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Personality and Individual Differences 86 (2015) 477–481

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Personality and Individual Differences journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/paid

#Me: Narcissism and its facets as predictors of selfie-posting frequency Eric B. Weiser ⁎ Department of Psychology, Curry College, United States

a r t i c l e

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Article history: Received 27 April 2015 Received in revised form 29 June 2015 Accepted 3 July 2015 Available online 18 July 2015 Keywords: Narcissism Photo sharing Selfies Social media Social networking sites

a b s t r a c t “Selfies” are amateur photographs people take of themselves, usually with a smartphone. Sharing selfies on social media has become a popular activity, prompting questions about its psychological meaning and dispositionallyrelevant motives. This study was performed to examine the association between narcissism, a personality trait characterized by inflated self-views and attempts to seek attention and admiration from others, and frequency of posting selfies on social networking sites. In addition, the association between posting selfies and three facets of narcissism (i.e., Leadership/Authority, Grandiose Exhibitionism, Entitlement/Exploitativeness) was explored. These questions were addressed in a nationally representative sample of 1204 men and women who completed an online survey. Results showed that narcissism, as well as the Leadership/Authority and Grandiose Exhibitionism facets, but not Entitlement/Exploitativeness, exhibited positive and significant associations with selfieposting frequency. Age did not moderate the predictive effects of narcissism or any of its three dimensions, indicating that the relationship between narcissism, its facets, and posting selfies is not age dependent. However, the more adaptive Leadership/Authority facet emerged as a stronger predictor of selfie posting among women than men, whereas the maladaptive Entitlement/Exploitativeness facet predicted selfie posting among men, but not women. Interpretations and implications of these findings are discussed. © 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction Photo sharing has become an important part of the online social experience. Over half of U.S. internet users post photos online (Pew Research Center, 2013), perhaps owing to the increasing use of smartphones; in the U.S., nearly two-thirds of adults own a smartphone, compared to 35% in 2011 (Pew Research Center, 2015). These devices simplify photo sharing through social media by enabling users to take and post digital photographs on social networking sites (SNSs) instantaneously. This function is facilitated through photo-sharing sites such as Instagram, a mobile photo platform allowing users to share photographs and videos over SNSs such as Facebook and Twitter. Instagram hosts over 30 billion photographs, and, on average, 70 million photographs are posted to the site each day from its 300 million users (Instagram, 2014). The rise in photo sharing has helped spark a precipitous new social phenomenon: the snapping and sending of amateur self-portrait photographs – known as selfies – to SNSs. “Selfie” is now part of today's vernacular and is formally defined as “a photograph that one has taken of oneself, typically one taken with a smartphone or webcam and uploaded to a social media website” ("Infographic: A Closer Look at 'Selfie,'" 2013, para. 4). In 2013, Oxford Dictionaries added selfie to its lexicon and later named it their international “Word of the Year” (Brumfield, 2013). Selfies permeate the social media landscape; for ⁎ Department of Psychology, Curry College, Milton, MA 02186, United States. E-mail address: [email protected].

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2015.07.007 0191-8869/© 2015 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

example, Instagram hosts over 238 million photographs hashtagged with #selfie and over 126 million hashtagged with #me. The pervasiveness of selfie posting raises questions concerning the social and psychological motives behind this behavior. What important needs and goals does selfie posting reflect, and from which dispositional attributes do they emanate? The objective of this study is to extend previous work on trait predictors of SNS use and behavior by examining the connection between selfie posting and narcissism, a personality trait marked by grandiosity and egocentrism, and by the constant pursuit of veneration by others (Brown, Budzek & Tamborski, 2009; Campbell, Reeder, Sedikides & Elliot, 2000). Photographs convey important social information in numerous online domains (Ellison, Heino & Gibbs, 2006; Kapidzic, 2013; Whitty, 2008). Of the photographs shared online, selfies seem inherently to contain the most explicit elements of ostentation and self-propagation. Indeed, selfies have been described as “a symptom of social media-driven narcissism” (Pearlman, 2013, para. 20), reflecting the intuitive assumption that the taking and posting of such photographs constitute self-promoting gambits by the selfabsorbed. Empirically, however, selfie posting and its association with narcissism has been largely unexplored. Because narcissists are motivated to gain others' attention and admiration to maintain their inflated self-views (Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001), posting selfies plausibly may function as a novel psychological maneuver through which narcissistic individuals attempt to meet these self-regulatory objectives. Hence, examining the relationship between narcissism and selfie posting is an issue of importance because it may shed light on the psychological meanings of this activity in the social media milieu.

