N.E.R.D. New European Researches and Discoveries in Underwaterarchaeology Conference
Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie Band 291
Aus dem Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte der Universität Kiel
2016 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn
N.E.R.D. New European Researches and Discoveries in Underwaterarchaeology Conference Beiträge der Internationalen Konferenz der Arbeitsgruppe für maritime und limnische Archäologie 21. -- 23. November 2014 in Kiel herausgegeben von
Marijana Christ, Jonas Enzmann, Fritz Jürgens, Franziska Steffensen, Jana Ulrich und Feiko Wilkes
2016 Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn
ISBN 978-3-7749-4055-0 Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie. Detailliertere bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar. Copyright 2016 by Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, Bonn
VORWORT DER HERAUSGEBER
Die Reihe „Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie“ trägt dem Bedürfnis Rechnung, Examensarbeiten und andere Forschungsleistungen in die Öffentlichkeit zu tragen. Thematisch findet darin die ganze Breite des Faches vom Paläolithikum bis zur Archäologie der Neuzeit ihren Platz. Ursprünglich hatten sich fünf Universitätsinstitute in Deutschland zur Herausgabe der Reihe zusammengefunden, der Kreis ist inzwischen deutlich größer geworden. Alle interessierten Professoren und Dozenten sind einge-
laden, als Mitherausgeber tätig zu werden und Arbeiten aus ihrem Bereich der Reihe zukommen zu lassen. Für die einzelnen Bände zeichnen jeweils die Autoren und Institute ihrer Herkunft, die im Titel deutlich gekennzeichnet sind, verantwortlich. Sie erstellen eine druckfertig gestaltete Datei (PDF). Bei gleicher Anordnung des Umschlages haben die verschiedenen beteiligten Universitäten jeweils eine spezifische Farbe. Finanzierung und Druck erfolgen entweder durch sie selbst oder durch den Verlag Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH, der in jedem Fall den Vertrieb der Bände sichert.
Herausgeber sind derzeit: Kurt Alt (Mainz) François Bertemes (Halle) Nikolaus Boroffka (Berlin) Peter Breunig (Frankfurt am Main) Philippe Della Casa (Zürich) Manfred K.H. Eggert (Tübingen) Clemens Eibner (Heidelberg) Frank Falkenstein (Würzburg) Ralf Gleser (Münster) Bernhard Hänsel (Berlin) Alfred Haffner (Kiel) Albert Hafner (Bern) Svend Hansen (Berlin) Ole Harck (Kiel) Joachim Henning (Frankfurt am Main) Christian Jeunesse (Strasbourg) Albrecht Jockenhövel (Münster) Tobias L. Kienlin (Köln) Rüdiger Krause (Frankfurt am Main) Klára Kuzmová (Trnava) Amei Lang (München) Andreas Lippert (Wien) Jens Lüning (Frankfurt am Main)
Joseph Maran (Heidelberg) Carola Metzner-Nebelsick (München) Johannes Müller (Kiel) Ulrich Müller (Kiel) Michael Müller-Wille (Kiel) Mária Novotná (Trnava) Bernd Päffgen (München) Diamantis Panagiotopoulos (Heidelberg) Christopher Pare (Mainz) Hermann Parzinger (Berlin) Heidi Peter-Röcher (Würzburg) Britta Ramminger (Hamburg) Jürgen Richter (Köln) Sabine Rieckhoff (Leipzig) Thomas Saile (Regensburg) Wolfram Schier (Berlin) Thomas Stöllner (Bochum) Wolf-Rüdiger Teegen (München) Biba Teržan (Berlin) Gerhard Tomedi (Innsbruck) Ulrich Veit (Leipzig) Karl-Heinz Willroth (Göttingen) Andreas Zimmermann (Köln)
Sehr geehrte Frau Vizepräsidentin Frau Prof. Dr. Pistor-Hatam, sehr geehrter Herr Prof. Dr. Müller, sehr geehrte Gäste, ich freue mich, Sie alle in Kiel, der Stadt am Meer, zu Ihrer internationalen Konferenz über Themen der Unterwasserarchäologie begrüßen zu dürfen. Ein Blick in die Liste der Vortragsthemen und der international zusammengesetzten Gruppe von Referentinnen und Referenten lässt eine wirklich interessante und spannende Tagung erwarten. Unterwasserarchäologie ist auch für den Laien besonders faszinierend, weil es bedeutet, unter besonders schwierigen Bedingungen zu forschen. Neben Ihrer fachlichen Kompetenz ist für die meisten von Ihnen eine Ausbildung als Forschungstaucher Voraussetzung, um auf dem Grund von Meeren, Flüssen oder Seen nach Schiffswracken, Hinweisen auf alte Siedlungen oder Häfen suchen zu können. Als jemand, der hauptsächlich mit einem Dach über dem Kopf und in beheizten Räumen seinen Beruf ausüben kann, habe ich davor höchsten Respekt. Geographisch bedingt haben die Meereswissenschaften in Schleswig-Holstein eine lange Tradition. Mit seiner Lage zwischen den Meeren hat das Land die längste Küstenlinie in Deutschland. Hinzu kommen zahlreiche Flüsse und über 300 Seen. Es überrascht daher nicht, dass die Meereswissenschaften, die an dem Helmholtz-Zentrum für Ozeanforschung GEOMAR und an der Universität Kiel angesiedelt sind, neben der Medizin den bedeutendsten Forschungsschwerpunkt in Schleswig-Holstein darstellen. Die Universität und das Helmholtz-Zentrum arbeiten eng zusammen, insbesondere im Exzellenzcluster „Future Ocean“. An der Universität existiert ein Zentrum für Interdisziplinäre Meereswissenschaften - Kiel Marine Sciences. Die Idee dahinter ist, dass Naturwissenschaftler mit Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftlern aus den Wirtschaftswissenschaften, der Medizin, den Rechtwissenschaften den Ingenieurwissenschaften und der Informatik gemeinsam an Fragestellungen zur Rolle des Ozeans im globalen Wandel arbeiten.
Wissenschaftsstaatssekretär Karl-Rudolf ‚Rolf‘ Fischer
Ein weiterer herausragender Forschungsschwerpunkt an der Universität Kiel und dem Zentrum für Skandinavische und Baltische Archäologie in Schleswig ist die Ur- und Frühgeschichte mit der Graduiertenschule „Human Development in Landscapes“, an der auch die Archäologie beteiligt ist. Auch hier bestehen gute interdisziplinäre Kooperationsmöglichkeiten, z.B für Archäologen mit Biologen, Geologen, Ozeanographen und Vertreterinnen und Vertretern anderer Fachrichtungen. Ziel der Graduiertenschule ist eine themengebundene und gleichzeitig fächerübergreifende, internationale und praxisnahe Ausbildung. Vielleicht ist das auch für den einen oder die andere unter Ihnen interessant. Eine Besonderheit dieser Konferenz ist es, dass sie von Studierenden für Studierende, Absolventinnen und Absolventen sowie Doktorandinnen und Doktoranden ausgerichtet wird. Es ist ganz sicher nicht die Regel, dass Studierende und junge Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler ihre eigene Tagungsreihe neben den etablierten Konferenzen organisieren. Es spricht für Sie, die Veranstalter, Referentinnen und Referenten sowie alle Teilnehmenden, dass Sie diesen Aufwand auf sich nehmen. Ich bin sicher, dass alle davon profitieren werden. Mit dem Konzept der Veranstaltung haben alle Beteiligten die Möglichkeit, zu einem frühen Zeitpunkt in ihrer beruflichen Biographie, praktischen Kenntnisse und wissenschaftlichen Kontakte auszubauen, Erfahrungen zu sammeln und dadurch ihre wissenschaftliche Karriere optimal vorzubereiten. Ich wünsche allen Beteiligten erfolgreiche und nachhaltige Kontakte sowie vielseitige Anregungen für die eigene wissenschaftliche Arbeit.
