Metaphor in Mandela's Long Walk To Freedom: A ...

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Metaphor in Mandela's Long Walk To Freedom: A cross-cultural comparison Amanda BB Nokele

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Department of Linguistics, University of South Africa, PO Box 392, Unisa, 0003, Pretoria, South Africa Available online: 11 Jan 2012

To cite this article: Amanda BB Nokele (2011): Metaphor in Mandela's Long Walk To Freedom: A cross-cultural comparison, Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies, 29:3, 327-341 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.2989/16073614.2011.647496

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SOUTHERN AFRICAN LINGUISTICS AND APPLIED LANGUAGE STUDIES ISSN 1607–3614 EISSN 1727–9461 DOI: 10.2989/16073614.2011.647496

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Metaphor in Mandela’s Long Walk To Freedom: A cross-cultural comparison Amanda BB Nokele Department of Linguistics, University of South Africa, PO Box 392, Unisa 0003, Pretoria, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]

Abstract: The translatability of metaphors has been widely discussed within the discipline of translation studies. Van den Broeck (1981) suggests three strategies for translating metaphor. These were tested within the theoretical framework of descriptive translation studies (DTS) and the results reported in this article. Using examples from Long walk to freedom and its translations in isiXhosa and isiZulu, the study identifies similarities and differences in the way the translators dealt with the translation of metaphorical expressions. It further considers whether their translations were able to retain the power of the original metaphor. From the sample of metaphors studied, it has been established that it was possible to translate most as metaphors. However, it was not always possible to retain the vehicle of the metaphor, in part because of differences between the source and target languages and cultures. The study determined that the strategies used by the isiXhosa and isiZulu translators are to a large extent similar. Introduction All human thought processes are largely metaphorical (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). Humans express their experiences and realities through metaphors, which are viewed as characteristic of a language. They allow speakers of the language to understand one domain of experience in terms of another (Lakoff & Johnson, 1980). Although human experiences may be the same, the way in which these experiences are conceptualised could be different because of language or cultural differences. This difference becomes more evident when the experiences are translated into another language. An interesting domain to explore is how translators manage to translate metaphors and to what degree the power of the metaphor can be retained in translation. In this article, I explore how the metaphors in Long walk to freedom (Mandela, 1994) have been rendered from English into isiXhosa and isiZulu in the translations Indlela ende eya enkululekweni (Mandela, 2001a) by Peter Mtuze and Uhambo olude oluya enkululekweni (Mandela, 2001b) by DBZ Ntuli. There has been considerable debate in translation studies (for example, Van den Broeck, 1981; Newmark, 1988; Schäffner, 2004) regarding the translation of metaphor. The cultural aspect of metaphor makes it difficult to translate, especially if the languages that are juxtaposed conceptualise their experiences differently. Translation is by its nature a decision-making process (Wilss, 1998). In this article, I therefore attempt to solve the problem of decision making in translation in terms of the translators’ cognitive systems. I explore the decision-making process by examining the strategies the translators of Long walk to freedom had at their disposal in terms of the choices they were able to make, the factors that influenced their decisions, and the products they ultimately decided upon. The study was therefore both process and product oriented. The investigation was based on the theoretical framework of descriptive translation studies (DTS), which aims at describing and predicting phenomena in translation. DTS came about as a move away from the normative and prescriptive approaches, which dominated translation studies before the 1970s. In terms of this approach, theorists examine a corpus of actual texts and their translations and then attempt to determine which norms and constraints operate on these texts in a specific culture (Toury, 1980). In this article, through a description of the translation strategies Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies is co-published by NISC (Pty) Ltd and Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group

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employed, I aim to determine whether the styles of the two translators were similar or different and whether or not the translators were faithful to the original author. This article may therefore contribute to a better understanding of how translators perform in specific translation situations. In this article, I supply a synopsis of the content of Long walk to freedom (Mandela, 1994), which is followed by a biographical sketch of the translators and a brief literature review. Thereafter, metaphors from the original and target texts are explored. I conclude with a summary of findings from the analysis. Synopsis of Long walk to freedom by Nelson Mandela (1994) Long walk to freedom is an account of Mandela’s life, beginning with his childhood in the rural villages of Qunu and Mqhekezweni in the Transkei. Mandela recalls his school days at Clarkebury and Healdtown, and his student years at the University of Fort Hare. He goes on to recount his ups and downs in Johannesburg, his involvement with the African National Congress (ANC), and his political activities, which led to him being imprisoned for 27 years. The reader is given an insight into conditions on Robben Island, where he was imprisoned, the negotiations with the apartheid government, and his release from prison in 1990, signalling the birth of freedom and democracy in South Africa. The title of the work is itself a metaphor, drawing on the image of life as a journey, and all the events recounted support this. Biographical sketch of translators Prof. PT Mtuze and Prof. DBZ Ntuli translated Long walk to freedom into isiXhosa and isiZulu respectively. Prof. PT Mtuze Prof. Mtuze wrote more than 30 books covering many genres, namely, short stories, novels, dramas, and poetry. He won several awards for some of his books. Amongst his translations, mention can be made of Mandela’s Long Walk to Freedom which he translated as Indlela ende eya enkululekweni. Most of his books were prescribed for schools and have also been written in braille for the blind. His contribution to isiXhosa literature has been acknowledged by the Eastern Cape Department of Sport, Arts and Culture as well as the national department. He is now a Publishing Mananger for Vivlia Publishers and Booksellers in King William’s Town. Prof. DBZ Ntuli Prof. Ntuli is a renowned isiZulu writer. His writings include novels, drama, short stories, poetry, and essays. It is in the category of short stories and essays that he has contributed most. He has translated into isiZulu numerous manuals and books. The most outstanding ones are Nelson Mandela’s Long Walk to Freedom (Uhambo olude oluya enkululekweni) for which he won the SATI Award for Outstanding Translation in 2003 and Kahlil Gibran’s The Prophet (UMpolofeti). He won several awards for his outstanding contribution to isiZulu literature. He is currently a reviewer, editor, and translator for various publishing companies. As can be deduced from these biographies, both translators are experienced writers in their respective languages. This study explores their translation strategies to determine how they translated metaphors from English into isiXhosa and isiZulu. This is interesting to find out because both translators mentioned that they were selected by Vivlia Publishers because of their experience, and as a result, they were not given a brief. They translated the book as they wished. Theoretical framework Proponents of DTS, the theoretical framework on which this study is based, favour a system which describes translation and the process involved in it. They attempt to determine the norms and constraints that apply to translations in a specific culture and historical moment. Their approach is functional and target oriented. In terms of this approach, the emphasis is not on some ideal notion of equivalence, but rather on what type and degree of equivalence has been achieved in the two texts.


Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language Studies 2011, 29(3): 327–341

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Toury (1995) suggests three different approaches to translation studies, namely the productoriented, function-oriented, and process-oriented approaches. The product-oriented approach entails the description of existing translations in either the same or a different target system. The function-oriented approach establishes the function of the text within the target cultural system, and the process-oriented approach examines translations more psychoanalytically in an endeavour to establish the translator’s thought processes during the translation process. Although these approaches can be studied individually, they are in fact interdependent. In the study reported on here, I adopted the process- and product-oriented approaches. In this article, I shall therefore discuss the translation of selected metaphors in the two target languages. Translation is a norm-governed process (Toury, 1980; Chesterman, 1997). It involves at least two languages and two cultural traditions, in other words, at least two sets of norm systems on each level. Toury (1980) distinguishes three types of norms: initial, preliminary, and operational. With regard to the initial norm, the translator subjects himself or herself to either the original text with the norms it has realised or to the norms active in the target culture. The preliminary norms have to do with two main sets of considerations: those regarding the existence and actual nature of a definite translation policy and those related to the directness of translation. Operational norms are conceived of as direct decisions made during the act of translation itself. They affect the modes of distributing linguistic material as well as the textual make-up and verbal formulations. They also govern the relationship between source and target texts. Translation norms guide translators with regard to which translation strategy is appropriate. Translation has also been described in terms of human communication, which implies that language is both a social and a cognitive phenomenon. Using language involves mental representations and metaphors, which are basic resources for thought processes (Schäffner, 2004). Lakoff and Johnson (1980) maintain that metaphor is language and language is culture. This view is shared by Goatly (1997), who submits that metaphors and language are a construction of reality. What makes the study of metaphor interesting are the challenges associated with translation. These challenges stem from the fact that cultures view realities differently. The translator therefore needs to be aware of the patterns of thinking and acting in the source language as well as in the target language. The translation of metaphor therefore requires that the translator understand the way in which the target readers perceive the world and structure their experience. The translator must first understand the meaning and the inferences of the metaphor before being able to render it in another language. He or she must then conceptualise it in the target language. This is where the cultural aspect is crucial, because the translator must employ metaphors peculiar to the target culture. Exploring the translation of metaphor will offer a way of understanding how the manipulative shifts take place. Methodology The collection and analysis of the data was largely qualitative. The specific method used was content analysis, a technique that is used for gathering and analysing the content of a text. Content analysis is a technique for describing the content of communication (Anderson, 1997). According to this method, the researcher first identifies the body of material to be analysed and then records the findings. In this study, the data analysed were metaphors taken from Long walk to freedom (source text) and its isiXhosa and isiZulu translations, namely Indlela ende eya enkululekweni and Uhambo olude oluya enkululekweni. The translations of the metaphors in the two languages were compared to determine: (i) how they had been rendered in the respective languages (ii) whether the isiXhosa and isiZulu translations were faithful to the author of the original or whether the translators used their own original metaphors and (iii) whether what was determined in (ii) can be attributed to language and cultural differences (that is which norms informed the translators’ decision making?). The investigation in (i) was based on the following strategies as suggested by Van den Broeck (1981: 77):

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Translation sensu stricto. A metaphor is translated sensu stricto whenever both SL [source language] ‘tenor’ and SL ‘vehicle’ are transferred into the TL [target language].1 • Substitution. This mode applies to those cases where the ‘vehicle’ is replaced by a different TL ‘vehicle’ with more or less the same ‘tenor’. The SL and TL ‘vehicles’ may be considered translational equivalents because they share a common ‘tenor’. • Paraphrase. An SL metaphor is paraphrased whenever it is rendered by a non-metaphorical expression in the TL. This mode of translating metaphors renders them into ‘plain speech’. The metaphors that are analysed in the discussion are described in terms of the images they might be said to convey to the target audience. This analysis highlights the complex nature of the translation process. Data analysis and discussion In this section, metaphors will be analysed according to the following criteria: (i) metaphors rendered as metaphors (ii) metaphors rendered by substitution or as non-metaphors (iii) non-metaphors rendered as metaphors. Each of the above categories has further been divided into two groups, namely nominal and verbal metaphors, discussed under separate subheadings. Only 30 metaphors selected from the source text and the target texts are presented here.2 Back translations are given in square brackets. The following abbreviations are used: SL – source language TL – target language ST – source text TT1 – target text (isiXhosa) TT2 – target text (isiZulu) BT1 and BT2 – back translations Metaphors rendered as metaphors In this section, metaphors rendered as metaphors in TT1 and TT2 are presented and then discussed. Nominal metaphors (1) ST: Long walk to freedom TT1: Indlela ende eya enkululekweni BT1: [The long road to freedom] TT2: Uhambo olude oluya enkululekweni BT2: [The long walk/journey to freedom] The title of the book is itself a metaphor. The walk referred to is not a literal walk, but a metaphor for the struggle for the attainment of freedom in South Africa. In TT1 the translator rendered ‘walk’ as indlela, which literally means ‘road’. In TT2 ‘walk’ has been rendered as uhambo, which has the same meaning as the source text. ‘Walk’, indlela, and uhambo all represent the journey towards freedom. Roads and journeys imply uphill and downhill phases, twists and turns, all of which may be obstacles to the traveller. Various events in the book, such as Mandela’s arrest, are the twists and turns in the road, with freedom the ultimate destination or the fulfilment of the quest. Both translators reproduced the metaphor by using the same tenor and vehicle as in the source text: There is a connection between ‘walk’ and ‘road’. (2) ST, p 19: I felt like a sapling pulled root and branch from the earth and flung into the centre of a stream whose strong current I could not resist. TT1, p14: ndaziva ndifana nesithombo esidonyulwe sakhutshwa neengcambu namasebe emhlabeni sathiwa jwii esizikithini somlambo omsinga unamandla endingenakho ukumelana nawo. BT1: [I felt like a seedling that has been pulled and taken out with all its roots and branches from the earth and then thrown away into the centre of a river whose strong current I could not withstand.]