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1.1. Narcissism and SNS use Narcissism has received particular attention in research examining predictors of SNS use, the presumption being that SNSs may create or reinforce narcissistic tendencies by serving as channels for selfpromotional displays (Buffardi & Campbell, 2008). Several studies have revealed a positive relationship between narcissism and the frequency of using SNSs (Panek, Nardis & Konrath, 2013; Ryan & Xenos, 2011), as well as narcissistic-like patterns of self-promoting behaviors (e.g., status updates, number of Facebook friends, use of language and photographs to draw attention to oneself) on these sites (Carpenter, 2012; DeWall, Buffardi, Bonser & Campbell, 2011; Mehdizadeh, 2010). To date, there have been only two studies investigating the link between narcissism and posting selfies. Although positive associations were reported in both, investigators in one of these studies (Fox & Rooney, 2015) assessed narcissism using a four-item subscale of the Dirty Dozen (Jonason & Webster, 2010), a 12-item measure of Dark Triad personality traits (Paulus & Williams, 2002). Moreover, participation in this study was limited to adult males age 40 and younger. Sorokowski et al. (2015) used a Polish adaptation of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI; Raskin & Terry, 1988), which has a different factor structure than the original version, to examine how various components of narcissism relate to selfie-posting behavior. These investigators found that three of the four subscales specific to the Polish adaptation (i.e., Vanity, Leadership, Admiration Demand) predicted selfie posting among men, whereas one (Admiration Demand) predicted selfie posting among women. It is necessary to continue examining how narcissism and its components are related to selfie posting. Narcissism is a complex, multifaceted construct consisting of socially adaptive and maladaptive components (Ackerman et al., 2011; Emmons, 1987; Kubarych, Deary & Austin, 2004). Thus, viewing narcissism as a unidimensional rather than a nuanced, dimensional construct may obfuscate relationships between its facets and important criterion variables (Brown et al., 2009). Further, age and gender differences in narcissism have been documented; specifically, recent generations are more narcissistic than previous generations (Twenge, Konrath, Foster, Campbell & Bushman, 2008), and men are more narcissistic than are women (Grijalva et al., 2015). It is therefore crucial to examine and clarify how these demographic variables moderate associations between narcissism, its facets, and outcome measures. 1.2. The dimensions of narcissism Factor analytic studies of the NPI, the primary self-report measure of narcissism used in social and personality research (Cain, Pincus & Ansell, 2008), have revealed varying factor structures, with as few as two (Corry, Merritt, Mrug & Pamp, 2008) and as many as seven (Raskin & Terry, 1988) factors having been reported. Most recently, Ackerman et al. (2011) demonstrated that the NPI assesses three robust and empirically useful components of narcissism: Leadership/Authority, Grandiose Exhibitionism, and Entitlement/Exploitativeness. Leadership/Authority (LA) reflects self-perceptions of leadership, dominance, and the capacity for social agency. Individuals who score high on LA are motivated to lead and seek power and authority over others. Grandiose Exhibitionism (GE) reflects self-absorption, vanity, and exhibitionistic propensities. Individuals who score high on GE are in love with themselves and crave attention; they enjoy showing off and actively seek opportunities for self-promotion. Entitlement/ Exploitativeness (EE) reflects entitlement, a sense one deserves respect, and a willingness to exploit others. Individuals who score high on EE possess unmerited or unreasonable expectations of favorable treatment; they believe they deserve whatever they wish and will take advantage of others in the service of their goals. Of these, LA is considered adaptive in that it is related to indices of psychological adjustment (e.g., self-esteem), and unrelated to narcissism's more

