiciled in Persia, and to which many authors both of that and other countries have added their testimony; but for the satisfaction of such individuals as may not have the facility of obtaining information upon this point, the Prince's devoted servant, and bumble representative, begs leave to state, that his Royal Master has ever been characterized as aminable, just, benevolent, and
34
honourable in the highest degree; though dignified in his deportment, extremely affable; proverbially of a liberal, enlightened, and magnanimous mind; possessing great intellectual powers, which are nobly applied; a strenuous advocate for pure morality, and religion without bigotry; the friend of the oppressed and needy; uniformly administering strict and impartial justice, but at the same time exercising his high prerogative with the most merciful consideration; ardent in his endeavours to cultivate the mind, and improve the condition of all classes of his sugjects, as far as the circumstances in which he is placed will admit: indeed, it may be said with truth, that his is pre-eminently distinguished for every virtue that is estimable in civilized society, or that can adorn and dignify the monarch or the man. "MAHOMED SAULIT. "No. 25, Great Coram-street, London, July 8."55
The Other Students There were at least four other students and trainees
who studied abroad during Fath 'Ali Shah's reign.
sent individually, however, and not as a group.
They were Three of
them were trainees, and were sent by 'Abbas Mirza to Russia. The
fourth
Britain.
one
was
sent
to
study
medicine,
probably
in
Of the three trainees who went to Russia, two learned
lithographical printing.
Mirza Ja'far Tabrizi, known as Amir
was sent to Moscow to learn the craft, and brought back with 55
The Times, no. 11921, July 11, 1823.
35 him a lithograph press which he set up in Tabriz.56
This was
the first Persian printing machine to have been set up in Iran.
The other trainee was Mirza Asad Allah Shirazi, and
was sent to St. Petersburg for the same purpose.
This was
said to have been done "with encouragement from Mirza Salih
Shirazi, and at his own considerable expense". Mirza Asad Allah, too, established a press in Tabriz that remained in operation until at least 1912.
57
The third trainee was Ja'far Quli Bayk Afshar, who worked in
the mines of Siberia and became a mining expert. Upon his return he worked in the mines of Na'ij in the province of Mazandaran, making ammunitions.58
Bahram Khan, grandson of Mirza Allah Quli Qarabaghi, a
well-known physician in Tabriz was the student who studied medicine.
The date of his departure, length of stay, and the
country he went to could not be determined.
It is known
however, that he returned to Tabriz and practised medicine
there.59 There is no mention of him having been sent by 'Abbas Mirza, and it seems that he went to Europe at his
Kawah , 2nd Series, Vol. 5, p. 11, quoted in Mahbubi, "Karamuzan wa Danishjuyan-i Irani dar Rusiyah dar Zaman-i Qajar", Rahnema-i Ketab, Vol. 10, p. 564. 56
Avery, Peter; "Printing, the Press and Literature in Modern Iran", Cambridge History of Iran (7), 1991, p. 819. 57
"Akhbar-i Dar al-Khilafah-i Tehran", dated 'Ushr-i Akhir-i Ramadan, 1252, reproduced in Yadgar, Vol. 1, no. 7, p. 11. 58
59
Mahbubi, Tarikh, p. 189.
36 family's expense.
The First Encounter with European Society Prior
to
their
departure
the
students'
exposure
to
European culture had been limited to their contacts with the
Europeans in Tabriz, and hence their first encounter with European society and culture had a significant impact on them.
As
seen
through
Mirza
Salih's
account,
it
was
accompanied by a sense of fascination with European society
and its progress, admiration for the honesty and observance
of law seen among the Europeans, and a sense of inferiority and occasionally shame about themselves, their appearance, and their clothing.
Mirza Salih called England "the land of
freedom" when he was told that an old man would not give
consent to have his small shop demolished to make room for a much needed highway.
"Even if all the army came to him at
once", wrote Mirza Salih, "they would be unable to take [his property] by force...From the king to the beggar on the street,
everyone
punished".60
who
Mirza
deviates
Muhammad
from
Ja'far
the
Tabib
law
in
a
will
farewell
letter to a lady friend expressed similar sentiments: My dear Madam, I am at a loss how to express to you, in my last address, the deep regret which I feel at leaving 60
Mirza Salih, op. cit., p. 205.
be
this happy land so soon. You are well assured of my sincere admiration of the innumerable establishments in this country; of the omnipotent Parliament, the fountain of good and wise laws, and the wonder of the world, and of all future generations, of the impartial administration of these laws; of the invaluable privilege of being tried by ones own equals, that bulwark of true liberty. I have seen with delight the different charitable institutions all over the country; the great encouragement given to industry... The improvements in fine arts and sciences are far beyond the reach of my limited knowledge of the English language to describe, or to express a suitable sentiment in their praise.61
37
There seems to have been a feeling among the students
that the way they dressed was improper even bizarre at times. Mirza Salih describes the scene where the people: upon seeing my frightening face, strange appearance, tall stature, outrageous clothes, and fur hat,...burst into laughter. One wondered: Is he the owner of hell or the angel of torture? Another suggested: He is a seaman. Yet another proposed: He is the messenger of Azrael.62
On another occasion in Devonshire, when the people saw his clothes, "they were perplexed.
One moment they laughed, the
other they were frightened, and did not dare move."
In a
similar incident Mirza Salih tells us that he quickly stepped away from the crowd, got in a carriage, put on "English clothes", and then "no one bothered me".63
How the students should be dressed was an issue that
This letter was sent, by the lady to whom it had been addressed, to The Times of London which published it in its June 24, 1819 issue. 61
62 63
Mirza Salih, op. cit., p. 336. Ibid., pp. 195, 201.
38 had been discussed before in Tabriz.
When Haji Baba and
Mirza Kazim were being sent both 'Abbas Mirza and their
supervisor had agreed that giving up their native attire was not
necessary
since
they
were
sent
sciences and not to adopt its manners.64
to
acquire
European
Haji Baba did give
up his traditional clothes in favor of an English outfit. After
eighteen
months,
so
did
Mirza
Salih,
against
master's orders. He wrote: Colonel D'Arcy told me to put on English clothes. I did not agree because I could study with my Persian outfit. Furthermore, His Excellency had ordered me not to do so. But now I shaved off my beard, put on English clothes, and did not observe the old custom. The beard, habits and customs aside, is only a bunch of fur. It grows back in four months...I did not find it wise either to be tied down by Persian clothes.65
his
In addition to changing their clothes, their stay in
England had other effects as well.
While in England they
were approached, unsuccessfully, by missionaries who hoped to covert
them
to
Christianity.66
Haji
contacted by the British government. Iran,
he
was
said
to have had
Baba was apparently When he returned to
secret contacts with the
British embassy, and that "they considered him as one of their men."67 64 65 66
Mahbubi, Tarikh, p.125.
Mirza Salih, op. cit., p. 180. Ibid., pp. 345-346.
Ra'in, Isma'il, Anjumanha-i Mashrutah (Tehran 1976), p.94. 67
Sirri
dar
Ingilab-i
39 Colonel
freemasonry. first
D'Arcy
Iranian
encouraged
Mirza
Salih
to
join
join
the
He took D'Arcy's advice and thus became the student
sent
to
Europe
to
organization.68 He wrote: It had been some time since I had requested to enter the society of the freemasons but the opportunity had not come about, until I met with Mr. Percy, a grand master of freemasons, to enter their meeting. An appointment was made...On thursday the 20th of Rajab I entered the faramushkhanah with Mr. Percy and Colonel D'Arcy, I dined there and returned at 11 o'clock. It would not be appropriate to write any further on this matter.69
Just before leaving for Iran, on Wednesday november 13, 1818: A person by the name of Mr. Harris, who was the head of the freemasons and had bestowed upon me the two afformentioned ranks, saw me in the courtyard of the church. He said, "Tomorrow Faramushkhanah is open. If, before setting out for Iran next week, you are there tomorrow night I shall grant you the rank of master, otherwise you will leave while you are not finished".70 Of the five students, other than Mirza Salih, Mirza Ja'far Muhandis, too, became a freemason, though later on in his career
and
not
during
his
days
as
student
in
England.
Initiation to freemasonry of high officials and students was a trend that became increasingly popular among the Iranian
educated elite and continued at least through the 1970's. The three volume work of Isma'il Ra'in documented membership Bahar, Muhammad Taqi, "Qadimtarin Irani Kah Warid-i Framason Shudah Ast", Yaghma, Vol. 3, pp. 4-5. 68 69 70
Mirza Salih, op. cit., p. 188. Also see p. 359. Ibid, p. 358.
40 of a large number of premiers, ministers, and other statesmen
through this time.71 The Initiation of the students sent to Europe into freemasonry deserves more scrutiny and will be examined in some detail later in this study.72
The Students' Achievements All
things
considered,
one
may
call
this
first
experience of sending students to Europe a success to some degree.
compared
This would be more evident especially if it is
with
the
group
of
students
who
followed
them.
Despite initial difficulties they did attain, thanks to their own perseverance and help from some sympathetic hosts, the education and experience they were sent to acquire.
This is
true of everyone except Mirza Muhammad Ja'far, who droped out of sight.
It is not clear if he finished his studies.
made every excuse to delay his return home.
He
He departed
England after receiving a sharp note from the Foreign Office ordering him to leave.
On April 27, 1820, D'Arcy reported
his departure "with six cases of books, surgical instruments, medicines and chemical apparatus".73
There is no trace of
See Ra'in, Isma'il, Faramushkhanah wa Framasoniri dar Iran 3 vols. (Tehran, 1978). 71 72 73
See the Appendix on freemasonry below. Wright, op. cit., p. 80.
41 him after his departure from England.
Mirza Salih, besides learning languages, found time to
acquaint himself with printing.
For a while he worked as an
apprentice under a certain Mr. Watson who was engaged in printing religious books in Arabic, Persian, Turkish, and Sanskrit.
Mirza Salih volunteered his services and even paid
him a reasonable sum to learn the techniques involved.74 Printing
in
Persian
had
not
been
introduced
in
the
country at the time of Mirza Salih's departure. He hoped to take back a machine with him and operate it. he set up the apparatus in Tabriz.
one to have been brought to Tabriz.
Upon his return
This was not the first
By the time of Mirza
Salih's return, Mirza Ja'far, who had been sent to learn lithography in Moscow, had come back with his own machine.
Mirza Salih remained interested in this matter as a few years later,
when
he
was
sent on a diplomatic mission to St.
machines with him.75
When he returned from England, Mirza
Petersburg, he purchased and brought back a few more printing Salih was put in charge of teaching science and European languages to the children of the nobility.
Mirza Salih received the title of Muhandis and became
involved in official diplomatic activities. 74
Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2400.
His official
Tarbiyat, Muhammad Ali, "Tarikh-i Matba'a wa Matbuat dar Iran", Ta'lim wa Tarbiyat, Vol. 4, no. 11, pp. 659664,721-724. 75
42 responsibilities did not leave him much time to spend in printing.
Through his efforts, however, the first books
printed by lithography were published in Iran.
Ma'athir-i
Sultaniyyah, a chronicle written by the court historian of 'Abbas Mirza, Abd al-Razzaq Dunbuli, was among the important books that were printed by Mirza Salih's press.
So were
other books such as a biography of Peter the Great and that
of Charles XII, as well as a book about Napoleon, and another
on inoculation against smallpox.76 Not surprisingly, all the books were related to modernization and progress.
Several
years later, in 1836, during the reign of Muhammad Shah,
Mirza Salih edited and published the first newspaper of Iran,
which was refered to as Kaghaz-i Akhbar, a verbatim rendering of the English term newspaper.
Though it went out of print
soon after its inauguration, it nonetheless marked the birth of Persian journalism in Iran. Mirza
Salih's
travel account, which also includes a
detailed history of England, is one of the earliest works that introduced aspects of modern European society in Iran. Mirza
Salih
was
an
observant
contribution
in
the
student
who,
when
sent
to
to
his
Europe, did not limit himself to learning languages alone. His
introduction
of
printing
country alone, was significant and had far-reaching effects. Mirza
Sayyid
Ja'far
studied
mathematics,
engineering
Taqizadah, Sayyid Hasan, Maqalat-i Taqizadah, Vol. 9, pp. 310-311. 76
43 and artillery. taught
those
Tabriz.77
The first few years after his return he
subjects He
to
founded
the
an
children
of
nobility
engineering
in
workshop
(muhandiskhanah), and received the title of Muhandis-Bashi. Later he served as mathematics teacher to Muhammad Shah, Fath 'Ali
Shah's
successor.
outstanding career.
Mirza
Ja'far
had
a
long
and
He received the title of Mushir al-
Dawlah and, in 1834, he was sent to the Ottoman Empire as ambassador78, a post that he held until 1844.
He then served
as the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the court of the then
Crown Prince Nasir al-Din Mirza in Azarbayjan and was a close advisor to the prince.
After Muhammad Shah's death he helped
bring the young Nasir al-Din Shah to Tehran and seat him on the
throne.
In
1858,
apparently
with
Mirza
Ja'far's
encouragement, the king ordered the creation of an advisory
body, called the Council of State (Dar al-Shawra-i Dawlati), believed Persian
to
be
the
bureaucratic
forerunner
to
the
development79,
president of this council.
cabinet
and
was
system
in
appointed
It was in this same year that he
Bamdad, Mahdi, Sharh-i Hal-i Rijal-i Iran dar Qarn-i Dawazdahum wa Sizdahum wa Chahardahum-i Hijri, Vol. 1, pp. 241-244. 77
Khurmuji, Muhammad Ja'far, Haqayiq al-Akhbar-i Nasiri (Tehran, 1344/1965), H. Khadiw Jam ed., p.26. 78
For a detailed discussion on the development of bureaucracy in Iran see Shaul Bakhash, Iran: Monarchy, Bureaucracy, and Reform under the Qajars, 1858-1896, (London 1978). 79
44 presented to the king the Kitabchah-i Ghaybi ya Daftar-i Tanzimat, a book written by Mirza Malkum Khan advocating reform in government.80
In 1860 he was sent to London as
ambassador extraordinary for a mission that ended in failure. Later on he was appointed trustee of the Shrine of Imam Rida
in Mashhad where he died in 1862.81
Mirza Ja'far wrote a number of books the most important
of
which
of
the
was
Risalah-i
Tahqiqat-i
sarhaddiyyah
(Border
Investigations), which was the result of his six-year survey agreement
Perso-Ottoman between
Iran,
border
following
the Ottoman
a
quadripartite
Empire, Britain, and
Russia. His other books include Tarz-i Hukumat-i Iran wa Muqayasah-i
an
ba
Hukumatha-i
Urupa
(Iran's
System
of
Government as Compared to the Governments of Europe). This
was a book he wrote for and presented to Nasir al-Din Shah. He also wrote books on arithmetic, diplomacy, and geography that
include
Kitabcha-i
Sifarat
which
he
presented
to
Muhammad Shah's visier, Mirza Aqasi in 1838, Kitab-i Hisab, and
Jughrafiya-i
Jahan.82
Another one
of Mirza Ja'far's
works was the translation of a biography of Peter the Great from English.83
Mirza Malkum Khan was sent to Europe for education during the reign of Nasir al-Din Shah. 80 81
Bamdad, op. cit., Vol. 1, pp. 241-244.
See the Introduction to Risalah-i Tahqiqat-i Sarhaddiyyah, Muhammad Mushiri ed., Tehran, (1348/1969) 82 83
Minuvi, op. cit., Yaghma, p. 352.
45 Mirza
Rida
became
an
engineer
engineer of the army for a while.
and
served
as
chief
He designed and supervised
the building of the Dar al-Funun, the first institution of higher education modeled after European polytechnics which was
opened
Sawa'iq
in
1851
al-Nizam,85
in
but
Tehran.84 he
is
He
wrote
better
translation of a history of Napoleon.
a
book
known
titled
for
his
He was said to be an
able man who had a good command of the English language, and
a master of geometry and fort building. However, he could not advance much in society and was never appointed to high office. the
Muhammad 'Ali Chakhmaqsaz, who was an artisan and had lowest
social
background
locksmithing and gunsmithing.
in
the
group,
learned
He took an English bride and
thus became the first Iranian student to do so.
Upon return
he was granted the title of Khan, in part thanks to his wife who was allowed by the king to mix with the ladies of the court.86 Later he was put in charge of the royal foundry in Tehran.
The success of the first experience of sending students
to Europe should not be overestimated.
It may be true that
Yaghmai, Iqbal, "Madrasah-i Dar al-Funun", Yaghma, Vol. 22 (1348 S/ 1969), p. 144. 84
Mushiri, Muhammad, Sharh-i Ma'muriyyat-i Ajudanbashi Husayn Khan-i Nizam al-Dawlah, Tehran, 1968, p. 171. 85
Iqbal, 'Abbas, "Tarikh-i Ruznamah Nigari dar Iran" Yadgar, Vol. 1, no. 7., p.11. 86
46 most
of
and
some
the
same
the
students
benefitted personally from
studying
abroad.
They were assigned various posts in the government,
careers.
Yet it could be argued that they would have landed
served
types
in
of
long
and
exceptionally
positions
distinguished
anyway,
without
except
for
studying
in
Europe. Admittedly they may not have made the same use of their
positions.
Indeed
Muhammad
'Ali
Chakhmaqsaz, whose social standing improved as a result of his trip, the rest of the students did not advance beyond their original social status. Personal
success
returning
of
importantly
gains
this
students one
aside,
experience
one
rendered
must
by
to
consider
may
the
gauge
actual
Persian
the
the
degree
degree
service
society. to
which
of
the
More
they
influenced the Iranian society in its initial, albeit slow movement examined
towards both
institutions
in
modernization. terms
affecting
of
the
European technology to Iran.
The
influence
introducing
society,
and
new in
must
ideas
be
and
introducing
Judged by these criteria, the
degree of success of the undertaking varies in different aspects and among different students. In
the
case
of
Mirza
Salih,
his
contribution
to
printing and to the birth of Persian journalism alone is significant,
not
to mention his
introduction of European
society and British history to Iranians.
His travel account
may have been read only by a handful of individuals, but it
47 was the accumulation of these types of works that , along
with other factors, contributed to the demands for reform and eventually to the Constitutional revolution of 1906.
Mirza
Salih served with distinction in the official assignments he was given, in particular in a diplomatic mission he was sent
on, in September 1822, shortly after his return from England.
He was entrusted with purchasing arms, securing the payment
of arrears of the annual subsidy due under the terms of the Anglo-Persian
Treaty,
and demanding the
removal
of Henry
Willock, the British charge' d'affaires in Tehran.
This last task was a difficult one, a task which Mirza
Abu al-Hassan Khan Ilchi, Iran's special envoy to Europe, had attempted,
without
success
in
1819.
Willock
arrived in Tehran with Harford Jones' mission. Morier
left
d'affaires.
Tehran
in
1815,
Willock
became
had
first
When James
the
charge'
He was disliked by the Persian court and was
considered to have a hostile attitude toward Iran.
Thanks to
his diplomatic skills Mirza Salih successfully completed the mission.
He left London in August 1823 carrying a letter
from the British government indicating London's intention to make new arrangements for its mission in Iran including the appointment of a minister, rather than a charge' d'affaires to Tehran.
He would be appointed not by London, but by the
Government of India.
This was an issue that displeased the
king and led to a considerable delay in Willock's departure
from Iran. It was said about Mirza Salih's accomplishment
48 that "truly it has been the only diplomatic mission in a century of Iran's recent history that achieved as complete a success as one would desire."87 Mirza
Ja'far
Muhandis,
too,
contributed
during his long and distinguished service.
to
reform
His role in the
early stages of the creation of a cabinet system and in the
introduction of administrative reform must not be overlooked. Mirza Rida's works as chief engineer of the army or helping
in the construction of Dar al-Funun, though important, were limited in scope and did not contribute as much in bringing European know-how or institutions into Iranian society. translation
of
the
biography
of
Peter
the
Great
may
His be
considered a contribution in introducing the European world to Iran.
Muhammad 'Ali Chakhmaqsaz brought with him from
England a small steam engine and a button-cutting machine and built
a
factory
in
Tabriz,
thus
contributing
introduction of the new technology to Iran.
to
the
* * * * * 'Abbas Mirza died not long after these first group of
students
returned
home.
More
students
were
sent
abroad
Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2402. It turns out that the recall of Willock, which incidentally did not materialize until 1826, was not purely the result of Mirza Salih's efforts, but a consequence of a change of policy in London. Nevertheless, his mission was considered a success in Iran, and he was given credit for Willock's recall. 87
49 during
Muhammad Shah's reign, but as will be seen they were
less successful in putting what they learned into use for their country.
CHAPTER III
THE REIGN OF MUHAMMAD SHAH (1834-1848)
Fath
The sending of students to Europe was resumed under 'Ali
apparent
turbulent
Shah's
successor,
enthusiasm years
of
on
his
the
Muhammad
part
rule
of
Shah.
Muhammad
prevented
a
Despite Shah,
continued
an
the
and
successful attempt to have young Iranians educated in Europe. This failure had as much to do with domestic
opposition to
Muhammad Shah's unorthodox policies, as it did with foreign
50 disputes and frictions with Britain and France. After
the
premature
death
of
'Abbas
Shah's
death
Mirza,
his
son
Muhammad Mirza had been designated Crown Prince and ascended the
throne
upon
Fath
'Ali
in
1834.
The
relatively brief reign of Muhammad Shah is a particularly interesting one in Qajar history during which many important events took place.
In defiance of the regional interests and
desires of the British, Muhammad Shah set out on a military campaign to take the city of Herat.
In order to put presure
on him and stop his campaign, Britain invaded southern Iran. The British government also ordered its military advisors,
under contract to train and advise the Iranian army, to refrain
from
government. personnel
fulfilling
their
duties
to
the
Iranian
These events led to the expulsion of the British
from
Iran
and
to
a
serious
deterioration
diplomatic relations between the two countries.
of
Relations
with Russia that already had been strained following Iran's defeat from the Russian army in 1828, remained lukewarm.
It was this period that saw the spread of the Babi
movement, which started in 1844 with the claim of Sayyid 'Ali
Muhammad of Shiraz to be the Mahdi,88the twelfth imam who, according to would
reappear
Shi'i belief, dissappeared in his time, but to
save
the
world
from
cruel
and
unjust
I'timad al-Saltanah, Muhammad Hasan Khan, Mir'at alBuldan, P. Nuri 'Ala' and M.'A. Sipanlu ed. (Tehran, 1985), Vol. 1, p. 673. 88
51 rulers.
movement
provinces Zanjan.89
Babism soon turned into an intellectual/religious that of
spread
rapidly
Mazandaran,
The
sufi
in
Kirman,
urban
Yazd,
tendencies
of
centers
and
the
Muhammad
of
city
the
of
Shah's
administration alienated the clergy as well, and made them an opposition force during his reign. Another important event
was the banning, by Muhammad Shah's order in 1844, of capital punishment and torturing of prisoners.
With the support of
Muhammad Shah and a few Qajar princes, European missionary schools mushroomed in Iran.90 Muhammad
Shah's
era
has
been
characterized
by
historians as a dark period during which the country was run by his influential vizier, Mirza Aqasi, who was said to have
total control over the king. He is portrayed as a sufi out of touch
with
the
realities
of
the
world,
obsessed
with
expansion of Iran's traditional irrigation system (qanat), and with the building of canon and ammunition factories.
A
re-examination of the Persian, English, and Russian sources
in light of the recently published French official documents
Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad was eventually arrested by Muhammad Shah, and executed during Nasir al-Din Shah's reign. The rapid expansion of his movement in a few years, however, is seen in part a result of Muhammad Shah's liberal social policies. 89
Malik Qasim Mirza, the 70th child of Fath 'Ali Shah, was one such supporter of missionary schools. He was particularly fond of the French and encouraged Eugene Beure to open a French language school in Tabriz. The school was opened in 1839, and twenty members of the court studied there free of charge. See Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2405. 90
52 of that time, portrays a different picture of Muhammad Shah and especially of Mirza Aqasi.91
The two men appear to have
pursued a policy of intellectual tolerance towards their own people, while exercising Iran's sovereignty vis-a-vis the British and Russian influence.92
They were favorable to the
establishment of missionary schools in Iran, and were eager to benefit, on a large scale, from the French, whom they saw as
a
benevolent
power,
unlike
Britain
and
Russia.
They
believed that Iran could use Frenhc expertise in military, scientific, and agricultural fields.
Muhammad Shah had received modern military training in
Tabriz and had been in contact with the European advisors at his father's court. Like 'Abbas Mirza, he believed in the
necessity of having a well-trained modern army.93 He was a great
admirerer
of
Napoleon
and
knew
the
names
of
his
officers by heart and mentioned them in the presence of
European visitors to his court. He also had the Biography of See Huma Natiq, 1848 (Paris, 1990). 91
Iran dar Rahyabi-i Farhangi, 1834-
The first issue of Mirza Salih's newspaper printed during that time gives a clear indication of Muhammad Shah's tolerant policy towards his own people. See Akhbar-i waqayi'-i Dar al-Khilafah-i Tehran, last third of Ramadan, 1252 lunar/1836. 92
Mirza Husayn Khan Ajudanbashi, Muhammad Shah's envoy, in a meeting in 1838 with Emperor Habsburg in Vienna claimed that as a result of the Shah's personal efforts in a period of three years 60000 men had been trained in modern military warfare in Persia. The figure may be inflated. It nevertheless indicates Muhammad Mirza's interest in the matter. See Mushiri, op. cit., pp. 322-323. 93
53 Napoleon translated into Persian, which he always kept on hand.94
Muhammad Shah's interest in European history and
culture was not unique in Tabriz.
By this time many Qajar
princes and members of the nobility had had some acquaintance with European culture. Malik Qasim Mirza, who was forced to live
in
Tabriz
during
Muhammad
Shah's
rule,
had
learned
French in Tehran from a certain Mm. Lamarie, and was said to
have known foreign languages, including Russian and Arabic.95 Muhammad Shah's brother, Farhad Mirza Mu'tamad al-Dawlah,
was another Qajar prince who had learned English from British officers in Tabriz, and translated a book in geography and one in poetry into Persian.
His other brother, Bahram Mirza
had learned English and translated a book on military tactics (printed in 1851).96
Mirza Aqasi had joined the Ni'matallahi Sufi Order when
he was in his teens.
'Abbas Mirza had summoned him to Tabriz
in 1834, and had asigned him as teacher to his sons including Muhammad
Mirza.
Throughout
his
fourteen-year
tenure
as
vizier of Muhammad Shah he was involved in a struggle against the British and their influence in Iran.
This resulted in
accusations, by British officials and Iranians sympathetic to the British, that Mirza Aqasi was on the Russian payroll. 94 95 96
Natiq, op. cit. p. 107.
Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2405. Ibid.
54 The accusation does not seem to have been true, however.
Mirza Aqasi's inclination was more towards the French. French Foreign
Ministry
documents indicate that Mirza Aqasi was
hoping that "France would become so powerful as to march on Russia alongside Iran."97
This desire to establish close ties with France against
Iran's
two
powerful
neigbors
Aqasi's foreign policy.
was
at
the
basis
of
Mirza
He too was an admirer of Napoleon
and reminisced with great joy on the brief period of PersoFrench cooperation during the Gardane mission.
During the
conflict with Britain over Herat he sent his special envoy, Husayn Khan Ajudan Bashi, to Europe in order to seek French support.
Ajudan Bashi managed to convince the French to send
an ambassador to Tehran and he returned with Comte de Sercy, appointed as the French ambassador.
Mirza Aqasi's enthusiasm
for cooperation with France was so great that during the
short period of de Sercy's mission to Tehran (1838-1841),
France was granted very important concessions and privileges. Those included:
-A
fifteen-year
tax
exemption
for
prospective
French
businessmen who would be willing to set up businesses in Azarbayjan.
-Rights of ownership, by the French, of institutions and property related to the Catholic church similar to such
97
Natiq, op. cit, pp. 127-8.
55 rights granted them during the Safavid dynasty in the seventeehth
century.
In
a
royal
decree
issued
by
Muhammad Shah in 1840 the churches and related property "that belonged to the French" during the Safavids' rule would
be "turned over to them."98 In another decree
issued at the same time, the French missionaries were granted permission to build schools in Julfa "in order to teach sciences and educate to children."99
-Equal rights for Christians and Muslims before the law, expressed in the royal decree in 1840.100
-Equal rights for Christians and Muslims before the law, expressed in the royal decree of 1840.101 Mirza
Aqasi
looked
to
the
French
for
help
and
cooperation in military, technical, and scientific areas. Under orders from the Mirza, Ajudan Bashi submitted to the
French a plan for cooperation between the two countries, and
asked for experts in building paper mills, glass factories, and textiles.
He also asked that France send a group of
military officers and advisors to Tehran in order to help Iran in her fight against the "enemies", namely the British. 98
Ibid, pp. 118-9.
Iqbal, Abbas: "Dastani as Muballighin-i 'Isawi dar Iran dar 'Ahd-i Muhammad Shah", Yadgar, Vol. 3, no. 6,7 (1325/1946), p.65. 99
100 101
Natiq, op. cit., pp. 118-9. Ibid.
56 The French foreign minister was put in an awkward position
since he did not want to jeopardize his country's relations with Britain for the sake of Iran.
It was arranged that
eleven former French officers would voluntarily go to Iran to train the Iranian army.
A contract was signed between the
men and Ajudan Bashi on Augest 9, 1839.
Shortly thereafter,
they set out for Iran with the Iranian envoy.102
In 1846
Mirza 'Ali Khan Shirazi was sent as ambassador to Paris. Again he repeated Mirza Aqasi's request for French technical help and asked for technicians in drilling wells, mining, and watch making.103 Despite
Mirza
Aqasi's eagerness
the
French were not
much interested in expanding their ties with Iran. France's interests in Iran at that time were minimal. De Sercy left Tehran
in
pressure.
1841,
in
part
because
of
British
and
Russian
He was not replaced untill 1844 when Sartiges
arrived in Tehran as the new French ambassador.
The main
reason for sending him was to regain the privileges granted to
the
French
missionaries
in
Urmia.
After
de
Sercy's
departure, the French Catholic missionaries in Urmia had been driven out of that area by the local Orthodox Armenians with the support of the British and the Russians.104 102
Ibid., pp. 112-4.
Adamiyat, Faridun, Fikr-i Azadi Mashrutiyyat-i Iran (Tehran, 1961), p. 42. 103 104
Ibid., p. 122.
dar
Nihdat-i
57
The Student Mission to France Because of the lack of long-term interest on the part
of France and the brevity of Muhammad Shah's reign, Mirza
Aqasi's ambitious plans for large scale cooperation with that country did not materialize. under
way
initiated. exception.
at
all
The
or
were
sending
His projects either did not get
aborted
of
soon
students
to
after
they
Europe
Only five students were sent in 1845.
were
was
no
The names
of the students and their fields of study, as they appear in the royal order authorizing their departure, are as follows: Huseyn Quli Aqa, infantry and artillary. Mirza Zaki, engineering.