7
Sehr geehrter Herr Staatssekretär Fischer, sehr gehrte Frau Vizepräsidentin Frau Prof. Dr. Pistor-Hatam, liebe Organisatoren und Gäste! Ich begrüße Sie im Namen des Institutes für Ur- und Frühgeschichte, der JohannaMestorf-Akademie und der Graduiertenschule „Human Development in Landscapes“. Wenn die schweizerische Weltenbummlerin und Schriftstellerin Isabelle Eberhardt in ihrem Büchern „Sandmeere“ die Wüsten mit Wasser vergleicht, bewegt sie sich in einer guten Tradition der Meistererzählung. Ozeane und Sandmeere – gegensätzliche Naturräume – einen doch verschiedene Elemente. Die Unendlichkeit und Einsamkeit und das Fehlen von Trinkwasser. Verdursten kann man sowohl in der Wüste als auch auf dem Meer. Nicht umsonst bietet die Unterwasserarchäologie der Öffentlichkeit ein Panorama, das die Gefühle von Gefahr und Geheimnis bedient. Es sind Bilder gesunkener Schiffe, gestrandeter Besatzungen und natürlich die „Höhlen der Toten“, die Blue Note Productions und die AMLA um Florian Huber jüngst in einem vielfach ausgezeichneten 3D-Film zu Leben erweckt haben. Wo werden die Grundlagen für derartig wort- und bildmächtigen Erzählungen gelegt? Es ist das Alltagsgeschäft der archäologischen Denkmalpflege, es sind Forschung und Lehre der Universitäten. Und mit Blick auf diese scheint es fast ein Allgemeinplatz, dass die CAU mit seinem Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte sehr gute Rahmenbedingungen für die Archäologie in Seen und Meeren bietet. Die möchte ich jetzt nicht alle aufzählen, sondern nur festhalten, dass die vielen Partner und Partnerinnen maritimer Lehre und Forschung an der CAU ein Netz bilden, das mit vielen anderen Universitäten und Institutionen außerhalb Schleswig-Holsteins national und international verknüpft ist. Die Ausbildung zum ForschungstaucherIn ist nach wie vor das missing link, das Theorie und Praxis, Tauchen und Archäologie nicht nur verbindet, sondern mit seiner Zertifizierung auch einen Einstieg in die Berufswelt bietet. Weiterhin sind die Johanna-Mestorf-Akademie und die Graduiertenschule zu nennen. Hier erfolgt ein integriertes Zusammenspiel von Natur-, Lebens- und Kulturwissenschaftlern – einmalig in Europa, wie jüngst wieder durch ein internationales Gutachtergremien bestätigt. Sie garantiert nicht nur eine Internationalisierung, bietet inhaltliche Forschungscluster und technische Plattformen sowie Promotionsstipendien die Chance, von der Biografie eines Schiffes über soziale, ökonomische oder ökologische Themen bis zum Kulturgüterschutz Horizonte zu öffnen.
Prof. Dr. Ulrich Müller, Instituts für Ur- und Frühgeschichte mit dem Schwerpunkt Frühgeschichte, Mittelalterarchäologie und Neuzeitarchäologie
Archäologisches Forschen unter Wasser, im und auf dem Wasser sowie zwischen Land und Meer hat viele Gesichter und viele Namen. Da sind zunächst einmal die disziplinären Bezeichnungen wie Feuchtbodenarchäologie, maritime und limnische Archäologie, Wrackarchäologie oder Unterwasserarchäologie. Archäologischer und naturwissenschaftlicher Techniken und Methoden bedienen sich alle – unabhängig von Ein- und Ausgrenzungen, die ich für überflüssig halte und die vor allem in Zeiten eines Drittmittelkampfes aufgefahren werden. Da sind weiterhin die Gesichter, die in Kiel mit der Unterwasserarchäologie verbunden sind. Hierzu gehört Ole Harck, der in bereits 1970er Jahren Taucharchäologie in der Ostsee und den Binnenseen mit Studierenden betrieb. Mit der AMLA, der Arbeitsgruppe für maritime und limnische Archäologie bekommt das Schiff nicht nur einen Namen und wechselnde Besatzungen mit Steuermännern (und Frauen), sondern auch einen Kurs. Viele sind hier zu nennen: ich möchte keinen Personenkult betreiben, denn alle leisten ihren Teil. Als ehemaligen Mitarbeiterin und Mitarbeiter möchte ich jedoch Frau Prof. Dr. Sunhild Kleingärtner und Herrn Dr. Florian Huber nennen, die seit Mitte der 2000er in Forschung und Lehre das Feld bestritten haben. Ihrem Einsatz ist es auch zu verdanken, dass die Unterwasserarchäologie eine solide Basis in der Ausbildung bekommen hat. Da ist es folgerichtig, wenn sich die Mitglieder der AMLA, die Studierenden der prähistorischen und historischen Archäologie vom „undergraduate“ bis zum Promovierten, als N.E.R.D.s des Themas annehmen und in dieser internationalen Tagung endlich mal nicht die Admiralität, sondern jene zu Wort kommen lassen, die im Boot sitzen und wissen, wohin der Kurs gehen soll.
9
Many thanks to our sponsors and supporters
www.mares.com
www.ide.de
www.ufg.uni-kiel.de
www.amla-kiel.de
www.international.uni-kiel.de
www.aquarium-geomar.de
10
www.kiel.de/kultur/museum/schifffahrtsmuseum
Note of thanks We are truly grateful for the work that all our supporters put in the preparation and realization of the N.E.R.D. in Underwaterarchaeology Conference that allowed us to experience a great event. We are so thankful for the interest and the opening words to start off the conference by the Secretary of Science Karl-Rudolf “Rolf” Fischer and Professor Dr. Anja Pistor-Hatam (Vice-President of Student Affairs, International and diversity of the University of Kiel). We also greatly appreciate the financial support of Prof. Dr. Ulrich W. Müller (University of Kiel) as well as his opening words and assistance with the publication preparations. We want to thank also Roland Friedrich (Forschungstauchzentrum University of Kiel) for his introductory words and Prof. Dr. med. Thomas Grundmann (Asklepios Klinik Altona) for his interessting presentation about diving injuries. We also warmly thank Dr. Martina Schmode of the International Center (IC) of the University of Kiel for the financial support and the awesome opportunity to use the premises next to the Kiel Fjord that added the proper atmosphere to the conference.
Furthermore we would like to give a big thank you to the all speakers of the conference who contributed with their diverse presentations to the success of the conference as well as the participants did with the interesting discussions and conversations. We are also truly thankful for the time and effort of the hard-working helpers in the background: Rebekka Eckelmann, Lena-Christin Feuring, Kristian Schober, Sarah Sutter, Thomas Reck (all University of Kiel). We really enjoyed the guided tours at the Aquarium at Geomar (Kiel) and at the Maritime Museum Fischhalle (Kiel) during the conference and want to thank the staff for their insight and friendliness. Special thanks go to all the sponsors of the AMLA who not only contributed to the activities during the course of the conference, but support us all year. The organizing committee AMLA Marijana Christ, Jonas Enzmann, Fritz Jürgens, Franziska Steffensen, Jana Ulrich und Feiko Wilkes
This publication results as part of the first N.E.R.D. in Underwaterarchaeology Conference, organized by members of the AMLA. The order of the articles follows the lecture program. The authors are personally responsible for the content of the articles.