TT2, p14:

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ngazizwa ngifana nesithombo esisishulwe izingxabo namagatsha emhlabathini saphonswa phakathi emfuleni onomsinga onamandla engangingakwazi ukuwumela. BT2: [I felt like a seedling that has been pulled with its roots and branches from the earth and then thrown into the river that has a strong current which I could not withstand.] In this example, both translators used exactly the same tenor as the author, that of being displaced and feeling helpless. Both used the same vehicle, that is, a young plant (isithombo) that has been pulled from the earth and then thrown into a river. In this sense their strategy is similar. (3) ST, p 21: … kwafika abeLungu bevela ngaphesheya kolwandle besiza nezixhobo eziphefumla amadangatye BT1: [there arrived the white men coming from overseas with weapons that breathe flames] TT2, p 21: … kwafika abeLungu ababevela phesheya kwezilwandle bephethe izikhali ezikhafula umlilo BT2: [there arrived the white men who were coming from overseas carrying weapons that spit out fire] ‘Fire breathing weapons’ is the expression usually used by oralate people, especially from the rural areas, to refer to guns, a phenomenon with which they are unfamiliar. When a gun is fired and the bullet is discharged, fire emerges from the barrel of the gun. This metaphor reveals the influence of Mandela’s culture or background. Guns were unknown to oralate people, hence their experience-based reference to them as fire-breathing weapons. Although the translators used different words for ‘breathing’ namely eziphefumla [breathing] and ezikhafula [spit out] and fire amadangatye [flames], the metaphor is rendered in the same manner, and conveys the same message. (4) ST, p 103: The English-speaking universities of South Africa were great incubators of liberal values TT1, p 82: Iiyunivesiti zamaNgesi zoMzantsi Afrika zaziziindawo ezinkulu zokufukama iingcinga neembono zenkqubela. BT1: [The universities for the English speaking people were great places for the incubation of ideas and views for development] TT2, p 80: Amanyuvesi ayesebenzisa isiNgisi eNingizimu Afrika ayeyindawo lapho kwakuchanyuselwa khona ukucabanga okuvulekile BT2: [Universities that used English in South Africa were a place where open thinking was hatched] Incubators are brooding places. The English-speaking universities are likened to incubators because that is where young minds were being prepared for the future. The image conveyed by the isiXhosa and isiZulu translations (zokufukama and kwakuchanyuselwa) is the same as in the original text. (5) ST, p 105: I saw at first hand that justice was not at all blind TT1, p 84: Ndabona loo mini … ukuba ezobulungisa nomthetho aziyomfama nje tu BT1: [I saw that day … that justice and law are not at all blind] TT2, p 81: ngazibonela-ke nami ngalelo langa ukuthi ubulungiswa bangempela abuyona impumputhe BT2: [I saw it myself that day that real justice was not blind] The metaphor ‘not at all blind’ conveys the fact that justice was not dispensed impartially to all, irrespective of people’s social status. This metaphor is conveyed using the same vehicle of blindness in both target languages, aziyomfama and impumputhe. (6) ST, p 123: Walter Sisulu seemed almost prostrate with grief TT1, p 97: UWalter Sisulu waba ngathi ulutywantsi ngangendlela awayekhathazeke ngayo. BT1: [Walter Sisulu was like a person lying helpless on the ground the way he was worried.]

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TT2, p 95: BT2:

UWalter Sisulu yena usizi ayeluzwa kwakungathi luzomjuqa. [Walter Sisulu the agony he felt it was like it was going to kill him outright.] The image conveyed by ‘prostrate’ is that of a person lying flat through being overcome with grief, as Sisulu was in response to Lembede’s death. This has been conveyed by a simile in isiXhosa, waba ngathi ulutywantsi [he was like a helpless person lying on the ground]. The Greater Dictionary of isiXhosa (GDX) defines utywantsi as ‘a person or animal lying helpless on the ground’ (Pahl et al., 1989: 474). In isiZulu this is conveyed differently. The extent of the shock or grief experienced is conveyed by luzomjuqa, which means to destroy or kill outright. The effect of the metaphor seems to have been conveyed in both target languages. (7) ST, p 123: His passing was a setback to the movement for Lembede was a fount of ideas and attracted others to the organization. TT1, p 97: Ukusweleka kukaLembede kwawuqhokra kakubi umbutho ngenxa yokuba uLembede wayesisisele senyathi, etsalela nabanye abantu embuthweni. BT1: [Lembede’s death hit the organization badly because Lembede was the source of knowledge who was attracting other people to the organization.] TT2, p 95: Ukwedlula kukaLembede emhlabeni kwasho ukuthi inhlangano yethu kuyihlehlisela emuva kakhulu, ngoba uLembede kwakungumthombo wemibono futhi kunguye owayenza abanye badonseleke kule nhlangano. BT2: [Lembede’s departure from the earth meant that our organization was moving backwards a great deal because Lembede was a source of ideas and it was he who brought others closer to this organisation.] Both translators conveyed the metaphor with similar effect, although they used different vehicles: isisele senyathi and umthombo. Isisele senyathi is an isiXhosa idiom used when referring to a wise and experienced person (Pahl et al., 1989). Umthombo is a spring and is much closer to the SL ‘fount’. It is also used to refer to a wise and experienced person. The isiZulu translator therefore used the same vehicle as did the author of the original text. The isiXhosa translator could have used the same word, umthombo, because it is also used in isiXhosa when referring to a person or place that is a source of help. Instead, the translator exercised his freedom of choice and opted for the idiom. (8) ST, p 309: But my career as a lawyer and activist removed the scales from my eyes TT1, p 246: Kodwa umsebenzi wam njengegqwetha nanjengomzabalazi wayisusa inkwethu emehlweni am. BT1: [But my work as a lawyer and activist removed the flakes of dead skin/ dandruff from my eyes.] TT2, p 240: Kodwa ukusebenza kwami njengommeli nomkhwezeli wabantu kwabususa ubuthongo emehlweni ami. BT2: [But my work as a lawyer and for the people removed the sleep/drowsiness from my eyes.] The scales referred to in the source text are dry, dead skin similar to dandruff, although dandruff occurs only on the scalp. The isiXhosa translation contains the same image as the English SL, which means that the translator conceptualized the metaphor in the same manner. The isiZulu translation is different in that it used a different vehicle, ubuthongo [sleep/ drowsiness]. Nevertheless the meaning conveyed by the metaphor is the same although it is much stronger in isiZulu: Mandela began to understand the circumstances. (9) ST, p 662: De Klerk began a systematic dismantling of many of the building blocks of apartheid. TT1, p 543: U-de Klerk waqalisa ukudiliza into eninzi yezitenakazi ebekwakhiwe ngazo ucalucalulo