Mirza Rida, textiles and sugar refining. Mirza Yahya, medicine.
Muhammad Ali Aqa, mining, agriculture, crystal-making, optics and
watch-making.105
The monarch further wrote: " They should pursue their work and
study
in
Paris.
They
should
not
engage
in
useless
activities, go to theaters,or become atheist, may God's curse be upon the atheists."
As Mirza Rida was a painter, he was
'Adl (Mansur al-Saltanah), Mustafa Khan, Salnamah-i Wizarat-i Farhang, 1328-9, p. 43. Also see Mahbubi Ardakani, "Duwwumin Karivan-i Ma'rifat", Yaghma, Vol. 18, pp. 592-4. 105
58 given permission to pursue painting as well. expenses were paid by the Persian government.
The students'
In 1848, after
only three years, because of the death of Muhammad Shah and due to the social unrest in France, they were summoned home.
None of them had received any modern education before their
departure.
Neither did they complete their intended fields
of study during their three year stay in France. writen
With the exception of Husayn Quli Aqa, there is no account
of
the
students'
can
not
be
personal
experiences
in
Europe, and hence the degree to which the French society affected
them
determined
with
any
certainty.
Despite its brevity, the stay in France left quite an impact on Husayn Quli. Cyr. from
He attended the military school in Saint
Comte de Gobineau, who was the French envoy in Tehran
1861
to
philosophies
1864,
dans
in
his
l'Asie
book
les
centrale,
acquaintance with Huseyn Quli Aqa.
religions
wrote
et
about
les
his
According to Gobineau,
Husayn Quli spoke the French language quite well and was a good student at the military school. He followed the social
events in France with enthusiasm, and cooperated with French officers in apprehending the rebels in that country. He had been immensely impressed by French civilization and the idea of freedom.
He had come to believe that Islam had been at
the root of all the miseries of the people and favored a return to the pre-Islamic Iran.106 106
Farman
Farmayan,
Hafez,
"
The
Forces
of
59
The Students' Acheivements Their short sojourn in France made it possible only to
learn French. as
Thus, after their return they were mostly used
interpreters
accompanying
diplomatic
missions,
or
translating the lectures of foreign teachers at the Dar alFunun.
Husayn Quli Aqa served in the military, but despite
his father's high position in the government, he did not achieve any status of importance.
Mirza Zaki, son of Haji Mirza Qasim Mazandarani a high
official in the court, received the title of Sarhang, and
became a teacher of artillery.107 He joined the Dar al-Funun upon its inauguration and worked as interpreter and assistant to the Austrian artillery instructor Mr. Kreziz.
He also
pursued an ordinary career in the army and did not achieve a high rank.
Mirza Rida was twenty-eight when he was sent to France.
He too joined the Dar al-Funun after his return and served
as interpreter to a Monsieur Carnotta who taught mining, and
Modernization in Nineteenth Century Iran: A Historical Survey", Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East, William R. Polk and Richard L. Chambers ed. (Chicago, 1968), p. 122.
I'timad al-Saltanah, Muhammad Hasan Khan, Tarikh-i Muntazam-i Nasiri (Tehran, 1988), I. Ridwani ed., Vol. 3, p. 1809. 107
60 to Monsieur Fochettie, a natural sciences instructor.
Mirza
Rida's nephew, Farrokh Khan Amin al- Mulk Kashani, was one of the influencial personalities of the Qajar period, who was sent to Paris in 1856 as ambassador.
Mirza Rida accompanied
his nephew to France as his interpreter and advisor. All members of Farukh khan's mission, including Mirza Rida, were
initiated into a masonic lodge in Paris during the trip.108 His previous sojourn in France was said to have made possible his
uncle's
region.109
acquaintance
with
the
industrialsts
of
that
Mirza Rida translated a book by Graf Xavier,
named Safar Dar Atraf-i Utaq.110
Mirza Yahya, son of Mirza Nabi Khan Amir-i Diwankhanah,
governor
of
Fars
province,
worked
as
interpreter
Ministry of Foreign Affairs upon his return.
in
the
Later he was
sent to St. Petersburg as deputy to the ambassador in that city.
He married a sister of Muhammad Shah's successor,
Nasir al-Din Shah. In 1855 he became adjutant to Nasir al-Din
Shah's vizier, Mirza Aqa Khan Nuri, and later on served as adjutant
and
personal interpreter
See Farrukh freemasonry below. 108
Khan's
to
mission
the
and
king himself.111
the
Appendix
on
Sarabi, Husayn ibn 'Abd Allah, Makhza al-Waqayi', Sharh-i Ma'muriyat wa Musafirat-i FarrUkh Khan-i Amin alDawlah (Tehran, 1344/1965), K. Isfahanian and Q. Rawshani ed., p. 275. 109
110 111
Ibid.,, pp. 190-191.
I'timad al-Saltanah, Tarikh, pp. 1785, 1794, 1810.
61 He also served as governor of various provinces, Minister of Justice, and Minister of Foreign Affairs.
The British suspected him of being an agent of the
Russian government. Lord Curzon found him "the most Europeanminded vizier in the Persian court".112 first
American
ambassador
to
S.G.W.Benjamin, the
Iran
(1883-1885),
had
"exceedingly agreeable" relations with Mirza Yahya, who was minister
of
justice
at
that
time.
Benjamin
found
him
"undoubtedly one of the most intelligent, kind-hearted, and courteous gentlemen at Teheran."113 Affairs.
Muhammad
'Ali
Aqa joined the Ministry of Foreign
In 1856 he accompanied Farrukh Khan-i Amin al-
Dawlah's mission to Europe as interpreter, and was initiated
with the rest of the group into a masonic lodge in Paris.114 His name appears on the list of the students sent to France in 1859 during Nasir al-Din Shah's reign. He was later sent to London with Sayyid Ja'far Khan-i Mushir al-Dawlah as the embassy's
second
ranking
officer,
d'affaires in London for a while. Tehran
48.
and
was
assigned
the
and
served
as
charge
of
chief
of
police
He was then summoned to
job
112
"Rijal-i Dawrah-i Nasiri", Yadgar, Vol. 3, no. 1, p.
113
Benjamin, S.G.W., Persia and the Persians (London, p. 222.
1887),
See freemasonry. 114
Farukh
Khan's
mission
and
the
Appendix
on
62 (Nazmiyyah) of the capital.115 reorganized
according
to
Nasir al-Din Shah's rule.
The Nazmiyyah was completely
European
models later on
during
There is no reference in the
available sources to Muhammad 'Ali Aqa initiating any of those changes.
The Other Students The number of the students to be sent in this first
group was to have been ten.
In a conversation with the
French ambassador, Sartiges, Mirza Aqasi talked about sending a second group of ten students to France and asked that the French government supervise their studies.116
The project
never materialized, but a few other students were sent abroad during Muhammad Shah's reign.
In 1845 a student named Mirza
Sadiq was sent to Britain to study medicine.
Mirza Abulhasan
Khan-i Shirazi, then the Foreign Minister, personally wrote to Lord Aberdeen, the British Foreign secretary, about him. Mirza
Sadiq
had
worked
as
an
apothecary
with
Dr.
Charles Bell, the physician at the British mission in Tehran. He had then worked with the physicians at the court.
Hoping
to become the King's chief physician, he went to England to
Sayfi-i Fami (Tafrishi), Murtada, Nazm wa Nazmiyyah dar Dawrah-i Qajar (Tehran, 1362/1983), p. 27. 115 116
Natiq, op. cit., p.128.
63 further his medical studies.117 while studying in England.
He, too, ran out of funds
The British minister in Tehran in
a note to Mirza Aqasi reminded him that Mirza Sadiq had not been receiving money from Tehran for a while, and suggested that
he
be
called
continuation
of
his
home
if
studies
Mirza
Aqasi
necessary.118
did
not
Because
find
Mirza
Abulhasan Khan- who had "a special relationship" with the
British government-119 had personally written about him to Lord Aberdeen, the secretary saw to it that Mirza Sadiq received
studies.120 dress
120
and
pounds
a
year
so
he
could
complete
his
Mirza Sadiq soon "became habituated to English
manners."
He
entered
the
medical
school
at
Edinburgh and was praised for his "intelligence, industry, and good conduct" so that Dr. Bell, his chief at the British mission in Tehran, "thought that he had done so well that he could return to Iran after two years instead of the four originally
contemplated."121
He
did
not
become
chief
physician of the court as he had hoped, but in the early
years of Nasir al-Din Shah's rule he was sent to Tabriz to 117
Wright, op. cit., p. 141.
Adamiyat, Faridun, 1354/1975), p. 335. 118
Amir
Kabir
wa
Iran
(Tehran,
The ambassador had been initiated into a British masonic lodge by Gore Ausley, and is belived to have been a British agent. See the Appendix on freemasonry. 119
Public Record Office, FO60/118,Bell to Aberdeen, London 11 April 1845, as qouted in Wright, op. cit.,p. 142. 120 121
Wright, op. cit., pp. 141-2.
64 teach medicine and other related sciences.122
The Trainees Sent Abroad for Arts and Crafts A
few
students
were
sent
abroad
to
learn
arts
and
crafts. In Mirza Salih's newspaper appear the names of two
students. One was Muhammad 'Ali Khan Qurkhanahchi Bashi, "who was one of the trainees under the deceased crown prince". He
learned artillery and gunmaking. According to the paper he became
an
expert
in
making
machines
which
produced
cannons.123 The other was Mirza Zayn al-'Abidin Tabrizi, who went to Europe on government expense. He brought back with
him paper milling and broadcloth knitting machines, and built
factories which were said to produce excellent products.124
Mirza Abulhasan Khan Naqqash Bash, the Chief Painter at the court, was sent to Italy in 1843 to learn the European style of painting. home
to
be
He stayed in Italy for five years and returned given
the
title
of
Sani'
al-Dawlah.125
Finally,Muhammad Husayn Bayk Afshar was sent to Russia to learn sugar refining, and crystal making. 122
Adamiyat, Amir Kabir, p. 335.
Akhbar-i Dar al-Khilafah-i Tehran, Ushr-i Akhir-i Ramadan, 1252.(1836) 123 124 125
Ibid.
Naqsh wa Nigar, 3rd Series, Vol. 7, p. 30.
65
The Students Sent Independently There
were
also
the
students
who
went
to
unofficially, not as government sponsored students. Mirza
Husayn
diplomatic
Khan
mission
Ajudan
to
Bashi
Europe,
he
was
dispatched
took
his
Europe on
When
nephew,
his
Aqa
Muhammad Hasan Khan, with him and placed him under the care of his host, M. Jouanin. military
school
in
Aqa Muhammad Hasan was to attend
France.126
There
was
with
him
Ibrahim who also was going to attend military school.127
Mirza
Perhaps the most noteworthy of all the students who
went to Europe during Muhammad Shah's reign was Mirza Husayn Khan
(later
brother.
128
known
as
Mushir
al-Dawlah),
Mirza
Yahya's
There is little mention of his studies abroad in
the available sources.
His stay in Europe as a student was a
short one, but his impact on the introduction of reform in Iran was quite significant. in 1847.
In 1853 he was summonned and dispatched to Istanbul
as consul general. 126 127
He was sent as consul to Bombay
In 1860 he assumed the post of Minister
Natiq, op. cit., p.115. Ibid., p. 110.
Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2405. The available sources are generally silent on the date of Mirza Husayn Khan's trip and his studies in Europe. Homa Natiq maintains that he was sent to Europe by Mirza Aqasi. See H. Natiq, op. cit., p. 20. 128
66 Plenipotentiary at the Sublime Porte.
In 1868 he was granted
the tittle of Mushir al-Dawlah and was sent to the Porte as Ambassador.
During his long assignment in the Ottoman Empire
he witnessed successive reforms being carried out there, and was deeply impressed by them.
In his reports to the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs he urged that similar actions be taken in Iran.
He is believed to have become a freemason either
during his student years in Paris, or while he served in the Ottoman Empire.129 to
Tehran
Justice.130
and
In 1871 Nasir al-Din Shah summonned him
put
him
in
charge
of
the
Ministry
of
The next year he was designated premier and
shortly thereafter assumed the position of chief of armed forces.
widespread
During
his
tenure
administrative
Mirza
reform.
Husayn
Nasir
Khan
initiated
al-Din Shah
was
forced by the conservative camp to dismiss Mirza Husayn Khan in 1875, but soon reinstated him as the army chief and put him in charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Mirza
Husayn Khan is known for his attempt at initiating reform, but he is also known to have enriched himself personally by
receiving handsome commissions from the British in return for granting them economic concessions.131 129
See the Appendix on freemasonry below.
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Mirza Mahdi Khan and Mirza Hashim Khan, Rijal-i Wizarat-i Kharajah dar 'Asr-i Nasiri wa Muzaffari, Tehran 1365/1986, pp. 31-34. 130
For more information on this matter see Ibrahim Taymuri's 'Asrr-i Bikhabari (Tehran, 1363/1984). For a detailed account of Mirza Husayn Khan's life and carrer see 131
67
* * * * * Mirza
Aqasi's
style
of
administration
and
domestic
policies and his stand against the British won him powerful enemies, both inside and outside of the country.
Political
and economic conditions deteriorated, and his calls for close cooperation with the French remained mainly unanswered. resulted
in
fourteen
years
of
uneasy
rule
and
This
unsteady
relationships with the foreign powers that had interests in Iran.
change
Under such circumstances any attempt to bring about or
introduce
unsuccessful.
European
education
was
bound
to
be
The sending of students to Europe, like other
such attempts in this period, was small in scope and had limited success.
Muhammad Shah died in 1848 and was succeeded by his
seventeen-year old crown prince, Nasir al-Din Mirza.
It was
during the nearly fifty years of Nasir al-Din Shah's reign
that the largest number of students in Qajar history were sent to Europe.
Nashat, Guity, The Origins of Modern Reform in Iran, 18701880 (Chicago, 1982).
68
CHAPTER IV THE REIGN OF NASIR AL-DIN SHAH (18481896) Over
eighty
students
and
trainees
were
sent
abroad
during Nasir al-Din Shah's forty-seven-year reign, forty-
seven of them in one mission in 1859. Nasir al-Din Shah went through various phases as he matured and became comfortably established on the throne.
Nasir al-Din Shah's personal
transformation had a critical impact on reform in general and education
in
institutions
particular. of
higher
During
his
education
rule
were
European-style
established,
administrative reforms were introduced, and popular revolts
against the granting of concessions to Europeans broke out
which ultimately led to the Constitutional Revolution of 1906 in the reign of his successor, Muzaffar al-Din Shah.
From the standpoint of sending students to Europe, one
may divide Nasir al-Din Shah's reign into four phases.
The
first was the brief premiership, from 1848 to 1851, of Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir, during which this seasoned statesman
ran the affairs of the state, and the inexperienced and insecure
young
monarch
was
yet
to
assert
his
will
and
69 authority.
The next phase was the period after Amir Kabir's
demise in 1851 until Nasir al-Din Shah's ban, in 1867, on sending students to Europe.
It was during this second period
that the maturing Nasir al-Din began to assert his authority and was receptive to ideas of reform.
This phase was soon
followed by the period in which the complacent king became increasingly suspicious of the foreign-educated youth and vehemently opposed any idea of change.
In 1879 his reform-
minded vizier, Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawlah organized a European tour for Nasir al-Din Shah, hoping that the trip
would open the king's eyes to the progress made in Europe and assure his support for
reforms in his own country.
al-Din Shah made two other trips to Europe. trips made him even
Nasir
Ironically, the
more determined to preserve the status
quo, fearing that any change might undermine his authority. Yet, towards the end of his reign increasingly more members
of the nobility managed to send their children to Europe. Many of the returning students sent to Europe during this
fourth phase became involved in the Constitutional Revolution and had a significant impact on reform in Iran.
70 The Premiership of Amir Kabir (1848-1851)
Nasir
al-Din
Mirza's
ascent
to
the
throne
was
made
possible to a great extent by the help of his guardian-tutor, Mirza
Taqi
Khan
Farahani, whom
he immediately designated
premier and put in charge of running the affairs of the state.
Despite his humble origin Mirza Taqi Khan -better
known as Amir Kabir- was given the title of Atabak-i A'zam (Grand Guardian-Tutor), a very esteemed position amongst the Qajars.
in-chief.
He was also put in charge of the army as commanderAmir Kabir wasted no time in putting down the
revolts against the young Nasir al-Din, pacifying contendors to the throne and establishing the monarch's authority.
He
corruption,
He
further embarked on a massive campaign to rid the country of economic
chaos,
bribery
dismissed corrupt Qajar dignitaries and
had
and
even
their
allowances
reduced
and
injustice.
from positions of power or
eliminated.
His
austerity measures reached even Nasir al-Din Shah's andarun, the
king's
allowance
was
not
spared.
In
implementing what became kown as the order and dicipline of
Amir Khan (nazm-i Amir Khani), he antagonized not only the king's inner circle, but enough of the Qajar nobility and military officers to bring about his dismissal. With Mahd-i
'Ulya, Nasir al-Din's mother, as the chief instigator, the attempt to rob Amir Kabir of the trust of the young monarch
71 succeeded.
On 11 November 1851, Amir Kabir was dismissed
from his post as premier, and shortly afterwards was put to
death by royal assassins, under order by the young Nasir alDin.132
Amir
Kabir
was
not
a
modernizer,133
but,
whenever
necessary, in his endeavor to enforce the authority of the central
government
and
free
the
country
from
foreign
influence and domestic corruption, he did not hesitate to introduce and make use of modern ideas and institutions. had
received
the
traditional
education
in
Iran
and
He
had
managed to pull himself up to the premiership in spite of his humble
beginning.
He
was
trained
in
the
Nizam-i
Jadid
introduced by 'Abbas Mirza, and had served as commander-inchief of the army of the province of Azarbayjan for seven years.134
As Tabriz, the capital of the province,
was the
For an insightful account of Amir Kabir'demise see Abbas Amanat, "The Downfall of Mirza Taqi Khan Amir Kabir and the Problem of Ministerial Authority in Qajar Iran", IJMES, vol. 23, no. 4, Nov 1991, pp. 577-599. 132
This claim goes against the common belief among most Iranians today who would like to see him as a man who attempted to modernize the country but was eliminated by the forces of reaction. While Amir Kabir's intention to transform the country into a prosperous and independent state can not be disputed, the claim that he actually wanted to modernize Iranian society may not be justified. See Lorentz, op. cit. 133
The title of Amir Nizam was not granted to him until he was designated premier in 1848, but since the death of Muhammad Khan Zanganah Amir Nizam in 1841, Amir Kabir served in that capacity even though he was not granted the official title. 134
72 Iran's main locus of contact with Europe, Amir Kabir had been exposed to European ideas and developments.
Amir Kabir's foreign trips were limited to Russia and
the Ottoman Empire.
Yet those trips left an impact on him,
and must have convinced him that sending individual trainees abroad
would
be
beneficial to the country.
In 1828 he
accompanied the Crown Prince Nasir al-Din Mirza to meet the Russian Emperor at Erevan.
He was also a member of the
official delegation headed by Prince Khusraw Mirza in 1829 to St.
Petersburg,
During
the
trip
where
the
they
group
stayed
for
visited
a
nearly
wide
a
year.135
range
educational, military, and industrial institutions.
of
Among
those were public schools modeled after French educational
institutions, a mint, a crystal glass factory, and a carriage factory.136
The trip provided the twenty two-year-old Mirza
with an opportunity to see, first hand, the fruits of Russian reforms.
The
details
of the trip were recorded by the
official cronicler of the mission, Mirza Mustafa Afshar, in
the book Safarnamah-i Khosraw Mirza. After a visit to a factory in Tiflis, Mirza Mustafa, in a comment that may well
be taken as representative of the rest of the delegation members' view, wrote: "If only the government of Iran would
This was the delegation to Russia to deliver Iran's official appology for the killing of the Russian minister in Tehran, A. S. Griboedov, Mirza Salih Shirazi was also a member of the delegation. 135
136
Adamiyat, Amir Kabir, p.56.
73 send some young workers to study at these factories... with
little expenditure they could learn industrial methods in a short time."137
Amir Kabir's longest trip abroad was to the Ottoman
Empire were he headed the Persian delegation to the Erzurum Conference.
This was a conference the purpose of which was
to resolve the long-standing border disputes between Iran and the Ottoman Empire, and to establish exact border points between the two neighbors.
Representatives of Britain and
Russia were also present at the negotiations.138
During the
conference, which lasted four years (1843-1847), Amir Kabir saw many of the reforms that he had observed in Russia being carried out in a Muslim society that was in many respects in the same predicament as Iran.
The actions that he took later
on as premier suggest that he had some of the Ottoman reforms in mind.
The Dar al-Funun Rather than sending a limited number of students to
Europe for a few years, Amir Kabir opted for a different 137
Ibid., p. 166.
Mirza Ja'far Khan Muhandis Mushir al-Dawlah initially headed the Persian delegation. He had to be replaced early on in the conference however, due to illness. Mirza Taqi Khan was sent to take over the responsibility. 138
74 solution. style
He ordered the building of a permanent European
institution
of
higher education, the
Dar al-Funun,
where European instructors would be invited to teach, and where large numbers of Iranian students would benefit from their services.
Dar al-Funun made a significant contribution
in the introduction of modern higher education in nineteenth century Iran.
Many of its graduates were sent to Europe as
part of a large student missiom in 1859. significant
number
of
the
returning
Furthermore, a
students
employment at the Dar al-Funun as instructors.
saught
Given the
role of the school in educating the new generation of Iranian intelligentsia in the nineteenth century, and because of its relevence
to the sending of students abroad, it would be
useful at this point to look into the Dar al-Funun's founding and operation.
Amir Kabir commissioned Mirza Rida Muhandis, one of
the students who had been sent to Europe by 'Abbas Mirza, to draw up the plan for the building of the school.
Training of
a new generation of military officers is generally proposed as the reason for the founding of the Dar al-Funun.139 Kabir's
biographer,
Faridun
Adamiyat,
believes
Amir
otherwise.
According to him teaching of modern sciences was the primary goal of Amir Kabir.140 139 140
The fact that, initially, nearly 70
See for example Lorentz, op. cit., p. 190. See Adamiyat, Amir Kabir, pp. 353-354.
75 percent of the students were enrolled in such courses as artillery,
infantry,
and
cavalry,141
suggests, to
say the
least, a heavy emphasis on military training. Whatever Amir Kabir's
initial
motive
may
have
been,
increasingly a non-military institution.
the
school
became
Lord Curzon, who
vizited Iran forty years later, reported that only 20 percent of the curriculum was devoted to military studies.142
At the
time of its inauguration, the school was staffed by five Austrian,
two
Iranians,
among
French,
and
two
Italian
deliberately recruited from neutral countries. Muhammad
Shah,
them
worked
the
as
students
sent
interpreters
to
to
instructors,
A group of
Europe the
under
foreign
instructors. The students of the school, fourteen to sixteen years in age, were selected from amongst the families of the royalty and the nobility.
The school was to start operation
with only thirty students, but the number rose to one hundred and
fifty
and
such
families.143 artillery,
because
of
enthusiastic
reception
by
those
The course of study lasted six years or more,
disciplines infantry,
as
military
cartography,
engineering, geography,
cavalry,
pharmacy,
foreign languages, and medicine were taught at the Dar al141
Lorentz, op. cit., p. 202.
Curzon, George N., Persia and the Persian Question, London, 1892, Vol. 1, p. 494. 142 143
Adamiyat, Amir Kabir, p. 363.
76 Funun.144
The Dar al-Funun was inaugurated on December 28, 1851,
one month after Amir Kabir's dismissal.
With the banishment
and death of its founder shortly thereafter, the school lost its original function as Amir Kabir had envisioned it.
It
was placed under the supervision of the Foreign Minister,
presumably because it was staffed by foreign instructors.
Nasir al-Din Shah's interest in the Dar al-Funun lasted for a few years, he paid regular visits to the school, and presided over its
anual ceremonies.
But he grew suspicious of the
school, its students, and the subjects they were taught.
Gradually the Dar al-Funun became another division within the
court. It followed the same schedule as the court, and was closed during official ceremonies and festivities.145
The quality of its education declined as Nasir al-Din
Shah's
support
for
it
diminished,
downgraded to a high school. inauguration,
'Abbas
and
eventually
it
was
One hundred years after its
Iqbal regretted
that
had the
school
continued along the path it had been intended to follow, "at
least we would have had today a corps of learned instructors, artists,
and
technicians".146
Dar
al-Funun's
demise
was
another indication of the lack of interest in, or feeling of 144 145
Ibid., p. 354.
Mahbubi, op. cit., p. 266.
Iqbal, 'Abbas, "Ba'd az Sad Sal", Yadgar, Vol. 5, no. 4/5, pp. 1-8. 146
77 urgency for reform in the country.
The narrow vision of the
government as to the potential of the institutions of higher education was reflected in an article that was published in the official paper, Waqayi'-i Ittifaqiyyah, in 1858.
It was
decided, reported the article, that no more funds would be appropriated
for
modern
education because
"the number
of
students currently enrolled at the Dar al-Funun, the Dar al-
Saltanah-i Tabriz, and those who were being sent to Europe sufficed for government services".147 was
Despite the neglect of the Dar al-Funun, by the time it
downgraded
to
a
high
school
forty
openinig, it had graduated 1100 students.148
years
after
its
For most of the
nineteenth century the school remained the only place that
provided modern education to the children of the nobility and the ruling families in the country.
It also contributed to
improving the quality of life in Tehran in certain ways.
The
first telegraph wire was established with the help of Dar alFunun
students.
elevation
of
calculated.149 147
the
Maps
of Tehran were drawn up, and the
mountains
The
only
surrounding
offical
the
newspaper,
city
were
Waqayi'-i
Waqayi'-i Ittifaqiyyah, no. 458.
Bihnam, Asad Allah, "Tarikhchah-i Ma'arif-i Iran", Ta'lim wa Tarbiyat, Vol. 4, no. 7/8, pp. 459-460. Also see L. P. Elwell-Sutton, Modern Iran, London, 1941, p. 67. 148
Ganji, Muhammad Hasan, Jughrafiya dar Iran az Dar al-Funun ta Ingilab-i Islami (Tehran, 1367/1988), pp. 436437. 149
78 Ittifaqiyyah, was published at the printing facilities of the Dar al-Funun for many years.
The school has been a lasting
monument, and is still in operation as a high school in Tehran.
The Sending of Craftsmen and Artisans Abroad Amir Kabir did send a group of craftsmen and artisans
abroad.
Interestingly, the countries chosen to host the
trainees were the two he had visited himself, namely Russia and the Ottoman Empire. were sent to Russia. follows:
In 1851 a group of six craftsmen
Their names and areas of skill were as
Karbalayi 'Abbas, crystal and glass making. Karbalayi Sadiq, casting iron.
Karbalayi Ahmad, sugar refining and lump sugar production. Mashhadi 'Ali, carpentry and wheel making. Aqa Rahim Isfahani, paper making. Aqa 'Abd Allah, candle making.
The group was supervised by Haji Muhammad, a merchant of Tabriz, who accompanied the group and took up residence in Moscow during the three years that the men were learning new skills in Russia.
Aqa Rahim was sent to St. Petersburg but
79 the other five worked in Moscow.150
In 1853 they returned to Tehran with Haji Muhammad.
The group brought with it two paper milling machines for which sites were designated to construct factories.
Mahmud
Khan Nasir al-Mulk, the Iranian consul in St. Petersburg, was
promptly directed to purchase two additional machines and have them delivered to Iran.
Haji Muhammad himself went to
the province of Mazandaran to lay the foundations for a sugar refinery.
The sugar produced in that factory was said to
have been of "superior quality which surpassed the quality of the sugar produced in India."151
In addition to the group
mentioned above, two silk weavers of Kashan were Istanbul
trade.152
by
Amir
Kabir
to
learn
new
techniques
sent to of
the
* * * * * The first phase of Nasir al-Din Shah's rule is very
significant, not for student missions to Europe, but rather for the establishment of the Dar al-Funun.
Even though no
students were sent to Europe in this period, a large number
Adamiyat, Amir Kabir, p.391. Mahbubi, quoting another source that could not be verified, has only five in the group rather than six, with Karbalayi 'Abbas in Saint Petersburg. 150
151 152
I'timad al-Saltanah, Tarikh-i Muntazam, pp. 1758-9. Adamiyat, Amir Kabir, p.391.
80 of the students who were sent to in the following years came from amongst Dar al-Funun graduates.
As for the trainees in
Russia and the Ottoman Empire, there is no evidence that
their enterprises left any long lasting effect on Iran's
industrial development, and similar to most of the other
reforms introduced by Amir Kabir, this experiment, too, was aborted with his demise.
After Amir Kabir (1851-1867)
Nearly
half
of
the
Iranian
students
who
studied
in
Europe in the nineteenth century were sent in the fifteen
years following Amir Kabir's downfall, forty-seven of them in one mission to France. Mirza Aqa Khan Nuri, who had a hand in Amir Kabir's dismissal and assassination, succeeded him as
premier.
He is known in the Qajar history to have been in
the camp of reaction and hence not an advocate of reform and modern education.
Under him the reforms initiated by Amir
Kabir were systematically undone, privileges were restored to those who had lost them under Amir Kabir, and corruption became rampant once again.
There is no evidence however,
81 suggesting that Mirza Aqa Khan opposed sending students to Europe.
Nasir
al-Din
Shah
grew
dissatisfied
administration and dismissed him in 1858.
with
his
Probably the most interesting student sent to Europe
during this period was an Armenian boy called Malkum, later known as Mirza Malkum Khan Nazim al-Dawlah.
His father,
Ya'qub Khan, worked as interpreter at the Russian embassy in
Tehran, and is accused of complicity in bringing about the execution of Amir Kabir, which won him the favor of Mirza Aqa Khan
Nuri.153
Ya'qub Khan
is believed to have used
his
relationship with the new vizier to send his son to Europe for education at government expense. received
his
elementary
education at
Apparently Malkum had the
French Lazarist
school set up in Julfa during the reign of Muhammad Shah.154 He was only ten when he was sent to Paris, where he was
enrolled in an Armenian school.
Malkum's stay in France
lasted eight years until he returned to Tehran in 1851.
He
studied natural sciences and engineering but then switched to political science.155 the Dar al-Funun. European,
each
After his return he was employed at
Because the instructors of the school were
instructor was assigned an
interpreter
to
Algar, Hamid, Mirza Malkum Khan: A Biographical Study in Iranian Modernism (Bekeley, Los Angeles, London, 1973), pp. 5-6. 153
154 155
Ibid., p. 15. Ibid., p. 16.