11
Preface AMLA, which is short for working group for maritime and limnic archeology, was founded in 1997. The members of AMLA are Certified European Scientific Divers, and are mostly archaeologists on different levels of education, but there are also members from related sciences like biology, geology or oceanography. Most of AMLAs work is organized by their members. The primary task of AMLA is to conduct research on the Underwater Cultural Heritage and bring it more into the focus of terrestrial archaeology. Alongside, AMLA wants to create a public awareness of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, which is endangered due to the building of pipelines, offshore windparks and the deepening of rivers for economic purposes. Another important aim is educating the next generation of archaeologists in the special conservation situation underwater and practicing methods for excavation, investigation and interpretation in Maritime and Underwater Archaeology. The maritime and freshwater environment of SchleswigHolstein has 1190 kilometres of coastline at both seas, about 360 lakes and 21,700 kilometres of river stretches. Human populations and communities who have lived here for the last 20.000 years used these bodies of water to source food, as transportation routes and as borders. Besides conducting research projects in German waters, members of AMLA also carried out projects in the caves of Yucatan in Mexiko, the Golf of Mexico, in a lake in Norway, some wells in Southern Germany and gone on an Excursion to the sunken Roman City of Baiae near Naples. The majority of AMLAs members were trained as Scientific Divers by the Centre for Scientific Diving at the Institute of Geology (Christian-Albrechts-University, Kiel). Another cooperation exists with the IFM Geomar Institute, which allows AMLA to conduct regular field trips with the research vessels FB Polarfuchs and FK Littorina into the Kiel Fjord, to survey, monitor and document wrecks. Together with the Lighthouse Foundation, AMLA has built an archaeological park under water, where students and recreational divers can be trained in suitable diving methods for archaeological sites. AMLA maintains a close cooperation with the State Department of Archaeology and the State Museum in Schleswig. Over the past decade, members of AMLA took part in projects from the Lower Saxony Institute for Historical Coastal Research and the Maritime Archaeology Program of the University of Southern Denmark in Esbjerg. Furthermore, AMLA conducted smaller surveys in cooperation with different county archaeology departments in Lower Saxony and supported investigations of the Institute for Prehistoric and Historical Archaeology of the Christian-Albrechts-University in Kiel. As mentioned above, AMLA often pioneers research on wrecks in the area of Schleswig-Holstein, leading up to B.A., M.A. and PhD theses. The results of ongoing research, excavations and surveys of wrecks and other underwater sites in the Kiel Fjord and the limnological
12
landscape are shared during international conferences. By inviting speakers and conducting excursions to archaeological sites in other countries in Europe, AMLA has created an international communication network and an active dialogue between various research groups. Creating public awareness for the immense heritage under water is another focus of our research group. We are connected with local and national TV and radio stations and publish our work in a variety of magazines, books and newspapers. Public lectures and presentations at exhibitions and trade fairs result in a wide distribution of our research and sustainable methods among scientists and the general public. In addition, recreational divers can attend workshops and seminars to be trained in adequate diving styles and investigation methods and to learn what to do if they spot an archaeological site during one of their dives. Since 2004, the working group‘s online presence is available at www.amla-kiel.de. Visitors will find general information as well as news about on-going research projects and articles about completed excavations.
The development of the conference The idea for the N.E.R.D. in Underwaterarchaeology Conference was born early in 2014 after some members of AMLA had participated at the major Conference for Underwater Archaeology in Germany „In Poseidonseich“ organised by the Deutsche Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Unterwasserarchäologie e.V. (DEGUWA). The main advantages of the DEGUWA-Conference, for example an international audience with great expertise mixed with interested recreational divers seems to us as a disadvantage to an equal amount. Because of the number of speakers, detailed discussions were rare. Another point is the lack of younger researchers, who according to our own experience often think their research is not interesting enough or fear their presentational skills are not yet good enough for a big Conference. After defining these issues we established the idea to organise our own conference for people who are at the beginning of their academic career. This was of particular interest because many members of AMLA were about to finish their theses or had finished it shortly before. Also, we thought that it would be be a very good opportunity to learn how to organise a conference. The third point was to draw attention to Underwater Archaeology at the University of Kiel and the opportunities provided by the environmental and institutional surroundings (see first part). This point was even more important because the advisor in Underwater Archaeology matters Dr. Florian Huber was no longer a full time member of the Department for Prehistoric and Historical Archaeology, and because the future of the Scientific Diving Centre at the Institute of Geology of the University Kiel was unclear.
Shortly after the idea came up, a group of six AMLA members got together to organize the conference. In a first meeting, we agreed to keep the conference small because of financial issues and our lack of experience. This would be the first conference we organised on our own. We decided to have a maximum of 60 participants including the speakers. From experience at other conferences we thought it would be nice to provide an excursion as well as an official reception and conference dinner. However, the conference fee had to be relatively low, because the conference should address students as its main target group. Another challenge was the finding a thematic orientation. We agreed that we did not want to set any strict thematic borders. The presentations should be from new or so far unpresented underwater related research and of course from students (BA, MA, PhD). We decided to invite people from all around Europe to build up a young and innovative network that could result in joined projects. On the other hand we were looking forward to experience different methods or interpretation models due to the different national or academic background of the participants. To facilitate the discussions between the participants we decided to prepare the whole conference in English and to ask every speaker to prepare their presentations in English. The general speaking time of 20 minutes was inspired by other conferences but we decided against the trend of having a 10 minute discussion afterwards. Bearing in mind how much time we had scheduled, we wanted to have Friday as an arrival-day with the excursion and the official reception in the evening, the Saturday completely for presentations and the conference dinner and the Sunday morning for more presentations. Based on our experience at other conferences we decided to close early on Sunday, so everybody would be able to get home on that day, avoiding to have nobody listen to the last presentations because most of the audience has already left. After that we agreed to the date of the 21st to 23rd November because by then, most of the fieldwork will be done and it still leaves enough time before Christmas. The last part was that we split the tasks (for example the financial-plan, the writing of the call of papers etc.) between everybody. We were very lucky to have been provided with a fantastic conference room directly opposite the Kiel Fjord with a beautiful view by the International Centre of the University. During the actual organizing process we faced many challenges, for example finding a nice place for the Conference dinner which was big enough for 60 people, that was suitable for having the evening lecture there, had an acceptable price for the dinner and offered food suitable for an international audience. In the end we managed very well, also because of the generous support that we received from so many sides (see Acknowledgements)
The conference On Friday the 21st of November 2014 we started the conference weekend with a guided tour in the aquarium of the IFM Geomar around 2 pm. During the tour, the participants were able to watch typical animals from the Baltic and North Sea and to touch starfishes and sea urchins. Clearly the highlight of the tour was watching the seals at the end. After that the group walked to the Maritime Museum of Kiel, where we started a short guided tour through the city. The trip required a lot of imagination, because most of the old center of Kiel was destroyed during World War II. In the evening we met up again with most of the participants for the official reception in the Institute for Prehistoric and Historical Archaeology of the Christian -Albrechts-University (CAU) in Kiel. After this official part there was the opportunity for the participants to meet each other in a relaxed atmosphere in the library of the Institute for Prehistoric and Historical Archaeology. The second day, Saturday the 22nd November, the lectures in the conference room of the International Center of the CAU Kiel started with speeches concerning use and distribution of logboats as well as different methods, which could and should be used in future underwater archaeological fieldwork. After the first coffee break we heard lectures about the submerged settlements in Austria and the potential of artificial lakes for archaeology. In the afternoon we heard about the ancient harbours at the italian coast of the Adria and the harbour of Schleswig, followed by lectures about the North Sea region, which informed about the special work conditions, the historical background and shipbuilding during the 16th century. In the evening we headed to the restaurant Fuego del Sur, where we had a nice dinner. On Sunday the 23rd November we started the day with another lecture on the Nordic shipbuilding in the modern period before we changed to lectures with a Mediterranean setting about scattered wreck sites, harbour and shelter sites in Montenegro and the famous Marsala-Shipwrecks. Shortly after the conference we noticed that most of the participants were connected via social media. Thus, we are thrilled to say that the major goal of the conference, establishing a network of young researchers, was achieved. Hopefully, this network will encourage scientific exchange and initiate joint projects. Jonas Enzmann, Kiel 2016
13
Inhalt
Franziska Steffensen, Feiko Wilkes Two recent AMLA projects: Excerpt of the lecture at the N.E.R.D. conference A logboat in the Schlei fjord/Underwater prospections on the mesolithic site Strande LA 163 Miran Erič, Gregor Berginc, Rok Kovačič, Kristijan Celec A short review of the application of 3D documentation methods on selected UW heritage sites in Slovenia and the Adriatic: the need for changes in methodology
16
24
Helena Novak Neolithic Lake Settlements. A new UNESCO World Heritage leads to the emerging of underwater- and wetland-research in Austria 36 Marie-Claire Ries New Research on a waterlogged Bronze Age Settlement in Lake Attersee (Austria)
46
Marina Nuovo Roman harbours: coastal and underwater landscapes in the central-southern Adriatic Sea
56
Julia Goldhammer, Martina Karle A fish trap basket from Belum (Ldkr. Cuxhaven). Excerpt from the presentation “Archaeology in the Wadden: Submarine Archaeology without a diving suit”
66
Margaret Logan A Study of a 16th-century wooden vessel from the Netherlands
72
Philipp Grassel Late Hanseatic seafaring from Hamburg and Bremen to Iceland, the Faeroe Islands and Shetland
82
Alexander Cattrysse Deviating from the Course: Clinker Deviations in Northern-European Carvel Shipbuilding
94
15
Franziska Steffensen, Feiko Wilkes
Two recent AMLA projects: Excerpt of the lecture at the N.E.R.D. conference
A logboat in the Schlei fjord Introduction
Method
One of at least 16 logboats was discovered by a sports diver near the city of Kappeln in the Schlei fjord in 2007 (Fig. 1). The site of Kappeln already revealed two more logboats that are similar in construction and shape. In 2009 members of the AMLA documented the wreck for the first time. It was partially imbedded in sediment in a depth of 2–3 m and an incline position. 2011 it was documented again due to monitoring reasons. In addition a wood sample was taken. The result of C14 –dating dated the boat in the 16th century (Huber 2009). Another survey was done by the AMLA in 2014 in a framework of a Bachelor thesis (Steffensen 2015). Main reason for the third survey was the critical condition of the logboat. The incline position could result in a disruption of the boat. Primarily though is the destruction by Teredo navalis. So the actual ambition was to get a more detailed drawing of the logboat to save information due to proceeding damage. Furthermore the process of destruction itself should be documented.
