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And when we do see them, they often appear as perversions ... Correspondence should be directed to P. David Pearson, Graduate School of Education, 1501.
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An Endangered Species Act for Literacy Education P. David Pearson Journal of Literacy Research 2007 39: 145 DOI: 10.1080/10862960701331878 The online version of this article can be found at: http://jlr.sagepub.com/content/39/2/145

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JOURNAL OF LITERACY RESEARCH, 39(2), 145–162 Copyright © 2007, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc.

An Endangered Species Act for Literacy Education P. David Pearson Graduate School of Education University of California, Berkeley

In our quest to move every child ahead, we have fallen behind, lost our way as a profession. In our all-out national effort to improve the quality of teaching and learning literacy, we have compromised some of our most enduring principles and practices. The time has come to reverse this trend and to restore the ecology of literacy instruction to a healthier state. In appropriating this well-worn metaphor of endangered species from the world of ecology, I mean to single out a set of long-standing values and practices of teaching literacy that are in jeopardy of disappearing. They are casualties of the presumably well-meaning cycle of reform sweeping our country. If we give the most generous reading possible to the intentions of the current reforms, we can label these casualties not as absurdities or conspiracies but as unintended consequences and conspiracies of good intentions; they are principles and practices we have compromised even though we never meant to. As I examine what is happening in our federal and state governments, in both the legislative and executive branches, I see a system in which (at least) three of these fundamental values and practices—insistence on transfer of learning, faith in teacher prerogative, and regard for individual differences as the hallmark of learning and assessment—have all but disappeared from the educational landscape; we seldom hear them in our public pedagogical conversations or see them in our curricular practices. And when we do see them, they often appear as perversions of their original constructs. I call these three constructs endangered because they are. On the assessment front, in our rush to accountability, we have created such a tight link between Correspondence should be directed to P. David Pearson, Graduate School of Education, 1501 Tolman Hall, No. 1670, University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley, CA 94720-1670. E-mail: [email protected]

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instruction and assessment that we have made a mockery of the whole notion of transfer of learning as the gold standard to which all students and teachers should aspire. If an assessment does not look just like the instruction that prepared kids to take it, we question its validity, and, even more pernicious, we operate in exactly the other direction by adjusting our instruction to mimic the highstakes accountability assessments. Regarding teacher prerogative, in our quest to achieve a consistent standard of instruction for all students in all classrooms in all schools, we have reduced teachers’ professional choices to decisions about when to begin and end the reading block—and even that is predetermined in many schools and districts. Finally, in the world of No Child Left Behind (NCLB, 2002) and Reading First, we have decreed that individual differences will not exist, either in the outcomes of education or in the means by which we attempt to achieve those outcomes. In this essay I address each of these endangered phenomena in turn—first transfer as the gold standard of learning and assessment, then teacher prerogative, and finally individual differences. I close each section with some suggestions about the kind of research and professional advocacy that we should undertake to fix what has become quite broken in our field.

TRANSFER I first learned, in any formal way, about the construct of transfer when I was in graduate school in the late 1960s. But I had at least a tacit knowledge of it even as a high school and college student in the 1950s and 1960s. What I learned was this: It was one thing to demonstrate the acquisition of a skill or a body of knowledge in class—with support from the guiding hand of a thoughtful teacher or the strong pull of classroom cultural practices—but it is quite another to show that you can use that knowledge outside of class—in another class, on a consequential exam, or, to be excessively bold, in everyday life. The question of transfer, at least for me (and for lots of other educational scholars—see, for example the National Academies of Science book, How Students Learn; Committee on How People Learn, 2005) translates into answering the questions, How far will my knowledge travel? How robust is it? How far (as indexed by new context and new tasks) beyond that initial instructional context can I still apply what I acquired in that classroom? Why has it become hard to adhere to something as reasonable and highminded as transfer? Who would not want their students or children to be held accountable for applying their knowledge? The answer to the second question is captured by the infamous line from Walt Kelly’s 1953 Pogo cartoon strip, “We have met the enemy, and the enemy is us!” We, collectively, have built and/or accepted the accountability and assessment systems we have.