interpersonally aversive elements. Conversely, GE and especially EE are regarded as socially toxic and are more readily linked to maladaptive social outcomes (Ackerman et al., 2011). 1.3. Overview and predictions Given that narcissism is associated with the use of self-promoting SNS behaviors, it was expected that narcissism would be positively related to the frequency of positing selfies on SNSs. In addition, the NPI subscales of LA, GE, and EE were analyzed to determine their differential contributions to the prediction of selfie posting and, thus, to gain insight into the specific narcissistic needs this activity serves. As GE strongly predicts self-promoting SNS behavior (Carpenter, 2012), it was expected that this relationship extends to selfie posting. Therefore, it was further predicted that, of the narcissism facets, GE would exhibit the strongest association with selfie-posting frequency. Finally, age and gender were included in this study to test their potential roles as moderators. As noted above, generational increases in narcissism have been reported (Twenge et al., 2008); further, “millennials” are more inclined toward posting selfies than are previous generations (Pew Research Center, 2014a). Thus, if narcissism predicts selfie posting, this relationship may be stronger for younger than older individuals. In addition, although men score higher on all three narcissism facets (Grijalva et al., 2015), women post more selfies than do men (Sorokowski et al., 2015). It is therefore necessary to examine gender as a possible moderator of the hypothesized associations. 2. Method 2.1. Participants and procedure A total of 1248 U.S. residents were recruited from Amazon's Mechanical Turk (Mason & Suri, 2012) to participate in the study in return for a small payment. Participants completed an online survey developed through QuestionPro. Forty-four participants failed to complete the survey fully and were excluded from the analysis. The final sample (N = 1204) was predominantly White (75%) and female (65%), with an average age of 32.81 (range = 16–74, SD = 11.56). 2.2. Measures 2.2.1. Time using SNSs Participants indicated, on average, how many times per day they visited SNSs and the average duration in minutes per visit. The product of these two open-ended responses yielded an estimate of the amount of time participants spend using SNSs (Panek, Nardis & Konrath, 2013) and was used as a covariate in later analyses.1 2.2.2. Posting frequency Frequency of participants' posting (e.g., status updates, comments, pictures, links) on SNSs was assessed and used as an additional covariate in subsequent analyses. Posting frequency was determined by a single item using a response scale ranging from 1 (never) to 8 (more than once per day). 2.2.3. Selfie-posting frequency Participants responded to the following item: “Do you know what a selfie is?” Those who indicated “No” were branched to an item providing a formal definition of a selfie; those who indicated “Yes” (97%) were branched to another item providing a definition, but beginning with, “As you know, a selfie is…” Next, all participants responded to a second yes-or-no item: “Have you ever shared a selfie on a photo 1 Examination of the distributions for each variable revealed that the amount of time using SNSs exhibited substantial positive skew; hence, this variable was subjected to a logarithmic transformation. All other variables were normally distributed.

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Table 1 Correlations between variables, means, and standard deviations. Measure

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

M

SD

1. Selfie-posting frequency 2. Time using SNSs 3. Posting frequency 4. Age 5. Narcissism 6. Leadership/Authority 7. Grandiose Exhibitionism 8. Entitlement/Exploitativeness



.22⁎⁎⁎ –

.41⁎⁎⁎ .28⁎⁎⁎ –

−.32⁎⁎⁎ −.07⁎

.32⁎⁎⁎ .12⁎⁎⁎ .18⁎⁎⁎ −.22⁎⁎⁎ –

.26⁎⁎⁎ .09⁎⁎ .16⁎⁎⁎ −.13⁎⁎⁎ .87⁎⁎⁎ –

.27⁎⁎⁎ .08⁎⁎ .12⁎⁎⁎ −.18⁎⁎⁎ .77⁎⁎⁎ .50⁎⁎⁎ –

.16⁎⁎⁎ .06 .10⁎⁎⁎ −.20⁎⁎⁎ .55⁎⁎⁎ .36⁎⁎⁎ .36⁎⁎⁎

3.49 100.96 5.32 32.81 12.79 4.41 2.32 0.90

2.38 156.36 2.05 11.56 7.61 3.08 2.42 1.05

−.05 –



Note: Pearson product-moment correlations. M = mean; SD = standard deviation. ⁎ p b .05. ⁎⁎ p b .01. ⁎⁎⁎ p b .001.