The scientific diving team consisted of five members of the AMLA and the survey took place in two days. To relocate the logboat the team set a surface marker buoy by the coordinates. So the first diver was able to search the site in different radii using a wreckroll. Due to extraordinary range of sight between 3 and 5 meters the diver could locate the boat within minutes. The graphic documentation of overlapping pictures provided the possibility of a photomosaic showing the whole length of the logboat (Fig. 2). In addition photos have been taken in different angles to record the position in the sediment (Fig. 3). The quality of the photos benefited from the unusual good sight as well. The usual range of sight in the Schlei fjord is < 1 m. The measurements were documented by an offset-technique. The baseline was strained middle lengthwise in order to document length and breadth of the wreck. One section was still hidden in the sediment. So it was only possible to determine a minimum length of ca. 4.50 m. The inside of the logboat was filled with sediment so that a determination of shape could only be done by groping.
Area of research The Schlei located in Northern Germany is a 42 km long fjord that elongates from the Baltic Sea to the city of Schleswig. Geological features provide great preservation of especially wooden cultural assets. So the Schlei is an archive for several submarine findings. The Viking age onwards the landscape provided great communication ways between the North- and the Baltic Sea due to its surrounding rivers Treene and Eider. Beside terrestrial findings as Haithabu and the Danevirke, cultural assets underwater like the shipwreck of Karschau, the “Prahm” of Hedeby and the barrier of Reesholm as well as the logboat focused in this article are evidence for the importance of the Schlei fjord throughout time.
16
Measurements and construction A striking feature of the logboat made of oak is the bulkhead that is supposedly located in the last third of the boat. The exposed part can be assumed to be the stern section due to the position of the bulkhead and the shape of the hull that is tapered towards the bow (Steffensen 2015). The stern is located about half a meter above the sediment in a depth of 2.6 m. The spoon shape that was already stated in 2009 is still slightly visible. At the length of ca. 1 m the boat starts to be covered by sediment, while it is completely hidden at a length of 4.50 m. It has a maximal breadth of 0.8 m and tapers towards the bow. The bulkhead located at a length of ca. 1.90 m has a preserved breadth of 0.12 m. It divides the boat in at least two compartments.
Fig. 1 Logboats of the Schlei (map: F. Steffensen, 1-13: after Hirte 1987, 14-15: after Kramer 1990, 16: Steffensen 2015).
Fig. 2 Photomosaik (pictures: F. Huber, mosaic: J. Ulrich).
Preservation – A retrospection Since the discovery in 2007 the logboat underlay several changes that had enormous consequences for its preservation. When discovered, the boat was exposed 2 m in length. In 2009 the exposure had proceeded to 3.5 m (Huber 2009). The survey 2014 revealed an exposure of further 80 cm. However, in the last couple of years sediment shifts uncovered the boat and thus gave access to erosion and vermin. Additionally to the proceeding exposure of the asset the natural cover of barnacles and shells increased (Huber 2011).
Comparing the documentation of 2009, 2011 and 2014 in the section of the bulkhead an enormous destruction of the wood is to be observed (Fig. 4). Whereas in 2009 there was almost no sign of destruction by teredo navalis, the wood was affected dramatically in 2011. Hence teredo navalis damaged the exposed parts heavily within only two years. The most recent monitoring in 2014 showed the wreck in a fragile condition. The bulkhead lost a lot of matter due to erosion and teredo navalis. The original height of the shipside isn’t preserved neither.
17
Fig. 3 The incline of the logboat in profile (photo: F. Huber).
Fig. 4 Condition oft the wreck (a) 2009, (b) 2011 and (c) 2014 (photo: F. Huber).
18
In 2014 the bulkhead was 6 cm higher than the side itself, which wasn’t the case before. Due to the heavy erosion the shape of the hull, especially the shape of the stern, remains to be presumed. After taking biological samples of the plant cover shortfall of calcium carbonate was uncovered in the wood. This indicates that the infestation of teredo navalis is acute (Halbwidl/Hoppe 2009).
Results The monitoring of the logboat of Kappeln especially exemplified the changes of wooden cultural asset within a short period of time, about 6 years in this case. A boat that appeared stable was infested and damaged of teredo navalis within a couple of years. The logboat and its
measurements that were visible can be compared to three further logboats in the Schlei. Two of them were found at the site of Kappeln as well. The third logboat was discovered near Kosel and even dated in the same time period as the logboat focused on in this article. The other two were not dated. The four logboats can be addressed as “classic” logboats (cf. Kröger 2011). All of them have one bulkhead, similar dimensions and no further construction features like lashes, eyes or even veneering. It is likely they were used as fishing boats.
Franziska Steffensen,
[email protected] Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel, Germany
Underwater prospections on the mesolithic site Strande LA 163 The Site The subaquatic site LA 163 is situated about 1.5 kilometres northwest of the Bülk lighthouse, in the western part of the Kiel fjord estuary (Fig. 5). It was discovered in October 2011 by two local commercial divers, who noticed four trunks, lying in parallel in a waterdepth of six metres (Fig. 6). Further dives and the typochronology of findings verified it as a waste-disposal area dating to the older Ertebølle culture (5390–4750 calBC) (Goldhammer/Hartz 2015). Additional confirmation was gathered by dendrochronology and radiocarbon-dating performed after a sondage excavation was realized in the summer of 2012. It included test drillings and the excavation of 5 m2 of seabed. This provided an insight into the stratigraphy of the site, proofed a good conservation of organic remains and revealed, amongst numerous other finds, jawbone fragments belonging to two humans.
Initial plan In order to clarify the dimensions of the site and the extent of find bearing layers and preserved surface, a survey campaign by the NIhK (Niedersächsisches Institut für historische Küstenforschung- Lower Saxony Institute for Historical Coastal Research) was executed in August 2014. The author was participant in the AMLA diving team that performed the task. Furthermore, a section from the 2012 campaign had to be re-excavated both to obtain botanic samples and for better photo-documentation of the profile. To accomplish these tasks within four weeks and with a team of only four divers, methods of surveying large areas as fast and efficient as possible were required.
Initially it was planned to conduct the survey mainly by visual prospection, with the divers scanning the ground for artifacts or structures of interest and wag away the covering sand every few meters to check the layer below. The idea of the classic circular search was quickly abandoned as compared to a linear search you have to swim twice the distance to cover the same area. Therefore it was decided to deploy a 20 meter baseline in intervals of 2 meters, starting from the excavated section, and follow it paired, each diver scanning one side of the baseline (see Fig. 8 directly to the east of the excavated area).