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The answer to the first question is more complicated, but it turns on a very understandable conspiracy of good intentions that we, as a field, have fallen victim to. The problem arises, the conspiracy gains its force, from the tight link that we have created between instruction and assessment. The first premise in this conspiratorial conundrum is that we should be suspicious of assessments that do not match our instruction. Many of us, in fact, point to standardized assessments as the culprits here, and we characterize them as “instructionally insensitive” if they do not pass the face validity test; we complain when they do not look just like what we taught. Think back to all of the explanations you have read about the failure to achieve a significant effect in a research study and remind yourself of how often the “insensitive outcome measure” card was played. In essence, what we are saying is that if there had been a tighter, a more transparent, link between instruction and assessment, we would have fared better. The second premise in the conspiracy works in the opposite direction—from tests to teaching—and it is propelled by high-stakes assessment—assessment in which teachers’ and students’ futures are on the line if a failing score is achieved. In an effort to meet these consequential outcomes, we scurry to find materials and activities that we think will help students do better on the test (even though we may suspect that it will not help them develop more of the cognitive attribute the test is supposed to measure). Such is the fate of desperate people when confronted with absurd but consequential barriers to their well-being. Even the most well-meaning of us enact this absurdity when we fork over $500 for a son or daughter to take a course or buy a computer program designed to help him or her achieve a higher score on the SAT or the GRE. Do we really believe that our offspring know more or are better problem solvers when they finish such a course? Probably not, but we take solace when his or her test score goes up. When we engage in this practice, we run the risk of promoting what Haladyna, Nolan, and Haas (1991) have labeled test score pollution, a phenomenon that occurs when an individual earns a score on a test that is out of whack with his or her real level of cognitive capacity on the phenomenon that the test is designed to measure. In a developmental scenario, it might mean that a student’s test score rises without the student actually being able to read any better than earlier. My favorite example comes from a long-time colleague at Illinois who grew up in New York in the heyday of the infamous Regents’ Exam. He tested well on the Regent’s chemistry exam because his high school chemistry class consisted almost entirely of completing old Regents exams. So when he took the highstakes test for real, he scored high enough to be placed in the third chemistry course at Columbia. At the end of the first week of freshman classes, he realized that he was in way over his head and backed into a more basic course that was more commensurate with his real (not his assessed) knowledge and skill.

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My colleague’s example is telling because it suggests that no form of assessment, even performance assessment, is immune to this phenomenon. Even so, the impact is all the more pernicious with low level multiple-choice exams that doom certain students, particularly low achievers, to school careers of basic skills worksheets that look just like the exams they are required to pass. The work of Herman and her colleagues (Dorr-Bremme & Herman, 1983; Herman and Golan, 1991) documents exactly this differential effect for lower achievers, noting that they are much more likely to have their curricular activities determined by a score on an exam than are higher achieving students, who, by contrast, are more likely to have their activities determined by teacher creativity and judgment. These examples illustrate an important feature of the assessment dilemmas we face: If high-stakes promote test score pollution in teaching to the test, then the worst situation we can have is high-stakes (grave consequences) on tests that exhibit low challenge, for the combination will drive curriculum, teaching, and learning to the lowest common denominator. I suppose the lesson to be drawn from these examples is be careful what you wish for. On the face of it, it seems highly desirable to have assessments that match instruction to a T; is that not what we all hope for when building “curriculum-embedded” assessments. But once you have them, and once they become tools of accountability, then they take on a life of their own, becoming implicit blueprints for curriculum. And it is when they adopt this blueprint role that real damage can be done. Truth is that our assessments cannot stand the stress of being a curriculum surrogate. I am reminded of a prophetic warning by Robert Linn offered just as we crossed the threshold into high-stakes assessments in the early year part of this century (2000): I am led to conclude that in most cases the instruments and technology have not been up to the demands that have been placed on them by high-stakes accountability. Assessment systems that are useful monitors lose much of dependability and credibility for that purpose when high stakes are attached to them. The unintended negative effects of high-stakes accountability uses often outweigh the intended positive effects. (p. 14)

So what is to be done about this conundrum? Are we to abandon curriculumembedded assessments? Are we to limit our assessments only to applications that represent far transfer? Neither, I think. Instead we should maintain and regularly use both kinds of assessments because each tells us something the other cannot. The curriculum-embedded assessment that looks just like the instruction (in an ideal world the match is from the instruction to the assessment and not the other way around) tells us whether students learned what we taught them in pretty much the same context and format in which we taught it. (By the way, these assessments can just as easily be turned on their ear to evaluate the effectiveness of our teaching and give us some feedback about how to revamp