sharing or social networking site, such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Flickr, and Snapchat?” Participants who indicated “No” were branched to a subsequent section of the survey; those who indicated “Yes” (64%) were branched to an item asking, “How often would you say that you share selfies on photo sharing or social networking sites?” Response options consisted of: “less than once a year;” “once a year;” “several times per year, but less than once a month;” “once a month;” “a few times a month, but less than once a week;” “once a week;” “a few times per week;” “once a day;” and “more than once a day.”

2.2.4. Narcissism Participants completed the 40-item Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI-40, Raskin & Terry, 1988), which assesses individual differences in trait narcissism. The NPI-40 uses a forced-choice format, in that each item asks respondents to choose one of two statements that is most selfdescriptive; one of the statements reflects narcissistic sentiments and the other does not (e.g., “I am more capable than other people.” vs. “There is a lot that I can learn from other people.”). For each item, the narcissistic statement is scored a 1 and the non-narcissistic statement is scored a 0. A confirmatory factor analysis was performed on the NPI to determine if the Ackerman et al. (2011) model fit the data adequately. Mplus 7.31 was used to estimate the three-factor model consisting of the items for LA, GE, and EE. Because NPI indicators are dichotomous, the model was estimated using the robust weighted least squares (WLSMV) estimation method (Brown, 2006). In replication of Ackerman et al. (2011), covariances between residuals for selected indicators were specified. Results showed that the three-factor model provided acceptable fit to the data (CFI = .941, TLI = .933, RMSEA = .048).

Table 2 Summary of hierarchical multiple regression analysis predicting selfie-posting frequency from narcissism. Predictor Step 1 Time using SNSs Posting frequency Age Gender Step 2 Narcissism Step 3 Age × narcissism Gender × narcissism Total R2 N

β

t

.15⁎⁎ .32⁎⁎ −.29⁎⁎ −.08⁎

5.11 11.49 −11.63 −3.12

.21⁎⁎

8.15

−.04 −.03

−1.94 −1.25

ΔR2

Fchg

.28

116.62⁎⁎

.04

66.39⁎⁎

b.01

2.58

.32 1204

Note. Gender was coded: 0 = female, 1 = male. β is the standardized regression coefficient. For Step 2, F(5, 1199) = 111.66, p b .001; for Step 3, F(7, 1197) = 80.71, p b .001. ⁎ p b .01. ⁎⁎ p b .001.