Method This method quickly proved to be highly inefficient due to several reasons. The dense seagrass covering most part of the area restricted the already limited field of view a diver has, especially considering the small dimensions most of the objects of interest had. Moreover the layer of covering sand was much thicker and harder to remove than estimated. Finally, while the close sequence of baselines resulted in a comprehensive coverage of area it was also very time-consuming, considering the limited time frame. Thus a different approach had to be applied, firstly to switch to a star-search pattern of baselines protruding from the excavated area in all directions (Fig. 8) and secondly to apply a diver propulsion vehicle (DPV, commonly known as scooter) to create sondage pits. The DPV is a device resembling a small torpedo. Its normal task is to propel a diver by an electric motor driving a small screw, but used the wrong way around it becomes the underwater equivalent of a leaf blower. The resulting procedure was to first blow away the co-
19
Fig. 5 Location of the site (Goldhammer/Hartz in print).
Fig. 6 The site as found in 2011 (photo: G. Lorenz).
20
vering sand to the layer of interest, with one person controlling the DPV while the other diver checked for finds and supported managing the thrust (Fig. 7). The pit was then cleaned and the type of sediment, the thickness of covering sand and the state of the often encountered silex artifacts (sharp edge, blunt edge, blunt edge and patinated (Fig. 8)) were measured and documented. After the final photo documentation the team then moved on to create the next sondage. The survey pattern was to produce a sondage every 5 meters, in turns to the left, on and to the right of the baseline to cover as much area with as few test pits as possible.
Results
proofed to be fast and effective, although some aspects may need to be added or refined. Nearly 100 sondage pits were excavated and documented, covering more than one hectare of seafloor. A mapping of them utilizing thiessen polygons shows that in approximately 3500 m² of this area, primarily in the south and west of the previous excavation, layers of interest are present (Goldhammer/ Hartz 2015). This provides important information for the evaluation of the site and planning of future campaigns, focusing now on further exact excavation. Feiko Wilkes,
[email protected] Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel, Germany
About 160 dives with a dive time close to 80 hours were accomplished in the course of 16 dive days. Considering that included in these days were the reexcavation and documentation of the section from 2012 the applied method
Fig. 7 The procedure: Blowing away the covering sediment (1); cleaning the sondage pit, collecting and identifying artifacts (2); measuring the covering sediment, defining the layer sediment, preparation of photo documentation (3); logging of the sondage pit (4) (photos: NIhK ).
21
Fig. 8 The resulting map of the site (modified after Goldhammer/Hartz in print).
22
Literature Goldhammer/Hartz 2015 J. Goldhammer/S. Hartz, Der ertebøllezeitliche Siedlungsplatz von Strande LA 163, Kr. Rendsburg-Eckernförde, und die Littorina-Transgression – Submarine Prospektionsarbeiten und Sondagen. Siedlungs- und Küstenforschung an der südlichen Nordseeküste 38, 2015, 29–41. Goldhammer/Hartz in print: J. Goldhammer/S. Hartz, Fished up from the Baltic Sea – a new Ertebølle site near Stohl cliff line (Bay of Kiel). In: G. Bailey, J. Harff, D. Sakellariou (Hrsg.) UNDER THE SEA: Archaeology and Palaeolandscapes. Springer Coastal Research Library (Dorderecht - in print). Halbwidl/Hoppe 2009 E. Halbwidl/K. Hoppe, Der Einfluss von Teredo navalis auf submarine Kulturgüter an der schleswig-holsteinischen Ostseeküste. In: U. Müller/S. Kleingärtner/F. Huber (Hrsg.), Zwischen Nord- und Ostsee 1997-2007. Zehn Jahre Arbeitsgruppe für maritime und limnische Archäologie (AMLA) in Schleswig-Holstein. Universitätsforschungen zur Prähist. Arch. 165 (Bonn 2009) 99–108. Hirte 1987 Ch. Hirte, Die Archäologie der monoxylen Wasserfahrzeuge im nördlichen Mitteleuropa. Eine Studie zur Repräsentativität der Quellen in chorologischer, chronologischer und kon-zeptioneller Hinsicht (Kiel 1987).
Huber 2009 F. Huber, Tätigkeitbericht der Jahre 2008 und 2009 der Arbeitsgruppe für maritime und limnische Archäologie (AMLA). Starigard 9, 2008/09, 115–124. Huber 2011 F. Huber, Tätigkeitsbericht der Jahre 2010 und 2011 der Arbeitsgruppe für maritime und limnische Archäologie (AMLA). Starigard 10, 2010/11, 1–9. Kramer 1990 W. Kramer, Bericht über die archäologischen Untersuchungen in der Schlei im Winter 1989/1990. Arch. Nachr. S-H 1, 1990, 77–98. Kröger 2011 L. Kröger, Einbäume des Maingebietes – Fähren als verbindendes Element eines mittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Wegesystems. Siedl.- und Küstenforsch. im südl. Nordseegebiet 34, 2011, 115–128. Steffensen 2015 F. Steffensen, Die monoxylen Wasserfahrzeuge der Schlei unter besonderer Betrachtung eines Einbaums des Fundplatzes LA 11 bei Kappeln. www.histarch.de, Artikel Jahrgang 2015, 52.
23
Miran Erič, Gregor Berginc, Rok Kovačič, Kristijan Celec
A short review of the application of 3D documentation methods on selected UW heritage sites in Slovenia and the Adriatic: the need for changes in methodology
Introdution In recent decades we have witnessed almost revolutionary changes in the documentation of underwater heritage. The research in this area was given a strong impetus by development of a special discipline within archeology, strongly stimulated by changes in research philosophy. It had outgrown the passion for collecting artifacts to engage in data collecting and a carefully considered, less invasive handling of heritage. Remote sensing of anthropogenic changes, enabled by the use of sonar equipment, especially in the archaeological research of larger local
and regional areas, brought a new ideological concept. It made archeologists alter their attitudes to heritage and opt for more non-invasive research techniques. Simultaneous technological development of measurement sensors, information technologies and programming tools have to revolutionary changes in the profession, enabling absolutely accurate documentation of sites. Some of these changes appeared also in the archaeological research in the Eastern Adriatic.
Fig. 1 Stari Grad Plain, Island Hvar, Croatia: Left (a): Early use of DEM; point density of 25 m to 25 m, interpolated reconstruction by Tomaž Podobnikar and Zoran Stančič (Institute of Anthropological and Spatial Studies (IASS) ZRC SAZU); application of satellite images processed by Krištof Oštir and Z. Stančič (IASS ZRC SAZU) (indication of the source) combined by historical analysis of Stari Grad Plain and landscape changes in the 19th century by rectificated cadastrial maps. Right (b): Detailed micro-analysis of the landscape structures survey of Greek modular parcellation and anthropogenic changes.
24
Fig. 2 Short promotional reconstructions and visualisation of the Stari Grad Plain in the time of Greek colonization in the 4th century BC (See also: [On line] Available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=0PHEB TJff88 [Accessed on 24th March 2015]). The film was produced in 2004 by Miran Erič, Branko Kirigin and Božidar Slapšak (Erič/Kirigin/ Slapšak 2008) with the help of Zoran Stančič, Krištof Oštir and Tomaž Podobnikar (IASS ZRC SAZU) by means of DEM reconstruction of satellite images (LANDSAT TM 1998) in the production of ArtRebel9 company. Left: Silhouette of western part of the island Hvar with the Stari Grad Plain to the north. Right: A SW to NE view of the reconstruction of the probable ancient environment of the Stari Grad Plain.