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our instruction—but we seldom use them for this purpose.) The far transfer assessments (ideally a set of increasingly distant transfer tasks) tell us how far the learning will travel-into what new domains, contexts, texts, or tasks. That information is useful, too, because it provides an index of the robustness of student learning. As such, it is much closer to the gold standard to which our students and we should aspire. Equally as important, we should not be regarded as failures if we do not always achieve the far transfer standard. Instead, we should celebrate our partial successes while redoubling our efforts to build more robust learning. Finally, this principle of transfer is even more important for evaluating research studies than it is for evaluating student learning or the everyday enactment of curriculum. When the improvement of learning is the primary goal of a research study, the investigators need an explicit theory of transfer—from the most local to the most distant index of knowledge and skill acquisition; it is a moral obligation to inform research consumers of our answer to the question, How far will the learning travel? One footnote to this discussion of assessment and transfer: Let me point out one current phenomenon that would be a less serious policy and pedagogy problem if transfer had been a part of the assessment development process. I refer to the astonishing growth of the DIBELS (Dynamic Indicators of Basic Early Literacy Skills; Good & Kaminski, 2002) over the past several years. Developed by the admission of its authors (DIBELS Data System, 2006), as a “progress monitoring” assessment (an assessment that tells us whether a kid is “on track”), it has achieved, by virtue of its actual use in schools around the country, the status of a diagnostic assessment, as a blueprint for shaping instruction. Students who read, name letters, segment phonemes, or retell words in passages too slowly are sent off to remedial reading class to complete fluency, or at least improved rate, lessons on all of those skills. If the developers of DIBELS had incorporated a theory of transfer into their assessment system, they would have provided both near and far assessments of each of the key skills assessed. As a consequence, they might be assessing, and perhaps promoting, the use of these component skills in real reading rather than their narrow acquisition and fluency in a highly rarified format (rapid naming or telling) and context (mostly none). In a far transfer mode, the proof of the pudding for the acquisition of letter-sound knowledge would not be how fast you can name the sounds of the letters but how nimbly you can use your consolidated knowledge of letter-sound correspondences to unlock puzzling words when reading connected text. The DIBELS phenomenon, as astonishing as it is, is a perfect example of test score pollution—of what happens when an indicator becomes a goal. The current situation with DIBELS represents a fundamental violation the first rule of assessment uses: Never send a test out to do a curriculum’s job.

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PROFESSIONAL PREROGATIVE Taking responsibility for one’s professional knowledge and ensuring that it is used wisely in making difficult decisions in the face of uncertain evidence about how to respond to the widely varying needs, interests, and circumstances of individuals—or what to do next for the common good—have always been the hallmarks of any profession, including teaching. But in the current policy context, I fear that the right of teachers to exercise professional knowledge, along with the responsibility for possessing the most up-to-date knowledge possible, is threatened seriously. I am alarmed by rhetoric and policies that betray such disregard for teachers and teaching. I am equally alarmed by the seeming reluctance of the teaching profession, qua profession, to accept the baton of responsibility for guaranteeing wide distribution of the knowledge that comes with the granting of prerogative by a trusting society. Within the new rhetoric, the text is teacher quality—indeed NCLB demands that every state provide every child and parent with a “fully qualified teacher” by 2007. And there is much talk about ensuring that teachers have access to teacher education and professional development based on “scientifically based reading research.” That is all well and good. Indeed, it is hard to argue with full qualifications and evidence-based professional development. But the subtext is minimal professional standards. Only an assumption of minimal, not maximal, standards will explain why the first Bush secretary of Education, Rod Paige, characterized effective teaching as a simple combination of subject matter knowledge and verbal fluency (U.S. Department of Education, 2002). Only by an assumption of professional development as a simple matter of training rather than education can one explain the increasing popularity of “scripted programs” that dictate what teachers both do and say and the very day on which all teachers in a district teach a certain lesson. How else can one explain the flirtations with a marketplace model (Finn & Kanstoroom, 2000) to replace a professional growth model (Darling-Hammond, 1996) for determining who stays in the profession? How else can one explain the policy of championing scores on a multiple-choice test rather than program completion, portfolios of accomplishment, or performance examinations as the primary pathway to a credential? Followed to its logical conclusions, the policies we are currently implementing will lead to a generation of teachers who pay homage to externally imposed standards rather than to the needs of children and their families as the primary criterion for determining what students do in their classrooms. I want to concede one point to those who control the current policy agenda: As a profession, we have not met our responsibilities to ensure that all of us as teachers, whether novice or veteran, possess the very best and most current knowledge available. We have been too ready to dismiss deep disciplinary

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knowledge—linguistics (from phonology to text structure to pragmatics), language development, psychology of reading and learning, orthography, literature, and culture—as too distant from the concerns of classroom teaching to merit much emphasis in our preservice and in-service programs. I know there are those among us in the teacher education community who complain that it is the external mandates imposed by laws promoting basic skills or narrow views of teacher knowledge that prevent us from holding ourselves and our teacher candidates to high standards of knowledge. My only response to that is that it was a political decision to set the bar low (or perhaps in the wrong domain); and it must be a political effort that establishes high knowledge standards (and in the right domains). In any event, and as a result of these efforts, we have become vulnerable to criticisms that we privilege a narrow sort of vocationalism in our teacher education programs. Both the teaching profession and the profession of teacher educators should redress this wrong by insisting on more rigorous standards for teacher knowledge. That point conceded, it fails to capture the real reason why we must always press for knowledge deep and broad as the hallmark of our profession. No matter how definitive our research, no matter how clear the findings from studies evaluating the relative efficacy for different interventions or approaches, no matter how transparent our policies and mandates, our schools and our society need teachers who can apply their craft with great flexibility. Why? Because of the undeniable fact that children differ from one another. They differ from one another when they walk through the classroom door as kindergarteners—and the longer they stay and the better we teach, the more they will differ from one another. They cannot easily be threaded through the same needle’s eye. Let me illustrate this point as vividly as I can, with the aid of some visual displays. The point I want to make is a point we should understand about much of human existence and social policy. It is this: What is best for the group is not always best for each individual in the group. It applies not only to education but to social policy, health, medicine, child rearing, and just about everything else. Examine Figure 1. It illustrates the fantasy of a researcher talking about having found a significant difference between two treatments. When we get a significant result, you would think, by listening to the rhetoric, that the worst kid

FIGURE 1 A researcher’s fantasy about the distribution of scores between the experimental and control groups.