82 similtaniously translate his lectures into Persian.
Malkum
began his work at the Dar al-Funun as interpreter but was later
entrusted
with
sciences and geography.
the
teaching
of
classes
in
natural
During this time he was involved in
projects such as the establishment of the first telegraph
line in Iran, which linked the Dar al-funun with the royal palace.156
In 1856 Malkum was dispatched to Europe as a member of
Farrukh Khan's mission to France.
It was on this trip that
Malkum was initiated into a French masonic lodge, the Sincere Amitie.157
During his long and eventful career Malkum served in
various positions ranging from advisor to the premier, Mirza
Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawlah, to ambassador in London and Rome.
He is known, however, primarily for his founding of a
seudomasonic
organization,the
Faramushkhanah,
and
for
the
introduction of European notions of government and law in Iranian society.
He was "the first coherent advocate of
Westernization in Iran"158 who left a considerable impact on the country's administrative reform in the 1860's, and on the popular revolts in the latter part of the nineteenth century Afshar, Iraj, "Bidin Tariq Iran Dara-i Telegraf Shud", Ittila'at-i Mahanah, Vol. 3, no. 10, pp. 17-18. 156
For a more detailed account of Malkum's activities see the Appendix on freemasonry below. 157 158
Algar, op. cit., p. 18.
masonic
83 which led to the Constitutional Revolution.
Malkum Khan
wrote a series of treatises in which he elaborated his views on administrative, legal, and military reform.
The most
important of these was his Kitabchah-i Ghaybi (A booklet Inspired from the Unseen World), which provided the basis for administrative reforms undertaken under Nasir al-Din Shah. During the 1890's Malkum turned into a revolutionary.
From
his residence in London he started publishing the newspaper
Qanun (The Law) in which he called on the Iranian people to rise
against
subjected.
the
injustices
to
which
they
were
being
His paper was being circulated underground, and
read by activists in the revolution.
Undoubtedly Malkum's exposure to European culture and
his education there at a young age left a deep impression on him.
His
long
sojourn
in
Europe
must
have
impression. In the words of his biographer:
deepened
the
So complete, indeed, was his acceptance of the primacy of European civilization and of the universal aplicability of its political and social system, that he may himself be regarded equally as a westerner and an Iranian. Out of the sixty-four years of his life, less than a decade was spent in Iran, and that not continuously.159 Mulkum's
name
is
also
sinonimous
mongering, fraud, and deception.
with
concession
He reportedly pocketted
thousands of pounds for his involvement in the granting of
concession to Baron Juluis de Reuter, according to which 159
Ibid.
84 Reuter would gain an unprecedented comprehensive control over Iran's
resources
and
economy.160
Whereas
Malkum
Khan's
impact on reform in Iran is undeniable, his motives have been questioned
by
scolars.
more
deire
Malkum
appears
to
have
been
an
opportunist individual with high ambitions who was driven by
a
to enrich himself materially than by a
genuine proclivity for law and justice.161
The Mission of Farrukh Khan Amin al-Mulk to Europe Farrukh Khan's mission left Tehran in late 1856162 and
arrived in Paris after three months.
The purpose of the
mission was to negotiate a settlement with Britain following
the diplomatic rupture between the two countries as a result of
their
accompanying students.
military
Farrukh
confrontation Khan
were
two
over
Hirat.
young
and
Also
talented
The two young men were Mirza Rida, son of Mirza
Muqim Mustawfi Mazandarani and Mirza Husayn, son of Mirza Ahmad Afshar, both of whom studied medicine.163
Mirza Husayn
and Mirza Rida are known to be the first and second Iranian 160
Ibid., pp. 115-123.
For a detailed and insightful account of Malkum's life see Algar's Mirza Malkum Khan cited above. 161 162 163
I'timad al-Saltanah, Tarikh-i Muntazam, p. 1787. Mahbubi, op. cit.,
pp. 320-321.
85 students, respectively, to receive degrees in medicine from Paris.
They both returned home in 1861 and were employed as
teachers of medicine at the Dar al-Funun.164
Another young
man by the name of Mirza 'Ali Naqi, son of Haj Isma'il Jadid
al-Islam, was sent with the mission as Farrukh Khan's first deputy.
He
had
been
a
court
functionary
who,
while
maintaining his position, had enrolled at the Dar al-Funun upon its inauguration to study medicine. Upon arrival in Paris
however,
presumably
with
Farrukh
Khan
devoted a good deal of his time to studying. the
job
in
the
mission
after
Farrukh
continued his study of medicine.
Khan's
consent,
he
return
and
He stayed on
In 1859 he was sent to
France again with a large group of students.
It is not known at whose suggestion the students were
sent, or who was responsible for their expenses. There is no mention of any official sanction for their trip either, but
it is quite probable that their expenses were paid by the Iranian government.
Farrukh Khan himself was well disposed
to sending students abroad.
The fact that he released his
deputy in the mission from his duties so he could attend school is an indication of this. On
December
10,
1857
Farrukh
Khan's
mission
initiated into the lodge of Sincère Amitié in Paris.
was
Among
the initiates were Mirza Malkum Khan, Mirza Rida, Farrukh 164
Ibid., pp. 285, 320-321.
86 Khan's uncle, and Muhammad 'Ali Aqa, both of whome had been among the students sent to France under Muhammad Shah. Mirza Malkum
Khan
was
another
member
initiated into Sincère Amitié.165
of
the
mission
who
was
The Group of Forty-Two Farrukh Khan returned to Tehran in 1859.166
He had
been quite impressed by European progress in science and industries.
Nasir
al-Din
Shah's
personal
physician,
Dr.
Polak, who also taught medicine at the Dar al-Funun, favored sending a large group of students to Europe.
He found in
Farrukh Khan a willing candidate to lobby for the king's
approval. Prince I'tidad al-Saltanah, Nasir al-Din's uncle, was one of the Qajar princes who was an advocate of modern education and had just begun serving in the newly created
post of Minister of Science,167 whose sole responsibility was the administration of the Dar al-Funun.
The idea of sending
students abroad was appealing to him as well, since he could see the Dar al-Funun graduates continue their studies in Europe.
At Polak's suggestion Farrukh Khan raised the issue
Ha'iri, op. cit., p. 49: and Algar, op. cit., p. 7. Also see the Appendix on freemasonry. 165 166 167
I'timad al-Saltanah, Tarikh-i Muntazam, p. 1811. Ibid., p. 1815.
87 with Nasir al-Din Shah. Nasir al-Din Shah, who was pleased with the performance of the school, agreed.168
Once again
the suggestion to send students abroad originated not from amongst the Iranians themselves, but rather from a European. Farrukh
Khan
was
given
the
task
of
selecting
100
candidates from amongst the sons of the nobility to be sent abroad.
After
six
months
of
"negotiation
with
various
families", only fifty-six agreed to let their children be included in the student mission. stemmed
from
a
Europeanized.169
concern Of
that
the
Reportedly their reluctance
their
fifty-six
children
would
candidates
become
selected,
sixteen were from Farrukh Khan's home town of Kashan, which indicates that he was more successful in convincing his own relatives and townspeople to send their sons abroad.
The
rest of the group came mainly from Tehran and Azarbayjan.170 Naturally, the search included the students of the Dar al-
Funun as well.
I'tidad al-Saltanah must have been consulted
of the school.
Students who had been enrolled at the school
in the matter. for
a
168
few
The choice was not limited to the graduates
months
were
also selected.
Muhit, Shafaq, nos. 2406-2408.
Seventeen
of the
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Mirza Mahdi and Mirza Hashim Khan, op. cit., p. 30. Most sources put the number of the students in the group at forty-two. Mumtahin al-Dawlah puts them at fifty-three. Thi figureincludes a few others who were not students but took up studying later on in France. 169
170
Ibid.
88 students were either Dar al-Funun students or graduates of the school.
Finally, in 1858 a group of forty-two students
were selected.171 This was the largest group of students yet to be sent abroad.
On 27th of Sha'ban, 1275 Q (1859),
I'tidad al-Saltanah personally took them to Sarwistan royal garden, where they were received by Nasir al-Din Shah and given permission to set off for Europe.172
France was picked as the host country.
the choice seem obvious.
The reasons for
Relations with Britain were still
lukewarm while those with France were a great deal closer.
Aside from that, ever since the Gardane mission a positive attitude toward the French in Iran had been created.
More
recently, Napoleon III had won the heart of Nasir al-din Shah because
Britain.
of
his
help
in
the
settlement
between
Iran
and
The choice may also have had to do with the fact
that the language of instruction at the Dar al-Funun was mostly French, and the sending of students to a Frenchspeaking
country
would
learning a new language.
save
the
students
the
trouble
of
That Farrukh Khan had just returned
from France with a positive impression of that country may also have been a factor.
Most
of
the students
in the
group seem to have been chosen on their individual merit and promise of success. 171 172
However, this was not the only criterion
I'timad al-Saltanah, Tarikh-i Muntazam, p.1812. Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2406.
89 based on which the student were selected. joined the group for other reasons.
Other students
A case in point was
Mirza Mahdi, son of Mirza Rida Quli Khan, the Deputy Foreign Minister, who was a twelve-year-old student at the Dar alFunun.
occasions
He
was
got
authorities.
a mischievous child who had on numerous
himself
into
trouble
with
the
school
This time, as a result of his mischief, a court
functionary was injured and Mirza Mahdi was headed for the royal
prison.
official,173
an
Being
informal
the
son
meeting
of
was
a
held
appropriate punishment for the young Mahdi. be
sent
away
to
serve
high
government
to
discuss
He was about to
with border guards in the rugged
territory of Baluchistan in the south east of Iran when, out of mercy for the boy, one of the men present suggested that
he be sent to Europe with the students.174 Mirza Sa'id Khan, the Foreign Minister who was at the meeting, promptly sought a divine indication by rolling his string of beads.
The
outcome being favorable, he wrote a report to the monarch on
the spot and had three hundred tumans appropriated for Mirza Mahdi's expenses.175
His father was Mirza Rida Quli Tarikh-Niwis Sarabi, deputy to Mirza Sa'id Khan Mu'tamin al-Mulk, the Foreign Minister. See Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Mahdi, Khatirat-i Mumtahin al-Dawlah (Tehran, 1362/1983), H. Khanshaqaqi ed., pp. 17-18. 173
The suggestion came from Mirza Ya'qub Khan father of Mirza Malkum Khan Nazim al-Dawlah. See Mumtahin alDawlah, Khatirat, p.72. 174
175
Ibid.
90
to
In addition to the forty-two students officially sent
France
initiative.
a
few
others
joined
the
group
on
their
own
These included the sons of the resident Persian
minister plenipotentiary in Paris, and a few of the staff of the mission.
However, they were treated as members of the
group and their progress was reported along with the rest of the group in the official reports sent to Tehran. be treated similarly in this study. Except
for
a
few,
the
students
were
They shall
sons
of
Qajar
families, tribal chieftains, military officers, and court officials.
They ranged in age from boys in their teens to
young men in their twenties and thirties.
The students'
fields of study varied considerably. Available sources do not seem to hint at any effort to designate specific areas of study for the students. tendency
among
professions.
the
One can see, however, a general
students
to
engage
in
their
father's
The following is a list of the students with
their respctive fields of study. Military sciences and techniques 'Abbas
Quli
(military
Khan
son
of
Isfandiyar
engineering, artillery).
Bayg
Gurji,
Mirza 'Abbas Khan son of Mirza Rida Muhandis Bashi.176 'Ali Aqa son of Haj Muhammad Aqa Dunbuli. 176
This is the same Mirza Rida who was in the group of students sent during Muhammad Shah's reign.
91 Mirza Isma'il, (artillery).
Lutf 'Ali Khan son of Taqi Khan. Mahmud
Aqa
son
of
(infantry).
Haji
Muhammad
Aqa
Dunbuli,
Muhammad Aqa brother of Shaykh Muhsin Khan, counsellor at the embassy.
Haji Muhammad Khan son of Muhammad Isma'il Khan Wakil al-Mulk Kirmani.
Muhammad Khan, son of Muhammad Qasim Khan wali. Qahraman Khan, son of Burzu Khan. Yahya
Khan,
son
Ambassador.
of
Hasan
'Ali
Khan
Amir
Nizam
the
Medicine
Mirza 'Abd al-Wahhab Khan, son of Mahmud Khan Ihtisab al-Mulk Kashani.
Mirza Aqa Buzurg Nawwab, son of Aqa Mahdi. Shaykh Jalil Isfahani. Mining/Architecture
Mirza Nizam al-Din Kashani, (mining).
Mirza Jahan Kashani, (mining, mathematics). Mirza Mahdi Shaqaqi, (engineering).177 Muhammad
Taqi
Khan
Muqaddam,
son
of
Muhammad
Hasan
He was sent to study crystal making but he attended the Ecole Centrale and became an architect. 177
92 Khan,
(architecture).178
Literature/Politics/Law
Mirza 'Abd Allah son of Mirza Muhammad Sadiq al-Mulk, Mirza Mirza
(law, politics). Rida
son
Zayn
al-Abidin
politics).
of
Mirza
Husayn
Kashani,
(literature, politics).
Khan,
son
of
(literature, Ibrahim
Khan,
Pharmacy
Mirza Kazim son of Mirza Ahmad Mahallati. Optics
Mirza Hasan Tabrizi.
Astronomy
Mirza Mahmud Qumi, son of Mirza Ahmad. Technical Fields and Crafts Ceramics
Hidayat Allah Khan, son of Mahmud Khan Ihtisab al-Mulk
Some of the sources mention him among the military students who studied artillery. He did work in the Qurkhanah for a while. See, for example, Majd al-Islam Kirmani, " Muhassilin-i Irani dar Urupa dar Zaman-i Nasir alDin Shah", Amuzish wa Parwarish, Vol. 24, no. 1, p.37. But Mumtahin al-Dawlah, who was one of the students in the group, refers to him as engineer. The offical reports sent by the students' supervisor,too, indicate that he attended the Ecole Centrale which was an engineering school and not a military school. See Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah-i Iran, no. 555. 178
93 Kashani.
Aqa Muhammad, brother-in-law of Mahmud Khan Ihtisab alMulk.
Molding
Mirza Ali Quli Kashani Mirza Hasan Khan
Mirza Husayn Khan, son of Qasim Khan Silk Production and Textiles
Aqa Khan Khuyi son of Rida Bayg, (silk weaving). Aqa 'Ali Asghar Kashani, (broadcloth weaving).
Mirza Asad-Allah Kashani, (broadcloth weaving). Muhammad Aqa, (broadcloth weaving). Pump Making
Mirza Muhammad Qazwini. Painting
Mirza Ali Akbar Kashani. Paper Making
Asad allah Aqewli. Tanning
Mirza Ghaffar Tabrizi. Book Binding
Aqa Muhammad Sahhaf Bashi. Carpentry
94 Ustad Haydar 'Ali Najjar. Goldsmithing
Aqa Fayd Allah, son of Aqa Asad Allah.
Mirza Ahmad Garusi, son of Hakim Bashi Garusi. There
were
a
few
other
individuals
whose
fields
of
study were not expressed in the sources, though one may
hazard a guess with some certainty based on their titles and the positions they held after their studies.
Of them the
following were employees at the Iranian mission in Paris: Muhammad
Hasan
mission.
Khan
Muqaddam,
military
attache
of
the
Shaykh Muhsin Khan, counsellor in the mission.
Muhammad 'Ali Aqa, who was also among the students sent during
Muhammad Shah's period.
Mirza Hasan Fallah.
There were also the following boys who were so young
that they had to attend elementary and high schools but whose
progress was included in the official reports with that of the rest of the students:
Husayn Khan son of Mirza Yusuf Khan (consul in Tiflis). Qasim Khan cousin of Hasan 'Ali Khan Amir Nizam.
Majid Khan son of Haji Muhammad Khan Hajib al-Dawlah. The students were headed by 'Abd al-Rasul Khan, son of
'Abd al-Husayn Khan Isfahani, a Dar al-Funun graduate who had
95 demonstrated maturity and leadership qualities at school. The responsibility of supervising the students lay ultimately
with Hasan 'Ali Khan Amir Nizam Garusi179, who was being dispatched to take up residence in Paris while serving as the Iranian minister plenipotentiary in France, Britain, Austria, and Belgium.
Hasan 'Ali Khan was also responsible for the
payment of the students' expenses.
It was decided that the
money would come out of the revenues from custom duties in Azarbayjan.180
He
was
to
receive
the
money
regularly
and
dispense it as needed, both for the mission and for the students' expenses.
Hasan 'Ali Khan was a well-educated and respected man
in his early forties with a distinguished military career.
He had caught the Foreign Minister's attention who invited him to join his ministry.181
He left Tehran nineteen days
ahead of the students who joined him in Tabriz as they all set out for France.
The whole entourage comprised fifty six
men182 which included the group of forty-two as well as the minister and his staff, some of whom took up studying upon arrival, and were referred to as students with the rest of the group in the official reports sent to Tehran. 179 180 181
p.65.
182
There were
I'timad al-Saltanah, Tarikh-i Muntazam, p.1812. Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 911. Mumtahin
al-Dawlah and
Ibid, pp. 65-66.
Mirza
Hashim Khan,
Rijal,
96 also
young
children,
a
few
of
them
Hasan
'Ali
Khan's
relatives, who were not part of the group of forty-two.
The
group arrived in Paris on 6th of August, 1859 and on August 14th had an audience with Napoleon III, who welcomed them to his country and wished them well.183
Less than eight months
after their arrival in Paris, on February 28, 1860, Hasan 'Ali
Khan
initiated included
along
at
the
Muhsin
with
four
lodge
Khan
members
Sincere
Muqaddam,
of
Amitie.
his
military
mission
The
were
initiates
attache
to
the
to
the
mission whose name also appears among the students, Shaykh Muhsin
Khan
mission.184
counsellor,
and
Nariman
Khan,
deputy
In France Hasan 'Ali Khan put the students
under the supervision of Aleksander Chodzko (b. 30 August
1804) who was at the time professor (charge de cours) of Slavic studies at the College de France in Paris. been
a
Polish
dissident
who
had
studied
Near
He had
Eastern
languages at the Oriental Institute in St. Petersburg, and had joined the Russian diplomatic service in 1830. He had
served as translator and interpreter at the Russian missions
in Tabriz and Tehran and as consul at Rasht until 1841 when he
travelled
to
Europe
and
took
up
residence
there.185
Chodzko divided the students according to their ages and 183 184
Muhit, Shafaq, nos. 2406-2407.
For details see the Appendix on freemasonry below.
Calmard, forthcoming. 185
Jean,
"Chodzko",
Encyclopedia
Iranica,
97 areas of study and sent them to various schools and colleges in France.
Some were sent to the town of Dieppe in Normandy,
and others were sent to the towns of Rouen and Metz. the
students,
though,
were
initially
younger
students
placed
including some who were later sent to other towns.
in
Most of Paris,
Collège de Dieppe Eighteen
of
Collège de Dieppe
the
in Normandy.186
were
sent
to
the
The names of thirteen of
them that could be determined with certainty are as follows: Mirza Mahdi Shaghaghi.
Mirza Zayn al-'Abidin Kashani. Mirza Jahan Kashani.
Mirza Nizam al-Din Kashani Ghaffari. Mirza Isma'il.
Mirza 'Isa Garrusi.
'Abbas Quli Khan Gurji. Aqa Khan Khuyi.
Mirza Ahmad Garrusi. Majid Khan.
Mirza 'Ali Akbar Kashani. Aqa 'Ali Asghar Kashani. 186
pp.37-
Thieury, J, la Perse et la Normandie, Evreux, 1866, 38.
98 Qahraman Khan.187
At the school in Dieppe the students studied French,
geometry, trigonometry, physics, chemistry and drawing.188 It seems that, at least initially, the Iranian students did not
attend regular classes with their French schoolmates, except
Qahraman Khan who, being "the youngest of the students, was able
to
learn
student."189
the
basics
of
sciences
like
any
French
Hasa'n Ali Khan had made certain that they
would have the amenities necessary to perform their religious duties.
A room had been designated, for example, for the
students in which they could say their prayers and have their
meals during the fasting month of Ramadan.190 After two years the students were moved to Paris, where each prepared himself for taking the "bachelier" exam, or high school diploma.
191
Aqa Khan Khuyi and Mirza Ahmad Garrusi were moved from Dieppe earlier than the rest of the students.
This followed a
quarrel between the two which prompted the schoolmaster to send them to Paris immediately.192
Aqa Khan Khuyi was moved
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, pp. 74-75, 80. He puts the number of students who were sent with him to Dieppe at 10 to 12. 187
188 189 190 191 192
Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i "Alliyyah, no. 474. Ibid., no. 555.
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 75. Ibid, p. 81.
Ibid., pp. 80-81.
99 to the city of Lyons where he was placed in a factory to learn silk production and weaving.193
Mirza Ahmad was placed
in the hands of Fayd Allah Khan, as an apprentice, to learn goldsmithing.194
Fayd Allah Khan himself was a member of the
group of forty-two who was studying in Paris at the time. His father was a master craftsman and Fayd Allah Khan must have already acquired the skills of the profession before being sent to learn modern techniques of the trade.
Aqa 'Ali
Asghar Kashani was transferred to Paris where he learned silk production and weaving.195
Mirza Zayn al-'Abidin Kashani,
Mirza Jahan Kashani, Mirza Nizam al-Din Kashani, 'Abbas Quli Khan Gurji,and Mirza Ismayil were all sent from Dieppe to Saint Louis Polytechnique.
Majid Khan was transferred to
Paris but it was not decided as yet what his field of study would be.
Mirza 'Ali Akbar Kashani spent about three years
in Dieppe and then was moved to Paris where he was engaged in studying the French language and painting.196
Thus, three
years after their arrival in Dieppe, Qahraman Khan was still attending the college there, Mirza Aqa Khan Khuyi had been sent to Lyons, and the rest of the students were transferred to Paris.
There is no referrence in the sources to the
whereabouts of Mirza 'Isa Garrusi. 193 194 195 196
Ruznama-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah, nos. 555 and 570. Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 81. Ibid.
Ruznamah- Dawlat-i 'AIliyyah, no. 570.
100 Upon the students' initial arrival in Paris, those who
were
to
learn
technical
skills
and
crafts
were
sent
various cities and factories to begin their trainig. following were sent to the city of Rouen:
to
The
Mirza Husayn Khan Tabrizi.
Hasan Khan son of Qasim Khan. Mirza 'Ali Quli Kashi. Mirza Kazim Mahallati. The
first
three
were
placed
in
factories
techniques of casting iron and molding. pharmacy and botanics.197
to
learn
the
Mirza Kazim studied
Hidayat Khan and Aqa Muhammad were
sent to learn ceramics in the well-known china factories of Sèvres.
Mirza Asad Allah Kashani and Muhammad Aqa were sent
to a textile factory to learn the production of broadcloth. Mirza
Hasan
Tabrizi,
Mirza
Muhammad
Qazwini,
Asad
Allah
Aqewli, Mirza Ghaffar Tabrizi, Aqa Muhammad Sahhaf Bashi, and Ustad Haydar 'Ali Najjar were placed in appropriate factories to learn lens-making, pump making, paper milling, tanning, binding,
and
carpentry
respectively.198
Mirza
Mahmud
Qumi
studied astronomy and was placed at the Paris observatory to study under Leverrier, the famous French astronomer.199 Majd al-Islam Kirmani, Parwarish, Vol. 24, no. 1, p. 40. 197 198 199
"Muhassilin",
Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah, no. 555. Mahbubi, Tarikh, p. 324.
Amuzish
wa
101
The School of Verdot A large number of the students were placed at Verdot.
This was a school in Paris which also had dormitories and dining facilities.
Verdot was located in a building owned by
a certain Madame de Sevigny, a member of the French nobility. The students who were older than those sent to Dieppe, and
therefore did not have to attend high school, were housed at Verdot.
Many
used
the
place
for
food
attending other schools in the morning.
and
board
while
When Mirza Mahdi
Shaqaqi, for instance, was transferred to Paris from Dieppe, he stayed at Verdot but attended the Ecole Centrale in the
mornings.200 When he moved from Dieppe in 1861, the following students were also at Verdot: Mirza Ismayil Pisyan. 'Ali Aqa Dunbuli.
Mahmud Aqa Dunbuli. Yahya Khan Garrusi.
Muhammad Taqi Khan Muqaddam. 'Abbas Quli Khan Gurji. Majid Khan.
Lutf 'Ali Khan Khuyi.201 200 201
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 107. Ibid, p. 86.
102
Nizam
Chodzko some
submitted
of
which
periodic
were
later
progress
reports
printed
in
the
to
Amir
official
Persian paper Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah-i Iran. In one report that was printed in 1861, Chodzko ranked Taqi Khan first among the students.
Muhammad
"Muhammad Taqi Khan, who
is the brightest of them," he wrote, "has made substantial improvement
in
French
in
the
past
three
months...He
has
demonstrated his sharpness in sciences and mathematics....and has improved a great deal in painting...He has already been designated a space at the Ecole Centrale".202
Mirza Ismayil
was ranked second in the report which expressed satisfaction
with his work, save for his excssive shyness which hampered his progress. Mirza
Ismayil,
geometry,
According to the report Muhammad Taqi Khan, and
'Abbas
trigonometry,
Quli
Khan
phisics,
French, and watercolor painting.
Gurji
some
had
studied
chemistry,
some
'Ali Aqa and Mahmud Aqa
Dunbuli were also mentioned, both being "on a straight path." 'Ali Aqa's "progress in the French language has been good in
the past three months,... and he is able to express his thoughts
well"
said
the
report.
Mahmud
enthusiasm but his work is flawless."
Aqa
"shows
less
The subjects they
studied included French history, geometry, trigonometry, and calculus.
They were asigned a private teacher "who explained
these lessons to them with utmost care."203 202 203
Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah, no. 474. Ibid.
103 Three years after the students had set foot in France,
most of them were already engaged in their special fields of study or were about to do so. In a letter to the Foreign
Minister Mirza Sa'id Khan, Hasan 'Ali Khan Amir Nizam gives a progress report on some of the students.
He further mentions
that the first group of them, which included 'Ali Khan the
cavalry student, and Haydar 'Ali Najjar would be heading home in a month time.204 report
on
published
the
in
The following is a detailed progress
students,
the
'Alliyyah-i Iran:205
prepared
official
by
paper
Chodzko,
Ruznamah-i
which
was
Dawlat-i
Technical Fields and Crafts Asad Allah Khan has completely learned the science and craft of
paper
making.
He is leaving the factory after some
practical training, and within a month the minister will send him off (to Iran).
Muhammad Aqa and Mirza Asad Allah Kashani have completely Hasan 'Ali Khan's letter to the Foreign Minister dated 12 Muharram, 1278/1862, reproduced in Ahmad Suhayli Khwansari's "Sifarat-i 'Amir Nizam wa I'zam-i Danishjuyan-i Irani bi Urupa barayi Awwalin Bar", Wahid, Vol. 1, no. 4, p. 20. 204
Taken from reports of the students that were printed in issues 555 and 570 of Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah-i Iran. Reprinted in Mahbubi, Tarikh, pp.345-350. 205
104 learned the craft of weaving broadcloth and shall be finished after a month, and the minister will send them off after Asad Allah Khan.
Mirza Hasan Tabrizi and Husayn Khan Qazwini are busy learning the theory and practice of molding and making of various
sorts of machines and metal tools in the famous factory of the city of Rouen.
They shall graduate within three months
and will set off to the auspicious court (of Iran).
Mirza 'Ali Quli Kashani is also engaged in the theory and
practice of molding in the same factory and needs to work for at least one more year.
Aqa 'Ali Asghar Kashani was trasferred by the minister from the school at Dieppe to Paris to learn silk production.
In
the meantime he has been ill, and after recovery he will resume learning the craft.
Aqa Khan Khuyi is busy with silk weaving in one of the
factories in Lyons. He has demonstrated great potential and has acted in such a manner in this short time that in effect he has been entrusted with running the factory.
He will be
free in six months and will return to the auspicious court (of Iran). Aqa
Fayd
Allah
son
of
the
late
Aqa
Asad
Allah
Zargar
Bashi...is busy completing (learning of ) that craft and has made graet progress.
Mirza Muhammad Qazwini (who is learning pump making) will soon complete his studies and will return to Iran in mid-
105 spring.
Medicine
Mirza Abd al-Wahhab Kashi son of Mahmud Khan is busy with (the study) of medicine...he passed his third exam two weeks ago...and has two more exams.
Aqa Buzurg Nawwab...is busy with the (study of) medicine and is trying to pass his second exam. Politics/Law
Mirza 'Abd Allah and Mirza Rida are studying international law (huquq-i milal) and composition.
Mirza Rida is studying literature and diplomacy ... He will be
graduating
language.
soon.
He
is
also
learning
the
English
Mirza 'Abd Allah...has made great progress in his studies. Mirza
Zayn
al-'Abidin
Kashani...is
studying
at
the
polytechnique...is studying literature and diplomacy (ulum-i adabiyyah wa diplomatic) ...and will complete his studies in a little while and will set off for Iran.206 Mining/Architecture
Mirza Jahan and Mirza Nizam al-Din Kashani...were sent to The first report (printed in no. 555 of the offical paper) says that he is attending polytechnique to study artillery, which must be in error, since the second report (no.570 of the paper) indicates his studies to be in diplomacy and near completion. 206
106 (Saint Louis) polytechnique to study.
Next year they shall
be able to enter the school of engineering.
Mirza Nizam is expert in geometry and advanced mathematics. ...according scientist.
to
his
teachers
he
will
be
a
competent
Mirza Jahan is in Saint Louis and has made good progress in
geometry and advanced mathematics. At the end of this year he will enter the school of mining along with Mirza Nizam.
Muhammad Taqi Khan Muqaddam, who is the brightest of them has a space designated for him in the Ecole Centrale. At
Ecole
Centrale
he
is
completing
mechanics...and will graduate in a year.207
his
studies
in
Mirza Mahdi Shaqaqi...has been going to Monsieur Verdot's school.
His teachers are quite hopeful that at the end of the year he ...will enter the mirror factories called Saint Gobin.208 Military Technics and Sciences Majd al-Islam Kirmani and Mahbubi Ardakani both have him as an artillery student which must be an error. The reason for their assumption may be the fact that Muhammad Taqi Khan's father was an artilary officer and Muhammad Taqi himsel served in the royal foundry for a while. But the report printed in the official paper lists him as a student learning mechanics. It seems that he was an engineer working in the foundry. 207
He did not go to Saint Gobin. He entered the Ecole Centrale des Arts et Manufactures in 1864, and graduated from there after three years. See Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, pp. 81 & 107. 208
107 'Ali Aqa and Mahmud Aqa Dunbuli have completed their studies
at the Imperial Military School (in Metz),...The minister has arranged for them to spend six months at the French military bases
and
familiarize
themselves
with
running
the
daily
affairs (of the bases) and then to take part in the French army's large military exercise in Spring...They shall return to the auspicious court afterwards.