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BT1: TT2, p 523:

[De Klerk began dismantling a lot of big bricks that had built apartheid] Ude Klerk waqala ukuzisusa ngasinyengasinye lezi zitini ezazakhe isizemazema esiyiapatedi. BT2: [De Klerk began removing one by one the bricks that had built this huge thing which is apartheid] ‘Building blocks’ was translated similarly in isiXhosa and isiZulu as izitenakazi [big bricks] and izitini [bricks] respectively. The metaphor has been retained in both languages. Both the isiXhosa and isiZulu translators extended the metaphor, conceptualising apartheid as a huge building. This is conveyed by yezitenakazi [of very big bricks] and isizemazema [something huge]. (10) ST, p 730: Oliver was pure gold; there was gold in his intellectual brilliance, gold in his warmth and humanity, gold in his tolerance and generosity, gold in his unfailing loyalty and self-sacrifice. TT1, p 600–601: UOliver wayeyigolide ecikizekileyo; kwakukho igolide kubukrelekrele bengqondo yakhe; igolide kububele nobuntu bakhe, igolide kunyamezelo nesisa sakhe, igolide kwintobelo yakhe engahexiyo nasekuzinikeleni kwakhe njengedini. BT1: [Oliver was pure gold, there was gold in his intelligent brains, gold in his kindness and humanity, gold in his tolerance and generosity, gold in his unwavering loyalty and in his self-sacrifice.] TT2, p 580–581: U-Oliver kwakuyigolide elimsulwa; kwakukhona igolide ekukhalipheni kwakhe, kukhona igolide ekufudumaleni kobuntu bakhe, kukhona igolide ekubekezeleni nasemuseni wakhe, kunegolide ekwethembekeni kwakhe nasekuzinikeleni kwakhe. BT2: [Oliver was pure gold, there was gold in his intelligence, there was gold in his warmth and humanity, there was gold in his tolerance and kindness, and there was gold in his loyalty and his self-sacrifice.] A person or object that is very important and valuable is often described in terms of gold, and this strategy is followed in all three texts. ‘Gold’ in the source text is rendered as igolide [gold] in both the isiXhosa and isiZulu translations. Gold is used to describe Tambo and to illustrate his value to Mandela. Verbal metaphors (11) ST, p 27: TT1, p 21: BT1: TT2, p 21: BT2:

The white man shattered the abantu UmLungu wabaqhekeza phakathi wabatyumza abantu [The white man broke them in half and crushed the people] UmLungu-ke yena wafike wabuhlakaza ubudlelwano balaba bantu [The white man well he came and disrupted the fellowship between these people] The image conveyed by ‘shattered’ is that of a glass object being broken into small pieces that cannot be put back together again. In the isiXhosa translation, this image is conveyed by wabaqhekeza and wabatyumza. Two actions are suggested here: (i) wabaqhekeza [he broke them, in essence he divided them] and (ii) wabatyumza [he crushed them]. In the isiZulu translation, it is the relationship between the people that is destroyed and not the people themselves, as is suggested in the English and isiXhosa texts. In this sense, the isiXhosa translation is different from the isiZulu. (12) ST, p 151: Resistance was beginning to percolate even in the rural areas. TT1, p 119: Umzabalazo wawuqalisa ukugqobhozela nakwimimandla yeelali. BT1: [The struggle was beginning to filter through even to the rural areas.] TT2, p 117: lo mbhikisho wase uqala ukwenabela nasezindaweni zasemaphandleni. BT2: [This campaign was beginning to spread even to rural areas.] The idea that the violence had spread to the rural areas is conveyed by ‘percolate’ in the ST. In isiXhosa, this is conveyed by ukugqobhozela, which means ‘to filter through’. In isiZulu, ukwenabela, which means ‘to spread’, has been used instead, and the metaphor has therefore not been