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FIGURE 2 A more realistic depiction of the distribution of scores across the experimental and the control groups.

in the experimental group outperformed the best student in the control group. We NEVER get these results in education, and, by the way, not in medical practice either. In education we get marginal improvements like the results in Figure 2, where on average, one group makes greater gains than another. What a statistically significant difference means is that, on average, for any given child you might randomly select, you will obtain a slight advantage by choosing the statistically superior approach over the other. But when we look at the phenomenon, not on average, but for specific individuals, the picture is quite different. For many children, it probably would not matter much which method they receive; some might have been better off in the control group. When policies mete out instructional methods across the board, for everyone, we will never know what might have happened had teachers possessed the prerogative, the knowledge, and the skill to make differential decisions for individual students. We ask and expect no less of doctors. We want doctors who use the most upto-date knowledge of their field in concert with situated knowledge of patients’ histories and routines to determine optimal course of action—whether exercise, diet, or drugs, or some combination of the three—is the most likely remedy for a symptom or ailment such as high cholesterol. We want doctors who look for reasons to prescribe a special treatment or combination of treatments for us, as individual patients with unique needs and profiles. Moreover, we want doctors who can use their inquiry skills to alter a treatment when the evidence tells them it is not working. Frohlich (as cited in Allington, 2005), conveyed this tension between the general case and the individual patient particularly well: In selecting appropriate therapy, choose a drug or a combination of drugs for which there is strong evidence of effectiveness in persons with the type of problem found in the patient: : : : In choosing between a diuretic and an ACE inhibitor, the physician can make a reasonable selection by reviewing the patient’s history and course: : : : We must remember that trials describe population averages for the purposes of developing guidelines, whereas physicians must focus on the individual patient’s clinical responses. (pp. 640–641)

Allington (2005) argues compellingly that teachers require the same prerogative to engage in “contingent” application of professional practices—matching

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a particular instructional regimen with both generic research-based knowledge and knowledge of individual learners in particular contexts. I agree. We want teachers who use their deep knowledge of subject matter—along with knowledge of individual children’s histories, routines, and dispositions—to create just the right curricular mix for each student and for all students. Moreover we want them to use their inquiry skills to alter those approaches when the evidence that passes before their eyes says the interventions they are using are not working (just as a physician changes a treatment when an individual responds negatively. And like physicians, we want teachers to adhere to the most fundamental of professional ethical standards—do no harm. We want doctors, in fact we require the medical profession, to admit the side effects of various treatments up front so we can evaluate the risks associated with alternative treatments (would that not be a novel addition to educational policy and practice—to admit side effects of particular products or interventions up front). By the way, the other caveat in the drug industry (you hear it in all their ads) is the advice that no matter how good the research on the drug is, you should always consult your personal physician. Would it not be nice if things reached the point where the educational publishing industry, in the course of advertising their products, felt compelled to say, “Oh and by the way before purchasing this product, you should, as with all educational products, consult your personal classroom teacher or neighborhood school.” Even if we have “modal” or “default” programs, we will always need to promote flexibility and versatility. Even in situations in which teacher knowledge is uneven (as it is in so many of our schools, especially urban schools where they cannot recruit enough certified teachers), we ought not to mandate methods for those who have demonstrated that they possess the knowledge required to make these sorts of differential decisions. We need also to remind ourselves that professional knowledge, deep and broad, is the only basis for being granted flexibility of this sort, as well as the only guarantee to a rightfully uneasy public. But these degrees of freedom come with strings attached. This is not a recipe for pedagogical relativism, for “anything goes in my classroom.” Teachers who aspire to professional prerogative must accept the responsibility for keeping their knowledge current, and they must be prepared to alter their practice on the basis of new knowledge—to accept the possibility that new knowledge trumps old practice, no matter how comfortably the old ways fit. In short they must possess a disposition for lifelong learning and continual inquiry. One caution as we move down this road to greater prerogative in shaping programs for individual children. It is easy, oh so easy, to move from accommodating the needs of individuals to the enactment of differential curriculum for students of different races, cultures, language backgrounds, or income levels. And we can end up doing it under the guise of the noblest of reasons—“these