Mirza Ismayil and 'Abbas Quli Khan have completed elementary
sciences and lessons of the polytechnique and are preparing themselves
for
(the
study
of)
military
artillary at the Imperial School209. Nizam)
has
asked
the
(French)
engineering
and
The ambassador (Amir
Minister
of
War
to
give
permission for the students to enter the school and, he has
accepted the request...They will have to spend two years in the school to learn the necessary techniques and sciences.
'Abbas Quli Khan and Mirza Isma'il are busy at the school in Metz studying military engineering. Mirza
'Abbas
son
of
Mirza
Rida
He
is
preparing
Muhandis
Bashi...attends
polytechnique everyday and is studying geometry and advanced mathematics.
military school at) Metz.
hiself
for
entering
(the
Yahya Khan Garrusi son of Amir Nizam is getting ready to go to military school.
He could have entered this year but the
minister has had him repeat last year's lessons such as 209
In Metz.
108 geometry, arithmetic, calculus, physics, and chemistry...Next year he will enter military school.
He (Yahya Khan) is first among the foreigners and school officials at Saint Cyr anticipate that soon he will be on a par with French students.
Haji Muhammad Khan son of Muhammad Ismayil Khan wakil al-Mulk
is studying to enter Saint Cyr military school...He has made progress in history, geography, French, and geometry.
He is
a bright student and has potential to succeed in any field.
With the effort he is making, it is hoped that he (Lutf 'Ali
Khan son of Taqi Khan Sarhang) will be ready to enter Saint Cyr.
The Younger Students There
were
a
few
students
whose
names
were
not
mentioned in these reports or, like Majid Khan son of Hajib al-Dawlah, whose specialized field of study had not yet been determined.
There were also two boys who had not been part
of the group of forty-two, but whose names appear in the reports.
One was Qasim Khan cousin of Amir Nizam "who was a
young child at the elementary level, and because of Amir
Nizam's assignment and with his encouragement, was sent to Paris."210 210
Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah, no. 570.
He
was housed at Verdot and "nine months ago the ministers placed him under Monsieur Bideau, who is one of Paris' credited teacher and who is teaching most of the students of the exhalted government (of Iran). He has made substantial progress in history, French, and especially in geography...But he still shows signs of childhood which inhibit his progress."211
109
The other boy was Husayn Khan, son of Mirza Yusuf Khan, consul in Tiflis. sent
to
Paris.
He
Husayn Khan was only eleven when he was was
put
under
the
care
of
a
certain
Monsieur Guyard to be taught French and other elenmentry school lessons.
The young boy "had studied the basics of
Arabic and Persian prior to coming to Paris, and now has made great
progress
in
French,
physics,
history
and
geography....God willing he will enter school next year."212
Thus, five years after their arrival in France, the
students in technical fields and crafts, which required less time to learn, had mostly completed their work and were ready to return home.
The older students, such as 'Ali Aqa and
Mahmud Aqa Dunbuli, who were more advanced in their studies upon arrival, were also completing their work and heading home.
Dieppe,
The younger ones, many of whom were initially sent to
schools.
were
entering
or
preparing
to
enter
specialized
In comparison with the previous students sent abroad,
211 212
Ibid. Ibid.
110 the group of forty-two were more fortunate and enjoyed better conditions.
This seems especially true if we compare them
with the first and second group of students sent to Britain. The reasons for this were many.
First, the enterprise began
with the backing of the monarch which, among other things,
meant financial support for the students away from home.
Nasir al-Din Shah was not the sole individual approving of the project.
By this time awareness of Europe's progress and
the necessity to send students abroad had gained the support of at least a portion of the elite in Iran. Another
reason
was
that
this
time
the
students
benefitted from the supervision and guidance of the Iranian minister in Paris. able
man,
and
Hasan 'Ali Khan Amir Nizam himself was an
more
importantly
education and progress. minister
foresight.
demonstrates
was
dedicated
to
their
A letter he wrote to the foreign
Hasan
'Ali
Khan's
seriousness
and
While supervising their studies in France he was
mindful of the obstacles that would prevent their success in Iran.
He warns in the letter that if the necessary means are
not placed at the students' disposal upon their return, they would not be able to put their skills to work, and it would be as though they had not gone to Europe at all.
He further
states that modern factories are complex and building them requires huge sums of money. there
are
affordable
tools
But, writes Hasan 'Ali Khan,
and
equipment
purchased for the returning students.
that
could
be
In the same letter he
111 reports to the Foreign Minister how he had cultivated the
frienship of the reluctant director of the Paris observatory in order to obtain his approval for Mirza Mahmud's training at the facility. Hasan
213
'Ali
Napoleon III.
Khan
had
a
special
relationship
with
He was invited for private dinner with the
emperor twice a month and was a close family friend.
The
membership of both the emperor and Hasan 'Ali Khan to the masonic
lodge
of
Sincere
reinforced the relationship.
Amitie
must
have
undoubtedly
Napoleon attempted, without
success, to aid Amir Nizam to become foreign minister in Iran.214
Amir
Nizam's
close relationship with the emperor
facilitated access to various French educational, industrial, and especially military institutions, and guaranteed their cooperation.
Aside from Napoleon's personal freindship with
Amir Nizam, his relations with Iran were warmer and closer than those of the British government with Fath 'Ali Shah.
Hasan 'Ali Khan's letter to the foreign minister Mirza Sa'id Khan, dated 12 Muharram 1278/1862, reproduced in Wahid, Vol. 1, no. 4, p. 20. 213
This would have made it possible, using Amir Nizam's good offices, to obtain the Iranian government's approval to lease to France the Island of Hormuz in the Persian gulf to be used as a French military base. In anticipation of the plan going forward, Amir Nizam returned to Tehran and asked that he be released from his duty as ambassador. Shaykh Muhsin Khan, the counsellor of the mission who was a confidant of Mirza Sa'id Khan, the Foreign Minister, informed him of the plan before hand. The Foreign Minister promptly let the king know about it and thus preempted the effort. See Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 90. 214
112
not
The role of Chodzko as the students' guardian should be
underestimated.
His
accademic
orientation
and
position, rather than a merely administrative one, as well as his
in-depth
knowledge
and
appreciation
of
the
Persian
language and culture215, made him an ideal candidate for such a job.
In fact he performed his duties so satisfactorily
that Amir Nizam recommended extra pay for Chodzko.216
The
mere size of the group must have had a favorable effect on the fate of the students as well.
Whereas a handful of young
overlooked,
over
boys
from
a
attention.
a
distant
large
country group
could
of
easily
be
ignored
forty-two
or
demanded
One must also add to this the previous experience of
the French government and her educational institutions in educating foreign students.
Since 1826 when the first group
of Egyptians had arrived in Paris to study, France had hosted a few hundred Egyptian and Ottoman students.
In fact during
the same period that the "group of forty-two" studied in
France, Egyptian students were attending military schools in Metz and elsewhere in that country.217
Chodzko was even thinking to send his two sons, fourteen and sixteen at the time, to Tehran to serve the Persian king. See Calmard, op. cit. 215
216
Ibid.
For details see the sending of Ottoman and Egyptian students below. Interestingly there is no reference, in the memoirs of the members of the group of forty-two, to these students from Egypt and the Ottoman Empire who were in France during that period, and suggests that the students from 217
113 Amir Nizam returned to Tehran in 1866 in anticipation
of assuming the post of Foreign Minister. After his return,
Mirza Sa'id Khan dispatched his own son, Mirza Sulayman Khan, as charge d'affaires.
He was said to have cared little about
the students and indeed about the affairs of the mission in general.
He "turned the mission into a casino where the
ladies of the streets of Paris were busy dancing."218 In the same year, whether by coincidence or because of the departure of Amir Nizam, the students allowance that came out of the
revenues of Azarbayjan's customs ceased to arrive.219 This made life difficlt for the students, but the financial pinch seems
to
have
difficulties England.
been
the
temporary
group
of
and
Mirza
not
Salih
comparable went
to
through
the in
Under Hasan 'Ali Khan's supervision the rest of the
students started returning home gradually in 1863. finished
their
studies
in
France,
individually or in small groups.
they
were
As they
sent
home
In 1864 a group of students
were sent home which comprised of Hidayat Allah Khan and Aqa
Muhammad with their French brides and their father-in-law monsiieu Constant, and Mirza Hasan Khan.220
Hasan 'Ali Khan
different countries were kept in separate quarters. 218 219
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 91. Ibid, p. 91.
Khwansari, op. cit., p. 19. Khwansari mentions a fourth student by the name of Mustafa Quli Khan, whom he says had studied agriculture. There is no reference in the other 220
114 had writen to Tehran and appropriated the necessary funds for the purchase of books and equipment for them and for their travel expenses as follows:
Books and agricultural equipment
4750 Fr.
Ceramics tools and equipment
4500 Fr.
Travel expenses for the four students and the two brides
6000 Fr.
Monsieu Constant's first month sallory
1250 Fr.
Travel expenses for monsieu Constant
2000 Fr.
Hasan 'Ali Khan had hired monsieu Constant to teach painting in Iran.221
By 1867 almost all of the students had returned. group left France in May of 1867. the students in the group.
One such
The following were some of
'Abbas Quli Khan.
Mirza Nizam Kashani. Mirza Jahan Kashani.
Mirza 'Ali Akbar Kashani. Mirza Ahmad Garusi.
Mirza Buzurg Nawwab.
Having successfully completed their studies, they were
returning
with
high
expectations.
Mumtahin
al-Dawlah
remembered, when they were returning home: Sitting in the carriage, we thought ourselves to be the sources to this student. 221
Ibid.
educated men of Iran, and we were certain that upon arrival in Tehran each of us would assume a high position. We talked about the ministries in Iran, and divided them amongst ourselves. One would be minister of war, another minister of finance, another minister of justice, another minister of sciences, another minister of industries, and yet another minister of foreign affairs, and so on...222
115
As they were discussing their future roles in their
country, their carriage overturned and they were stuck under it.
Years later, remembering the incident Mumtahin al-Dawlah
wrote cynically: "It became apparent that the mere mentioning of
ministries
misery."223
would
Expecting
bring
to
upon
assume
the
person
ministerial
curse
posts
and
upon
arrival may have been too presumptuous, but expecting an official reception was not.
After all, they had been sent
with pomp and ceremony, and with the blessings of the monarch himself.
Nasir al-Din Shah had received them just before
their departure and had sent them off with high hopes for his country.
Instead,
the
students
Khan
I'timad-i
families outside of Tehran. 'Abbas
Quli
were
received
by
their
own
Upon their arrival in Qazwin,
Nizam
had
told
his
brother,
Murtada Khan Sarhang, an employee of the telegraph bureau,
about their arrival, asking him to inform the other students' families as well. 222 223
The warm reception of the families raised
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 141. Ibid.
116 the
students'
about
the
expectations, once
bright
careers
that
again making them
awaited
them.
think
Soon
reception was over and in Mumtahin al-Dawlah's words: We had to look for jobs in order to earn money. Nasir al-Din Shah was on a journey to Khurasan, and no one was interested in assigning any jobs to us according to our education...No one even asked us about our education of many years.224 Mumtahin
al-Dawla's
remark
that
Nasir
al-Din
the
Shah's
absence from Tehran was the reason for their not having been received properly is notewothy.
It is an indication of the
fact that the affairs of the state were dependent upon the sole person of Nasir al-Din Shah, and may demonstrate how far
the country had yet to come in establishing a representative regime in which the destiny of the whole population would not be in the hands of a single person.
However, it is unlikely
that the presence of Nasir al-Din Shah in Tehran would have made much of a difference.
Initially he showed interest in
the progress and success of the students.
On Hasan 'Ali
Khan's advice the monarch had even ordered that the necessary tools and equipment be purchased for the students so that
they would be able to put their skills into work upon their return.225
As shall be seen, his initial suport soon gave
way to suspicion and outright opposition to sending students abroad.
224 225
In the Persian chronicles of that period there are
Ibid., p. 149.
Khwansari, op. cit., pp. 19-20.
117 numerous references to regular visits to the Dar al-Funun by Nasir
al-Din
Shah
and
his
presiding
over
the
annual
commencement ceremonies, but there is hardly any referance to him receiving any of the students returning home after the completion of their studeis.226 Thus,
students
to
the
only
Europe
large
in
the
scale
enterprise
nineteenth
of
centutry
sending
that
had
started out with high hopes and with the support of Nasir alDin Shah, was abandoned.
Despite their success in completing
their studies, the students gradually returned to a country
whose government did not care to utilize their newly acquired skills and knowledge.
This was in contrast with the similar
attempts made during that period in countries such as Egypt and the Ottoman Empire. In Egypt, for example, Muhammad 'Ali mainained
direct
contact
with
the
students
during
on
part
their
studies abroad, and personally interviewed them upon their arrival home.227
The Students' Achievements In
the
absence
226
See
for
Muntazam.
of
example
any
plan
I'timad
the
al-Saltanah's
of
the
Tarikh-i
See the sending of Ottoman and Egyptian students to Europe below. 227
118 government to utilize the students' skills, each went about
finding a job through his family's connections and political influence.
As in the previous cases, some of the returning
students found jobs relevant to their fields of study, but most were misemployed or remained idle. an
account
of
each
student's
contribution to his society.
The following gives
acheivements,
career,
and
'Abbas Quli Khan Gurji, son of Isfandyar Bayg attended
Collège de Dieppe , Verdot, Saint Louis polytechnique, and the Military School at Metz.
He returned home in 1865 after
spending six years in France.
He joined the service of
Kamran Mirza, the Nayib al-Saltanah, gradually reached high
office in the army, and received the title of I'timad-i Nizam.228
Mirza
'Abbas
Khan,
son
of
Mirza
Rida
Khan
Muhandis
Bashi attended Saint Louis polytechnique and the military school at Metz.
He returned home after eight years and
joined the Ministery of War for a while, and was sent on assignments to the country's borders.
He then served as the
chief protocol officer for the army and foreign missions.
He
also served in the province of Fars after which no official assignment was given to him.229 228
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit. Shafaq, no. 2410.
p. 44., and Muhit,
229
Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2410, Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. p. 41.
cit.,
119 'Ali
Aqa
school at Metz.
Dunbuli
attended
Verdot
and
the
military
After he returned home he became trainer of
the royal gaurds (mashshaq-i afwaj-i hadir-i rikab).
He was
then promoted to the rank of Sarhang, and was assigned to Kirman where he died prematurely in 1883.230 Mirza
Isma'il
attended
Collège
de
Dieppe
,
Verdot,
Saint Louis polytechnique, and the Military School at Metz.
He had studied artillery and joined the army upon his return. He was also one of the founders of the education reform
movement (nahdat-i ma'arif)231 in Iran.232
Muhammad Aqa Dunbuli attended Verdot and the Military
School at Metz.
Upon his return he joined Dar al-Funun and
taught infantry at the school. assignment.233
He died after two years on an
Muhammad Aqa, brother of Shaykh Muhsin Khan Mushir al-
Dawlah studied military techniques in France but joined the foreign service upon return.
234
Haj Muhammad Khan, son of Wakil al-Mamalik Kirmani was
230
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit., p. 37.
This was a movement that took off during the brief tenure of Amin al-Dawlah, the premier of Muzaffar al-Din Shah in 1897. It was responsible for the successful introduction of modern education into elementary schools in Iran. See the education reform movement under Muzaffar al-Din Shah below. 231
232
Mahbubi, Tarikh, p. 335.
Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2410., Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit., p. 37. 233 234
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit. p. 39.
120 very bright and learned the French language very quickly. He
attended the military school of Saint Cyr and upon return went
to
there.235
his
hometown
of
Kirman
and
took
up
residence
Muhammad Khan, son of Muhammad Qasim Khan-i Wali was a
Dar al-Funun graduate236and does not seem to have been one of the group of forty-two.
His father had sent him to Russia
the
were
where he studied French.237 He was sent to Verdot at the time group
of
forty-two
in
France.238
Muhammad
Khan
studied military techniques in France and when he returned he was honored with his father's title (Wali).
He served as
governor of Yazd for a few years239and then was assigned to Tabriz.240
Yahya Khan, son of Hasan 'Ali Khan
Amir Nizam was not
one of the group of forty-two, but accompanied his father to 235
Mahbubi, Tarikh, p. 329.
Neither Muhit Tabataba'i, nor Majd al-Islam, nor Mahbubi Ardakani mention him as a Dar al-Funun student, but in the list of Dar al-Funun graduates, printed in no. 394 of Waqayi'-i Ittifaqiyyah (9 Muharram, 1275/1859), there is a Muhammad Khan son of Qasim Khan which seems to be the same person. 236
237
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit., p. 37.
In issue no. 505 of Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah-i Iran it was reported that Muhammad Khan's father placed him under "a person by the name of monsieur Verdot who is to report his progress to the minister (i.e.Amir Nizam) 238
239 240
Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2410.
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit., p. 37.
121 Paris. Cyr.
He attended Verdot and the military school of Saint
When
he
returned
regiment of Kirman.
he
became
the
commander
He died shortly thereafter.241
of
the
Lutf 'Ali Khan, son of Taqi Khan attended Verdot and
the military school of Saint Cyr. Qahriman
Khan,
son
of
Burzu
Khan
obtained
his
"bachelier" after five years in 1864. He was enrolled in a school
where
he
studied,
among
other
things,
geometry,
history, and geography, and prepared himself for military school.242 He studied at Collège de Dieppe
and Saint Cyr.
Majid Khan, son of Haj Muhammad Khan Hajib al-Dawlah
was one of the younger students who attended the college in
Dieppe and Verdot. He also attended a military school but
there is no reference in the sources as to which school he attended.
On his return he pursued a military career and
joined the corps of Nasir al-Din Shah's servants.243 Shaykh Jalil Isfahani.
employed bureau. drowned
as
242 243 244
of
the
officials
of
the
telegraph
Later he joined the corps of court physicians.
in
France.244 241
physician
Upon return to Tehran he was
1872
only a
He
few years after his return from
Ibid., p. 38.
Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah, no. 555 and 570. Mahbubi, Tarikh, p. 335. Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2310.
122 Mirza
Kirman
city.245
Aqa
upon
Buzurg
his
Nawwab,
return
and
son
of
practiced
Aqa
Mahdi
medicine
went
in
to
that
Mirza Abd al-Wahhab Khan, son of Mahmud Khan Ihtisab
al-Mulk became chief the physician of Prince Zill al-Sultan, and died prematurely in Shiraz in 1873.246
Mirza 'Ali Naqi, son of Haj Aqa Ismayil Jadid al-Islam
had been a court servant who also attended Dar al-Funun to study medicine.
He accompanied Farrukh Khan Amin al-Mulk
Kashani to Europe as his second deputy.
He maintained his
position at the mission during Hasan 'Ali Khan's tenure while attending medical school at the same time.
He graduated from
medical school and on his return became a close confidant and companion of Nasir al-Din Shah and in 1877 accompanied him on
his trip to Europe. In 1867 he received the title of Hakim al-Mamalik.247
In 16 he was granted the governorship of
Burujird and Bakhtyari, and in 1881 was selected by Nasir alDin Shah as minister of mines and as member of the newlyformed body of Dar al-Shawra.248
Hakim al-Mamalik wrote an
account of Nasir al-din Shah's first trip to Mashhad, and
Zubdat al-Hikmah, a translation of a book by the Shah's 245 246 247
35.
248
Ibid. Ibid.
I'timad al-Saltanah, Tarikh-i Muntazam, p. 1892.
"Rijal-i Dawrah-i Nasiri", Yadgar, Vol. 3, no. 1, p.
123 personal physician, Dr. Polak. 1903.249
Husayn
youngest
of
Khan, the
son
of
students,
Mirza
only
Mirza 'Ali Naqi died in Yusuf
eleven
Khan, at
one
the
of
time
the
of
departure for France, he completed medical school and on his return joined the service of Prince Zill al-Sultan as his personal physician.
But his exposure to European culture at
a very young age seems to have left a deep influence on him.
He soon resigned from his position, left Iran and lived in
Paris until he died in an automobile accident in 1937.
In
Paris he cut off all his social contacts with his fellow
Iranians, and found a very close friend in Edgar Blochet,250 both of whom were said to "share a deep dislike of the human
race".251 He produced two books, Gulzar-i Ma'rifat and Subh-i Umid, both of which were collections of Persian poetry with French translation.252
Mirza Mahdi Shaqaqi had entered Dar al-Funun when he
was twelve and at the time he was sent to France as a member Iraj Afshar, the introduction to the book Tarikh-i Iran dar Dawrah-i Qajar (Tehran 1364/1985), Persian translation of the work by Clement Markham., Tehran, 1364, p. 14. 249
The librerian of the oriental section at the French national librery. 250
Qazwini, Muhammad, "Az Yaddashtha-i 'Allamah-i Ustad Aqa-i Muhammad-i Qazwini", Yadgar, Vol. 3, no. 4., pp. 19-21. 251
Ibid. They were published in Leiden in 1906 and 1909, respectively. 252
124 of the group of forty-two he was only fourteen years old. attended the Collège de Dieppe to Verdot.
He
for two years and then went
His name appeared in the reports on the students
that were published in the official newspaper. He obtained
his bachelier-es-science in Paris and entered Ecole des Arts et Manufactures and after three years graduated as a roads and bridges engineer.253
He returned to Tehran in 1867 with
a group of his fellow students.
Because of his late father's
aquaintance with the Foreign Minister Mirza Mahdi was called
to work in the ministry where he would be the minister's personal interpreter.
Interestingly, the fact that he was an
engineer did not seem to have been relevant at that point.
Not long afterwards he was faslsely suspected of improper behavior and expelled from the ministry.
penniless, he walked about Tehran wondering:
Out of work and
what a country this is! whose people and government have no use for someone who has worked hard for years and has suffered a great deal in order to become a civil engineer and an architect. Had I been a foreigner or a European I would be warmly received and made use of by the well-to-do, the nobility and government officials.254 To make ends meet Mirza Mahdi worked for a while as
brick layer for a mason when he was spotted by the Foreign Minister by chance.
The minister who "until then did not
really believe that Mahdi had actually acquired any skills or 253 254
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 81. Ibid, pp. 156-158.
125 crafts", took him to Nasir al-Din Shah.
The monarch looked
at the young Mirza and said: "Are you a European-educated engineer?
Can you actually deliver or is it all talk?"
Din Shah.
He commisioned Mirza Mahdi with designing his new
Mirza Mahdi's on the spot demonstration impressed Nasir alpalace,
Qasr-i
cynical
attitude
Nasir
al-Din
Firuzah.255
Shah
is
very
towards
Mirza
Mahdi's
telling
the
and
European
encounter
demonstrates
educated
with
his
students.
When presenting the preliminary design to Nasir al-Din Shah,
Mirza Mahdi was naive enough to disagree with the monarch on certain technical aspects of the design of the building.
Mirza Sa'id Khan later scolded the young mirza for bringing
to an end his otherwise bright career as an architect in the court and asked him to go back to the ministry and work as his interpreter.256
Mirza Mahdi served, off and on, in the
Finistry of Foreign Affairs until retirement.
During this
time he was given various foreign assignments ranging from
purchasing silk worms from Italy to buying arms from Belgium, to accompanying Nasir al-Din Shah to Europe.
He wondered at
times: what has happened to this country, its government, and its merchants who send people on assignments based on the taking of omens, with no consideration that one must be a specialist (in the field) and not an architect.257 255 256 257
Ibid, p. 177.
Ibid, pp. 178-179. Ibid, p. 189.
126 His domestic assignments included supervision and protection
of the Armenian community and French missionaries (from a group
of
local
zealots)
in
Urmia.258
Six
years
after
he
completed the palace project, Mirza Mahdi was approached by
Hasan 'Ali Khan Amir Nizam, then the Minister of Public
Works, to design a building complex around Arg square in the center of Tehran, to house various ministries.259
His major
work in architecture, however, was the designing in 1877 of the Mosque of Sipahsalar and the adjacent building which after
the
Majlis-i
Constitutional
Shawrah-i
Revolution
Milli(consultative
of
1906
housed
assembly).260
the
Both
have been lasting monuments and were commissioned by Mirza Husayn Khan Sipahsalar, Mushir al-Dawlah.
In 1879 Mirza
Mahdi was designated Deputy Foreign Minister, and in 1882
edited the first modern book on international law in Persian.
He was also one of the founders of Madrasah-i Ulum-i Siyasi
(School of Political Science), a prestigious institution of higher
education
which
graduated
a
new
statesmen and political elite of modern Iran.
generation
of
The latter was
a major accomplishment for which he received the title of
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, and a number of ceremonial positions as
well as a handsome cash reward.261 Mumtahin al-Dawlah was an 258
Ibid, p. 225.
Ibid, p. 239-240. Also see I'timad al-Saltanah, Tarikh-i Muntazam, pp. 1873-74. 259 260
Ibid, p. 258.
127 exceptionally architecture
gifted
been
individual.
properly
utilized,
Had
he
greater contributions to his country.
his
would
talents have
in
made
Mirza Nizam al-Din Kashani was only fifteen when he was
sent to France262and studied at Dieppe.
He also attended
Saint Louis polytechnique and graduated with a degree in mining.
He returned to Iran before Hasan 'Ali Khan Amir
Nizam263 and was idle for a while until Amir Nizam became
Minister of Public Works and gave him a road construction project.
In
this
project
he
became
acquainted
with
'Ali
Asghar Khan Atabak who later served with an Iron hand as
Nasir al-Din Shah's premier.264 This acquaintance proved very fruitful for Mirza Nizam and was the start of a successful career in the government. representative
in
the
He served for a while as Iran's
Imperial
Bank,
a
British
bank
in
Iran.265 He also sat in the cabinet as Minister of Roads, and
was given the title Muhandis al-Mamalik, and later on served as minister of sciences. mathematics.266 261 262 263 264 265 266
Mirza Nizam wrote some books on
Ibid., p. 302-305.
Mahbubi, Tarikh, p. 348. Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2410.
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit., p. 39.
Ittila'at, no. 363, 25 Rajab 1312 (1894). Mahbubi, Tarikh, p. 325.
128 Mirza Jahan Kashani attended Collège de Dieppe
and
graduated from Saint Louis Polytechnique with a degree in mining.
When he returned he was sent on a mission to survey
the mines in the province of Khurasan where he was killed by bandits.267
Muhammad Taqi Khan Muqaddam, son of Muhammad Hasan Khan
attended
Verdot
and
the
Ecole
Centrale
Manufactures and graduated as an engineer.
des
Arts
et
Upon his return,
he taught at the Dar al-Funun for a year and then moved to the
royal
Mumtahin Khan's
foundry.268
al-Dawlah,
talents
were
His
fellow
expressed never
student,
regret
that
appreciated
or
Mirza
Muhammad made
Mahdi
use
Taqi
of.
According to Mumtahin al-Dawlah Muhammad Taqi Khan remained idle in Tehran until he died of grief, except for a brief period
when
he
was
commissioned
by
Mirza
undertake a road construction project.269
Sai'd
Khan
to
Mirza Rida, son of Mirza Husayn Khan the consul general
in Egypt, received his doctorate in law from Paris and upon graduation
joined
the
embassy
staff.
He
served
in
the
embassy until 1867 when he was designated vice-consul in
Istanbul. He then returned to Tehran and served as foreign
minister to Mirza Husayn Khan Sipahsalar, and later as consul 267 268 269
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit., p. 39. Ibid., p. 37.
Mahbubi, Tarikh, P. 325.
129 in Van. He received the title of Mu'ayyid al-Saltanah and was dispatched, in 1885, as the Persian minister plenipotentiary
to Germany, where he served until 1895.270 Mumtahin al-Dawlah placed him amongst the first generation of experienced and skilled diplomats of his time, and expressed regret that despite his capabilities, except for a brief period during
Muhammad 'Ali Shah's reign, he was not called to serve his country.271
Mirza 'Abd Allah, son of Mirza Muhammad Sadiq al-Mulk
graduated from law school in Paris and served for many years as counsellor and deputy to the Iranian mission in Paris.
He
later served as counsellor to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Tehran.272 Mirza
political
completion,
Zayn
science and
afterwards.273 103.
270
al-'Abidin, he
and
by
must
son
1864
have
of
his
Ibrahim
Khan
studied
Iran
shortly
studies
returned
to
were
near
However, it is not known when he actually
Mumtahin al-Dawlah and Mirza Hashim Khan, Rijal, p.
Ibid., p. 104. Mahdi Quli Khan Hidayat (Mukhbir alSaltanah), whom he replaced in 1908 as minister of justice, thought otherwise. Even though Mukhbir al-Sltanah himself had recommended him for the position, he believed Mu'ayyid al-Saltanah's tenure as justice minister was a disappointment. See Mukhbir al-Saltanah Hidayat, Mahdi Quli, Khatirat wa Khatarat (Tehran,1344/1965) p. 166. Also see Mukhbir al-Saltanah's Guzarish-i Iran; Qajariyyah wa Mashrutiyyat (Tehran, 1363/1984), pp. 209, 222-223. 87.
271
272
Mumtahin al-Dawlah and Mirza Hashim Khan, Rijal, p.
273
Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah-i Iran, no. 570.
130 returned home and what he did after his return.
Hidayat Allah Khan, son of Mahmud Khan Ihtisab al-Mulk
Kashani, completed his studies and training in the ceramics factory at Sevre. painter
in
Constant,
the
and
While there, he fell in love with a
factory,
daughter
of
a
certain
married her.274 He was not able to
suitable job, and died of cholera in 1870.275 Aqa
Muhammad,
cousin
of
Shaykh
Muhsin
Monsieur
find a
Khan,
too,
studied at Sèvres with his close friend Hidayat Allah Khan and
married
the
other
daughter
of
Monsieur
Constant.
Monsieur Constant, in the hope that his sons-in-law would
build a factory where all of them would work, migrated to Iran with his daughters and the rest of his family.
The
dream was never to materialize.
Even Aqa Muhammad did not
annual allowance of 100 tumans.
In order to make ends meet
find a suitable job and was idle.
He was given a meager
he started working in a European firm.
Monsieur Constant
found a job as a painting teacher.276 Eventually, when Aqa Muhammad's
cousin,
Shaykh
Muhsin
Khan
was
dispatched
to
in Jidda.
Later, Aqa Muhammad was sent to Egypt as consul
Istanbul as ambassador, he designated Aqa Muhammad as consul general.277 274 275 276 277
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 205.
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit., p. 40. Ibid.
Mahbubi, Tarikh, p. 329-30.
131 Husayn Khan, son of Qasim Khan, learned casting iron
and molding in Rouen. return
home.