Three dimensional (3D) documentation methods, used in recent decades in the research of underwater sites in the region
Digital Elevation Model - DEM (also Digital Terrain Model - DTM, and Digital Surface Model - DSM, which includes representation of the vegetation canopy and infrastructure) In Slovenia modern methods and datasets began to be used in archaeology in the 1980s when a group of researchers from the Department of Archaeology started experimenting with remote data capturing1. Remote sensing methods in surveying saw a quick and intensive growth due to availability of satellite imagery and development of photogrammetric methods, in particular stereo-photogrammetry, the by-products of which were digital relief models. Because of the nature of archaeological research, aiming predominately at discovery of anthropogenic changes in landscape, the latest findings and remote sensing results have opened up a completely new research area. They brought new knowledge, viewed from a fresh
1 Stančič/Šivic 1988, Stančič/Slapšak 1988.
perspective and with „new eyes“. The earliest testing of usefulness of remote sensing in the region was carried out in the test area of the Stari Grad Plain on the island Hvar. Since 1982, intensive research has been conducted within various projects on the island2. On the ground of the research achievements, the Stari Grad Plain was first nominated and then, in 2008, placed on the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage list as the best preserved cultural landscape of Greek colonization. This research showed great usefulness of the remote sensing methods applied. It was the first time that satellite images were used in the region to analyze the surface investigated and that a 3D DEM was produced by means of photogrammetry (Fig. 1a). The model was later used for a more detailed analysis of the location (Fig. 1b). Great usefulness of 3D spatial modeling became apparent when a 3D representation of the Stari Grad fields was produced, which offered the possibility of spatial appreciation of the size of this heritage site. It was exploited to produce a promotional film, which was added to the documentation for the UNESCO World Cultural Heritage nomination proposal and significantly contributed to its inclusion in the list in 2008 (Fig. 2). The first DEMs were not very clear due to the sparsity of points in the grid, the precision being conditioned by the quality and accuracy of publicly available satellite imagery. This methodology, based on analyses and comparisons of DEMs with the data collected from other sources made it possible to make a historical analysis and „clarification“ of latter-day, man-produced traces, and soon found
2 See the history of research of the Stari Grad plain. [On line] Available at: http://starogradsko-polje.net/index.php ?p=5 [Ac- cessed at 24th of March 2015].
25
Fig. 3 Underwater measuring by TST: in shallow water (to the depth of 5 m) by means of a prism on a stick (left drawing; Gaspari/Erič 2010, p. 60, Fig. 10), and on deeper sites by means of a buoy and a prism (right drawing; ib., p. 60, Fig. 11). Before appearance of 3D measuring techniques TST was very useful, comfortable and much more precise than the earlier techniques, particularly on underwater river sites and nearby coast (e.g. the Carolingian site Volar in the Ljubljanica River, discovered in 2003/2004).
Fig. 4 Combined use of different topographic 3D databases (DEM) and field research surveying methods (TST), used for reconstruction and interpretation of the processes in mankind evolution and of environmental changes in prehistoric times. To document the Stone Age hunters camp in the Ljubija river at Zalog near Vrhnika on the SW outskirts of the Ljubljansko barje (Gaspari/Erič 2006a) a DEM with resolution of 12.5 m grid was used as a by-product of the orthographic evaluation of the vertical air photography (a); for a closer view a DEM with a 5 m grid was used (b); and the configuration of the nearby area was examined by means of TST measurements, with a grid of ~2x2 m and an underwater grid of ~1x1 m (c).
26
its use also in the research of underwater archaeological sites. Its applicability in archaeology grew with the rise of point cloud density and development of 3D DEMs. In the course of preparation of the state commissioned orthophotographic mapping documents for Slovenia, by DFG Consulting from Ljubljana, the imagery accuracy was steadily improving. Within a 15-year period, following the early 1990s, the density of 100 m x 100 m was raised to 50 m x 50 m, then 25 m x 25 m, 12.5 m x 12.5 m to finally reach 5 m x 5 m point cloud density. At that time, this density level provided in archaeology borderline applicability and data accuracy, which made at least investigation of larger local sites and regions possible.
Total Station Theodolite - TST (opticals and lasers) This important instrument brought methodological innovations into archaeology at a time when topographical surveys3 of archaeological sites were still being made by means of manual measuring and georeferencing, before modern lidar and laser measuring techniques and photogrammetric 3D modeling were introduced. The application of TST made it possible, with a bit of innovativeness, to significantly upgrade the quality of field documentation and, thereby, to improve reconstructional and interpretative results. Replacing manual data capture, with its use of measuring grids, tape measurements and drawing boards under water, TST greatly improved the results, at least on the underwater sites not deeper than 5m. Under favourable conditions (aquatic environments without strong currents, proximity of shore) and with the help of specially adapted buoys, equipped with prisms, even deeper sites could be documented (Fig. 3). Since 1994, the Underwater Archaeology Division of Slovenia has regularly made use of this combination and stratification of different data sets in its work on underwater sites. On one of the most important locations, a StoneAge hunters’ campsite on the western edge of Ljubljansko barje4 at Zalog pri Verdu near Vrhnika, different data sets of 3D data layers were applied in different scales (Fig. 4). This type of data capture method on underwater cultural heritage sites has been practically adopted while 3D measuring instruments has become available at lower prices and improved data processing algorithms as free share software availability – a global trend – has greatly facilitated documentative research work.
3 4
Terrestrial Laser Scanning - TLS In the last decade we have witnessed a rapid development in the field of measuring instruments and in the data processing software. Improved algorithms have made processing of vast volumes of data possible. Even not too expensive instruments have now reached the speed of 50pt/sec in spatial data capture while those of the highest quality can do as many as 1Mpt/sec. Laser recorded 3D models in lower-priced instruments may contain from 40k/m2 to as many as 25k/m2, whereas the density reached with the highest quality instruments can be four times higher, and thus also the accuracy of the document. Errors, in any direction (xyz), can in this type of 3D models, therefore, not be higher than 1 mm, and in most cases do not exceed a tenth of a millimeter. Obviously, the quantity of the data that need to be processed is enormous. This requires powerful hardware and very good software solutions, which entails high processing costs and expert involvement. Therefore, it may be said that the quality and accuracy of 3D models acquired by means of TLS may simply be too high to be viable in investigation of large cultural heritage site areas (e.g. architecture, colonization and settlement areas). A common sense use of different measuring techniques and measuring devices for 3D documentation of cultural heritage is, therefore, called for and necessary if we wish to behave rationally. Our work ranges from documentation of the tiniest objects (e.g. coins, fibulas, small ornaments etc.) on the one hand to measurements of large cultural landscapes, which are the subject of cultural heritage and archaeological investigations on the other. The performance characteristics of TLS measuring instruments make them most suitable for imaging of cultural heritage areas up to 300 m in radius. Nevertheless, by moving the instrument several times and acquiring data from a series of standpoints it is also possible to record larger areas (Fig. 5). Direct application of TLS techniques for documentation of underwater cultural heritage and in underwater archaeology is not possible, however, it is often employed as a source of spatial data in the wider environment of the heritage and for interpretative placement of underwater heritage in the broader cultural context.
Up to 1970s all archaeological topography was documented on the state topographic maps. Topographic maps DTK 1: 50.000 and limited access less DTK 1: 25.000 until the 1991 was in use. Since 1995, the State Geodetic Administration released also use of TTN 1: 5000. These maps were also a topographic basis for georeferencing of archaeological sites. Access to a variety of national topographic bases including DEM after 2000 fully released. Ljubljansko barje or Ljubljana Moor is the 166 sq km big typical Karstic field geologically characterized as moor.
27
Fig. 5 Successful use of TLS measurements in the 120 m long Great Hall of the Škocjan Caves in the Slovenian Karst region (a UNESCO World Natural Heritage Site), with the river Reka passing through a 6 km long cave system. Left: Longitudinal cross-section (top) and ground plan (bottom) of the Great Hall with the 15 stand positions of TLS laser scanner. Right: Visualisation of the point cloud obtained by 3D laser scanning of a part of the Great Hall.