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kids aren’t ready for that yet.” The choices we make, the prerogative we are granted, in meeting the needs of individuals must always be enacted in the name of helping all students meet the highest of standards. When we slip into the application of different standards for different groups of students, we end up amplifying rather than diminishing the differences in cultural capital and educational opportunity among us. The result may be an outcome that is equally as bad as the other bad choice—a uniform curriculum for all. So prerogative yes, but prerogative in the service of high standards and great opportunity for all students. What is not to like in this account? Who would want anything less for our profession? Unfortunately, there are some who appear to want much less, who would reduce the profession to the technocratic enactment of a carefully scripted program, one in which teachers do precisely as they are told. A few years ago I gained an unusual and unexpected audience with one of the most influential of policy makers in California. We agreed neither on reading policy nor on teacher development, and we knew that we had little common ground. But we talked anyway. I pressed the question of the highly prescriptive program adoptions for California and the equally prescriptive state-sanctioned professional development programs designed to “train” teachers to use those programs. I made the typical teacher educator comment, “but what will you do when the state adopts a new program with new features and routines? Would it not be better to invest in genuine teacher education—the kind that will travel from one program to another—rather than narrow training that loses its utility when the current program is gone?” The response was loud, clear, and straightforward: We simply retrain them to use the next program-step by step, skill by skill, and page by page. The assumption in such a view is that teachers, like fast food workers, can be trained to follow a routine that guarantees equal opportunity for all. How can we address this dilemma? How can we retain teacher education and a professional model in the face of great pressure, which might aptly be labeled the McDonaldization of teaching? A good first step would be for the teaching profession to accept, without equivocation, the bargain of greater accountability for knowledge in return for greater prerogative in responding to the inherent variability among students. A good second step would be to document the claim, so central to my thesis, that teachers teach better and students learn more when teachers (and students) have more choices. To fully meet this challenge, many more elements would need to be in place (recapturing authenticity in assessment, crafting quality texts for early readers, ensuring access to the tools of nonfiction and critical literacy-to name but a few), but I would be thrilled to see these two steps (accepting professional accountability and linking teacher prerogative to effective teaching and learning) get off to a flying start. We do not have much time to get it right; those who would eliminate a professional model in favor of a marketplace model continue to press their case (Finn & Kanstoroom, 2000; Walsh & Tracy, 2006).

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INDIVIDUAL DIFFERENCES Earlier I made the point that individual differences are a fact of life in schools and classrooms. Kids arrive in all sizes, shapes, levels of skill and knowledge, interests, habits of mind, and so forth. And other things being equal, good teaching only increases that variability. Historically, teachers and schools have accepted, even celebrated, these differences. In fact, responding to that range of variability has become almost a “holy grail” among teachers, captured in the age-old mantra, “There is no such thing as a best method of teaching, only a best method for a particular child learning a particular body of content, skill, strategy, or disposition.” This value is captured in a common standard for National Board Certification-the assertion that accomplished teachers know their students and respond to their individuality (National Board for Professional Teaching Standards, 2006). In fact, the very first proposition of accomplished teachers is, “They treat students equitably. They recognize the individual differences that distinguish their students from one another and they take account for these differences in their practice.” If one looks at the history of educational reform over the last 100 years, it is clear that the quest for structural means of accommodating intellectual, physical, emotional, and even dispositional differences has been uppermost in our minds as educators. Our track record on this score has been spotty, with even the most well-meaning of efforts. And in the name of accommodating individual differences, we have created all manner of insidious side effects: tracking, grouping, and other means of physically separating students who differ from one another have reified and intensified differences. At the dawn of the 20th century, the notion of individual variation was just beginning to emerge in educational and psychological measurement, with seminal studies by Galton (1865) in England; Wundt (1896–1897) in Germany; and Cattell (1906), who studied with Wundt, in America. But the idea that schools were responsible for finding ways to accommodate to the fact that not all students in a given grade were ready for materials and instruction geared to that grade level was a creation of the developmental perspective that would emerge in post-World War I psychology and incorporated into reading pedagogy by popular writers of methods texts, articles, and basal readers such as Gates (1927, 1937) and Gray (1937). The prevailing philosophy before 1915 was that it was the school’s responsibility to provide students with opportunities to learn, instantiated as the curriculum; but it was the student’s responsibility to make what he or she could of that opportunity. Individual differences in achievement were expected and accepted as a natural consequence of curriculum implementation. But there was no underlying theory about responding to those differences to “level” the playing field for students of different abilities and aptitudes, nor was there any sense of moral or ethical commitment to do so. Equity—what was