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retained. The image conveyed by ‘percolate’ is also conveyed by ukugqobhozela. Although the translators employed different vehicles in transferring the metaphor in isiXhosa and isiZulu, the same effect has nevertheless been achieved. (13) ST, p 323: The state would slaughter the whole liberation movement. TT1, p 258: umbuso uya kuwunqunqela egoqweni wonke umbutho wokuzabalazela inkululeko. BT1: [The state would cut into pieces the whole organization which struggled for freedom.] TT2, p 252: uhulumeni wayezovele ayiphihlize inhlangano yethu yenkululeko. BT2: [The government would simply crash our liberation organization.] The utter destruction of the organisation, conveyed by ‘slaughter’, is conveyed through the use of uya kuwunqunqela egoqweni in the isiXhosa translation. This evokes the image of an animal being slaughtered, its carcass being suspended from a tree and someone cutting it into pieces with an axe. This is another instance of similar mapping, although the manner of slaughtering and implements used may differ. This image is also conveyed by ayiphihlize in the isiZulu text. (14) ST, p 362: I felt myself being moulded into a soldier TT1, p 290: Ndaziva ukuba ndiyaxonxwa ngoku ndenziwa ijoni BT1: [I felt that I was now being moulded into a soldier] TT2, p 282: Ngazizwela nje ukuthi ngiyabunjwa manje ukuba ngibe yisotsha ngempela BT2: [I felt myself that I was being moulded so that I become a real soldier] This metaphor is conceptualised in the same way in all three languages. Ukuxonxa and ukubumba both mean ‘to mould’. The translators used the same tenor and vehicle, which resulted in the retention of the metaphor. (15) ST, p 477: My powerlessness gnawed at me TT1, p 386: Ukungabi namandla akwenza nto kwam kwandikrekretha. BT1: [My being without power to do anything gnawed at me.] TT2, p 366: Ukungabi namandla kwami kwandiququda. BT2: [My being powerless bit/ gnawed me.] ‘Gnaw’ suggests persistent, continuous biting or pain and torture. The fact that Mandela could not help his wife, Winnie, tormented him. This is rendered by kwandikrekretha in the isiXhosa text, which conveys the same image of persistent biting at something. This is also conveyed by kwandiququda in the isiZulu text. (16) ST, p 677: The sight of freedom looming on the horizon should encourage us to redouble our efforts TT1, p 555: Umbono wenkululeko ivele ngeempondo phaya kwisikhawulo sezulu kufuneka usikhuthaze ukuba siwaphinda-phinde amalinge ethu. BT1: [The sight of freedom appearing by its horns there on the horizon must encourage us to double our efforts.] TT2, p 535: Njengoba sesiyibona nje inkululeko iqhamuka laphaya emkhathizwe, kufanele lokhu kusikhuthaze ukuba imizamo yethu siyiphinde kabili. BT2: [As we see freedom suddenly appearing there on the horizon, it must encourage us to double our efforts.] Freedom is portrayed as something concrete and in the isiXhosa translation as an animal that walks, as is suggested by ivele ngeempondo [appearing with horns]. The image of something appearing from afar is conveyed by iqhamuka laphaya [appearing there] in the isiZulu translation. This is another example of ontological metaphor, where something is personified. The image conveyed by the source text is found in both translations. (17) ST, p 751: I have walked that long road to freedom. I have tried not to falter; I have made missteps along the way […] and I dare not linger, for my long walk is not yet ended. TT1, p 619: Ndiyihambile loo ndlela iya enkululekweni. Ndizamile ukuba ndingakhubeki ndigquduze; ndiye ndazibhuda izingqi apha endleleni. […] ke



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ngoko andimele kulibala apha ixesha elide, kuba uhambo lwam olude alukafikeleli esiphelweni. BT1: [I have walked that road to freedom. I have tried not to falter and stumble; I have made missteps on the way […] therefore I am not supposed to stay here for a long time, for my long journey has not come to an end yet.] TT2, p 598–9: Sengiyihambile-ke mina leyo ndlela ende eya enkululekweni. Ngizamile ukuba ngingakhubazeki; yebo ngike ngaphaphalaza endleleni […] ngakho akumele ngihlale lapha isikhathi eside, ngoba phela uhambo lwami olude alukapheli. BT2: [I have walked that long road to freedom. I have tried not to be crippled; yes I have gone out of the way […] therefore I am not supposed to stay here for a long time because my long journey has not ended yet.] As was discussed in the first example, ‘walk’ represents the journey to freedom. Although ‘freedom’ was achieved in the sense that all South Africans voted for the government of their choice, in the statement, ‘for my long walk is not yet ended’ Mandela suggests that he has not arrived at ‘freedom’ yet. ‘I have made missteps along the way’ suggests that he has made mistakes. This idea is conveyed in exactly the same way in both languages: ndiye ndazibhuda izingqi apha endleleni and ngike ngaphaphalaza. Metaphor rendered by substitution or as non-metaphor (paraphrase) The examples that are discussed below are instances where the original metaphor is translated either by substitution or non-metaphor. Nominal metaphors (18) ST, p 3:

It is a beautiful country of rolling hills, fertile valleys, and a thousand rivers and streams which keep the landscape green even in winter. TT1, p 3: Lilizwe elihle elinduli zincazelanayo, iintili ezityebileyo, newaka lemilambo neentlanjana ezitsho ilizwe libe yintombazana nasebusika. BT1: [It is a beautiful country which has hills close to each other, fertile valleys and a thousand rivers and streams which make the country to be a young girl even in winter.] TT2, p 3: Yizwe elihle leli elinamagquma abekeke ngendlela ehlobisayo: linezimfunda ezivundlile, kanti kunezinkulungwane zemifula nemichachazo okwenza ukuba izwe libe lilokhu liluhlaza njalo nasebusika imbala. BT2: [It is a beautiful country which has hills which are positioned in a decorative manner: it has fertile valleys and thousands of rivers and streams that make the country remain green even in winter.] I first discuss the translation of ‘rolling hills’ rendered as iinduli ezincazelanayo and elinamagquma abekeke ngendlela ehlobisayo. The image created by the ST is one of row upon row of attractive, rounded hills. In TT1, the hills are personified, and the image that is created by ezincazelanayo is that of sharing and humanity, as when men share tobacco and smoke and chat. This also offers an insight into the isiXhosa culture. In TT2, the metaphor is rendered as elimagquma abekeke ngendlela ehlobisayo: the beauty lies in the way the hills are arranged or positioned. A mood of tolerance, unity and peace is conveyed in both texts. However, the original metaphor conveying beauty is conceptualised differently in the isiXhosa text and in the same way in the isiZulu text. Next, I discuss the translation of ‘green’ rendered as yintombazana and liluhlaza. In the ST, the lushness and beauty of the landscape is conveyed through ‘green even in winter’, the colour green representing life and beauty. In TT1, the translator uses the phrase libe yintombazana nasebusika [and be a girl even in winter]. Thus, in the isiXhosa text, a parallel is drawn between the beauty of nature and that of a young girl: A girl is regarded as being pure and of great value, and the translator personifies nature to convey these characteristics. In TT2, the translator uses liluhlaza [is green], which is the same as the source text. The translators therefore use different vehicles in