Bathymetry Thanks to the physical properties of the sound, studying the floors of water bodies (seas, lakes, rivers, streams) has a long tradition. The first single-beam echo-sounders, invented at the beginning of the 20th century, provided the first detailed hypsographic and topographic maps of the beds of water bodies. The technique of sonar data capture was patented by the German inventor Alexander Behm as early as 1913.5 Before his discovery mariners used to do depth sounding for navigation purposes and avoidance of accidents by using simple plumb lines and so gained at least some rough, linear, knowledge of the morphology of the sea floor. Sonar is a device which emits and receives an acoustic signal in water. By determining the time (depth) between the emission of the sound6 in the grid recordings it was possible, even with a single-beam sonar7, to obtain a rather accurate threedimensional image of the bed of a water body. Testing and application of single-beam echo-sounders on underwater cultural heritage sites in Slovenia has considerably heightened accuracy and precision of underwater finds, and has, in addition, enabled us to link the morphology of water beds directly with that of the shores and nearby environment (Fig. 6).8 Such data are needed mainly to
5 6 7 8
28
Patent DRP No. 282009 from 22nd July 1913 (Behm 1913). The average speed of the sound travelling in water is between 1450 and 1500 m/sec. It depends on saaltness, pressure and temperature of water (Pierce 1989). Sonar with a single emitter/receiver of sound. Gaspari/Erič 2006b.
gain an understanding of paleo-environmental changes and the appearance of heritage. Around 1960, the American navy developed the Sonar Array Sounding System (SASS)9, a predecessor of the Multi-Beam Echo Sounders (MBES). Today sonars may possess up to 500 emitters/receivers, which can be widened and narrowed in a fan-like fashion, and can so adjust the recording beam to the depth of the terrain imaged and so to achieve the density of points required for the study of cultural heritage remains. A broader angle is used in shallow waters in order to investigate a broader band and to shorten the recording time; when, however, the required data are in deeper waters, the angles between individual measuring units are narrowed, which increases the data density In its today’s form, bathymetry10 is a very important technique for analyses of wide areas of the territorial sea and continental water bodies and for learning about natural processes effecting changes in paleo-landscapes and anthropogenic changes in the region. The very limitedness and small size of the Slovenian territorial sea in the Gulf of Trieste and Alpine lakes in the mountainous northwestern part of Slovenia were ideal locations for testing and understanding the result content. The amount of knowledge on cultural heritage remains, buried in the sea, doubled after acquisition of bathymetric data, and increased tenfold in the case of Alpine lakes (Fig. 7)11.
9 Theberge/Cherkis 2013 10 i.q. hypsometry or topography 11 Slovenian territorial sea (see Erič/Poglajen/Gaspari 2012); Lake Bled (see: Poglajen/Mozetič/Vranac 2012).
Fig. 6 Research of the Ljubljanica riverbed near Bevke, conducted in 2004 within the framework of the European Fluvial Heritage Project, supported by the European Union (Culture 2000) three different 3D topographic databases (DEM, TLS and single-beam sonar results) were combined to explore this archaeological site from the Bronze and Early Roman Ages.
Fig. 7 High density bathymetry, using multi-beam sonar, is very appropriate in broader cultural heritage studies to gain knowledge about the scope of underwater culture heritage sites and to plan protection and management of sustainable research and public promotion of the use of 3D models. Left (a): In the Slovenian territorial sea 18 new shipwrecks were detected against 20 known previously. Middle (b): As until recently only a few modern boats were known to have sunk in Lake Bled, it was a great surprise that as many as 28 sunken boats, 6 of them most probably older logboats [e.g. Right (c)], were detected by Sašo Poglajen from Harpha Sea company (see Poglajen/Mozetič/Vranac 2012) in 2008 by means of multi-beam sonar measuring.
Airborn Laser Scanning - ALS (also Light Detection and Ranging - Lidar) ALS is an optical remote sensing technology of great importance for the development of research methodology and widening of in which landscape cultural heritage and the processes of past anthropogenic changes are investigated ALS results similarly as multi-beam sonar devices, by determining the distance between the emitter and the water bottom surface measured; only that it works optically, using a laser beam. The measurements obtained produce a 3D image of the Earth surface (as well as a hypsometric map) The results of the raw data acquired by ALS are usually referred to as Digital Surface Models
(DSM). They are comprehensive and include both the infrastructure and the vegetation canopy. By eliminating these two, the automatically programmed filtering of the raw DSM data yields a DEM map of the Earth surface elevations. In Slovenia elevation maps were originally generated as by-products of orthophotographic cartography maps (with resolutions of 100 m, 50 m, 12.5 m and 5 m). ALS images became available in archeology already in the first years of the 21st century. They represented a substantial contribution to the unveiling of past events in landscape archeology, where specific landscape properties are measured with different distance sensing techniques (e.g. aero-archaeology, shallow geophysical surveys, satellite optical measurements etc.). Earth surface morphology had never before been so accurately recorded. A minimum data density of 20pt/m2 is needed
29
Fig. 8 Two applications of ALS methodology in landscape archaeology studies. Left (a): The Škocjan Caves - a UNESCO Natural Heritage area with registered culture heritage sites; TLS images of the Great Hall cave ceiling and anthropogenic changes, extracted from point clouds in the Lidar database and integrated into a DEM of the surface (Lidar scanning with 2500pt/ar2 density; Novakovič et al. 2014). Right (b): Southwestern part of Ljubljansko barje near Vrhnika showing the estimated position of the settlement of Nauportus (transparent white circle) and the positions of a Roman logboat from the 1st century AD (1) and a Roman flat-bottomed ship from year 3 AD (2). The topographic plan, obtained by Lidar scanning [2500pt/ar2 density] allows us to detect paleo-environmental evidence (a, b) of paleo thrusted ridges of the old coast of the Ljubljansko barje Lake and compare it to anthropogenic changes of the wider landscape. (c) Slope of the Ljubljanica river channel or/and the coast of the Lake (Erič et al. 2014). to recognize anthropogenic changes in a landscape and to achieve a complete and non-destructive distance-sensed identification of the archaeological remains (Fig. 8). More prominent remains (big buildings, roads, mounds etc.) can of course be detected at lower densities. It has to be admitted that quite a few important past results have been achieved on the basis of 5 m DTM12, which means with a density of 1pt/ar2. In 2017 already, Slovenia will have publicly available DEM data for the entire country, made on the basis of Lidar measurements (with resolution of 200pt/ar2). For very precise archaeological spatial analyses this data may seem somewhat robust13, but since there is an obvious trend in the direction of higher data density, it is possible to expect data density of 2500pt/ ar2 in a few years, which completely satisfies the requirements in analysing anthropogenic changes and cultural heritage.
12 Erič 2004 13 Mlekuž 2013
30
Higher precision and closer measure scale 3D scanning of cultural heritage sites and artefacts; Laser, -structure and -modular White Light Scanners (WLS) and Photogrammetry. Underwater archaeology has a long history,14 and has been practiced on the eastern coast of the Adriatic15 for considerable time. In its beginnings it experienced the same limitations as general photogrammetry. Taking underwater photographs used to be a lengthy process because the photos needed to be properly aligned so that corresponding points in stereo pairs could later be identified in the laboratory. In the past this made photogrammetry in underwater documentation more expensive than manual or classical documentation. (Fig. 9, Left)16. Since the technique was time-consuming and the measuring costs high, the photogrammetrically obtained data density was not high enough and so did not completely replace classical documentation in the form of drawings
14 Drap et al. 2013 15 Erič et al. 2013 16 Gluščević 2009
Fig. 9 A comparison of two archaeological case studies, using 3D Photogrammetry, performed at an interval of app. 15 years. Left: The first stereo photogrammetric 3D documentation of an underwater archaeological site, carried out on the island Grebeni (near Silba island in Dalmatia) in the Adriatic in 2001. As at that time no computer applications for automatic frame tracking existed, the entire tracking processing had to be done manually, which meant each frame had to be analyzed separately to obtain enough characteristics to stitch all photographs onto the same 3D model. This 3D Model of a shipwreck, with a 5 x 5m grid, was produced with the help of DFG Consulting company from Ljubljana with their own software (DoG, SeX, etc.), developed by Tomaž Gvozdanović. The entire 3D modeling process required three months of work, which makes the method quite impractical and too expensive to be used as a standard method in underwater archaeology. Right: 15 years later new software with updated algorithms and new frame-tracking applications made automatic 3D model photogrammetry available. Today this new modern modeling applications are open source code, i.e. free of charge. (An especially important feature of these applications is completely automatic functioning and high speed). In the last two years is has become possible to generate photogrammetric 3D models also from video frames, such as compact cameras, mobile phones or small video cameras. In the Adriatic Sea area a photogrammetric 3D was first generated from video records of a Bronze Age ship (12th century BC). The Shipwreck was excavated in the bay of Zambratija near Umag (Croatia) by Ida Koncani Uhač and Marko Uhač from the Archaeological Museum of Istra in Pula. Video recording was done by Christian Petretich, 3D modeling by Gregor Berginc (3Dimenzija) by means of Mementify©PHOV. and other field measurement techniques. Modern computer based photogrammetrical methods now yield data of much higher density, comparable to that of 3D images, which are made up of a dense point cloud, in which each point has corresponding three-space coordinates. By taking a number of photos of an object or location from different viewpoints, it is possible to reconstruct an almost complete 3D model. In the process of capturing photographs, there are no constraints regarding the placement of cameras One can hold the camera in one’s hands
together with additional equipment. The only thing that matters is a large enough set of photographs, which must overlap one other by about 75%. The computer software that makes a 3D model reconstruction from the video is already available (Fig. 9, Right).17 The simplicity of use, in comparison with classical documentation methods, is the feature that can explain why this approach is so frequently used in archaeological research.