Muhit
It is not clear what he did after his says
he
was
given
administrative
jobs,278but Mumtahin al-Dawlah refers to him as an official at the royal foundry.279
Mirza Hasan Khan, too, learned casting iron and molding
at Rouen and became an official at the royal foundry.280 Mirza 'Ali Quli Kashi.
He was the third student of
molding and casting iron at Rouen who found work at the royal foundry
where
he
was
"a
skilled
master".
He
was
very
competant in the French language, and was a member of the Dar al-Tarjamah Saltanah.
(Translation
Bureau),
set
up
by
I'timad
al-
Many of the translaions which bore I'timad al-
Saltanah's signature were said to have been the work of Mirza 'Ali Quli.281
Aqa Khan Khuyi learned silk production in Lyons, but on
his return he was employed as teacher of French in the Dar al-Funun of Tabriz. Aqa
'Ali
He died shortly thereafter.282
Asghar
Kashani
learned
silk
production
in
France and after completing his studies he went back to his 278 279 280 281 282
Muhit, Safaq, no. 2410.
Mahbubi, Tarikh, p. 326. Ibid. Ibid.
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 79.
132 home town of Kashan.283
Muhammad Aqa and Mirza Asad Allah Kashani both learned
production of broadcloth and on their return went back to their hometown of Kashan.284
Aqa Fayd Allah, son of Aqa Asad Allah Zargar Bashi,
completed his training in goldsmithing and returned to Iran and is said to have had a successful career.285
Mirza Ahmad Garrusi. Sending him to Europe may be considered a
failure.
He
was
sent
to
Europe
presumably
to
study
medicine, but his simple-mindedness convinced Amir Nizam that he was more suitable for learning a craft.
He was summoned
to Paris from Dieppe and placed under Fayd Allah Khan to learn
goldsmithing,
anyway.
which
he
could
have
learned
in
Iran
When he returned home, he studied medicine under his
father and practised it for many years.286
Aqa Muhammad Sahhaf Bashi had made a previous trip to
Europe.
He
completed
his
training
in
bookbinding,
and
openned a shop at the Dar al-Funun and received the title of Sahhaf Bashi.
He introduced the craft of making paper bags
and envelopes to Iran for the first time.287 After his return 283 284 285 286 287
Mahbubui, Tarikh, p. 328. Ibid. pp.327-28. Ibid, p. 333.
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 81.
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit. p. 39.
133 from France he was said to have deliberately used French words while speaking Persian.
It was only after I'tidad al-
Saltanah had him physically punished in front of the Dar alFunun students that he abandaned the habit.288 in
Mirza Ghaffar Tabrizi completed his training in tanning
France
and
attempted,
returned
unsuccessfully,
home to
with
open
great
a
enthusiasm
factory.
He
and
only
received a title of Dabbagh Bashi for his training abroad, and was employed with a modest salary of 100 tumans a year at the royal foundry.289
Asad Allah Khan Aqewli: He studied mathematics and papermaking.
but was employed as secretary in the bureau of posts
with a salary of 1200 tumans a year.290 not
Mirza Husayn studied optics and lens making, but did
find
return.291
a
suitable
job
and
died
two
years
after
his
Haydar 'Ali Najjar completed his training in France and
on his return received the title of Najjar Bashi, opened a workshop at the Dar al-Funun and taught there for forty-five years.292
Iqbal Ashtiyani, Abbas, "Firistadan-i Muhassil bah Farangistan", Yadgar, Vol. 3, no. 8, p. 4. 288 289 290
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit., p. 38. Muhit Tabatabayi, Shafaq, no. 2410.
Mahbubi, Khatirat, p. 79. 291 292
Tarikh,
p.
332.,
Mumtahin
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit., p. 39.
al-Dawlah,
134 Mirza Muhammad Qazwini finished his studies in pump-
making and returned home.
There is no further reference to
him in the available sourtces.
'Ali Akbar Kashani had attended school in Paris when he
accompanied Farukh Khan Amin al-Mulk to France.
He was
selected to go to France again with the group of forty-two. He attended the Collège de Dieppe
and then was transferred
to Paris where he studied French language and painting. his
return
he
joined
the court's
naqqashkhanah
studio) and thanks to his talent advanced rapidly.
On
(painting In 1872
when Monsieur Constant died, he replaced him as the painting
teacher at Dar al-Funun, and was given the title of Muzayyin al-Dawlah.293 He also taught French at Dar al-Funun for many years until he retired shortly after 1923.
Eighty-two years
after the inauguration of the Dar al-Funun, in an article that was writen in 1933 by the Iranian scholar Muhammad Muhit
Tabataba'i, he refered to Muzayyin al-Dawlah as the only person alive at the time who had been continuously involved with the modern education movement; as one of the earliest
students of the Dar al-Funun, as a member of the group of forty-two who had studied abroad, and as a teacher in that
institution since 1872.294 Muzayyin al-Dawlah wrote a FrenchPersian dictionary.295 293 294 295
Ibid.
Muhit, Shafaq, no.2410. Ibid.
135 Mirza
Mahmud,
son
of
particularly bright student.
Mirza
Ahmad
Qumi
was
a
He was sent to Europe after two
years of study at the Dar al-Funun.
and astronomy in Brussels and France.
He studied mathematics
He was placed under
the care of the famous astronomer Leverrier at the grand observatory of Paris.296
Mirza Mahmud worked under Leverrier
for four years and in 1864 he produced a calendar by the
European method and sent it for Nasir al-Din Shah.297. Upon return he was granted the title of Khan, and the position of Sarhang, and was placed at the telegraph bureau as deputy director.298
He was said to have been dismissed from the
post by Nasir al-Din Shah, but was later given the title of Mushir
al-Wizarah
and
dispatched,
by
Mirza
Husayn
Sipahsalar, as charge d'affaires and consul to Baghdad. also served as consul general in Trabzan for a while.
Khan He
During
the tenure of Sa'd al-Dawlah he served as Minister of Trade, Sadr, Muhsin, Khatirat-i Sadr al-Ashraf (Tehran, 1364/1985), p. 261. Also see Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah, no. 555, and 570, according to which he was sent to France first, and then was transferred to Brussels. 296
Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2410. He was said to have discovered a new planet which was named "Mahmudi" after him. See M. Sadr, op. cit., p.261. However, Muhit could not locate it in the astronomy books. 297
Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2410. According to Mirza Mahmud, when he was returning home after completion of his studies, Leverrier in a letter to Prince I'tidad al-Saltanah wrote that for years Europe had been indebted to the East in the area of sciences, and now through educating Mirza Mahmud it was paying back part of the debt. See M. Sadr, op. cit., p.261. 298
136 and received the title of Mushawir al-Mulk and headed the the courts dealing with commercial disputes. He was then out of a job and remained idle until his death.299
Mirza Kazim Mahallati, son of Mirza Ahmad, had studied
chemistry and pharmacy at the Dar al-Funun.
In Rouen he
continued his studies in pharmacy and botanics.
On his
return he joined the Dar al-Funun and for forty years taught
various subjects such as mathematics, physics, chemistry, and pharmacy.
He translated many books into Persian including a
books on the war between Germany and France, the Russo-
Ottoman wars, the Travels of Stanley to Africa, and a couple of works on photography. pharmacy in Iran. 'Abd
Isfahani.
He is known as the father of modern
Mirza Kazim died in 1897.300
al-Rasul
Khan,
son
of
'Abd
al-Husayn
Khan
He had studied mathematics at the Dar al-Funun.
He continued his studies in France in the same field and on his return went back to Dar al-Funun and taught there for a
few years. He then moved to Malayir and later to Gilan as deputy governor, and received the rank of Sartip. 1875.301
He died in
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit., p. 37.; Mahbubi, Tarikh, p. 324.; Sadr, op. cit., pp. 259-264. 299
Majd al-Islam Kirmani, op. cit., p. 40. Majd alIslam expressed regret in the article that despite Mirza Kazims long and dedicated service, he only received 500 tumans a year, whereas the European instructors who taught at the Dar al-Funun received four times as much. 300
301
Ibid. p. 37. Also see Muhit, Shafaq. no. 2410.
137
named
There is a reference in some sources to another student Ghulam
Husayn
Khan
son
of
Shahrukh
Bayk,
who
was
apparently sent to Europe about the same time the group of forty-two was in France.302
His name does not appear in the
official reports, however, and it is believed that he went to Europe at his own or his family's expense.
Muhammad Hassan Khan (b. 1843),son of Haj 'Ali Khan
Maraghah-i, was not a member of the group of forty-two.
Muhammad Hasan Khan had entered the Dar al-Funun in the first year of its opening in 1851, and was a Dar al-Funun graduate serving in the military.
In 1860 he was dispatched to Paris
as military attache to the mission. In 1861 he was entrusted
with an additional responsibility as second deputy to the minister,303 a position he held for a couple of years. in
Paris,
he
took
time
off
to
pursue
his
While
accademic
interests.304 Muhammad Hasan Khan had a very distinguished career.
On
his
return
from
France,
in
1867
he
became
pishkhidmat and personal translator to Nasir al-Din Shah. Among his duties was giving daily reports about the news of
the world and translating foreign newspapers in Nasir al-Din Shah's presence.
This was a task he continued to perform for
I'timad al-Saltanah, Mir'at al-Buldan, Vol. 2, p. 87., quoted in Mahbubi, Tarikh,p. 339. 302 303
1281.
I'timad al-Saltanah, Tarikh-i Muntazam, Vol. 3, p.
Khan Malik Sasani, Siyasatgaran-i (Tehran, 1338/1959),Vol. 1, pp. 173-74. 304
Dawrah-i
Qajar
138 quarter of a century.305
In 1870 he was put in charge of the
publications bureau (idarah-i ruznamajat), title of Sani' al-Dawlah.
and received the
In the following year he assumed
the position of director of the translation bureau. In 1873
he was chosen as Deputy Minister of Justice, in 1878 he joined the Paris Geographical Society, and in 1880 he was placed
at
the
danishwaran306,
head
a
of
the
research
idarah-i
organization
ta'lifat-i which
namah-i
flourished
under his stewardship and was responsible for the publication of
a
large
number
of
encyclopedic
geography, and other scientific matters.
works
on
history,
He was said to have
writen over thiry books307 many of which are now believed to have
been
group
projects
undertaken
publications under his supervision.
in
the
bureau
of
He was appointed by
Nasir al-Din Shah as a member of the Majlis-i Shawra-i Dawlat in 1881308, and in 1882 he assumed the post of Minister of 305 306 307
Ibid., 172.
Ibid., pp. 170-172. Ibid.
I'timad al-Saltanah, Tarikh-i Muntazam, pp. 1925 & 2031. The idea of establishing the State Consultative Council was introduced in Mirza Malkum Khan's book of reforms, Kitabchahi Ghaybi", and was presented to Nasir al-Din Shah by his reform-minded vizier Mirza Husayn Khan Sipahsalar. It was meant to introduce an element of consultation in running the affairs of the state, and to reduce the absolutist aspects of the monarchy. The Council lived a very short life and never provided an advisory function, its members only echoing the kings views. 308
139 Publications.
In 1885 he became a member of the Asiatic
Societies of France, Russia, and Britain,309 and in 1886 he was honored with the title of I'timad al-Saltanah. he wrote the book khwabnamah (the Dream Account).
In 1890
This was a
book that he wrote anonimously in which in an imaginary court
eleven of his contemporary statesmen were tried by ancient Persian kings, and the injustices and the absolutism of his time
were
criticised.
His
book
was
secretly
circulated
amongst the poeple, and was a source of inspiration to a
growing number of dissidents and advocates of social change in
the
years
I'timad
prior
to
the
al-Saltanah was a
Constitutional
Revolution.
confidant of Nasir al-Din
Shah, and very close to him over a long period of time.
The
monarch was said to have consulted him on various matters of the state. enormous.
His cultural contribution to Iranian society was
His massive undertaking in the area of publication
of history and encyclopedic books was unprecedented in the recent history of Iran and was way ahead of his time.
The
effect of his Khwabnamah on the political awakening of many of the educated elite in the country has been acknowledged. Yet, in spite of his progressive aspirations he was a very
conservative individual and he always acted in conformity with the status quo.
As a close advisor to the king, and as
an individual who provided him with a window on the daily 309
Khan Malik Sasani, op. cit., p.171.
140 events and developments of the world, one must assume I'timad
al-Saltanah could have had a tangible and positive influence on his attitudes towards progress and reform.
Nasir al-Din
Shah's increasingly hostile attitude towards reform suggests otherwise.
Five Students Sent to Britain The Iranian government's official newspaper reported in
1861 the sending of a group of five students from among the sons of the nobility to London.310
According to the paper
they were accompanied by Haj Muhsin Khan Sartip, counsellor at the Iranian mission in Paris.
They were sent with the
approval of Mahmud Khan Nasir al-Mulk, the Iranian minister in London at the time, and were to be engaged in naval studies.
There is no mention of their names, neither is
there any reference to them in other sources.311 A Few Trainees Sent to Tiflis
In 1867 a few employees of the telegraph bureau were
sent to Tiflis to be trained in that field. 310 311
They were headed
Ruznamah-i Dawlat-i 'Alliyyah, no. 551. See Mahbubi op. cit., p. 353.
141 by Mirza Jawad Khan Sa'd al-Dawlah. group whose names are known were:
Other members of the
Mirza 'Abbas Khan, Sa'd al-Dawlah's brother. Mirza 'Abd al-Wahhab Khan Mahallati. Dawud Mirza Shahrukh Shahi.
Mumtahin al-Dawlah recalls meeting them in Tiflis, when he was returning home with part of the group of forty-two.312
The Ban on Studying Abroad (1867 to 1873)
By
mid
increasingly
1860s
Nasir
suspicious
of
al-Din
the
Shah
students
was
educated
becoming in
the
European system. He was said to have been concerned with the consequences of European ideas of justice and fair government gaining popularity among the Iranians.
Mumtahin al-Dawlah
remembered: My last exam at the Ecole Centrale was in 1867. This was the year when Nasir al-Din Shah withdrew his kindness towards the students in Europe and ordered that they all return to Iran, and strictly forbade anyone to send students to Europe.313
His suspicion was in part due to the activities of Mirza 312 313
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 140. Ibid., p. 107.
142 Malkum Khan, the reform advocate, who established the first masonic organization in Iran and proposed reforms in the government.314
Despite the royal order, individual families
continued to send their children abroad.
After Nasir al-Din
Shah's first trip to Europe in 1873 he became even more opposed to sending students abroad.
He was said to have been
advised by the Tsar that the more students studied in Europe, the more they would undermine his power and authority at home.315 Apparently his decision was also influenced by the events
in
the
Ottoman
Empire,
revolution in that country.316 Nasir
al-Din
Shah's
ban
which
on
led
sending
to
of
the
1876
students
to
Europe effectively reduced the number of Iranian students abroad.
The group of forty-two was thus the first and last
large-scale century.
student
mission
to
Europe
in
the
nineteenth
It was not until early 20th century, during the
Pahlawi period, that the sending of large group of students to Europe by the government was resumed.
314 315
Mukhbir al-Saltanah, Khatirat, p. 53. Ibid. pp. 107-8.
Sadiq, Isa, Modern Persia and Her Educational System (New York, 1931), p. 19. 316
143
The Students Sent Abroad After 1873 The total number of students sent abroad in the latter
part of Nasir al-Din Shah's reign was relatively small.
All
of them were sent at thier own initiative and expense or at that of their families, and in almost all cases the special
permission of the king was needed before they could leave the country.
In 1873, during Nasir al-Din Shah's first trip to
144 Europe, a number of men in his entourage managed to take
advantage of the occasion and secured his permision to leave their sons in Europe to study.
This was not a change of
heart by Nasir al-Din Shah, and should not be interpreted as a reversal of the ban.
The ban remained in place until Nasir
al-Din Shah's death, and no more government-sponsored student missions were sent to Europe. Yet, the granting of permission to members of his retinue to leave their sons in Europe in effect opened the way once more for individual students to study abroad.
Apparently, while the ban was in place, Nasir
al-Din Shah would grant individual permissions to his trusted advisors.
Even those permissions were not granted easily,
and often required the offering of presents to the king. his
In the course of Nasir al-Din Shah's visit to England,
master of ceremonies, Mirza 'Ali Naqi Hakim al-Mulk,
sought permission for his son, Mirza Rahim Farzanah, to spend a year at an establishment known as the London International College.317
On January 2, 1873 a contract was signed "in the
presence of witnesses" in Buckingham Palace, according to
which Mirza Rahim would be be provided with a private room,
would not be permitted to go to town without a master, and would stay with the principal during the holidays. also
decided
mathematics, 317
that
drawing,
he
would
geography,
Wright, op. cit., p. 142.
study
natural
English,
sciences,
It was
French, and
a
145 little bit of history. his
clothing,
was
His tuition, excluding the cost of
estimated
at
230
guineas,
payable
in
advance.318 Mirza Rahim's stay in England lasted five years.
He returned in 1878319 and became a court functionary. In the job, he translated a number of works. Among them was the
translation of Clement Markham's history of Persia under the Qajars.320
of English.
I'timad al-Saltanah envied him for his knowledge Referring to Mirza Rahim, he wrote "this dog who
is worth less than filth, has an advantage over me because of his
knowledge
of
English,
and
now
I
need
him."321
The
following are other students who were sent abroad during the period.
Mirza 'Ali Hamadani, known as Mirza 'Ali Duktur.
He
had studied medicine in Iran and went to France at his own expense.
He graduated from the medical school in Paris, and
returned home in 1877.
On his return he joined the corps of
he taught medicine.322
He also served as personal physician
court physicians and was employed at the Dar al-Funun where
to Kamran Mirza, the Nayib al-Saltanah, and carried the title 318 319
Ibid., pp. 142-143.
Bamdad, Mahdi, op. cit., vol. 6, p. 99.
Markham, Clement Robert, A General Sketch of the History of Persia (London, 1874). 320
See Iraj Afshar's introduction to the translation of Markham's History of Persia, pp. 14-15. 321 322
2036.
I'timad al-Saltanah, Tarikh-i Muntazam, pp. 1971,
146 of Rais al-Atibba'.
He wrote many books on medicine, the
most important of which was Jawahir al-Tashrih.323
Mirza Muhammad Duktur, known as Duktur Muhammad Khan
Kirmanshahi.
He had studied traditional medicine under Haji
Mirza 'Abd al-Baqi Hakim-Bashi. He studied modern medicine at the Dar al-Funun and then left for France where he graduated with honors from the Faculty of Medicine at the University of Paris in 1879.
On his return he became the director of the
state hospital in Tehran.
While holding that position, he
also taught at the Dar al-Funun. Hasan
'Ali
Khan
Amir
province of Azarbayjan.
Nizam
and
He joined the service of
served
with
him
the
Mirza Muhammad is known to have been
the first person to bring a microscope to Iran.324 in 1908.
in
He died
Even though there is no mention of the two doctors'
initial departure for Europe, it is quite likely that they were taken to France during Nasir al-Din Shah's visit.
Another companion of Nasir al-Din Shah on this trip was
'Ali Quli Khan Mukhbir al-Dawlah.
He was the son of Rida
Quli Khan Hidayat, the renowned literary figure and scholar
who was Fath 'Ali Shah's Malik al-Shu'ara, whom Nasir al-Din Shah designated to tutor his eleven-year-old crown prince Muzaffar al-Din Mirza.325
Many of Rida Quli Khan's sons and
Muhit, Shafaq, no. 2409. pp. 286-287. 323
Mukhbir al-Saltanah, Mahbubi, Tarikh, p. 288. 324 325
Also see Mahbubi, Tarikh.,
Khatirat,
p.
Mukhbir al-Saltanah, Khatirat, p. 2.
68.
Also
see
147 grandsons
politicians
grew
in
Constitutional
up
to
the
become
years
Revolution.
influential
preceding The
statesmen
and
of
Hidayat
was
of
Science
and
and
family
following
the
especially involved in the two areas of modern education and communications,
running
the
Ministries
Telegraph during those ministries' early years.
Having obtained the king's permission, 'Ali Quli Khan
took along his son Murtada Quli (b. 1856), and his nephew, 'Ali Khan in order to leave them in Europe. Khan
in
Paris
artillery.
where
he
attended
Saint
Cyr,
He left 'Ali and
studied
After his return to Iran, 'Ali Khan became an
instructor of artillery and joined the service of Prince Zill al-Sultan in Isfahan where he trained the prince's army.
His
action aroused the suspicion of Nasir al-Din Shah, who sent him on a border assignment to Khuy.
After Nasir al-Din
Shah's death he returned to Tehran and was active in the education
movement
that
flourished
under
Muzaffar
al-Din
Shah's vizier, Amin al-Dawlah. He was granted the title of
Nazim al-Ulum, and served with distinction as principal of Ilmiyyah,
period.326
one
of
the
modern
schools
founded
during
the
'Ali Quli Khan had taken his son, Murtada Quli, with
him on the trip with the intention of leaving him in London.
He decided instead to leave Murtada Quli in Germany after a
Ibid., pp. 5 , 110. Also see Yahya Dawlat-Abadi, Hayat-i Yahya (Tehran, 1336/1957)Vol. 1, p. 195. 326
148 visit in Berlin with Werner Siemens, a relative of whose had
recently been in Tehran for establishing a telegraph line to India.327 He was placed under the care of the family of a professor
of
oriental
studies
named
Dietrich.
Khan
become
utterly
After
his
that
the
king
for
return, Murtada Quli received the title of Sani' al-Dawlah. Murtada
Quli
had
convinced
construction of a railroad system was essential in curing Iran's
economic
problems,
obtaining his approval.
and
he
lobbied
the
He was also involved in the efforts
to import various factories from Europe328, and in 1874 he was sent to Germany to purchase ships for Iran.329 Sani' alDawlah
is
known
as
nineteenth
century
apparently
carreid
one
Iran.330
of
the
He
was
after the Constitutinal Revolution. out
by
an
progressive
figures
assassinated
of
shortly
The assassination was
underground
group
Kumitah-i Mujazat (the Committee for Punishment).
called
The group
assassinated many of the political figures whom it believed were
collaborating
constitutionalists.
with
Muhammad
'Ali
Shah
against
the
Murtada Quli returned to Tehran in 1875 for a ten-month
327 328 329
Mukhbir al-Saltanah, Khatirat, p. 5. Ibid., p. 74. Ibid., p. 42.
'Alawi, Abu al-Hasan, Rijal-i 'Asr-i Mashrutiyyat ( Tehran, 1363/1984), p. 99.; Mukhbir al-Saltanah, Khatirat, pp. 5-6., 19-21. 330
149 visit.
When
returning
to
Berlin,
he
took
with
him
his
fourteen-year-old brother, Mahdi Quli(b. 1863), and Ghulam
Husayn, his uncle and the son of Rida Quli Khan. They arrived
in Berlin on 26 June, 1876.331 Mahdi Quli, too, stayed with the
Dietrich
Dietrich,
who
family. had
a
The
good
first
knowledge
six
of
months
Arabic
Professor and
some
knowledge of Persian, taught Mahdi Quli at home, after which
he could attend school. After a few months, however, he abandoned
the
school because the school's curriculum
was
tailored to the Germans, and "was not of use to me...Latin and Greek, Old Testament, chorus, history and geography of
Germany in tiresome detail..."332 He returned home on 15 May, 1879 and taught German for a while at the Dar al-Funun and
wrote a book of German grammar, which he presented to Nasir al-Din Shah.333
In 1893 he joined the service of the court.
During his long and outstanding career he served in various
positions
ranging
from
directing
the
post
and
telegraph
bureau in Tabriz to to the premiership. He assumed the post of
Minister
revolution.
of
Science
in
the
first
cabinet
after
the
Another one of 'Ali Quli Khan's sons was Muhammad Quli
Khan Mukhbir al-Mulk, who was sent to Paris. 331 332 333
Ibid., p. 6-8. Ibid., p. 11.
Ibid., pp. 51-52.
He did not hold
150 any position before the revolution.
After the revolution he
was elected to the first parliament, but he turned it down. In 1906 he was put in charge of the mint. he was appointed Minister of Finance.334
Later on, in 1917,
In 1878 Mirza Jawad Khan Sa'd al-Dawlah was sent by
I'tidad
al-Saltanah,
the
Minister
of
Science,
to
set
up
Iran's exhibition in the Paris World Fair. He took with him his nephew, Murtada Khan, son of Mirza 'Abbas Khan, and
Sulayman Khan, son of 'Abd al-Husayn Khan Fakhr al-Mulk. Both of them studied in Paris.335 Mirza
Nasr
managed
to
Allah
Khan Mushir al-Dawlah was another
prominent figure who sent his children abroad in this period. He
Husayn,
and
send
Mirza
his
'Ali
three
Asghar,
sons, to
Mirza
Europe
Hasan,
only
Mirza
after
he
offered the king five thousand gold coins. He secured the permission through the mediation of Mirza 'Ali Asghar Khan Atabak, the Prime Minister.336
The fact that Mirza Nasr
Allah Khan, himself the Foreign Minister, had to approach 334 335
Alawi, op. cit., p. 101.
Mukhbir al-Saltanah, Khatirat, pp. 19-20.
H. Sadr, op. cit., p. 128. According to Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Mirza Nasr Allah Khan Mushir al-Dawlah attempted to send his two elder sons without Nasir al-Din Shah's knowledge, and "with utmost care". Informers reported the matter to the king who promptly had a telegram sent to Tabriz, ordering that the two be returned from the border. Permission was granted after Mushir al-Dawlah's offer of money to Nasir al-Din Shah. See Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, pp. 107-108. 336
151 Atabak to obtain Nasir al-Din Shah's approval demonstrates the degree of seriousness of the ban on sending of students abroad.
Mirza Hasan was sent to Moscow in 1888.
After
completing his studies, he served for a while at the Iranian mission in St. Petersburg.
He then returned to Tehran where
he reorganized the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
He founded
the School of Political Science (Madrasah-i Ulum-i Siyasi), which graduated many of the future statesmen and politicians who were involved in running the country during the first
half of the 20th century. Mirza Hasan Khan was accused, by
the conservatives, of being a revolutionary, and of being one
of the instigator behind the movement. This was mostly the result of his founding of the School, in which the youth were introduced to the French Revolution, and the parliamentary
governments in Europe.337 Mirza Hasan Khan was then sent back to St. Petersburg, this time as minister plenipotentiary.
He
returned to Tehran after his father's death, and succeeded him as Foreign Minister. served
as
Minister
of
In his long public career he also
Sciences
and
Minister
of
Justice.
During his tenure at the Ministry of Justice he wrote and translated a body of laws known as "provisional laws" which remained
in
effect
for
some
time.338
During
the
critical
Mustawfi, 'Abd Allah, Sharh-i Zindigani-i Man ya Tarikh-i Ijtima'i wa Idari-i Dawrah-i Qajar (Tehran, 1341/1962), Vol. 2, p. 247. 337
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 108. For a detailed account of Mirza Hasan Khan's life history see Bastani Parizi, Muhit-i Siyasi wa Zindigani-i Mushir al338
152 period
following
Husayn
Khan
the
victory
of
the
Constitutional
Revolution, both Mirza Hasan Khan, and his brother Mirza were
instrumental
in
drafting
the
new
constitution and preparing important legislation in the first
parliament.339 After the Constitutional Revolution, he was elected, in 1913,to the Majlis.
He also headed one of the
post revolution cabinets before his retirement.340 the
Mirza Husayn Khan was sent to France where he attended
Polytechnique.
learned
artillery.
instructed
him
to
He
then
After
attend
a
law
entered year,
school
military
however, in
school
his
London.
and
father After
completing his studies in London he returned home and joined the
Ministry
of
Foreign
Affairs,
where
he
continued
brother's administrative reforms and reorganizations.
his
He
also served as Nasir al-Din Shah's personal translator for two years, and was about to set out for Berlin to serve as minister plenipotentiary when in 1910 he was elected to the
Majlis. He served three terms in the Majlis and was the speaker of the legislative body for the latter two terms.341
Shahbaz Khan Musaddiq al-Dawlah was sent in 1880 to
Dawlah (Hasan 1341/1962).
Pirnia)
wa
A'lam-i
Iran-i
Bastan
(Tehran,
Mustawfi, op. cit.,Vol. 2, pp. 238-239. Also see E. G. Browne's The Persian Revolution, 1905-1090 (New York, 1966), pp. 124-140. 339
340 341
Mumtahi al-Dawlah, Khatirat. p. 108. Ibid., pp. 108-109.
153 study in Berlin. He joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1907 as the third deputy at the Iranian mission in Berlin.
In 1913 he moved to the Ministry of Interior and served as special investigator to Muzaffar al-Din Shah.342
Khalil Khan A'lam al-Dawlah, son of Haj Mirza 'Abd al-
Baqi Tabib, was sent to Paris to study medicine during the last years of Nasir al-Din Shah's reign.
He returned around
1898, only a few years after Muzaffar al-Din Shah's ascent to the throne.
After his return he joined the service of the
monarch and assumed a high position in the court.
After
Muzaffar al-Din Shah's death he served Prince Malik Mansur Mirza and was personal physician to one of Muzaffar al-Din Shah's sons, Prince Shu'a' al-Saltanah.
Khalil Khan wrote
various articles in the newspaper 'Asr-i Jadid, which was managed by his brother 'Abd al-Majid Khan Matin al-Saltanah.
He also translated the second volume of Victor Hugo's Comte de Monte Cristo into Persian.343
Mirza Nasr Allah Khan Shaybani Jalil al-Mulk, son of
Mirza Aqa Khan, was the grandson of Mahdi Khan, the governor
of Kashan, and the brother of Mirza 'Ali Muhammad Khan Kashi, the editor of the paper Parwarish.
Mirza Nasr Allah was a
Dar al-Funun graduate who was sent to Beirut in 1901 for higher education. 173.
He returned in 1905, and in 1906 assumed
342
Mumtahin al-Dawlah and Mirza Hashim Khan, Rijal, p.
343
Alawi, op. cit., p. 26.
154 the position of principal of Tehran School of Agriculture.
He was an activist in the Constitutional Revolution and had to flee the country to Baku in 1908 after the siege of the Majlis by Muhammad 'Ali Shah.
In Baku he worked as the
principal of the Iranian school in that city.344 returned Affairs.
to
Tehran
and
joined
the
Ministry
of
He later Foreign
Mirza Ibrahim Khan Hakim al-Mulk, son of Mirza 'Ali
Naqi, was sent to Paris around 1894 to study medicine. stay in France lasted nine years.
His
Upon his return he joined
the service of the court and soon became Muzaffar al-Din
Shah's personal physician and confidant, accompanying him on his
European
trips.
He
was
one
of
the
constitutional
activists and was elected to the first parliament in 1906, and to the second parliament in 1909.