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“fair”—was operationally defined as providing everyone with the same opportunity to learn from the very same materials and instruction. With the rise of developmental and differential psychology, the idea that schools could and should accommodate to the individual differences students bring to the classroom door gained prominence in the 1920s, particularly in reading (see Gates, 1937). Since that time there has been a steady stream of proposals for reorganizing schools to achieve this feat. Most notable in the teaching of reading, at least until about a decade ago, has been the quest for some structural mechanism to ensure that each and every child is asked to spend the majority of reading time actually reading materials that he or she can read on his or her own (what we have dubbed the independent reading level) or with a little help from a knowledgeable and thoughtful teacher (what we call the instructional level).1 These plans usually entail some sort of grouping mechanism, such as within-class grouping, cross-class or cross-grade grouping, or schemes designed to provide each student with an “individualized” program of some sort. Nearly all plans of this sort, but especially the within- and crossclass approaches, try to ensure an appropriate level of reading materials for students by creating greater homogeneity of ability or achievement within each instructional group. One approach, individualized libraries, takes as its goal finding the right level of difficulty and topics of interest for each and every student in a class. Noble in spirit, individualized library programs, where each child had his or her own reading list and weekly one-on-one book conferences with the teacher, were in widespread use in the 1960s/1970s (see Veatch, 1960), and they were a staple of the whole language era that would gather strength in the 1980s. The next major development in the individual differences movement was a direct consequence of the “mastery learning” construct championed by Benjamin Bloom (1968) and implicit in the work of John Carroll (1963) and Robert Gagné (1965). Mastery learning is built on a different model of equity than the traditional notion of equity as equal opportunity as indexed by equal curriculum and equal instruction. Instead of holding instruction constant and allowing achievement to vary, we should do just the opposite—hold achievement constant and allow instruction to vary, thus establishing equity of outcomes rather than opportunity. The bet was that if we could just be more precise about the essential elements involved in learning any particular domain, skill, or process, we could bring most, if not all students to high levels of achievement, perhaps even levels where we could state with confidence that they had mastered the domain, skill, or process. The precision could be achieved, according to the champions of mastery learning (see Otto, 1977; Otto & Chester, 1976), by decomposing the 1 See

Shanahan’s (1983) account of the evolution of these constructs stemming from the work of Betts (1946) and Kilgallon (1942).

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phenomenon to be learned into essential elements. Then one could teach (and test) each of the elements to mastery, so that the learner could then assemble the parts into a functioning “whole.” A popular variant of individualized approaches driven by the logic of mastery learning was individually guided education, an outgrowth of the “continuous progress schools” of the 1970s, where fixed gradelevel curriculum gave way to the goal of ensuring that each child was on the right step of the right path toward success (Klausmeier, Rossmiller, & Saily, 1977) through mechanisms such as ungraded primaries and cross-grade clusters in the intermediate grades. Mastery learning was “trumped” for about a decade by constructivist pedagogies—whole language, literature-based reading, and process writing—in the 1980s and 1990s. And with the constructivist pedagogies came a radical transformation in our approach to individual differences. This radical proposal for accommodating individual differences is implicit in the instructional logic underlying the whole language movement and is captured in Harste’s notion of the child as curriculum informant (Harste, Burke, & Woodward, 1984). The idea is that in the process of learning to read and write in authentic learning environments, every student will send signals to a teacher about his or her strengths and needs; a responsive teacher will know how to read these signals (responses to the instruction and the tasks he or she is asked to do) and provide just the right book, assignment, scaffold, or form of feedback to move the student to the next step of development. But mastery learning, in repackaged form, reemerged in the middle 1990s in the standards-based reading reforms that swept the country in the wake of major changes in Title I (Clinton’s Improving America’s Schools Act, 1994, and Bush’s NCLB, 2002). If one compares the logic of the standards-based movement (specify what students should know and be able to do—measure achievement of the standards—then hold everyone accountable to the goal of 100% of the students achieving the standard), it is wholly consistent with mastery learning. Indeed, many of the state and district standards tests spawned by the standards movement assess reading at an elemental or atomistic level, in much the same spirit as the tests developed in the heyday of the mastery learning era (see Johnson & Pearson, 1975). In the first iteration of the standards movement, from the early 1990s through the early 2000s, educators essentially made a deal with policy makers: “We’ll hold ourselves accountable to the goal of all students achieving the standard. But in return, you’ll have to provide us with maximum flexibility and prerogative in achieving that goal.” In recent years, however, the terms of the bargain have changed, and it is the new bargain that has all but destroyed any hope of accommodating individual differences. In this new world of reading instruction—with pacing guides to tell us when to teach what lessons and how much time to spend on each activity, with scripts to tell us what to say when, with monitors looking over our