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rendering this metaphor: The translator of TT1 is more inclined toward the target culture, whereas the translator in TT2 tends to be inclined toward the source text. Although they use different vehicles, the effect of the metaphor may nevertheless be said to be same. (19) ST, p 6: My interest in history had early roots and was encouraged by my father. TT1, p 5: Nowam umdla kwimbali wantshula kwakwimihla yangaphambili yaye ubawo wayendikhuthaza kakhulu kuloo nto. BT1: [And my interest in history grew from previous days and my father encouraged me a lot in that regard.] TT2, p 5: Nakimi uqobo umdlandla ongaka wezomlando usukela ebuncaneni bami, wakhuthazwa nguyena ubaba lo. BT2: [And in me personally such an interest began from my childhood years, and was encouraged by my father this one.] ‘Early roots’ implies that Mandela’s interest in history began when he was still very young. This is also conveyed in TT1 through the use of the same image, ukuntshula. Ukuntshula is associated with plants, the growing of roots underneath the ground, and ultimately the plant emerging above the ground. It also suggests the beginning of things, conveyed by usukela [starts from] in TT2, although this is not a metaphor. In this respect, both translators retained the message of the ST. (20) ST, p 110: Walter’s house in Orlando was a mecca for activists TT1, p 88: Indlu kaWalter eOrlando yayiyindawo apho bahlanganela khona ngendlu yabo abazabalazi BT1: [Walter’s house in Orlando was a place where activists would meet in their numbers] TT2, p 86: Indlu kaWalter yayifana nekomkhulu lemisebenzi yamalungu e-ANC BT2: [Walter’s house was like a headoffice for the activities of members of the ANC] Mecca is a city in Saudi Arabia and is a most significant Muslim holy site which annually draws enormous crowds for religious observances from all over the world. The word ‘mecca’ is now used to refer to a place which attracts people of a particular group. In the isiXhosa and isiZulu translations, this word is not used. Instead the translators have used paraphrase to create the same effect, as in indawo yokuhlanganela (TT1). By using the simile yayifana nekomkhulu, TT2 is closer to the ST in that ikomkhulu conveys the idea of a city or headoffice where members of the ANC meet. (21) ST, p 451: Robben Island: The Dark Years TT1, p 363: Isiqithi: Iminyaka yobunzima BT1: [Years of difficulty] TT2, p 343: ERobben Island: Ifu elimnyama BT2: [The dark cloud] Darkness or the colour black symbolises difficulties or misfortune. In this book, it refers to the hardship that Mandela experienced while in prison on Robben Island. This, in isiXhosa, has been rendered as the years of difficulty, a non-metaphor. In isiZulu a metaphor, ifu elimnyama [a dark cloud], is used. A dark cloud is usually interpreted as symbolising difficulties or misfortune. This symbolism is found in isiXhosa as well but the translator did not choose this image. In this sense, the isiXhosa and isiZulu translations are different. Although different vehicles were used to convey the metaphor, the meaning is nevertheless the same. (22) ST, p 709: Cyril Ramaphosa was elected secretary-general, evidence that the torch was being passed from the older generation of leadership to a younger one. TT1, p 583: UCyril Ramaphosa wanyulwa waba nguNobhala Jikelele, obo ibubungqina bokuba ibane lokhanyiso lidluliswa ukusuka kwisizukulwana esidala lisiya kwesitsha seenkokheli. BT1: [Cyril Ramaphosa was elected to be secretary-general, that was evidence that the lamp of light was being passed from the older generation to the younger generation of leaders.]


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TT2, p 563:

UCyril Ramaphosa wakhethwa ukuba ngunobhala-jikelele, okwakuwuphawu lokuthi induku y okuphatha yayisuka esizukulwaneni esidala sabaholi seyedlulela kwabasha. BT2: [Cyril Ramaphosa was elected to be secretary general which was a sign that the rod of authority was being passed from older generation of leaders to the younger one.] In this example, the mapping is similar, although in isiZulu induku is used to replace ‘torch’. This decision was made on the basis of a cultural difference, with the induku being a symbol of authority and protection in isiZulu culture. A Zulu king, chief, or an ordinary man will always carry the induku wherever he goes.3 In this example, induku symbolises the baton of leadership that is passed on to the next leader. In the isiXhosa translation, ibane lokhanyiso [lamp of light] is used to replace the torch. Verbal metaphors (23) ST, p 3:

the visit of a delegation of the African National Congress to the Versailles peace conference to voice the grievances of the African people of South Africa. TT1, p 3: notyelelo lwegqiza labathunywa boMbutho weSizwe kwinkomfa yoxolo yaseVersailles apho laliye kwandlala izikhalazo zabantu abaNtsundu beli loMzantsi Afrika BT1: [and the visit of a team of delegates of the African National Congress to the Versailles peace conference to explain the grievances of the African people of South Africa] TT2, p 3: kanye futhi nokuvakasha kwamaNxusa e-African National Congress eya engqungqutheleni yokuthula eVersailles lapho ayeyokwethula khona izikhalazo zama-Afrika aseNingizimu BT2: [and with the visit of ambassadors of the African National Congress to the Versailles peace conference where they were to bring forth the grievances of the Africans of the South] Normally in isiXhosa, one would translate ‘to voice’ as ukuvakalisa [to make heard], but the translator chose ukwandlala, which means to lay out or to put a case (Tshabe & Shoba, 2006). The isiXhosa people use this expression to emphasise that the explanation is given with full disclosure and with tact. Ukwethula literally means to take something down from a higher level. In this sense, it means ‘to bring forth’. The translation strategy used involves reproducing the image in a different form, but with a similar meaning. Both translators used metaphors in rendering the original metaphor, although the image is different. (24) ST, p 115: They were men who knew their minds, and I was yet unformed TT1, p 91: Yayingamadoda awayengathandabuzi ngezinto azisingathileyo ukanti ke mna kwelam icala ndandisathungulula. BT1: [They were men who were not doubtful about what they had in their hands, but I, on my side, was still learning to open my eyes.] TT2, p 89: Lana kwakungamadoda ayekwazi akwenzayo, kodwa mina ngangingekabi nalo ulwazi olwaneleyo. BT2: [These were men who knew what they were doing, but I did not have enough knowledge yet.] I first discuss the translation of ‘knew their minds’ rendered as awayengathandabuzi ngezinto azisingathileyo and ayekwazi akwenzayo. Maturity and wisdom is conveyed by the expression ‘knew their minds’. The isiZulu translator used an expression that constitutes an explanation and not a metaphor, ayekwazi akwenzayo [who knew what they were doing]. In isiXhosa, this idea is conveyed by the expression awayengathandabuzi [who were not doubting]. The metaphor occurs in the second part of the expression azisingathileyo. Ukusingatha literally means ‘to hold in one’s arms’, as one would hold a baby. In this sense, it means ‘what they are dealing with’. The ST refers to minds and TT1 to hands; in this instance the difference in conceptualisation is evident between the two languages.