He also served as
Minister of Finance, Science and Endowments. In 1917, he was elected to the fourth parliament.345
Mirza Isma'il Khan Farzanah (b. 1878), son of Mirza
'Ali Naqi Hakim al-Mulk Qumi, Nasir al-Din Shah's master of ceremonies during his first trip to Europe. during
that
trip
Mirza
'Ali
Naqi
secured
As we saw,
the
king's
permission to leave his older son, Mirza Rahim, in London.
A
Dar al-Funun graduate, Mirza Isma'il was sent to acquire 344 345
Ibid., p. 40.
Ibid., pp. 44-45.
155 higher education in Berlin.
The exact date of his departure
and return could not be determined, but it is known that he joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1895.
He was part
of an official delegation that was dispatched to the European
capitals to announce Muzaffar al-Din Shah's inauguration.346 He served in various positions in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, including charge d'affaires in Berlin (1904), viceconsul in Tiflis, and Ashqabad (1906), counsul general in Istanbul
(1910),
and
minister
plenipotentiary
in
Madrid
(1916). He was dismissed from the ministry a couple of times, apparently for dishonesty, but was re-instated both times. He
was elected to the second parliament after the revolution in 1911.347
Shaykh Rida Khan Mu'in al-Dawlah studied in London and
joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1896. He died prematurely.348
Mirza
Murtada
Khan
Mumtaz
al-Mulk
1864), was a young boy at Nasir al-Din Shah's andarun.
(b.
He
studied in Paris and upon his return in 1881, became personal interpreter and servant to Nasir al-Din Shah.
He translated
scientific books and books of law at the king's private translation bureau (Dar al-Tarjama-i Khassah-i Humayuni).
He
also founded the Bureau for Licensing of Public Carriages. 140.
346
Mumtahin al-Dawlah and Mirza Hashim Khan, Rijal, p.
347
Ibid.
348
Also see Alawi, op. cit., p. 24.
Ibid., p. 168.
156 Murtada Khan served in a number of diplomatic missions that
included the post of minister plenipotentiary in Washington (1904), and consul general in Tiflis.349
Mirza Mahmud Khan 'Ala' al-Mulk (b. 1851).
in Tiflis and Astrakhan.
He studied
He became a career diplomat and
served at various missions abroad which included six years as councillor at the Iranian mission in St. Petersburg and six years as ambassador to the Porte.350
Mirza 'Ali Muhammad Khan Muwaqqar al-Dawlah (b. 1864).
He studied in Bombay and London and joined the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs in 1881. He was appointed consul general in Calcutta in 1900.351
The Students Sent to the Ottoman Empire Reference has already been made to the craftsmen and
artisans who were sent to the Ottoman Empire by Amir Kabir.
European schools were introduced into the Ottoman Empire long before
their
appearance
in
Iran.
No
Iranian
student,
however, was sent to the Ottoman Empire to study at those schools until the latter part of Nasir al-Din Shah's reign. 349 350 351
Ibid., p. 208.
Ibid., pp. 205-206. Ibid., p. 188.
157 Six student were sent, apparently at the invitation of the
Sultan in Istanbul, to study in a prestigious military school on the Bosphorus.
Haji Pirzadah mentions in his travel
account that he visited the Iranian students.
According to
him they were lodged in designated quarters, were treated with utmost respect, and their expenses were paid by the Sultan.352 The names of the students were as follows: Muhammad
Hamid
Ghaffari.353
Khan,
son
of
Mirza
'Ali
Akbar
Khan.
Muhib 'Ali Khan, son of Mirza Hasan Khan.
'Abbas Quli Khan, son of Tahmasb Quli Khan Kalati. Ja'far Quli Khan, son of Tahmasb Quli Khan Kalati. Shaykh Bahayi, son of Abulhasan Mirza.
Muhammad Khan, son of Muhammad Aqa Sartip, brother of Mu'in al-Mulk.
Pirzadah studying
mentions French,
that
were
he
saw
them
students
who
studied
geography,
sciences, and Turkish.354 There
when
other
drawing,
they
geometry, in
were
busy
military Istanbul
during this period. One was Mirza Sadiq Khan, son of Mirza
Jawad Khan Mustashar al-Dawlah. Born in 1868, he went to Haji Pirzadah, Safarnamah-i Haji Pirzadah, H. Farman-Farmaian ed.(Tehran, 1343/1965), Vol 2, pp. 111-112. 352
Mirza Ali Akbar (Muzayyin al-Dawlah) himself was a member of the group of forty-two. 353 354
Pirzadah, op. cit., PP. 111-112.
158 school in his hometown of Tabriz.
He went to Istanbul in
1882 and studied in the Mekteb-i Sultani, a French language school for the Ottoman elite, still functioning under the name Galatasaray Lisesi.
He studied there until 1885 when he
was given a secretarial position at the Iranian embassy in Istanbul.
He was promoted to the post of second and then
first deputy of the mission, and served in that capacity until 1891 when he returned home.
On his return he served at
the Ministry of Justice and received the title of Sadiq-i Hadrat.355 In 1895 he moved to Azarbayjan to serve as deputy to
his
father
province.
who
was
in
charge
of
the
affairs
of
the
In 1906 he was elected to the first parliament and
was one of the few activists who were deeply involved in the early years of the legislative body.356
He was one of the
champions of the revolution who was arrested during the siege
of the majlis by Muhammad 'Ali Shah in 1908. Mirza Sadiq, who
received his father's title, Mustashar al-Dawlah, after his death in 1907, was elected to the parliament again and served as its speaker. and
Minister
He also served as Minister of Communications
of
State
Constitutional Revolution.
in
357
the
decade
following
the
Asad Allah Khan Kurdistani was another of the students
I. Afshar's introduction to. Yaddashtha-i Tarikhi-i Mustashar al-Dawlah (Tehran, 1361/1982), p. 1. 355 356 357
Ibid. p. 6.
Alawi, op. cit., pp. 102-103.
159 who studied in Mekteb-i Sultani.
The exact years of his stay
in Istanbul could not be determined. Upon his return he was employed at the customs bureau in Tehran.
He also served in
the post office until 1905 when he was sacked from the job because of embezzlement. He left for Europe where he was said
to be engaged in smuggling munitions to Iran.358 In Europe he established following
contacts
Muhammad
constitutional
with
'Ali
movement.
Persian Shah's
After
activists
in
exile,
'Ali
Shah's
crackdown
Muhammad
on
the
downfall, he returned to Tehran in 1909 and was elected to the
parliament.
He
also
served
as
Deputy
Minister
of
Communications in 1910, and in other civil service positions in the following years.359
Abd al-Majid Khan Kashani was also among the students
who studied in the military school in Istanbul.
His date of
departure is not known, but his return was around 1897.
His
field of study was artillery, and he was said to have been
the top student in his class.360 He was suspected of having betrayed the constitutionalist cause, of being in the camp of Muhammad 'Ali Shah during his bombing of the parliament, and
of pretending to switch sides once Muhammad 'Ali was defeated in 1909. He assumed the position of deputy minister of war in 358 359 360
Ibid., p. 22.
Ibid., p. 21-22. Ibid., p. 59.
160 1915.361
Mirza Faraj Allah Khan Mustansir al-Saltanah (b. 1863),
studied
in
Mekteb-i
Sultani
and
joined
the
Ministry
of
Foreign Affairs in 1884 as attache to the Iranian mission in Istanbul.
He became a career diplomat and served at the
ministry until he retired in 1911.
His assignments included
the posts of resident minister in Basra, consul general in Tiflis, and charge d'affaires of the mission in Istanbul.362
Mirza Muhammad Khan Mazahir (b. 1874), graduated from
Mekeb-i Sultani.
He joined the Cossack Brigade in 1895 and
was dispatched, in 1896, as military attache to the special mission to Europe to announce the inauguration of Muzaffar al-Din Shah. i
Hadrat,
In 1900 he was honored with the title of Sadiq-
and
in
1901
was
appointed
director
of
translation bureau at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
the He
was elected to the first parliament in 1906, and retired from civil service in 1910.363
Mirza Mahmud Khan Ihtisham al-Dawlah (b. 1868) studied
at the Dar al-Funun, and was then sent to Istanbul where he graduated from law school.
In 1883 he entered Nasir al-Din
Shah's service as his adjutant.
In 1886 he was sent as
attache to the Iranian mission in Istanbul. 361 362
193-194. 363
Ibid., p. 59.
In 1891 he was
Mumtahin al-Dawlah and Mirza Hashim Khan, Rijal, pp.
Ibid., pp. 198-199.
161 appointed pishkhidmat-i makhsus to the Crown Prince Muhammad 'Ali Mirza.
He served on various diplomatic missions which
mission
Brussels,
included consul general in Egypt, first deputy to the Iranian in
Belgium.364
Mirza
Mustafa
and
Khan
minister
Safa'
al-Mulk
plenipotentiary (b.
1874)
in
studied
political science in Istanbul, and entered the Ministry of Foreign mission
Affairs
in
in
1889
Istanbul.
In
as
third
over
deputy
twenty
at
years
the
of
Iranian
diplomatic
service he served in various positions such as consul general in Istanbul, and minister plenipotentiary in Vienna.365
A Special Group of Students Reference should also be made to a few "native agents"
of the British diplomatic missions in Iran who were sent to Europe during this period. Even though they were in the
service of a foreign country, they were nevertheless born and brought up in Iran, and should be included among the Iranian students sent abroad.
In 1881 Minas Stephanus Aqanur, an Armenian resident of
New Julfa near Isfahan, was sent to England. 364 365
Ibid., pp. 206-207. Ibid., p. 210.
His father had
162 been a native agent for the British government for forty years.
Aqanur entered the medical school at Edinburgh and
received the degree of Bachelor of Medicine in 1884. He returned to Isfahan upon completion of his studies, where besides the practice of medicine, he served as the British
agent in that city.366 Members of the Hindi Nawab family of Shiraz, too, were in the service of the British government and served as native agents in Shiraz and Tehran. At least
four young men from this family were sent to England for education.367
Finally, Nestorius Marcus, a young Christian from Iran
was sent in 1884 to England.
It is not clear if he set out
for that country with the intention of studying, but after a year of studying English in London he went to Edinburgh where he studied divinity. book
titled
A
printed for him.
He wrote his life story in a little
Persian
in
Scotland,
which
was
privately
He taught for a few years before he joined
his father as a priest in the Nestorian church.368 * * * * *
Nasir al-Din Shah's long reign came to an abrupt end
with an assassin's bullet in 1896, as preparations were being 366 367 368
Wright, op. cit., p. 142. Ibid. Ibid.
163 made for a grand celebration of his fiftieth year on the throne.
As we have seen, during nearly half a century of
undisputed
rule
Nasir
al-Din
Shah's
accomplishments
small in the area of reform and education.
were
The Dar al-Funun
remained the bright spot in the introduction of modern higher education, and the credit for that goes to Amir Kabir who founded the school during Nasir al-Din Shah's early years when he was but a figurehead and had no control over the affairs of the state.
In the area of studies abroad, the
sending of the group of forty-two is the only major action to Nasir al-Din Shah's credit.
His suspicion of the students,
and his opposition to sending more of them to Europe, left
the returning students unwelcome and mainly under-utilized as well as preventing the country from gaining the skills and
technical know-how much needed at a very critical juncture.
For reasons that were discussed above, of the group of fortytwo,
only
a
few
individuals
such
as
I'timad
al-Saltanah
actually contributed in any significant way to the cause of
reform, while most of the others failed to various degrees in making a major impact in this respect. It
is
ironic
that
the
relatively
small
number
of
students who were sent abroad independently in spite of the
ban, during the latter part of Nasir al-Din Shah's rule, had
a significant impact on reform, and on the Constitutional Revolution.
Men like Mukhbir al-Saltanah, Sani' al-Dawlah,
Mushir al-Dawlah, and Mushir al-Mulk, played a critical role
164 in the events leading to the Constitutional Revolution, the formulation of the constitution, and the administration of post-revolutionary Iran. worth exploring. of
forty-two
First, between the 1860s when the group
returned
experienced
The reasons seem obvious, and are
increasing
home,
and
the
corruption,
influence in its affairs.
1890's,
poverty,
the
and
country
foreign
By the 1890's demands for change
were on the rise while the people had become more exposed to European technology and ideas.
Thus, the ideas of building
factories and railroads, eliminating arbitrary rule in favor
of fair government, and assuring justice for the people, were gaining support. necessity
of
Increasing poverty and corruption made the
reforms
ever
more
apparent.
Under
such
circumstances, a returning student who had experienced, first hand,
European
progress
in
various
social
and
technical
areas, found it difficult to oppose reforms back home.
Thus,
the students returning in the 1890s were more in favor of change than
those who returned three decades earlier.
Secondly,
one
may
assume
that
the
families
of
the
students who made the extra effort to send their sons abroad
in spite of the ban, already had a favorable disposition towards reform, and were more open to it. Nasir
gestures,
al-Din
coupled
Shah's
with
complacency
and
widespread
his
reactionary
corruption
and
mismanagement of the economy, bred increasing discontent. The granting of huge concessions to foreign powers, which
165 amounted
to
a
sell-out
of
the
natural
resources
of
the
change.
His costly and frequent trips to Europe further
country, brought about rebellion, and popular demands for depleted the treasury.
He left a country in a state of
Mirza.
was
corruption, anarchy, and poverty to his heir, Muzaffar al-Din His
successor
too
weak
and
indecisive
to
effectively tackle the enormous problems of the country he had inherited. elementary
As we shall see, however, the cause of modern
education
Muzaffar al-Din Shah.
received
a
tremendous
boost
under
As for higher education abroad, with
the ban lifted and with no opposition by Muzaffar al-Din
Shah, a flood of the sons of the nobility poured out to Russia and other European countries.
THE REIGN OF MUZAFFAR AL-DIN SHAH (1896-1907) On June 8th, 1896 Muzaffar al-Din Mirza moved to Tehran
from Tabriz, and ascended the throne as the new Qajar king.
He was an ailing man who did not favor the heavy handed
166 policies of his father, and was known to be of a kinder heart.
His short reign was spent in a struggle with his
illness on the one hand, and with the ailing economy and social unrest in the country, on the other.
The increasing
discontent that had started during the reign of his father
culminated in the demand for a constitution by the people, a demand which Muzaffar al-Din Shah was forced to accept. In 1897
Muzaffar al-Din Shah designated the reform-
minded Mirza 'Ali Khan Amin al-Dawlah as prime minister. Amin al-Dawlah's brief tenure was troubled from the start by the conspiracy of his political rivals to topple him.
His
attempt to secure a desperately needed loan from a neutral country
introduce
failed,
and
remained
the
reforms
unsuccessful.
that
His
he
attempted
most
to
important
achievement was in the field of elementary education. Amin al-Dawlah
was
not
the
initiator
of
the
education
reform
movement, but his support of modern elementary schools gave the movement a boost, and guaranteed its perpetuation and expansion.
A large number of European educated students were
later drawn into the education movement.
Because of the
importance of the movement, and its relevance to the fate of the returning students from Europe, a brief look at its emergence and evolution seems appropriate.
The Education Reform Movement
167
The
idea
of
the
creating
modern
elementary
schools
originated among a few Iranians who had travelled outside the country's borders and had seen such schools abroad. Rahim
Talibuf
was
one
of
the
early
advocates
'Abd al-
of
modern
schools in Iran. He was born to a merchant family in Tabriz, and travelled to Baku when he was thirty years old. book,
Safinah-i
Talibi,
he
attempted
support and interest in modern schools. few
of
the
enlightened
to
develop
In his
public
During the 1890s a
individuals amongst
the prominent
clergy, such as Shaykh Hadi Najm Abadi and Sayyid Muhammad Tabataba'i,
were
converted
to
the
followers to support modern schools.
idea,
and
asked
their
When Amin al-Dawlah assumed the premiership in 1897, he
threw his support behind the movement.
In 1898 he attended a
meeting of the activists of the movement and nominated his Minister of Science for membership. The group, which later came
to
be
known
as
the
Anjuman-i
Ma'arif
(Education
Council), established a fund in order to solicit money for the cause.
Amin al-Dawlah himself donated the generous sum
of 12000 tumans, while Muzaffar al-Din Shah contributed 2000.
A few of the wealthy merchants joined in, contributing large sums for the expansion of modern schools.
During the two-
year tenure of Amin al-Dawlah, seventeen elementary schools were founded, eleven of them in Tehran, and six in other
168 major cities.369
The curriculum of the modern schools was broader in
scope and richer in content. modern
elementary
school,
The curriculum at Himmat, a
for
instance,
consisted
of
elementary reading and writing, reading in Persian classical texts, religious instruction, ethics, history, arithmetic, geometry, and learning crafts such as watch repair, shoe making,
sewing,
agriculture,
and
commerce.370
At
Kamal,
another one of the newly founded schools, the Quran, Arabic
grammar and syntax, theology, Persian literature, arithmetic, geography, geometry, calculus, French, history, and astronomy were taught.371
The following code of conduct reflects the
new attitude towards education at the schools: The teachers are asked to behave in a friendly manner toward the students, to speak kindly to them, and maintain a happy disposition. They must not use corporal punishment, or profane language.372 Despite
religious schools. part
the
the
support
establishment
of
was
the
enlightened
opposed
to
clergy,
the
modern
elementary
considerations,
especially
This was in part due to personal rivalries, and in result
of
economic
amongst the lower clergy, who ran the traditional maktabs. 369 370
17.
371 372
Bihnam, op. cit., pp. 459-464. Arasteh, op. cit., p. 27.
Sadiq, 'Isa, Yadgar-i 'Umr (Tehran, 1356/1977), p.
Arasteh, op. cit., pp. 71-72.
169 They saw their revenues being taken away by the new schools.
A more important reason, however, must have been that they
saw teaching as their own prerogative, and thus resisted giving it up to laymen.
Rushdiyyah,373 the first modern
elementary school in the country, was shut down a number of
times because of pressure from the clergy, who called its founder atheist.
They disapproved of his new method of
teaching the alphabet, and the teaching of a foreign language at his school.
Similar incidents of closing the schools took
place, both in Tehran and in other cities.374
The education reform movement evolved from within the
community, but the support of Muzaffar al-Din Shah and his vizier
gave it momentum.
Apparently Muzaffar al-Din Shah
had been convinced by Amin al-Dawlah that supporting the movement was in the monarch's own interest.
Yahya Dawlat-
Abadi, one of the champions of the education reform movement,
The school was named after its founder who, in 1880, went to Lebanon for education. He found the Lebanese schools, which were modeled after the French system, "both Islamic and modern". On his way back, he visited the schools in Istanbul in 1882. Rushdiyyah went to Erevan where he founded his new school. He considered his contribution to the field of education not the founding of the school, but rather the introduction of the new method of teaching the alphabet. When Nasir al-Din Shah saw the school on his trip to Europe, he ordered it closed. Later, he received support for his school from Amin al-Dawlah, and Muzaffar al-Din Shah. For the details see Rushdiyah, Shams al-Din, Sawanih-i 'Umr (Tehran, 1362/1983), pp. 23-31. 373
Jamal-zadah, Sayyid Muhammad 'Ali, "Yadgar-i Dawrahi Tahsil", Rahnema-i Ketab, Vol. 17, no. 4/5/6, pp. 398-404. Also see Dawlat-Abadi, Yahya, Tarikh-i Mu'asir ya Hayat-i Yahya (Tehran, 1336/1957), Vol. 1, pp. 224-225. 374
170 describes how the reform-minded vizier had pointed out to
Muzaffar al-Din Shah that the only way to deal with the onset of the attacks from the advocates of reform was to pre-occupy them with education. In short...aside from the fact that education is the first step towards prosperity of a nation,...this was the best policy that this learned vizier adopted...It did not take long before all the ideas of modernism and sentiments for nationalism were diverted from the dangerous hills of politics to the safe valley of education.375
Another reason for the sudden spreading of the movement was financial.
Personal economic gains seem to have been an
important consideration in the founding of new schools, which were quite profitable.
The families of the students of the
new schools also stood to benefit, since the cost of private
tutors was higher and the quality of education they provided was lower.376 After
the
brief
premiership
of
Amin
al-Dawlah
the
education movement was dealt a blow.
Amin al-Sultan, Amin
of agitation against his premiership.
His hostility towards
al-Dawlah's successor, believed that Rushdiyyah was a center the education council curtailed its activity and took the momentum away from the movement.
This time, however, the
movement did not come to a complete halt, probably because it had originated in, and was still supported by, the community. 375 376
Ibid., pp. 182-183. Ibid.
171 In fact it moved on to found secondary schools.
number
of
the
secondary
schools
shortage of qualified teachers.
rose,
there
As the
developed
a
The education council had to
turn to the graduates of the Dar al-Funun and the returning
students from Europe, even though they were not trained as teachers. Many of these students, such as Mirza Isma'il of the group of forty-two, became activists in the movement.
The Students Abroad Neither Amin al-Dawlah nor Muzaffar al-Din Shah's other
premiers Europe.
took
any
However,
action
in
Muzaffar
sending
al-Din
student
Shah's
missions
lifting
of
to
the
restrictions on foreign travel and studying abroad opened the door for large numbers of young men to seek modern education in Europe. were
377
students,
A large community of Iranians, many of whom lived
in
Paris
preceding the Revolution of 1906.
in
the
years
immediately
Russia was also popular
with the Iranian nobility, most of whom sent their children to that country for study.
'Abd Allah Mustawfi, a staff
member at the Iranian mission in St. Petersburg, recalled 377
Mustawfi, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 28.
172 that in Moscow alone there was a community hundred Persian nationals.
of forty to a
According to Mustawfi, the main
job of the vice-consul in Moscow was to attend to the lives of sons of the Iranian nobility who studied there.378
Because the tens of students who studied abroad during
Muzaffar al-Din Shah's reign were sent by their own families,
there is no official record of these young men, their fields of study, and their careers.
The following are those who
could be traced in the available sources.
Mahdi Khan Hisn al-Saltanah, (b. 1880) son of Mumtahin
al-Dawlah (himself a member of the group of forty-two). He was sent to Russia when he was about fourteen years old. Because
his
ambassador mission.
father
in
St.
was
a
close
Petersburg,
friend
Mahdi
of
Khan
the
lived
Iranian
in
the
He attended the military school in St. Petersburg
and then moved to Germany where he completed his military studies.
He
served
mission for two years.
as
military
by
a
villager
in
to
the
Iranian
On his return he assumed a position
in the newly created gendarmerie. 1911
attache
Rudbar
forcibly to enter his house .379
as
Mahdi Khan was killed in he
allegedly
attempted
'Abd al-Husayn Khan (Taymurtash), son of Karimdad Khan-
378
Ibid., pp. 134-135.
Mumtahin al-Dawlah and Mirza Hashim Khan, Rijal., p. 2 of the introduction.; Mustawfi, op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 123125. 379
173 i Nardini.
He too studied in St. Petersburg in the years
immediately preceding the Constitutional Revolution. Mahdi
Khan,
he
attended
the
military
school
in
Like St.
Petersburg, and during those years he spent most of his time in the Iranian mission.380 Husayn
Khan
graduated
from
Both Mahdi Khan and 'Abd alNicholas
Cavalry
School,
and
returned home in 1906.381 'Abd al-Husayn Khan was elected to the second and third parliaments.382 He was a bright and ambitious young man who rose to the top and became the most powerful man under Rida Shah.
His leadership qualities and
high ambitions proved too much for Rida Shah to bear. He accused Taymurtash of treason and had him executed.
Nusrat Allah Mirza, son of Aman Allah Mirza Jahanbani
was sent to St. Petersburg in 1904 when he was in his early teens.
He completed part of his studies there, but moved to
Berlin to receive advanced education.
This was apparently
because the Russians were not enthusiastic about letting the children of the Iranian nobility, especially the son of a Cossack
Russia.383
Brigade
officer,
receive
advanced
education
in
Arriving in St. Petersburg with Nusrat Allah Mirza was
380 381 382 383
Ibid.
Ibid., p. 129.
Alawi, op. cit., pp. 58-59.
Mustawfi, op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 128.
174 another young man of the same age named Muhammad 'Ali Khan.
His father, Mujir al-Saltanah, sent Muhammad 'Ali to Russia, while sending his younger son to Switzerland.
This practice
was becoming customary among many of the Iranian nobility,
apparently to maintain the right connections in the court regardless of which foreign power gained the upper hand in influencing the course of events in the country.384
Muhammad
'Ali Khan entered law school in St. Petersburg, though not
without pressure on the Russian authorities by the Iranian mission.385
Sardar-i
A'zam,
one
of
Nasir
al-Din
Shah's
grand
children, was sent in 1906 to study in St. Petersburg386.
Luqman al-Dawlah, son of Luqman al-Mulk, was from a
family of physicians in Tabriz, and was sent to Paris to study medicine.
While there, he also served as attache to
the Iranian mission.387 Mirza
Jawad
Khan,
son
of
Majd
al-Mulk
Sinaki
was
another one of the young Iraians studying in Paris during the same period as Luqman al-Dawlah.
Shaykh Muhammad Khan Ihya' al-Mulk, son of Haj Mirza
'Ali Quli Sani' al-Mamalik Zargarbashi, was a Dar al-Funun 384 385 386 387
Ibid., pp. 128-129. Ibid. Ibid.
Ibid., p. 313.
175 graduate who was sent to Paris for education. home around 1899 and practiced medicine.388 Hamid
Khan
Sayyah
(b.
1886),
son
of
He returned
Mirza
Muhammad
'Ali, was a Dar al-Funun graduate who was sent to Moscow.
His uncle Mirza Ja'far Khan Mahallati, was teacher of Persian at the School of Oriental Languages in Moscow.
Hamid Khan
returned home in 1911 after completion of his studies, and joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1913. the ministry until 1917.389
He served at
Asad Allah Mirza Shihab al-Dawlah Mulk-Ara, son of 'Abd
al-Husayn Mirza, was sent to study in London.
Upon his
return he worked as translator at the Telegraph Bureau. In 1906 he was elected to the first parliament, representing the
Qajar family. He was elected for a second term in 1909, this time from Tehran.
He served as Minister of Sciences, Public
Works, and Post and Telegraph in various cabinets after the revolution.390
'Ali Khan Isfahani, son of Abul Qasim, was sent to
Paris, where he studied medicine.
He returned to Tehran in
1909 and was elected to the second parliament.
In 1911 he
was put in charge of the Council for Public Health, Majlis-i 388
'Alawi, op. cit., pp. 17-18.
Ibid., pp. 63-64.; Mumtahin Hashim Khan, Rijal, pp. 162-163. 389 390
Ibid, p. 67.
al-Dawlah
and
Mirza
176 Hifz al-Sihhah.391
Mirza Muhammad Khan Kashani Kamal al-Mulk, son of Mirza
Buzurg Ghaffari, studied painting at the Dar al-Funun under
Mirza 'Ali Akbar Khan Kashani Muzayyin al-Dawlah.392 He was sent to Europe where he stayed briefly.
Mirza Muhammad Khan
soon became the chief painter, Naqqash Bashi, at the court. When the School of Fine Arts was founded in Tehran in 1910, Kamal al-Mulk was put in charge of the school.393
'Abd al-Majid Khan Matin al-Saltanah, son of Mirza 'Abd
al-Baqi Tabib, studied in London. employed in the Customs Bureau. newspaper Tulu'.
After his return he was
In 1900 he founded the
In 1909 he was elected to the second
parliament, and in 1902 he was employed at the treasury and was
promoted
embezzlement
rapidly.
and
was
He
was
dismissed.
eventually
After
his
accused
dismissal
of
he
became a journalist and founded the newspaper 'Asr-i Jadid. His views as expressed in his paper were at variance with
those of the progressive forces, but his paper was said to
report the news accurately.394 He was assassinated in 1916, 391
Ibid., p. 78.
Anonymous, Maktab-i Kamal al-Mulk (Tehran, 1365/1986), p. 5. Muzayyin al-Dawlah himself was one of the students in the Group of Forty-two who taught at the Dar alFunun after his return. 392
393 394
'Alawi, op. cit., p. 89. Ibid., p. 91.
177 apparently by the underground group Kumitah-i Mujazat.395
Sardar Shuja', son of Muhammad Baqir Khan Shuja' al-
Saltanah, attended military school in Berlin and returned home around 1913. Khan
Malik
In 1914 he joined the gendarmerie.396
Sasani
(Ahmad),
son
of
Malik
al-Kuttab
Shirazi, was a civil servant who, in 1906, travelled to Switzerland in order to complete his studies.
He returned in
1912 and joined the service of Muzaffar al-Din Shah as his teacher.
He was later expelled from the court, but held
various administrative positions in the following years.397 Khan Malik wrote a two-volume biography of various Qajar statesmen
and
politicians,
reference to the present. sent
which
has
remained
a
book
of
Finally, there was a large number of students who were abroad
during
this
period,
all
of
whom
joined
the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and many of them became career diplomats.
The following gives an account of their studies
and careers.398 395 396 397
Ibid.
Ibid., pp. 57-58.
Ibid., p. 47.
The information on these students was obtained from a biographical file on the employees of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that was compiled by a certain Mirza Hashim Khan, the head of the ministry's personnel department, in 1913. The file was published, along with Mirza Mahdi Khan Mumtahin al-Dawlah's biography of ministers of foreign affairs during the reigns of Nasir al-Din and Muzaffar al-Din Shah, in Rijal-i Wizarat-i kharajah dar 'Ahd-i Nasiri wa Muzaffari cited above. The file, that appears in the book 398
178 Mirza
Ibrahim
Khan
Sha'bani
(b.
1878),
studied
in
Moscow and joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1900 as interpreter at the Iranian consulate at Astrakhan.399
Mirza Abu al-Hasan Khan (b. 1887) studied law in Paris,
Switzerland, and Belgium.
He worked at the Iranian mission
in Brussels.400
Mirza Abu al-Fath Khan (b. 1876) studied in Istanbul
and joined the ministry in 1901 as a staff member of the Iranian mission in that city.401
Mirza Abu al-Qasim Khan Miham al-Mulk (b. 1873) studied
in Istanbul and joined the mission in that city in 1899.402
Mirza Ishaq Khan Mufakhkham al-Dawlah (b. 1859) studied
political science in Europe and joined the ministry in 1882 as attache to the Iranian mission in St. Petersburg. became
a
career
diplomat
and
served
in
the
ministry
He
in
various positions, including first deputy at the mission in St.
Petersburg,
plenipotentiary
vice-consul in
in
Washington
Egypt
(1893),
(1909),
extraordinary to Mexico, Brazil, and Argentina.403
minister
ambassador
under "Ta'rifah-i Ahwal-i A'za'-i Wizarat-i Kharajah", covers pages 123-247. 399 400 401 402 403
Ibid., p. 126. Ibid., p. 128. Ibid., p. 129. Ibid., p. 130.