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shoulders to check on our fidelity to the intervention, with the expectation that ALL students will be exposed to the very same grade level selections whether they can actually read them or not and to grade level activities and assignments whether they can do them or not—we have created a new instructional reality. In the oldest equation—where equity meant equal opportunity—we fixed the means of instruction and allowed the ends (the outcomes) to vary. In the mastery learning and the pre-NCLB version of the standards based approach, we fixed the ends and allowed the means to vary. What we seem to be doing in the reified curricular world we have created since the enactment of NCLB is fixing both the ends (through our standards) and the means (through tightly monitored curricula), allowing nothing to vary. It is students and their teachers who must accommodate to the curriculum in this model, not the other way around. And this logic of dual fixation gets played out for older struggling readers as well as for younger readers because so many of the middle and high school interventions simply retrace the steps (re-teaching phonemic awareness and phonics) that students presumably stumbled on the first or second time around. Given my earlier arguments about the inevitability of individual differences (kids come to school with them, and if we are any good at instruction we only increase them), it should be no surprise to learn that I find our current situation hopelessly misguided and morally indefensible. It defies both logic and experience to believe that the learning of all will be enhanced by a curriculum that meets the individual needs of few if any. It strains professional judgment to think that we can maximize the growth of low achievers by dragging them through a curriculum in which they can read little of the material for themselves and perform few of the assignments without extensive scaffolding. And what little evidence we do have on this matter suggests that meeting kids where they are is more effective; for example, O’Connor et al. (2002) found that tutoring that matched the reading level of intermediate grade struggling readers promoted greater achievement growth than did tutoring that matched the grade level of the students. Perhaps even more serious is that research is not improving the matter; “research-based” practice of the sort emphasized in the surge of materials developed in the wake of the National Reading Panel (NICHD, 2000) and NCLB offers little provision for meeting individual differences. As McGill-Franzen, Zmach, Solic, and Zeig (2006) have documented for the state of Florida, the materials developed for and sanctioned by Florida’s “research-based” standards promote whole class instruction and grade-level materials for everyone. But, still, approximately one third of the students fail to achieve even the minimum levels of reading proficiency needed to meet the Florida standard for promotion to the next grade. In short the scientific programs are no panacea for the enormous problems we face as a profession when it comes to closing the achievement gap. So what is to be done to restore some respect for individual differences and some curricular moves that genuinely assist student growth? Research is

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not a great help in deciding this question because we just have not conducted the sort of research that would give us uncontested answers. One would think, for example, that with the long tradition of IEPs (Individualized Educational Plans) in special education, we would actually know whether students taught in a manner consistent with their IEPs make greater progress than those whose instruction is guided by some random or convenient approach. We do not. By the way, nor do we have much research validating the tiered approach to intervention (moving from regular to remedial to targeted education settings) that seems to be rapidly sweeping the country as the latest solution to meeting individual needs. One would think that we would know whether it was better for students to spend most of their time reading materials that are in their zone of proximal development-somewhere between independent and instructional level depending on context and expectations. We have some hints in that direction but we do not have anything approaching conclusive evidence. We surely need evidence to test the validity of both claims, for they are cornerstone assumptions behind the approach to coping with individual differences that I would champion. We owe it to ourselves as educators and to our students and their parents to find conclusive evidence to evaluate these claims. In the interim, until that evidence is forthcoming, we should operate on the assumption that both claims are valid. Logic, experience, and moral responsibility dictate adherence to these principles of individualization in the face of no or inconclusive evidence.

AND SO : : : These, then, are my three candidates for a reading education endangered species act—transfer, professional prerogative, and individual differences. Each candidate is a less prominent feature of the reading policy and practice landscape than it was a decade ago. Each has been bullied off the policy landscape by unfortunate alternatives. I believe that some species of scholarship and some classes of educational principles deserve to be endangered, overturned, and forgotten—when they have outlived their usefulness and outstripped the evidence supporting their influence on practice. As near as I can tell, the endangerment of these three constructs does not stem from the careful analysis of research findings—findings that would call into question their efficacy or relevance to curriculum and teaching. They have been called into question, relegated to a minor role, by curricular and policy developments that lay claim to a strong research base but, on closer examination, are as driven by ideology as any movement in recent decades. It is time to take transfer, professional prerogative, and individual differences off the endangered species list. This will not be easy. Their alternatives (curriculum-embedded assessment, pedagogical consistency through scripting

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and pacing, and equal curricular opportunity) have attracted a great deal of political capital and credibility (not to mention the force of mandate). Nothing short of a major policy initiative to reposition these three constructs in the evolving policy conversation, combined with a focused research program to validate their efficacy, will do. For starters, I think we should return them to a prominent position in the policy conversation and the policy agenda. And they should remain there until and unless compelling evidence of their ineffectiveness is presented. How we ever let them become endangered is mystifying to me. But our past negligence should only increase our current resolve to restore them to health.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Special thanks to Richard Allington, Barbara Taylor, Susie Goodin, and Helen Maniates for careful reviews of various drafts and sensible suggestions for improvement.