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I now discuss the translation of ‘unformed’ rendered as ndandisathungulula and ngangingekabi nalo ulwazi olwaneleyo. ‘Unformed’ conveys a sense of not being whole or fully developed. In the isiXhosa translation, ndandisathungulula has been chosen as the equivalent metaphor. This expression is usually associated with newborn puppies whose eyes have yet to open. Mandela compares himself to a newborn puppy to show that he was still learning. This is an instance of a metaphoric expression being mapped differently from that in the source language. In the isiZulu translation, no metaphor is used. The metaphor is paraphrased as ngangingekabi nalo ulwazi olwaneleyo [I did not have enough knowledge]. In this instance, the original metaphor has been rendered differently in the two target languages: the isiXhosa translation incorporates a different metaphor but with a similar meaning, whereas the isiZulu translation is a paraphrase. (25) ST, p 319: The white celebration of Republic Day was drowned out by our protest TT1, p 256: Umbhiyozo wabamhlophe woMhla weRiphabliki watsho watshabha yiloo nkcaso sasiyibonakalisa ngaloo mini. BT1: [The celebration of the whites of the Republic Day became uninteresting because of the opposition we displayed on that day.] TT2, p 250: Umkhosi wabaMhlophe wokugubha usuku lweRiphabliki wavele watshodiswa ukubhikisha kwethu. BT2: [The ceremony of whites to celebrate the Republic Day was caused to lose its flavour by our protest] To be ‘drowned out’ means to be made inaudible by loud sound or noise. This suggests that those who attended or were interested in the celebrations were unable to enjoy them because of the noise made by the protesters. However, this is not a reference to noise in the literal sense: the protesters were at home, engaging in a stay away. In isiXhosa, this metaphor is conveyed by watshabha, which means ‘to cause someone to lose interest’. Ukutshoda is a word that is usually used to describe traditional beer (umqombothi) that has gone stale and so has lost its flavour. This is an instance of a cultural reference which illustrates how amaZulu would conceptualise this metaphor. Although the image is different from the one in the ST, it nevertheless conveys the same message. (26) ST, p 231: He produced a search warrant, at which point the three of them began to comb through the entire house. TT1, p 179: Waveza igunya lokugqogqa umzi, ekuthe emva koko bobathathu baqalisa ukuyigqogqa ngocoselelo yonke indlu BT1: [He produced something authorizing the search of the house, thereafter all three of them began searching the whole house thoroughly] TT2, p 175: Wakhipha incwadi emgunyaza ukuba aseshe, emva kwalokho la madoda amathathu aqala ukupetula indlu yonke BT2: [He produced a letter authorizing that he searches, after that these three men began turning the whole house upside down.] The sense of being thorough in searching the house, suggested by ‘comb through,’ is conveyed by both ukuyigqogqa ngocoselelo (isiXhosa) and ukupetula (isiZulu). Ukugqogqa ngocoselelo means ‘to look thoroughly’; it is not a metaphor and is therefore a weaker rendition of the original metaphor. Ukupetula, on the other hand, is metaphoric and can be said to have retained the power of the original metaphor. As can be deduced from the discussion in this section, the translators used different strategies in rendering the ST. There are instances where the same ST metaphor is rendered by substitution (a different vehicle) by one translator and by a non-metaphor by the other. There is only one instance (Example 20) where they rendered the metaphor in the same manner, that is, by non-metaphor. Non-metaphors rendered by metaphors This section deals with non-metaphors that have been transferred as metaphors in the target texts.


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(27) ST, p 35: TT1, p 27:

This upstart chief was ruining my day … Le nkosi isaxelisa umqhagana oqala ukukhonya ndandisithi yonakalisa imini yam, … BT1: [This chief who was behaving like a young rooster that is beginning to crow, I thought, was ruining my day …] TT2, p 27: Kwakuseyivukana nje leNkosi eyayifuna ukwenzela phansi usuku lwami oluhle kangaka BT2: [It was just the rebellious Chief who wanted to ruin my wonderful day] Umqhagi is an isiXhosa word for a rooster. When this word is used to refer to a person, it is derogatory especially when it is in its diminutive form umqhagana. The phrase Umqhagi okhonyayo is sometimes used to refer to a person who is bold enough to stand and speak in public though he is looked down upon. In the isiZulu translation kwakuseyivukana is a carefully selected word, used in a derogatory and sarcastic manner to show disapproval. The diminutive form is sometimes used to convey a derogatory meaning in isiZulu as well. The manner in which both translators rendered ‘upstart chief’ concurs with the idea that is suggested by this phrase, namely, that Mandela did not approve of the chief. In this sense both translators rendered the phrase in the source text in the same manner. Verbal metaphors (28) ST, p 7: my father was involved in a dispute TT1, p 6: ubawo wazulumbeka kwimbambano BT1: [my father got deep into/was drowned in a dispute] TT2, p 5: ubaba wangena kwenkulu impikiswano BT2: my father entered into a big dispute] The word ukuzulumba means to enter and disappear into water or a hole (Pahl et al., 1989). The image the TT1 translator is creating is that of someone who got into deep trouble, from which they were unable to extricate themselves. Mandela’s father got into trouble and consequently lost his position as a councillor and all his belongings. The translator could have said wangena kwenkulu imbambano [he got into big trouble] or wabandakanyeka kwenkulu imbambano [he was involved in a big dispute], both of which would have conveyed the message sufficiently. However, he avoided plain language and chose ukuzulumbeka to convey the extent and consequence of the situation. The reader is left with the image of Mandela’s father sinking below the surface of the water like the troopship the SS Mendi, which sank with hundreds of African soldiers on board during World War I. TT2 uses the word wangena, which conveys a similar meaning but is not as expressive as TT1. (29) ST, p 19: As I contemplated all this grandeur TT1, p 14: Kuthe ndisantywile ezingcingeni ndicinga ngolu ndileko BT1: [just as I was deep in thought thinking about this gracefulness] TT2, p 14: Lapho ngisathathekile yilobu buhle nobukhazikhazi BT2: [When I was taken up by this beauty and glitter] Ukuntywila in isiXhosa literally means ‘to dive into water’. To describe the extent of Mandela’s amazement, the translator of TT1 used ndisantywile ezingcingeni, which means ‘deep in thought’. In isiZulu, this image is conveyed by the expression ngisathathekile, which means ‘to be taken up’. Although the translators used different vehicles to convey Mandela’s amazement as expressed in the ST, the meaning and effect are retained. (30) ST, p 62: This injustice rankled TT1, p 49: Loo ntswela-bulungisa yandithuthumbisa BT1: [That injustice tormented me] TT2, p 47: Sasingalungile neze isenzo sikaDkt Kerr BT2: [Dr Kerr’s actions were totally wrong] ‘Rankled’ conveys a feeling of persistent resentment or pain, rendered in TT1 as yandithuthumbisa [made me suffer pain/ tormented me]. Mandela felt great resentment at the injustice perpetrated by

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Dr Kerr; thus, ‘rankled’ and yandithuthumbisa convey a similar sentiment. The isiZulu translation is milder, however, the translator having used sasingalungile [it was wrong]. Sasingalungile is not a metaphor but an explanation, and does not evoke the same feeling as ‘rankled’. The image here has been weakened. From the discussion above it can be concluded that TT1 is more expressive than TT2, although TT2 tends to be faithful to ST. The ST contains expressive words; the translator of TT1 endeavoured to capture and render that expressiveness through the use of ideophones, metaphors, and expressive words. Findings and conclusion My aim in this article has been to determine how English-language metaphors in Long walk to freedom (ST) were rendered into isiXhosa (TT1) and isiZulu (TT2). To this end, I explored the translation strategies employed by the two translators. The results of this study provided some important insights into the study of metaphor and translation. The analysis showed that (i) the majority of metaphors were rendered as metaphors and (ii) they conveyed the same message in the TT as in the ST. The study that I conducted also illustrates that it was not always possible to retain the image (vehicle) conveyed by the original metaphor because of cultural differences between the languages involved. In some cases, the vehicle changed because an event was conceptualised in different ways by the different cultures involved, which resulted in the use of different metaphors, or because of the decision made by the translator. Some English metaphorical expressions do not have corresponding expressions in isiXhosa and isiZulu, and these were either paraphrased in or omitted from the target texts, resulting in a weakening of the power of the metaphor. Regarding the strategies employed by the translators, it can be deduced that they used those suggested by Van den Broeck (1981), which had been outlined in the methodology. Of the 30 metaphors analysed in this study, 17 were rendered as metaphors conveying the same image, while nine were rendered by substitution and as non-metaphors. There were four non-metaphors that were translated as metaphors in the target texts. In the case of the 17 metaphors rendered as metaphors, in some instances different images were conveyed because of cultural differences. For instance, in Examples 10, 11, 12, 13 and 20, the isiXhosa metaphor conveyed the same or a similar image as that conveyed by the ST, while a different image was conveyed in the isiZulu. There were instances where one TT rendered the metaphor by a metaphor and the other TT rendered it by a non-metaphor. For example, in Example 19, the SL metaphor was rendered as a metaphor in TT1 and as a non-metaphor in TT2. It can be argued that the translator opted for a non-metaphor not because there is no equivalent metaphor, but because he chose to use simpler language. In Examples 20, 21 and 23, the metaphor was rendered as a non-metaphor in TT1 and as metaphor in TT2. There are nine instances where both target texts rendered the metaphor as non-metaphor. It can therefore be deduced that in a clear majority of cases metaphors were rendered as metaphors with the same effect. About a third of the time, they were rendered as non metaphors, thereby weakening the power of the metaphor, although the meaning was retained. It is also noticed that a few non-metaphors were rendered as metaphors in the target languages. From this analysis, it can be deduced that the strategies employed by the two translators were similar. Although their cultures influenced some of their decisions, both tended to be inclined towards the source text. Notes Metaphor is usually defined in terms of ‘tenor’ and ‘vehicle’. ‘Tenor’ refers to the subject to which attributes are ascribed. In other words, it is the idea that is conveyed by the vehicle. ‘Vehicle’, on the other hand, is the subject from which attributes are derived. This means that it is the image that embodies the tenor. 2 For the purpose of this article and owing to space constraints, only 30 metaphors were selected for analysis. These metaphors form part of a broader study of 50 subjectively chosen metaphors that I conducted in preparation for my doctoral thesis. 1



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Induku is a stick or baton that is carried by Zulu men. Traditionally, a stick is a symbol of dignity and protection. Zulu men always carry a stick wherever they go so that they can defend themselves if the need arises. It is sometimes used as a symbol of authority or leadership. Chief Buthelezi, for instance, usually carries a decorated stick with him. This information was provided by Prof. Ntuli, the translator of the isiZulu text.

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