Ibid., pp. 135-136.
179 Asad Khan (Yamin-i Khaqan) Bahadur (b. 1881), son of
Muhammad 'Ali Khan, attended the Nicholas military school in St. Petersburg.
He joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in
1901 as second deputy to the mission in St. Petersburg. served in the mission at least until 1912.404
He
Mirza Asad Allah Khan Muwaffaq al-Saltanah (b. 1886)
studied in Tiflis and joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1902.405
Isma'il
Istanbul
and
1887.406
Khan
Mu'adid al-Dawlah (b. 1868) studied in
joined
the
Ministry
of
Foreign
Affairs
in
Mirza Aqa Khan Mumtahin al-Mulk (b. 1868) studied at
the Dar al-Funun and at Muslem school in Tiflis. He served in various positions during his career, including attache to the Iranian mission in St. Petersburg (1896), consul in Batum (1901),
(1910.407
and
Uwanis
political
chief
Khan
science
of
the
Musa'id in
Justice
Department
al-Saltanah
Paris,
and
(b.
joined
Foreign Affairs as interpreter in 1886.
in
Bujnurd
1863)
studied
the
Ministry
of
He became a career
diplomat and served in various positions, including minister
Ibid., pp. 137-138. Also see Mustawfi, op. cit., Vol. 2, pp. 149-150. 404 405 406 407
Ibid., p. 138. Ibid., p. 139. Ibid., p. 142.
180 plenipotentiary in Berlin.408
Uwanis Khan Mani' al-Saltanah (b. 18470), studied in
Izmir and became a career diplomat.
He served, among other
posts, as consul general and second deputy at the Iranian mission in Istanbul, ambassador extraordinary to Belgrade, and as a member of the Iranian delegation to a post and telegraph conference in Istanbul.409 Mirza
Turkish
Baqir
language
Khan
in
Mustashar
Istanbul
Foreign Affairs in 1886.
and
(b.
1847)
joined
the
studied
Ministry
the
of
He served at the Iranian mission in
Istanbul until 1905, and was selected as a member of the advisory board to the ministry.410
Mirza Jawad Khan Sinaki (b. 1881) studied in Moscow and
attended law school in paris.
He joined the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs in 1899 as second deputy at the consulate in Tiflis and became a career diplomat.411
Mirza Sayyid Jawad Khan (b. 1855) studied in Istanbul
and joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1878. He became a career diplomat and served at the Ministry at least until 1912.412 408 409 410 411 412
Ibid., p. 144.
Ibid., p. 144-145. Ibid., p. 146. Ibid., p. 151. Ibid., p. 150.
181 Mirza Hasan Khan Sa'id al-Mulk (b. 1873) studied in
Tiflis, joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1890 and became a career diplomat.
In 1908 he was elected to the
second parliament, but returned to diplomatic service shortly afterwards.413
Hasan 'Ali Khan Mu'awin al-Dawlah Ghaffari (b. 1887)
studied in Berlin, and upon his return joined the service of Muzaffar al-Din Shah. He was dispatched to Rome in 1904 as the attache to the Iranian mission. Iranian mission in St. Petersburg.414 Hasan
'Ali
Khan
Nasr
al-Mulk
He also served at the
studied
in
Paris
joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs after his return. was elected to the first parliament in 1906.415
and He
Mirza Husayn Khan Mu'in al-Wizarah (b. 1883) graduated
from law school in London and joined the ministry as attache
to the Iranian mission in that city in 1900. He was appointed Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1907.416
Mirza 'Abbas Khan A'zam al-Saltanah (b. 1891) studied
at the German School in Tehran and continued his studies in Berlin, Istanbul, and Austria.
He entered the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs as the attache to the Iranian mission in 413 414 415 416
Ibid., p. 154. Ibid., p. 157. Ibid.
Ibid., p. 160.
182 Istanbul in 1911. deputy.417
In 1912 he was sent to Vienna as third
Mirza 'Abd Allah Khan (b. 1886). After graduating from
the School of Political Science in Tehran, he was sent to
Switzerland where he studied at the University of Lauzanne
for a year. He entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1910.
In 1911 he was temporarily transferred to the Ministry
of Post and Telegraph, but returned to the foreign service in 1813.418
'Ali Quli Khan Nabil al-Dawlah Darrabi (b. 1878) a Dar
al-Funun graduate, was sent abroad to continue his studies. He joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1902 as attache to the Iranian mission in Washington and served there at least until 1913.419
Mirza Ghulam 'Ali Khan Ardalani (b. 1886) studied at
the School of Political Science in Paris, and joined the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1910 as attache to the Iranian mission in London.420
Mustafa Quli Khan Fahim al-Dawlah (b. 1879) studied at
the School of Political Science in Paris.
In 1902 he was
employed as attache at the Iranian mission in Paris. 417 418 419 420
Ibid., p. 178. Ibid., p. 183. Ibid., p. 188. Ibid., p. 192.
He was
183 elected to the first parliament in 1906, and in 1913 he was
appointed Minister of Interior.421 He was the younger son of Mukhbir al-Dawlah, and the brother of Mukhbir al-Saltanah and Sani' al-Dawlah.
Mirza Mahdi Khan Nasir al-Saltanah (b. 1884) was sent
to study in Moscow.
He was employed at the Russian Bureau of
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1904.422 * * * * *
The sending of student missions to Europe that had been
abandoned by Nasir al-Din Shah, remained neglected under his successor.
It
was
not
until
after
the
Constitutional
Revolution that provisions were made by the majlis to resume the practice.
There were, thus, no government sponsored
students sent abroad under Muzaffar al-Din Shah. action
by
Muzaffar
students
abroad
remained
the
was
al-Din made
Shah's
up
for,
administration
nevertheless,
outpouring of the students sent independently. largest
recipient
of
The lack of
the
to
by
France
Iranian
send the
students
abroad, while the number of students sent to Russia increased dramatically.
The increase in the number of students in
Russia may be explained by, and corresponds to, the increase
in Russian influence in the domestic and political affairs of 421 422
Ibid., p. 211. Ibid., p. 214.
184 Iran.
The Ottoman Empire was also host to an increasing
number of students. European
style
Though not a European country, its
educational
institutions,
as
well
as
its
vicinity and similar culture and religion, attracted many young Iranians.
Information on the students who were sent abroad in
this period is sporadic and lacking in detail.
What is
military
military
available shows that relatively few students were engaged in families. were
sent
studies,
and
they
were
mainly
from
As in previous years a certain number of students to
study
medicine.
continuing the family profession.
They,
too,
were
mainly
It seems that by far the
largest number of students studied law and political science. The evidence for this is, of course, partly circumstantial.
This assumption is based on the fact that a large number of
the
students
pursued
diplomatic
careers
after
their
education, though it is entirely likely that many of them merely
learned
the
language
of
their
host
country,
received higher education without any specialization.
or
The
fact that such a large number of the students were drawn into
the foreign service is noteworthy however, and may be an indication of Iran's increasing contact with Europe and the outside world.
For obvious reasons, studying abroad under Muzaffar al-
Din Shah remained restricted to the children of the ruling elite and the well-to-do.
Similar to those sent in the
185 latter part of Nasir al-Din Shah's era, many of the students became involved in the constitutionalist struggle.
Many were
elected to the parliament, or served in the post revolution cabinets.
One should not infer automatically, however, that
their study abroad converted all the students into political activists in favor of representative government or radical reform.
Their involvement in politics was probably more a
consequence of their belonging to the ruling elite than of their study abroad.
One may safely assume that the students
would have been involved in the political affairs of the state even if they had not been sent to Europe, just as the
hundreds who did not study in Europe became involved in affairs of the state.
Once the power of the king was curtailed through the
signing of the constitution, these young men, who were the political elite by virtue of their social standing, found
themselves having more say in the affairs of the country, and quickly
became
politics.
important
players
in
the
post
revolution
The gaining of a broader perspective on Iran, and
on the world, through their studies in Europe and exposure to
European society, enhanced whatever qualifications they had as the new political elite of the country.
It is interesting
to note, however, that important personalities such as Mahdi Quli Mukhbir al-Saltanah, and Mirza Hasan Khan Mushir alDawlah were absent from the ranks of the leaders of the constitution movement.
Indeed, they were in the royal camp,
186 serving as ministers and powerful statesmen. as
mediators
between
the
court
and
the
Yet, they acted
leaders
of
the
people,
and
movement, and in their role as mediators they seem to have demonstrated
a
genuine
sympathy
with
the
facilitated the transition to a constitutional monarchy.
Conclusion The sending of students abroad during the nineteenth
century continued through the reign of five Qajar kings.
From 1811 when the first students were sent to England until the Constitutional Revolution of 1906, over 120 students and
trainees in technical fields were sent abroad. Out of those, only half were government sponsored. The sending of these students
brought
presses,
and
Iranian
society
numerous
benefits.
The
students brought back with them the first Persian printing introduced
the
first
newspapers
to
their
country. Their knowledge of European languages made possible
187 the
translation
of
large
numbers
of
books
on
European
technology, medicine, and sciences, as well as books about the history of Europe and its reforms and progress.
The
graduates of the military schools of Europe contributed to the transformation of the traditional army of Iran, adopting new methods and techniques.
Various factories and workshops
were founded by the students of technical fields.
In the
latter part of the nineteenth century, and during the years immediately
preceding
and
following
the
Constitutional
Revolution of 1906, many of the students were drawn into the political
arena
and
helped
lay
the
foundations
shaping of modern Iran in the twentyth century.
for
the
Despite these contributions, the experiment leaves a
great deal more to be desired.
Over all, it failed to
produce a new generation of statesmen, civil administrators,
and an educated elite, sensitive to the pressing needs of their people, determined to transform the country.
This was
due to a host of reasons which must have become apparent in the course of this study.
Probably the most important reason
for the failure was the fact that sending students abroad to acquire modern sciences was never thought of, or planned as, part of an overall reform project.
The experiment could only
have been successful if it was coordinated with reform in other
areas
as
well.
But
in
fact
during
most
of
the
nineteenth century there was no sense, at the court and among the ruling elite, of a need for change. Except for a brief
188 period of mild attempts at reform, the general tendency was the maintenance of the status quo. and
There were, of course, individuals who advocated reform saw
it
as
difficulties. was
the
way
out
of
Iran's
serious
Yet, their ability to materialize such desires
substantially
Iranian
only
curtailed
political
by
structure.
a
force
Because
inherent
of
the
in
the
autocratic
nature of the government, for even the smallest of reforms to be initiated and carried out, the approval and backing of the monarch
was
themselves
essential.
in
a
battle
Thus,
with
winning the king's support.
advocates
the
of
change
conservative
camp
found over
As it repeatedly turned out to
be the case, the implementation of reforms would cease once the royal support was removed.
For nearly half of the century the country was under
Nasir al-Din Shah's rule who, early on in his reign, turned against the students and banned the practice of studying abroad.
Each of the rest of the Qajar rulers had more
immediate concerns upon ascending the throne and had his own agenda during his relatively short reign. guaranteed
a
lack
of
long-term
planning
This virually
and
commitment
towards reform, and the disruptions in such programs. This lack of commitment resulted, among other things, in only a
small number of students being sent abroad by the government
on the one hand, and in lack of a scheme to utilize the newly acquired skills of the returning students, on the other.
189 Another important factor was the deficient selection
procedure and the lack of preparation of the students before leaving the country to pursue their studies.
The arbitrary
nature of the selection often resulted in picking candidates who were not the most meritorious to be sent abroad.
The
absence
the
lack of any relevant criteria for the selection, and the of
a
preparatory
program
experience of the students in Europe. The
young
age
of
contributing element.
many
of
adversely
the
students
affected was
also
a
When young boys, who were still in
their teens and did not as yet have a sense of cultural identity, were sent to Europe, it was only natural for them
to be disillusioned in their new environment, which led also to the sense of fascination with their host country, and a sense of inferiority towards it.
The cases of Husayn Khan,
son of Mirza Yusuf Khan, who was sent at the age of eleven, and Husayn Quli Aqa, sent during Muhammad Shah's reign have already
been
mentioned.
Mumtahin
al-Dawlah's
memoirs
demonstrate his disillusionment with French society, where he would volunteer to be baptized, or when he would sing, among
a group of Iranian friends and collegues, the Marseillaise upon hearing the news about the French army's defeat.423 The practice of sending students abroad at young age continued into the twentieth century. 423
220-221.
'Abbas Iqbal, himself one of the
See Mumtahim al-Dawlah, Khatirat, pp. 97, 209-210,
190 students sent abroad and a renowned historian and literary figure, once wrote: When they send abroad children who have not yet learned the names of the major cities in Iran, and have not yet been acquanted with the major historical figures of the country, it is not surprising if under foreign teachers, who are not interested in Iran or the Iranians, after a while the students talk about Voltaire and Victor Hugo, rather than Sa'di and Hafiz, or if they boast of Louis XIV and Napoleon, rather than Cyrus and Anushirwan.424
Similar concerns were expressed by other advocates of reform such
as
Zayn
al-Abidin
Maraghah'i425,
who
believed
the
sending of young students abroad would alienate them from their own culture. Fascination
with
the
social
norms
of
European
countries, their technological advances, and the existence of law and order in those countries, left a deep impression on the students.
Expressions of admiration for the people of
their host countries abound in memoirs writen by the students sent to Europe in the nineteenth century. not limited to the students.
Such feelings were
From high ranking diplomatic
envoys such as Mirza Abul Hasan Khan Ilchi, sent to Europe
during Fath 'Ali Shah's rule, to a pennyless world traveller like Haj Sayyah, many Iranians expressed admiration for the
Iqbal, Abbas, "I'zam-i Muhassil bah Paris", Ta'lim wa Tarbiyat, Vol. 2, no. 4, p. 177. 424
The author of the renowned novel Siyahatnamah-i Ibrahim Bayk" (the Travel Account of Ibrahim Bayk), in which he presented a critical view of the curroption and of the 19th century Persian government and society. See Z. Maraghah'i, Siyahatnamah-i Ibrhim Bayk, Vol. 2, pp. 268-269. 425
191 European there..
advances
and
the
social
justice
they
perceived
Seeing European society and remembering the sorry state
of affairs back home made many of them feel unhappy.
Such
they pondered about the differences in the two worlds.
Mahdi
feelings were especially aroused when, on their way home, Quli Mukhbir al-Saltanah would wonder on his way back: How does what I have seen compare to what I am about to see?... My travels everywhere were done with railroads and boats. Having got used to such [amenities], how will the trip be like from Anzali to Tehran?,...with broken carriages, exhausted horses, and empty chapars...I will arrive in Tehran, and we will get together in the same room, and we will have the same discussions. We will talk about the pains. I wonder when will the turn for remedies come?426 Such
feelings
resignation.
often
led
to
a
sense
of
hopelessness
and
Hidayat would conclude that it was the gang of
ignorant people surrounding the monarch who prevented him from taking the necessary action.
Mirza Mahmud Munajjim, the
bright student who studied astronomy in Paris, was advised by Mahmud Khan Nasir al-Milk, the Persian minister in London, "to cultivate detachment", because "you have been in Europe for twelve years, and if you do not have the proper attitude
you will soon die of sorrow because of the state of affaires in Iran".427
The students' young age was to their disadvantage in a
426 427
Mukhbir al-Saltanah, Khatirat, pp. 136-137. Sadr, op. cit., pp. 261-262.
192 different way as well.
In a culture where a firm tradition
of ruling according to the family affiliations of senior statesmen
was
in
place,
the
young
graduates
of
European
schools would not be welcome to share power with the older elite.
The ruling elite, including the Qajar kings, were
more at ease employing foreign advisors and technicians than the European-educated young Iranians.
The
under-
utilization of the skills of the returning students may have
been due to other factors which were inevitable in nineteenth century Iranian society.
One such obstacle may have been the
fact that the mere acquisition of new techniques and sciences would not guarantee their aplication.
For Mirza Mahmud to be
observatory available in the country.
This was even more so
able to practice astronomy, for instance, there had to be an
in the case of many of the students who had learned technical skills. a
Mirza Aqa Khan Khuyi's knowledge of silk weaving in
factory
did
not
necessarily
make
constructing such a facilitiy in Iran.
him
capable
of
The inevitable result
of such limitations was that the students were often employed in areas not related to their special expertise. Most
Another obstacle in this particular area was cultural. of
the
students
came
from
families
of
notables,
dignitaries, and the Qajar tribe, who had been engaged for decades in military and administrative professions.
Whereas
technical professions were considered respectable in Europe,
such occupations were seen as unfit for the elite class in
193 Iran.
Thus, many of the students, despite their technical
skills, chose civil and military careers over professions related to their expertise.
In 1911, one hundred and three years after the first
students had been sent to Europe by 'Abbas Mirza, the Iranian parliament passed a law that included provisions for the regular dispatch of student missions abroad.
However, no
serious action was taken to educate young Iranians in Europe until the second decade of the twentieth century.
194
EUROPE:
THE SENDING OF OTTOMAN AND EGYPTIAN STUDENTS TO A Comparative Study
Iran was not the only country that sent students to
Europe in the nineteenth century.
Attempts at modernization,
which included sending students to Europe, were made in other countries as well, such as Japan, India, Egypt, and the
Ottoman Empire. To understand Iran's standing relative to the others, it would be useful to compare it with two other countries in the region, Egypt and the Ottoman Empire.
Both
embarked on projects of students missions to Europe as part
of their programs to acquire European technology, education,
195 and military knowhow. total
of
483
students
Between 1809 and 1880 Egypt sent a to
various
European
countries.428
Similarly large numbers of students were sent to Europe by the Porte.
In the 1840s alone, more than 150 students from
the Ottoman Empire were studying in Europe.429
These figures
dwarf the number of Iranian students sent by their government to Europe, a mere 120, over nearly a century, 1823-1906.
It
demonstrates that for the most part the sending of Iranian
students to Europe, like other reforms in Iran, lagged behind others in the region, and Iranian government.
did not enjoy full support of the
A look into the
history of reforms, and
into the reasons for sending of students to Europe in Egypt and the Ottoman Empire would further illustrate this point.
The Ottoman Empire had been a centralized regime with a
formidable army and an extensive bureaucracy, governed by the Sultan who was served by a professional military elite, the Janissaries, graduates
of
and
an
army
traditional
of
educated
madrasas,
who
men.
These
performed
were
various
bureaucratic and administrative functions at all levels, from
high officials in the Porte to the Qadis arbitrating the daily
affairs
of
the
populace.
Until
the
seventeenth
century, the Ottomans had a history of successfully expanding See J. Heyworth-Dunne, An Introduction to the History of Education in Modern Egypt (London, 1968), pp. 105106, 159-163, 221-222, 247-249, 329-330. 428
See N. Berkes, The Development of Turkey (Montreal, 1964), pp. 127-128, 179. 429
Secularism
in
196 and preserving the boundries of their empire. The
seventeenth
and
eighteenth
decline of the Ottoman Empire. defeats forces.
at
the
hands
of
Increasingly,
the
centuries
saw
the
and
European
The army suffered repeated
Russian
independence
periphery of the empire were emerging.
other
movements
at
the
Corruption in the
administration led to low morale among the army and the elite, and to widespread dissatisfaction.
The decline in
agriculture and changing international economic conditions further weakened the empire, necessitating urgent reform. The establishment in 1792-1793, by Sultan Selim III (r.17 1808), of a new military unit (nizam-i cedid),
-
modeled after
European armies, set off a chain of events that culminated in far reaching reforms by Sultan Mahmud II (r. 1808-1839) in the
first
half
of
the
nineteenth
century.
When
ascended to power some reforms had been attempted.
Mahmud
Western
style military education had been introduced, translation bureaus
(tercume
odalari)
had
been
created
to
translate
scientific and technical books from Europe, and permanent diplomatic missions had been established in major European capitals. by
a
These efforts were hampered and eventually stopped
forceful
reaction
from
the
conservative forces within the Porte.
Janissaries
and
other
The Janissaries were
an army that for centuries had been training for the specific purpose of preserving the interests of the Sultan and the empire.
By the time Mahmud was in power the Janissaries had
197 changed into a reactionary force resisting change, and were an
impediment
encroachment
deteriorating efficient force.
on
to
reforms.
the
social
management
Ottoman
and
of
borders,
economic
the
with
state
the
and
conditions,
and
a
modern
European
with
the
required
military
Neither the Janissaries nor the graduates of the
traditional
madrasas
were fit to
under the new conditions. soldiers
Coping
and
civil
perform
their functions
Mahmud needed a new generation of
servants
and
technocrats
to
exercise
efficient control over his empire. In 1826, in a sudden move, Mahmud eliminated the chiefs of the Janissaries.
In 1827 a large group of students were sent to Paris,430
and
in
the
years
that
followed
numerous
European-style
institutions of higher education and technical schools were founded. These included military ,engineering, and medical schools.
Sending of students to Europe was part of the
overall scheme. Another student mission to Europe was sent in
1835. Young men were sent to Britain, France, Prussia, and Austria, to learn modern military sciences and techniques. Another group followed in 1840. The gradual sending of the
students continued and in the following years a total of 150 students were studying in Europe.
The students were selected
from among the graduates of the newly established European style schools. 430
p.39.
Their fields of study varied and included
B. Lewis, The Middle East and the West (N.Y., 1964),
198 medicine, engineering, and military sciences.431 Egypt was part of the Ottoman Empire, and had been
ruled by the Ottoman army core, the Ujaqlis. assimilated
in
effectiveness
Egyptian
and
society,
resorted
to
the
Ujaqlis
employing
As they were lost
white
their
military
slaves, the Circassians, in order to carry out their military duties.
By the 18th century the Ottomam officials had lost
much of their control over the country to the Mamluks. 1750
the
control
Mamluk
Beys
and
became
over
merchants,
the
replaced
iqta'at,
the
Ottoman
allied
army,
gained
developing
naval
themselves
interested
in
capabilities to protect their shipping.
In
with
the
In 1760, 'Ali Bay
al-Kabir, a young Mamluk who controlled a large portion of Egypt, conquered Mecca and unsuccessfully attempted to make Egypt
independent
Circassian
elite
of
the
mainained
Ottoman its
Empire.432
power
constant in-fighting among the Mamluks. In
Egypt.
1799
Napoleon
began
a
in
three-year
The
Egypt
Turko-
despite
occupation
of
Even though it is believed that the occupation did
not leave any long-term impact on Egypt, it nevertheless
forced Egypt to experience first hand the effects of European administration, technology, and military might. 431 432
in Egypt
Berkes, op. cit., p. 127.
France's
H. Rivlin, The Agricultural Policy of Muhammad 'Ali (Cambridge, 1961), pp. 3-5.
199 occupation
weakened
the
Mamluks
even
further,
and
her
evacuation left a void in the political administration of Egypt.
Muhammad 'Ali (r. 1805-1848), a third generation
Albanian military officer, stepped into the void, skillfully
forging an alliance of important forces on the scene, and securing the sanction of the Porte for his rule of Egypt.
Muhammad 'Ali was an ambitious man who spent most of
his reign in military campaigns.
taking over the Ottoman capital.
In 1811 he came close to Had it not been for the
British intervention, he would have been successful in his campaign.
In return he secured recognition for himself as
the leader of an independent Egypt.
During his forty-three-
year reign over Egypt, Muhammad 'Ali introduced major reforms
that transformed his country. He successfully eliminated the
traditional notables in Egypt, eliminated the Mamluk chiefs, and embarked on Egyptianizing the army.
In order to realize
his ambitious military plans, and in his bid to create an
independent Egypt, he, too, needed a new class of civil servants, bureaucrats, and a modern army.
Whereas the Porte
went down the path of acquiring European higher education and
military knowhow to save the empire from external threats, Muhammad 'Ali had to follow the same route in his attempt to create an independent Egypt. He
Muhammad 'Ali sent the first student to Europe in 1809.
was
sent
to
Italy,
then
transferred
finally returned to Egypt in 1817.
to
France,
and
Other students followed
200 in the same period.
In 1818 a number of students were sent
to England to learn manufacturing ships and machines.
By
that year a total of twenty eight students had been sent abroad,
either
individually
or
in
small
groups.433
The
sending of students to Europe after only four years of his
ascent to power demonstrates Muhammad 'Ali's determination, early on, to change the way Egypt was governed. The
second
phase
began
in
1826
and
continued
until
1836. During this period various groups were sent to study a wide range of subjects.
The first of these was a group of
forty-four students who were sent to France, where they were
placed under the care of Francois Jomard, a geographer during Napoleon's expedition to Egypt, who later became a well-known
Egyptian specialist and earned himself the nickname Jomard l'egyptien.434
The choice of France as the host country was
said to have been influenced by the French consul in Cairo,
who had become a confidant of Muhammad 'Ali and his advisor
in military affairs.435 The students' fields of study and the number of students engaged in each field were as follows: Field of Study civil administration
Number of students 5
A. Silvera, "The First Egyptian Student Mission to France under Muhammad Ali", Modern Egypt (London, 1980), E. Kedouri & S. Haim eds., p.7. 433
434 435
Silvera, op. cit., pp. 4-5.
Heyworth-Dunne, op. cit., pp. 110-111.
military administration naval administration diplomacy hydraulics mechanics military engineering artillery metal founding & arms making printing & lithography chemistry medicine agriculture natural history & mining translation ship-building
201
4 3 2 2 1 3 2 2 2 4 2 2 3 1 1
The fields of study of the rest of the students are not known.436 The emphasis on military fields is clear from the above
table.
engaged
in
Out
of
studying
thirty-nine military
administration and artillery.
students,
subjects
fifteen
such
as
were
naval
Six other students studied
subjects that could be considered military related, such as hydraulics and mining. Four students studied chemistry and
two studied medicine, and only a few were sent to study nonmilitary subjects such as agriculture and diplomacy.
The ages of the students resemble those of the Iranian
students sent to Europe in the nineteenth century.
Their
ages range from fifteen to thirty-eight, most being at the ages of seventeen to twenty-four.
The ages of the thirty-six
of them that are known were as follows: 436
Ibid, pp. 159-160.
202
Age
Number of Students
fifteen sixteen seventeen eighteen nineteen twenty twenty-one twenty-two twenty-three tewnty-four twenty-five twenty-seven twenty-nine thirty-eight unknown
1 1 5 10 1 4 2 2 2 3 2 1 1 1 8
The length of their stay in Europe ranged from one to nine years, most staying between five and seven years.437 Muhammad
'Ali's
interest
in
the
progress
of
the
students' work is demonstrated by the fact that he wrote to
them personally, exhorting them to work hard and chastising them for being lazy in their studies. He would demand, for instance, that they make a list each month of all the work
they had done and the names of all the books they had read. Upon the arrival in 1831 of a group of the students in Egypt, Muhammad 'Ali personally interviewed them to see what they had learned. into
Arabic
Europe.438 437 438
He also ordered that each student translate
at
least
one
Ibid., pp. 163-164.
book
that
Ibid., pp. 165, 168-169, 177.
he
had
studied
in
203 In 1828, a group of 152 students were sent to Europe.
The fields of study of 108 of them that are known are as follows:
Field of Study Number of Students Industries 62 Navy 14 Engineering, math, etc. 8 Medicine 12 Veterinary services 2 Civil administration 2 Unknown (probably industries) 1 439 Between 1837 and 1843 Muhammad 'Ali sent a total of 40
students to Europe. Of the 36 whose names are known, eleven were sent to Britain to learn silk weaving, two were sent to France, one to study physics and chemistry, and the other to study military subjects.440 The
dispatch
of student missions continued in
1844.
Between that year and 1849, sixty-five students were sent to Paris. This time they were lodged in a special building that came to be known as the Egyptian Military School.
They were
ordered
to
all sent as military students, though several of them were later
administration. 439 440
on
by
Muhammad
'Ali
to
switch
civil
By 1846 ten of them had passed the necessary
Heyworth-Dunne, op. cit., p. 176. Ibid., pp. 221-222.
204 exams and were admitted to the military school in Metz, l'Ecole d'Etat major, and Saumur.441
The creation of the
Egyptian Military School in Paris was a departure from the previous practice.
The establishing of a permanent mission
of Egyptian students in France had been as
early
as
the
Muhammad 'Ali.442 Between
1809
1810s, and
but
1849
it
had
when
students were sent to Europe. following periods: Period
suggested by Jomard
been
Muhammad
turned
'Ali
down
died,
by
349
They were sent during the Number of students
1809-1826 1826 1827-1836 1837-1843 1844-1849 ------Total
28 44 108 36 143 --349443
Muhammad 'Ali's reign was followed by the brief rule of Ibrahim
(1847-1848),
during
whose
neglect of the education issue.
term
there
was
total
Under 'Abbas I (r. 1848-
1854) emphasis was shifted from military education, and a more
comprehensive
policy
was
adopted.
During
his
rule
forty-eight students were sent to study in various European
countries, including Britain, Italy, France, and Austria. 441 442 443
Ibid., pp. 247-253.
Silvera, op. cit., pp. 5-6.
Heyworht-Dunne, op. cit., p. 253.
205 Out of the forty-one whose names are known, thirty-one were sent
to
study
medicine,
mathematics and astronomy.444
while
several
others
studied
The sending of students continued under Muhammad Sa'id
(r. 1854-1863), and Tawfiq (r. 1879-1883).
Fourteen students
were sent under Muhammad Sa'id and at least thirty-eight under Tawfiq.
Their areas of study were mostly non-military.
The fields of study of thirty-eight students who were in
France in 1880 were as follows: Field of Study
medicine law civil engineering arts and crafts veterinary science preparatory studies to enter the above fields
Number of Students 14 10 2 2 8
13445
When crown prince 'Abbas Mirza sent the first Iranian
students to Europe in 1823, there had not been any serious reforms under way in Iran.
Neither was there a sense of
urgency or need by the monarch or the ruling elite for the introduction necessity 444 445
of
of
reforms.
reforms
Ibid., p. 307. Ibid., p. 436.
were
'Abbas
Mirza's
influenced
by
views his
on
the
personal
206 experience resulting from exposure to foreign diplomats and travelers,
as
Russian Army.
well
as
by
his
disastrous
defeats
by
the
Yet, he resided in the north western city of
Tabriz and such feelings were not, on the whole, shared by his
father
or
the
elite
in
Tehran.
European-style
institutions of higher education had not been established, and
the
country's
exposure
to
the
technology was almost nonexistent.
European
sciences
and
Furthermore, as crown
prince, 'Abbas Mirza did not have the power and authority of a monarch to pursue such goals as he saw necessary.
Whatever
limited means he had at his disposal, did not last long because of his premature death.
'Abbas Mirza's era was
followed by the relatively brief period of Muhammad Shah's
rule, who, despite an apparent desire to introduce reforms, never had the opportunity to engage his country in a long term project for change.