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Good, R. H., & Kaminski, R. A. (Eds.). (2002). Dynamic indicators of basic early literacy skills (6th ed.). Eugene, OR: Institute for the Development of Educational Achievement. Available from http://dibels.uoregon.edu Gray, W. S. (1937). A review of C. R. Stone, Better primary reading: How to adapt reading instruction to the varying needs of the children. The Elementary School Journal, 38, 73–74. Haladyna, T. M., Nolan, S. B., & Haas, N. S. (1991). Raising standardized achievement test scores and the origins of test score pollution. Educational Researcher, 20, 2–7. Harste, J., Burke, C., & Woodward, V. (1984). Language stories and literacy lessons. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. Herman, J., & Golan, S. (1991). Effects of standardized testing on teachers and learning-another look (CSE Tech. Rep. No. 334). Los Angeles: Center for the Study of Evaluation. Improving America’s Schools Act of 1994, Pub. L. No. 103-382, 108 Stat. 3518 et. seq. (1994). Retrieved December 12, 2006, from http://www.ed.gov/legislation/ESEA/index.html Johnson, D. D., & Pearson, P. D. (1975). Skills management systems: A critique. The Reading Teacher, 28, 757–764. Kelly, W. (1953). The Pogo papers. New York: Simon & Schuster. Kilgallon, P. A. (1942). A study of the relationships among certain pupil adjustments in reading situations. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Pennsylvania State College. Klausmeier, R. A., Rossmiller, R. A., & Saily, M. (Eds.). (1977). Individually guided elementary education: Concepts and practices. New York: Academic. Linn, R. L. (2000). Assessments and accountability. Educational Researcher, 29(2), 4–16. McGill-Franzen, A., Zmach, C., Solic, K., & Zeig, J. L. (2006). The confluence of two policy mandates: Core reading programs and third-grade retention in Florida. Elementary School Journal, 107(1), 67–91. National Board for Professional Teaching Standards. (2006). The five core propositions. Retrieved November 10, 2006, from http://www.nbpts.org/the_standards/the_five_core_propositio National Institute of Child Health and Human Development. (2000). Report of the National Reading Panel: Teaching children to read: An evidence-based assessment of the scientific research literature on reading and its implications for reading instruction: Reports of the subgroups. Washington, DC: Author. No Child Left Behind Act of 2001, Pub. L. No. 107–110, 115 Stat. 1425. (2002). Retrieved April 10, 2003, from http://www.ed.gov/offices/OESE/esea O’Connor, R. E., Bell, K. M., Harty, K. R., Larkin, L. K., Sackor, S. M., & Zigmond, N. (2002). Teaching reading to poor readers in the intermediate grades: A comparison of text difficulty. Journal of Educational Psychology, 94(3), 474–485). Otto, W. (1977). The Wisconsin design; A reading program for individually guided elementary education. In R. A. Klausmeier, R. A. Rossmiller, & M. Saily (Eds.), Individually guided elementary education: Concepts and practices (pp. 216–237). New York: Academic. Otto, W., & Chester, R. D. (1976). Objective-based reading. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. Shanahan, T. (Ed.). (1983). Edited version of P. A. Killgallon, A study of relationships among certain pupil adjustments in reading situations. In L. Gentile, M. L. Kamil, & J. Blanchard (Eds.), Reading research revisited (pp. 553–556). Columbus, OH: Merrill. U.S. Department of Education, Office of Post-Secondary Education, Office of Planning and Innovation. (2002). Meeting the highly qualified teachers challenge: The secretary’s annual report on teacher quality. Washington, DC: Author. Veatch, J. (1960). In defense of individualized reading. Elementary English, 37, 227–234. Walsh, K., & Tracy, C. O. (2006). Increasing the odds: How good policies can yield better teachers. Washington, DC: National Council on Teacher Quality. Wundt, W. M. (1896–1897). Outlines of psychology (C. H. Judd., Trans.). Retrieved December 10, 2006, from http://www.hyorku.ca/dept/psych/classics/Wundt/Outlines/

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P. David Pearson serves as Dean of the Graduate School of Education at the University of California, Berkeley, and as a faculty member in the Language, Literacy, and Culture program. His current research focuses on issues of reading instruction and reading assessment policies and practices. With degrees from UC Berkeley (BA in history) and Minnesota (PhD in education), Pearson has served the reading and literacy education profession in a range of roles: as editor of Reading Research Quarterly and the National Reading Conference Yearbook, as president of NRC and member of the IRA board of directors, and as the founding editor of the Handbook of Reading Research. Those contributions have earned him several awards: IRA’s William S. Gray Citation of Merit (1990) and Albert Harris Award (2005), NRC’s Oscar Causey Award (1989), and NCTE’s Alan Purves Award (2003). Before coming to UC Berkeley, Pearson served on the reading education faculties at Minnesota, Illinois, and Michigan State. He can be contacted at the Graduate School of Education, 1501 Tolman Hall, No. 1670, University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley CA 94720-1670. E-mail: [email protected]