Along with NPI-40 total scores (α = .88), items pertaining to the three factors were summed to form subscales: LA (11 items, α = .81), GE (10 items, α = .79), and EE (4 items, α = .51).2 3. Results Data were analyzed using IBM SPSS 22.0. Intercorrelations, means, and standard deviations are displayed in Table 1. Time using SNSs, posting frequency, narcissism, and each of the three narcissism subscales all correlated positively with selfie-posting frequency; age, however, correlated negatively with self-posting frequency. A hierarchical multiple regression analysis was performed to test the hypothesis that narcissism predicts selfie-posting frequency. Time using SNSs, posting frequency, age, and gender served as covariates and were entered in Step 1. Subsequently, narcissism was entered in Step 2, and the two-way interactions of age, gender, and narcissism were entered in Step 3. As recommended when testing interaction effects in multiple regression, each predictor variable was centered, and interaction terms were formed by multiplying together the centered predictors (Aiken & West, 1991). Examination of variance inflation factors (VIFs; Stevens, 2001) indicated that multicollinearity was not a problem in any of the regression analyses. Table 2 summarizes the regression model. Collectively, the covariates explained a significant proportion of the variance in selfie-posting frequency. After the covariates were entered, narcissism positively predicted selfie-posting frequency (β = .21, t = 8.15, p b .001) and explained a significant proportion of the variance. Both interaction terms entered in Step 3 were nonsignificant, indicating that neither age nor gender moderated the effect of narcissism on selfie posting. A second hierarchical multiple regression tested the predictive effects of the three narcissism facets on selfie posting. After covariates were entered in Step 1, the LA, GE, and EE subscales were entered in Step 2. In Step 3, all two-way interactions involving age, gender, and the three subscales were entered; as before, each of the relevant variables were centered. As shown in Table 3, both LA (β = .12, t = 3.98, p b .001) and GE (β = .13, t = 4.55, p b .001) contributed significantly and positively to the prediction of selfie-posting frequency. A significant gender × LA interaction emerged in Step 3, indicating that the predictive effect of LA was stronger among women than among men. Specifically, analysis of separate regression equations revealed that although LA was significantly positively related to posting selfies among both female and male participants, this relationship was stronger among women (β = .20, p b .001) than among men (β = .12, p b .01). Additionally, a significant gender × EE interaction was observed in Step 3, indicating that that the predictive effect of EE was stronger among men than women. Analysis of simple regression equations demonstrated that EE was positively related to posting selfies among men (β = .13, p b .01) but not among women (β = −.03, n.s.). 2 Levene's tests revealed that men's and women's total narcissism and subscale scores were homoscedastic.

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4. Discussion The results of this study are in accordance with research examining narcissism and its relationship to attention-seeking and self-promoting behaviors in social media environments (e.g., Buffardi & Campbell, 2008; Carpenter, 2012; DeWall, Buffardi, Bonser & Campbell, 2011), and they replicate and extend previous findings supporting a positive association between narcissism and selfies (Fox & Rooney, 2015; Sorokowski et al., 2015). Overall, findings from this investigation suggest that posting selfies, as with other self-promoting SNS behaviors, represents an avenue through which narcissistic needs are expressed through social media. For example, narcissistic individuals consider themselves to be physically attractive (Bleske-Rechek, Remiker & Baker, 2008) and, in fact, meta-analytic evidence suggests they are (Holtzman & Strube, 2010). Hence, these individuals may consider selfie-posting as a conduit through which they can use their looks to garner both attention and admiration. However, the association between total NPI narcissism and posting selfies obscures which narcissism facets are driving this behavior. Specifically, LA and GE predicted selfie-posting frequency, whereas EE did not. It seems, then, that for individuals high in narcissism, posting selfies constitutes a means to not only seek attention and admiration from others (GE), but also to convey heightened perceptions of leadership, authority, and dominance (LA). Combined, these dimensions capture agentic, approach-oriented elements of narcissism (Ackerman et al., 2011), suggesting that selfie posting may be a manifestation of more adaptive self-enhancement tendencies, rather than the more socially noxious tendencies captured by EE. For their part, individuals high in EE may regard other SNS behaviors (e.g., retaliating against others' negative comments) as viable means to satisfy narcissistic objectives (Carpenter, 2012). Unexpectedly, age did not moderate the predictive influence of either total narcissism and or its dimensions on posting selfies, suggesting that self-promoting displays on SNSs may not be age dependent. Given the increasing engagement with SNSs among adults of all ages (Pew Research Center, 2014b), selfie posting might serve to fulfill narcissistic goals throughout much of adulthood. As previous investigations examining narcissistic behaviors on SNSs have often used college-age samples (e.g., Bergman, Fearrington, Davenport & Bergman, 2011; Kapidzic, 2013; Mehdizadeh, 2010), future work might benefit from sampling participants whose ages are sufficiently representative of the adult population. Of importance, gender moderated the predictive effect of LA, in that selfie-posting frequency was linked to higher levels of LA among women than among men. LA appears to represent a dimension of personality related to psychological resilience and social potency (Ackerman et al., 2011). It embodies agentic qualities (e.g., assertiveness, dominance) – elements incongruous with female gender stereotypes (Eagly & Karau, 2002) – and, in fact, men exhibit stronger LA than do women (Grijalva et al., 2015). Agentic women who violate communal gender role stereotypes are often perceived negatively (Rudman & Glick, 2001), perhaps discouraging women in leadership roles from presenting themselves in ways that are distinctly masculine or feminine (Koenig, Eagly, Mitchell & Ristikari, 2011). Because posting selfies is neither inherently “masculine” nor “feminine,” narcissistic women who harbor selfperceptions of power, authority, and dominance over others may view selfie-posting as a viable way to satisfy their agentic needs without incurring social penalties. Equally important, selfie-posting frequency was significantly associated with EE among men, but not women. Although men score substantially higher than do women on EE, and gender differences in narcissism are driven principally by this facet (Grijalva et al., 2015), EE is not associated with the desire to self-promote on SNSs (Carpenter, 2012). However, EE correlates with elements of pathological narcissism, a trait viewed as distinct from the more “normal” narcissism assessed by the NPI (Pincus et al., 2009). These elements seem to capture a fundamentally insecure and vulnerable aspect of personality and are