Yet another factor was the interest, or lack of it in
this case, of the European countries and their willingness to cooperate in the introduction of reforms in Iran.
British
general policy towards Iran in the nineteenth century favored the maintenance of the status quo.
The French interest in
helping Iran was not a continuous one, often being a function
of her immediate geopolitical concerns and considerations of rivalry vis-a-vis the British and the Russians.
In the Ottoman Empire, at the time the first students
were sent abroad, there already were extensive contacts with
207 the European countries. Europe, Empire. the
whereas
Iran
was
The Ottomans shared borders with separated
from
Europe
by
that
reign
were
the
European-style military schools established since of
Salim
III
were
in
operation,
as
diplomatic missions in the European capitals.
Furthermore,
at the same time the students were sent to Europe, numerous modern schools and institutions of education, at all levels, were established. action,
but
modernization.
Sending of students was not an isolated
rather
part
of
an
overall
scheme
for
Unlike Iran, where there was no sense of necessity for
reforms, there was a consensus among the ruling elite in
Istanbul that steps had to be taken to strengthen the empire. European
variance.
interests
in
the
two
countries
were
also
at
Until the latter part of the nineteenth century
the European countries favored a strong Ottoman Empire, which they saw as a bulwark against Russian aggression.
While
Europe did not show any interest in bringing about change in
Iran during Nasir al-Din Shah's reign, the successive reforms
of secularization that were introduced by the Porte during the Tanzimat were maily carried out under European pressure. under
European enthusiasm for initiation of reforms in Egypt Muhammad
'Ali
may
not
have
been
so
great.
Nevertheless, the three year occupation of Egypt by France introduced
many
aspects
of
European
administration,
technology, and military might, which must have provided the
208 impetus
for
occupation
change.
left
If
behind
nothing a
core
else, of
the
three
Egyptian
year
civil
administrators and technocrats, who were educated under the French system and benefited from it.
The occupation resulted
in the weakening of the Mamluks, and left behind a state of chaos, which necessitated some sort of reform.
When Muhammad 'Ali entered the scene, he came with a
determination to transform Egypt. Egypt
independent
of
the Ottoman
In his bid to carve out an Empire,
he increasingly
severed Egypt's economic ties to the Porte, and sought to establish ties with the European countries instead.
He too
initiated wide ranging reforms including the establishment of European-style schools.
There, as in the Ottoman Empire, and
unlike in Iran, sending of students abroad was part of the larger scheme for reforms.
Unlike 'Abbas Mirza, Muhammad
'Ali was the absolute ruler of his country, and his long reign
afforded
him
the
possibility
of
a
sustained
continuous effort at educational and other reforms.
and
Even
though Muhammad 'Ali's long reign was followed by relatively
short periods of rule by Ibrahim, 'Abbas I, and Tawfiq, and enthusiasm education
departure.
for
had
reform
waned
after
Muhammad
'Ali,
modern
spread roots in Egypt by the time of his
The graduates of modern schools and the students sent
to Europe provided the Ottoman Empire with a new class of intelligentsia,
who
had
acquired
new
administrative
and
209 technical skills, and who had new aspirations and hopes for their country.
They were embraced by the ruling elite and
entrusted with official responsibilities at various levels.
Their relatively large number made it possible actually to carry out successive reforms that eventually transformed the empire.
In Egypt also the large number of young men educated
in Europe and in European schools in the country, created a
new intelligentsia who were instumental in the transformation of that country.
In Iran, aside from the fact that the number of foreign
educated young men was small,
the ruling elite did not
appreciate their new skills and did not let them share in the administration of the country. and the graduates of
The foreign educated students
the Dar al-Funun -the only modern
institution of higher education that produced a significant
number of graduates- never made a force, in terms of number and power, to bring about meaningful change. the
state,
therefore,
traditional elite.
remained
in
the
The affairs of
hands
of
the
Many of the graduates of foreign schools
did make significant contributions to reform.
A few even
reached important positions of power, but in both cases this
was on an individual basis and not as a new generation of statesmen and administrators.
In most cases the returning
students, who had been selected from among the nobility, returned
to
the
same
class
and
ended
up
preserving
the
privileged status of the traditional ruling elite. This was
210 especially true in the sphere of rejecting the European ideas of
representative
monarch.
government
and
limited
powers
for
the
This was in contrast to the Ottoman experience
where the reforms led to a reduction of the powers of the Sultan, and placed a great deal of power in the hands of the new generation of young administrators.
Finally, there was another important difference between
Iran
and
the
other
two
countries
under
consideration.
Amongst both the Ottomans and the Egyptians, military studies and training seem to have been the major reason for the sending
of
lower.
This may explain in part the decisive involvement of
military
the
students
students
amongst
to
Europe.
the
Iranians
The
was
percentage
of
considerably
the new military elite in determining the fate of modern
Egypt and Turkey, whereas the new military elite did not emerge in Iran until the 1970's under Muhammad Rida Shah Pahlawi. three
There were, nevertheless, many similarities between the countries
abroad. the
their
experience
of
sending
students
In all the three cases France was the major host for
young
students
in
men,
in
her
accepting
following reasons:
schools.
by
far
This
the
may
largest
have
number
been
for
of
the
1- The ideals espoused by the French Revolution must have had an attraction to those who sent the students in Egypt, the Ottoman Empire, and Iran.
211 2- The belief amongst many Frenchmen in their linguistic and cultural
superiority,
and
the
self-assumed
mission
to
"civilize" other peoples made that country more receptive to educating foreign citizens.
3- Napoleon's belief that "education is the pillar of both prosperity borders.
and
public safety" extended beyond the
In the words of one scholar:
French
...There is ample evidence that the use of education as a tool to win over the minds of a native elite to the revolutionary principles he so selfconciously incarnated was never absent from Bonaparte's mind. Indeed the whole thrust of his native policy, from the creation of the various diwans to the pageantry lavished on the celebration of Islamc and Republican festivals, was directed to the purpose of using education in its broadest sense to spread the gospel of the French Revolution among Muslims and minorities alike."446
This idea was pursued by men like Jomard who expressed the hope that the young Egyptian students sent to France would become "Egypt's new Westernized elite".447
It can be claimed
with certainty that the whole experience of sending students
to Europe in the nineteenth century produced a Francophile
elite in the countries of the region who looked to France for inspiration and guidance.
Neither Britain nor any other
European country left such a deep and widespread impact on the educated elite in the region. 446 447
Silvera, op. cit., p.3. Ibid., p. 12.
In the case of Iran, for
212 instance, mainly
through
French
the 1960's the
educated.
This
educated has
had
elite remained far
reaching
implications since it went beyond adopting French norms of etiquette and social conduct by the new elite. The Iranian
society came to know modern institutions, from the army to post and telegraph, modern sciences, and notions of law and justice through the medium of French language. Most of these
institutions which the new intelligentsia helped create, from the parliament to the judicial system, were modeled after the French institutions. institutions
was
the
Probably the most important of these educational
system,
with
curricula
patterned after those of French schools and universities. These
institutions
in
turn
produced
new
generations
of
educated young men and women influenced by French culture.448 Another similarity between the three experiments was
the social background of the students sent to Europe. of them the students were selected
In all
from among the nobility
and the ruling elite in the society, though in later stages of the program, the Egyptian and the Ottoman students were chosen from a wider social base.
The selection process in
One of the results of the French influence was the introduction in a short period of time of a large number of French words and expressions into the Persian vocabulary, such as "mercy", "desinfecte", "parlement", "oposition", "refuse", "banque", etc. While the names of new institutions and concepts such as "parlement" and "oposision" were adopted because there were no Persian equivalents for them already in use, words such as "mercy" and "refuse" were circulated by an elite who saw their usage as a sign of prestige. 448
213 all cases was far from fair, favoritism and nepotism, rather than merit being the main criteria for the selections.
In
the earlier phases students were often ill-prepared and in some cases were illiterate even in their own mother tangues.
Despite their lack of preparation the students, for the
most part, did complete their studies, whether for fear of
punishment from their masters back home or because of their own determination. upon
return
to
Yet, perhaps inevitably, in most cases
their
countries they
employed or remained unemployed.
were inappropriately
Freemasonry Many of the students who were sent to Europe during the
nineteenth
century
were
initiated into freemasonry.
The
students were not the only ones who were attracted to the secret
organization.
Most
of
the
Iranian
diplomats
and
dignitaries who visited European countries also joined the
organization. James Fraser, who is known to have initiated three of these Iranian dignitaries, believed that no other
European institution or invention had aroused the curiosity of the Easterners as had freenasonry.449 449
Ra'in,Anjumanha, p. 351.
Joining freemasonry
214 seems to have continued at least through the 1970's.
The
three volume work of Isma'il Ra'in documented membership of a large
number
of
premiers, ministers,
through this time.450 Mirza
Salih
Shirazi
was
the
and
first
other statesmen
student
Europe who was initiated into a masonic lodge.
sent
to
In spite of
his initial involvement in the affairs of the state, however, there is no trace of any masonic activity by Mirza Salih after his return to Iran.
Other Iranians had joined the
secret organization before him in India.
The first Iranian
of significance known to have become a freemason was Mirza
Askar Khan Urumi Afshar, the high ranking special envoy of Fath 'Ali Shah to the court of Napoleon.
He was sent on a
delicate mission to seek France's cooperation against Russia. Three months after his arrival in France, he was initiated
on November 24, 1808, at the Philosophic Scottish Rite in Paris.451
He returned to Tehran after two years, his mission
being a total failure.452
The second Iranian dignitary who
joined the organization was Mirza Abu al-Hasan Khan Ilchi, Iran's first ambassador to Britain.
He was initiated in
London in 1810 "under the guidance of Sir Gore Ouseley", who became
the
British
ambassador
to
Tehran
shortly
See Ra'in,Isma'il, Faramushkhanah wa Framasoniri dar Iran (Tehran, 1978), Vols. I,II,III. 450 451 452
Katira'i, op. cit., pp. 9-10.
Ra'in, Faramushkhanah, pp. 306-316.
215 thereafter.453
Abu al-Hasan Khan Ilchi is believed to have
served the interests of the British government during his thirty-five minister.
years
of
service
as
diplomat
and
foreign
It is known that he was on that government's
payroll until he died in 1846.454
Of the five students sent to London in 1815, other than
Mirza Salih, Mirza Ja'far Muhandis (later Mushir al-Dawlah)
too became a freemason, though later on in his career and not during his days as student in England.
He was initiated at a
British lodge, probably the Scottish Philosophic Rite, in London in 1817.455
Mushir al-Dawla's contribution to the
cause of reform has already been mentioned above.
He has
been generally praised as a man of integrity who served his country well.
Among the students sent to France under Muhammad Shah,
two became freemasons, Mirza Rida and Muhammad 'Ali Aqa.
Their initiation did not take place during their student years but rather during their trip to Paris in 1857.
Both
were part of Farrukh Khan Amin al-Mulk's diplomatic mission which
was
dispatched
to
negotiate
a
settlement
with
the
Ha'iri, 'Abd al-Hadi, "Faramushkhana", Encyclopedia of Islam, new edition, supplement (1982), pp.290-292. 453
Ha'iri, 'Abd al-Hadi, Tarikh-i Junbishha wa Takapuha-i Framasungari dar Kishwarha-i Islami (Mashhad, 1368/1989), pp. 46-47. Also see Ra'in, Faramushkhanah, pp. 316-327, and Katira'i, op. cit., pp. 11-15. 454
Ra'in, Faramushkhanah, p. cit., p. 19. 455
422; and
Katira'i, op.
216 British
over
Herat.
On
10
December,
1857
Farrukh
Khan
together with six members of his mission were initiated at
the lodge Sincère Amitié in Paris, a lodge that owed its obedience to the Grand Orient of France.456
The following
were also part of Farrukh Khan's mission who were initiated on the same occasion:
Mirza Malkum Khan, who had been sent to Europe for
education during Mirza Aqa Khan Nuri's tenure. Mirza
became
confidant.
'Ali
Nasir
Nariman
Naqi,
Khan
al-Din who
a
Dar
al-Funun
Shah's
became
a
personal
active
mason during his career.
charge
d'affaires.457
Mirza
Zaman
Khan
who
was
graduate
diplomat
later
who
physician
and
sent
to
later
and
remained
an
Baghdad
as
In 1859 Muhammad 'Ali Aqa returned to France with Hasan
'Ali Khan Amir Nizam's mission to Paris.
He was later posted
to London. There he served as deputy to the ambassador, his brother mason Mirza Sayyid Ja'far Khan Mushir al-Dawlah.
Mirza Malkum Khan's initiation was an important event
since it marked the beginning of a long and controversial masonic career.
A year later, in 1858, he founded his own
See Algar's "Participation by Iranian Diplomats in the Masonic Lodges of Istanbul" cited above, p. 5; Also see Ra'in, Faramushkhanah, pp. 468-475., and Katira'i, op. cit., pp. 34-35. 456
457
Ra'in, Faramushkhanah, pp. 472-473.
217 psuedomasonic
Faramushkhanah
lodge,
Faramushkhanah,
will
be
discussed
in
in
Tehran.458
more
detail
The
below.
Suffice it to say for now that it was banned in 1861 by Nasir al-Din Shah who became wary of its subversive nature and feared that it would undermine his power and authority.
For
the founding of faramushkhanah Malkum was sent to exile in the Ottoman Empire where he resided until 1872.
In exile he
won the friendship and trust of the Iranian ambassador to the Porte, Mirza Husayn Khan, himself a former student in Europe and
a
freemason.
friendship
between
administrative obtained
This
reform
Tehran's
the in
marked
the
two
and
Iran.
approval
beginning
Mirza
for
hiring
of
a
long
Khan
soon
collaboration Husayn
Malkum
in
Khan
as
counsellor at the embassy.459 Even though there is no direct evidence indicating Malkum's membership in Ottoman lodges, it seems that he remained masonically active in Istanbul, for
many of Malkum's circle of Ottoman friends were freemasons. These
included
the
influential
statesman
Fuad
Pasa,
and
others like Munif Pasa, founder of the Ottoman Scientific Society,
and
Ahmet
Vefik
Pasa.460
Malkum
followed
Mirza
Husayn Khan to Tehran in 1872 and served as advisor to him. Ra'in, Faramushkhanah, Malkum Khan, p. 36. 458 459
p.
489:
and
Algar, Mirza Malkum Khan, pp. 62-64.
Algar,
Mirza
Algar, "Participation by Iranian Diplomats in the Masonic Lodges of Istanbul", p.6. 460
218 When in 1873 he had to leave Iran once again because of his role in the Reuter affair, on his way to London he paid a
return visit in Istanbul to I Proodos, a lodge owing its obedience to the Grand Orient of France.
This was a lodge to
which many Iranian residents of Istanbul were affiliated,
among them Mirza Muhsin Khan Mu'in al-Mulk, the ambassador,
and Mirza Najaf 'Ali Khan, first secretary at the mission.461 Malkum's masonic activities continued in London from where he reportedly Adamiyat
wielded
(the
League
considerable of
influence
Humanity),
another
over
Jami'i
pseudomasonic
organization modeled after his faramushkhanah founded in 1897 in Tehran.462 In
Qanun,
London
which
he
was
started
widely
the
read
publication
by
the
of
his
activists
paper
of
the
Constitutional Revolution. Malkum's publication of the paper
is believed to have been motivated in large part by his personal
enmity
towards
Nasir
premier Amin al-Sultan (Atabak).
al-Din
Shah's
reactionary
When in 1903 Amin al-Sultan
was dismissed from office he set out on a trip around the world which took him, among other places, to Japan and the United States.
The trip, especially the visit to Japan, left
a deep impression on him and apparently made him a changed man.
While in Europe he met with Malkum Khan in Carlsbad.
461 462
Ibid., p. 9.
Ra'in, Faramushkhanah, pp. 574-575.
219 There,
under
freemasonry.463
Malkum's sponsorship, he
was
initiated into
Mirza Husayn Khan, with whom Malkum Khan forged lasting
ties
of
friendship
and
collaboration,
had
been
education in France in the time of Muhammad Shah.
sent
for
The place
of his initiation to freemasonry is not clear.464
It is
possible that he was initiated into the Grand Orient of Paris during
his
student
Tiflis,
or
Istanbul.
years,
or
he
may
have
joined
the
organization during one of his diplomatic missions to Bombay, ambassador
in
Istanbul
During he
had
his a
twelve-year
close
mission
relationship
as
with
Ottoman freemasons such as Fuad Pasa, Mehmet Emin Pasa, and the Egyptian prince Mustafa Fazil Pasa.
His association with
them is believed to have been the main reason for Mirza
Husayn Khan's successful tenure in Istanbul.465 Many of Mirza Husayn Khan's network of brother masons were the men of Tanzimat, under
the
European
secularization pressure.
reform
Mirza
movement
Husayn
Khan
carried was
out
deeply
impressed with the reforms and reported them to Tehran with enthusiasm. 463
It
is
not
surprising
that
he
initiated
Algar, Mirza Malkum Khan, pp.251-252.
According to Ra'in he was a member of both the Grand Orient of Paris and lodge no. 175 affiliated to the English obedience (See Ra'in, Faramushkhanah, Vol. 1, p. 432). Algar disputes this for lack of evidence. 464
Algar, "Participation by Iranian Diplomats in the Masonic Lodges of Istanbul", pp. 2-3. 465
220 administrative and legal reform of his own upon assuming power
in
Iran,
reforms
for
which
Malkum
Khan's
writings
provided the framework. On October 15, 1872 Mirza Husayn Khan submitted
to
according
to
Nasir
al-Din
which
Shah
two
the
bodies
draft
with
of
a
decree
advisory
and
administrative functions were to be created, Dar al-Shawra-i Kubra
(the
Supreme
House
of
Consultation),
and
Majlis-i
Mashwarati-i Wuzara' (Consultative Assembly of Ministers). The draft was the work of Malkum Khan.
A decade earlier
Malkum had similarly presented his book of reforms Kitabchahi ghaybi to the monarch through his other brother mason Mirza Ja'far Khan Mushir al-Dawlah.
When in 1859 he arrived in Paris as the new ambassador,
Hasan 'Ali Khan Amir Nizam had three freemasons among his staff all of whom had been initiated with Farrukh Khan in 1857.
Two of them, Mirza 'Ali Naqi and Nariman Khan, had
remained
in
Paris
as
the
embassy's
staff.
The
third,
Muhammad 'Ali Aqa, had gone to Tehran and returned to Paris with the new ambassador.
Less than seven months after Hasan
'Ali Khan's arrival in Paris he was initiated into the Grand
Orient at the lodge Sincère Amitié, together with four of his staff.466
The initiation in which Mirza 'Ali Naqi, Nariman
Khan, and Muhammad 'Ali Aqa must also have been present, took place on February 28, 1860. 466
Ibid., p. 7.
Shaykh Muhsin Khan, counsellor,
221 and Muhammad Hasan Khan Muqaddam, military attache, to the mission were the other new initiates.
467
Napoleon III,
himself the grand master468, must have had a special interest
in the initiation of Hasan 'Ali Khan, whom he tried to help become foreign minister in the hope that he would facilitate
France's gaining of a lease of Hormuz island in the Persian Gulf.469 The masonic affiliation of both men seems to have
been the underlying reason for the close friendship that developed between the two.
Even though the plan to install
Hasan 'Ali Khan as foreign minister did not materialize, the
immediate benefit of the relationship for the ambassador was a sympathetic host who stood ready to facilitate his job as ambassador.
Shaykh Muhsin Khan whose masonic career began in Paris
became one of the most active members of the organization. He was born in Tabriz.
His father Haji Shaykh Kazim Rashti
was a merchant who travelled to Istanbul. the
young
language.
Muhsin
attended
school
and
It was there that
learned
the
French
He had worked as interpreter and secretary to Amir
Kabir, and in 1856 had been sent with a diplomatic mission to St. Petersburg.470 He remained a member of Hasan 'Ali Khan's
Bulletin du Grand Orient de France, XV (5860=1860), pp. 396-397, quoted in Algar, "Participation by Iranian Diplomats in the Masonic Lodges of Istanbul", p.7. 467
468 469 470
Ra'in, Framasoniri, p. 473.
Mumtahin al-Dawlah, Khatirat, p. 90. Katira'i, op. cit., pp. 118-119.
222 staff until the ambassador's return to Tehran.
He was then
posted to London as charge d'affaires and later as resident minister.
In 1873 Shaykh Muhsin Khan who had received the
title of Mushir al-Dawlah was sent to Istanbul as ambassador, a post he held for thirteen years. Istanbul are quite noticeable.
His masonic activities in
He affiliated himself with I
Proodos, a lodge of which the Ottoman prince Murad V was also a member.
Muhsin Khan was promoted to the rank of Chevalier
Rose Croix and was responsible for the initiation of many Iranians to the organization. These include Muzaffar al-Din
Mirza's secretary Mirza Abu al-Qasim Khan, first secretary of the mission Mirza Najaf 'Ali, and a dissident Qajar's prince,
Abu al-Hasan Mirza Shaykh al-Ra'is.471 Throughout his tenure in Istanbul Shaykh Muhsin Khan had his brother mason, Nariman Khan, on his staff with whom he collaborated in masonic
activities.472 After his recall in 1890, Shaykh Muhsin Khan did not hold any official position until he became foreign
minister a few years later. During those years he reportedly founded a lodge in Tehran.473
This appears to have been the
first masonic lodge established in Iran, though it was merely a
gathering
place
of
individuals
who
had
already
been
Algar, "Participation by Iranian Diplomats in the Masonic Lodges of Istanbul", pp. 7-13. 471 472
Ibid., P. 7.
Sir Arthur Harding's report to London dated September 6, 1901, F.O. 60/637, Public Records Office, London, reproduced in Katira'i, op. cit., pp. 114-116. 473
223 initiated abroad.
There must have been more than a handful of students
among the group of forty-two who became freemasons about whose
initiation
no
evidence
has
come
to
light.
Mirza
Mahmud, the astronomy student among the group of forty-two, is one for whose masonic affiliation there appears to be some evidence.
According to Ra'in he was initiated by Hasan 'Ali
Khan Amir Nizam into Sincère Amitié.
At the recommendation
of the Grand Orient of France he was sent to Brussels where
he was bestowed with the rank of master by the lodge Victoria
of the East, affiliated to the Scottish obedience.474 It may not
be
surprising
that
in
spite
of
his
training
as
an
astronomer, like many other Iranian initiates of the period, he too became a diplomat.
Faramushkhanah Mirza
Malkum
Khan
founded
his
pseudomasonic
organization, which he called Faramushkhanah in 1858. The term faramushkhanah (house of forgetfulness) was not his own creation. 1730
the
It had apparently originated in Calcutta where in
British
had
established
a
masonic
lodge.
The
earliest known reference in Persian sources to faramushkhanah 474
Ra'in, Faramushkhanah, pp. 482-485.
224 is in Tuhfat al-'Alam by Abd al-Latif Shushtari Jazayiri, an Iranian
According
who
to
emigrated him
to
India
freemasonry
was
on
January
called
25,
1788.
faramushkhanah
because when the freemasons were asked questions (presumably about their masonic activities), they answered "it is not in
my memory".475 Malkum's organization was a personal venture and was not authorized by the Grand Orient to which he was affiliated. al-Din
It is believed that he sought and obtained Nasir
Shah's
faramushkhanah, harmless
approval
which
he
for
the
presented
scientific organization.476
to
creation
It
the
of
monarch
the
as
soon attracted
a
a
following and became a center for the propagation of Malkum's ideas.
Nasir al-Din Shah's fear of the organization and his
banning of it on October 18, 1861 is said to have been caused by
the
conservative
Russian intrigue.477
elements
within
the
country
and
by
The royal ban put an end to the short life of the
faramushkhanah but numerous underground organizations emerged in which activists gathered.
Such secret societies became
popular with many activists of the revolution. Fath
'Ali
Akhundzadah,
a
reform
advocate
Thus, Mirza
living
in
Caucasus, would write: O residents of Iran, if you were aware of the source of 475 476 477
Ha'iri, "Faramushkhanah", pp. 290-292. Algar, Mirza Malkum Khan, p. 38. Ha'iri, Tarikh, p. 49.
the
freedom and human rights, you would never stand such slavery and humiliation. You would found faramushkhanahs and gatherings and would acquire the means of unity.478
225
A few of the followers of Malkum Khan gathered in a new
organization Majma'-i Adamiyat. The organization, which was headed by 'Abbas Quli Khan Adamiyat, was founded in 1896 shortly after Nasir al-Din Shah's assassination.
Majma'-i
Adamiyat grew rapidly and was very active in the revolution.
Because of the secrecy that was involved in masonic
activities
detailed
organizations
is
not
information
available.
on
membership
The
of
indications
such
are,
however, that many of the European educated youth during the latter part of Nasir al-Din Shah and Muzaffar al-Din Shah's reigns became freemasons.
A list of the members of Loge
Reveil de l'Iran-the first Iranian lodge, founded in 1907
that was authorized by the Grand Orient-479includes the names of many of the students.
The following are the names of only
a few of former student in Europe: Mirza Ibrahim Khan Hakim al-Mulk.
Murtada Quli Khan Hidayat Sani' al-Dawlah.
Mahdi Quli Khan Hidayat Mukhbir al-Saltanah. Murtada Quli Khan Fahim al-Dawlah. Mirza Ibrahim Hakim al-Mulk. 478 479
Katira'i, op. cit., p. 8.
Ra'in, Faramushkhanah, Vol. 2, pp. 46-54.
226 Mirza 'Ali Khan Duktur.
Mirza Mahmud Khan Duktur.
Muhammad Khan Ghaffari Kamal al-Mulk. Mirza Hasan Khan Mushir al-Dawlah.480
That freemasonry had a considerable influence on the
students, and in turn on Iranian society, cannot be disputed. However,
determining
general,
and
responsible
for
the
degree
freemason the
to
students
introduction
which
in
of
freemasonry
particular,
European
ideas
in
were
and
institutions into nineteenth century Iranian society requires a separate in-depth study.
Based on the present study the
following observations may be made: Firstly,
educated
advocating reform
even
students
reform,
were
mostly
though in
those
the
the
majority
nineteenth
who did
freemasons.
involve
By
of
the
European
century
shunned
themselves with
reform
is
meant,
of
course, anything that had to do with such matters as the
introduction of newspapers, building railroads and factories, and
calling
for
exaggeration
to
political
regime
institutions,
and
change in
in
the
propose
the
absolutist
that
behind
country.
activities
related
It
to
nature
may
most
of
not
change
be
Ibid., 73-78.
an
writings, in
nineteenth century Iran there was a freemason student. 480
the
the
Thus,
227 the
birth
of
introduction
journalism
of
writings
and
promotion
about
European
of
printing,
society
and
the
its
history, the introduction of European notions of law and fair government, the creation of consultative bodies in the state, and the writing of anonymous "dream accounts" and stories criticizing
the
political regime
are
associated with
the
names of Mirza Salih Shirazi, Sayyid Ja'far Khan Mushir alDawlah,
Mirza
Husayn Khan Mushir al-Dawlah, Malkum
Khan,
Muhammad Hasan Khan I'timad al-Saltanah, Murtada Quli Khan Sani' al-Dawlah, and many other students whose contributions have been referred to in this study.
This is not to say that
freemasons
responsible
only
the
European
amongst
educated them,
students,
were
and
solely for
the
the
introduction of reform and ultimately the success of the Constitutional Revolution in Iran. as
the
impact
of
merchants
Indeed other factors such
travelling
in
the
Caucuses,
foreign travellers and diplomats on the introduction of new ideas have already been mentioned.
Neither does it weaken
the assertion made throughout this study that, in general, the sending of Iranian students abroad in the nineteenth century failed to have the desired impact on the country's progress
and
development.
Yet,
the
conclusion
seems
inescapable that the share of freemasons students in whatever little that was accomplished was quite considerable.
Secondly, there appears to have emerged an intricate
network of freemasons, many of whom were the graduates of
228 European schools, which ran Iranian missions and embassies abroad. in
The new breed of Iranian diplomats seem to have been
contact,
gathering
periodically
as
presumably engaging in masonic activities.
brother
masons,
This seems to
have been the case especially during the second half of the nineteenth century.
Thus, we see for instance, that Iranian
missions were headed or staffed by masonic brothers Mirza
Sayyid Ja'far Khan Mushir al-Dawlah, Farrukh Khan Amin alMulk, Hasan 'Ali Khan Amir Nizam, Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir
al-Dawlah, Malkum Khan, Mahmud Khan Mushawir al-Mulk, and Nariman Khan.
An in-depth study of the various activities of
the Iranian diplomats may prove quite illuminating. activity
in
publication
which
of
a
few
newspapers
of
them
such
as
were
engaged
Akhtar
was
One
(published
the
in
Istanbul during the tenure of Shaykh Muhsin Khan) and Qanun. As we have seen such newspapers were a source of information
and inspiration to the enthusiastic readers and activists within the country. the
Finally, the term freemason has become synonymous in minds
of
most
Iranians
with
treason,
mongering, and pursuance of material interests.
concession
This is not
hard to understand in view of the actions of many Iranian
freemason statesmen and diplomats in the period. The cases of 'Askar Khan Urumi Afshar and Mirza Abu al- Hasan Khan Ilchi and
their
mentioned.
betrayal
of
their
country
have
already
been
The involvement of Mirza Husayn Khan Mushir al-
229 Dawlah, Mirza Malkum Khan, and Shaykh Muhsin Khan Mushir alDawlah
in
the
granting
of
the
comprehensive
economic
concession to Reuter may also be worth mentioning.
This was
the concession that amounted to a virtual sell-out of all the resources of the country to a foreign individual.
Because of
the sheer dimension of the deal the project never went beyond the initial stages and was canceled.
But Shaykh Muhsin Khan,
the Iranian ambassador who attracted Reuter to the deal,
Malkum Khan, whose signature appeared on the contract, and
Mirza Husayn Khan, the prime minister and the man ultimately responsible for the deal, each walked away from the affair
with twenty to fifty thousand pounds sterling.481 Other such instances
of
betrayal
of
their
own
people
by
freemasons
abound.482 While not all the individuals who were initiates of freemasonry were involved in treason and self enrichment,
the number of those who did indulge in such activities seems
to have been large enough to give all masons this unenviable reputation.
Taymuri, Ibrahim, 'Asr-i BiKhabari ya Imtiyazat dar Iran (Tehran 1363/1984), pp. 102-107. 481
Tarikh-i
Malkum's involvement in the lottery concession, Shaykh Muhsin Khan's deals in the Stousburg concession, and Wuthuq al-Dawlah's role in the 1919 agreement between Russia and Britain dividing the country into two spheres of influence are only a few of such cases. For more details on these See, for example, Taymuri's 'Asr-i Bikhabari, cited above, and Algar's Mirza Malkum Khan. 482