marked by contingent self-esteem, devaluation of others who do not provide needed adulation, and anger when entitled expectations are not met (Ackerman et al, 2011). It is therefore possible that, among narcissistic men, selfie posting might represent a pathological selfregulatory maneuver aimed at boosting self-enhancement and validation. Ideally, future work addressing how “unhealthy” forms of narcissism relate to SNS behavior will employ measures that assess such forms explicitly (e.g., Pathological Narcissism Inventory [PNI]; Pincus et al., 2009).

4.1. Strengths, limitations, and conclusions Primary strengths of this study include the use of a large, nationally representative sample of participants and the analysis of both total narcissism and its conceptually meaningful facets. Nevertheless, several limitations bear mentioning. First, the low reliability of the EE subscale may have attenuated the observed associations between this facet and self-posting frequency. However, this subscale's low alpha coefficient likely is attributable to its small number of total items rather than its content (Ackerman et al., 2011). More practically, the internal consistency of personality scales is of limited utility in evaluating their validity (McCrae, Kurtz, Yamagata & Terracciano, 2011). Second, although measurement equivalence was presumed in this study, the observed gender differences in NPI facets may have reflected differences in the ways men and women interpret or respond to NPI items. It should be noted, however, that Grijalva et al. (2015) ruled out the possibility that gender differences in the three facets are artifacts of measurement bias, concluding that differences in men's and women's scores on the NPI can be “interpreted at face value” (p. 20). Third, although the predictive effect of narcissism and its facets were statistically significant after controlling for empirically-relevant covariates, selfie posting may be associated with other factors not assessed here, such as other personality traits (e.g., extraversion). In sum, the present research compliments and extends prior work demonstrating that personality and trait-related needs are powerful architects of the behaviors on display in social media enclaves. Posting selfies is not a motivationally vacuous activity; instead, it is a form of self-expression that carries with it social and psychological meaning. Findings from this study demonstrate that selfies tell us something important about those who share them and, as such, offer valuable insights into the uses of social media in general. Table 3 Summary of hierarchical multiple regression analysis predicting selfie-posting frequency from narcissism subscales. Predictor Step 1 Control variablesa Step 2 LA GE EE Step 3 Age × LA Gender × LA Age × GE Gender × GE Age × EE Gender × EE Total R2 N

β

t

.12⁎⁎ .13⁎⁎ −.01

3.98 4.55 −0.03

−.04 −.09⁎

−1.50 −2.31 −1.37 0.52 1.60 2.17

−.04 .02 .04 .08⁎

ΔR2

Fchg

.28

116.62⁎⁎

.05

24.03⁎⁎

.01

2.54⁎

.34 1204

Note. Gender was coded: 0 = female, 1 = male. β is the standardized regression coefficient. LA = Leadership/Authority; GE = Grandiose Exhibitionism; EE = Entitlement/ Exploitativeness. For Step 2, F(7, 1197) = 80.77, p b .001; for Step 3, F(13, 1191) = 45.06, p b .001. a Estimated values were the same as in the previous analysis. ⁎ p b .05. ⁎⁎ p b .001.

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