17 Koncani Uhač/Uhač 2012
31
Fig. 10 3D models of important artefacts show highly precise virtual reconstructions of real finds immediately after excavations. Site documentation is very important because of the possible occurrence of damage or destruction after conservation. Left: Stone Age hunters camp at Zalog near Verd on the western edge of Ljubljansko barje in the Slovenian internal waters. During the excavations in 2004 a rare find was detected on the underwater site, an almost 9000 year-old woman’s scull (As the importance of findings push us to use possibilities we have). A 3D model of the scull, with resolution of less than 0.1 mm, was made in the Computer Vision Laboratory of the Faculty for Computer and Information Science of the University of Ljubljana by Daniel Skočaj, Matjaž Jogan, Alenka Fink and Marko Grzetič. Right: Immediately after the discovery of a 45000-year old point, made of yew wood (the top part of a palaeolithic hunters weapon) it was 3D imaged by Kristijan Celec from IB-Procadd Ltd. Ljubljana, by means of ZScanner Z800, with less than 0.01 mm resolution in any of the three axes (xyz) The find seems to be very important because according to Marcus Egg from RömischGermanischen Zentralmuseum it was treated with a melamine finish. A comparative analysis will show the differences between pre- and after conservation measure of the ratio of the artefact.
Fig. 11 Study of 3D modeling and analysis of documentation accuracy on an Early Roman flat bottom ship, found in the river Ljubljanica near Sinja Gorica, Slovenia. Left: After analyzing the accuracy of the 3D model constructed with photogrammetric methods and comparing it with TLS measurements, it was possible to find an error in TLS measurements. In absence of more exact measurements such errors cannot be identified if the relationships between the points are erroneous. Middle: Unexpectedly, we were able to detect the correlation between direction of wrong measurements and find the reason for the mistakes in measurements, caused by the divers’s, who by wishing to measure the points as accuratly as possible, pushed the prism too hard into the flow of the river, shown as rosetta. Right: After site aquisition of the data by Rok Kovačič from Golden Light Photography/Kult Company, a 3D model (with more than 500k pts/cloud and less than 1 mm error) was built by Gregor Berginc from XLab Company/3dimenzija Company, Slovenia, using a self developed Mementify©PHOV application.
32
The case of the palaeolithic wooden point
Conclusion
In 2004 Slovenian archaeologists obtained very goods results by 3D scaning of artefact from Stone age hunter camp underwater archaeological site in Zalog near Verd,18 therefore the 3D documentation methodology was adopted also to document an artefact of truly great rarity (Fig. 10, Left). In 2008 they discovered a pointed wooden object in the Ljubljanica River near Vrhnika in the Ljubljansko barje area.19 Two wood samples were dated by means of the AMS 14C method. The wooden point was produced and used around 45,000 years ago, in the time the Neanderthals were gradually becoming extinct and the first anatomically modern humans were beginning their journey from the Middle East to Europe. This links the Ljubljanica site with the four other European sites that have produced the remains of wooden hunting weapons dating back to the Palaeolithic (Clacton-on-Sea, Lehringen, Schöningen, and Mannheim). After completion of basic research, the object was 3D-recorded with a high-precision 3D laser scanner so that its shape could be accurately documented (Fig. 10, Right).
Today it is no longer necessary to discuss and highlight the importance of the developments in the documentation of underwater finds in the last 20 years or of the research into possibilities of implementation of three-dimensional data capturing, which is presently accessible through a number of measuring instruments on the one hand, and a rapid development of computer software and updated algorithms on the other. It is obvious that the documentation of cultural heritage underwater finds has achieved outstanding quality, comparable to that of the finds-on dry land, with errors not exceeding 1 mm. In underwater documentation this means absolute accuracy. New measuring techniques, using photogrammetry and new methods for assessment of 3D data, have moved from field to offices and have greatly shortened the need for the divers’ field presence. Since divers’ fees represent the highest item in the costs of a project, this has significantly reduced the needed financial input. At the same time it has considerably improved safety at work; the results (of higher quality) are obtained in far shorter time and the duration of the divers’ exposure is, therefore, also shorter. It can already be predicted, without a shred of doubt, that archeological methodology teaching materials will have to be updated as soon as possible and that the archeologists who are actively involved in research and are not keeping up with the progress in the profession should step down and make way for younger colleagues.
The case of the early Roman barge In September 2008 a preventive underwater survey of the river bed of the Ljubljanica near Sinja Gorica in Slovenia revealed the remains of a vessel. A closer inspection of the exposed cross-section of the vessel indicated that the vessel could be a more than 16 m long barge with a flat bottom and nearly vertical side planks, coupled with iron clamps.20 A preliminary radiocarbon analysis of the wood indicated that it was built and used ca. 2000 years ago. The Roman barge, which contained no cargo or other objects, was first cleaned of recent sediments. Then the shape of the visible part of the barge was documented by means of two methods, the manual survey and photogrammetry. This made it possible to compare the two methodologies and finally decide to abandon and replace the older. The 3D model derived from the photogrammetrical reconstruction was much more accurate and informative than the manually drawn documentation, containing 2D floor and side views, 2D cross sections and detailed drawings of individual construction elements (Fig. 11). The 3D model allows an almost equally detailed examination and analysis of the vessel as observation in situ. Even the archive photographs of extremely high quality, which are still useful, cannot match the 3D model.
Miran Erič,
[email protected] Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia, Poljanska 40, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia. Gregor Berginc,
[email protected] Tretja dimenzija Ltd.; XLAB Ltd. Paderšičeva 37, SI-8000 Novo Mesto, Slovenia. Rok Kovačič,
[email protected] Kult Ltd. ©Golden Light Photography, Cesta na Laze 14, SI-1000 Ljubljana, Slovenia. Kristijan Celec,
[email protected] Carthago reisenmobil SLO Ltd. Kamenice 2, SI-9233, Odranci, Slovenia (2008 employed by IB-procadd Company).
18 Gaspari 2006; Hincak/Štefančič 2006 19 Gaspari/Erič/Odar 2011 20 Erič et al. 2014
33
Literature Behm 1913 A. Behm, Einrichtung zur Messung von Meerstiefen und Entfernungen und Richtungen von Schiffen oder Hindernissen mit Hilfe reflektierter Schallwellen. Patentenschrift Nr. 282009, klasse 42c, gruppe 30. Kaiserliches Patentamt Deutschen Reiche, 22. Juli 1913. Drap et al. 2013 P. Drap/D. Merad /J. Seinturier/A. Mahiddine/D. Peloso/JM. Boi/L. Long/B. Chemisky/J. Garrabou, Underwater photogrammetry for archaeology and marine biology: 40 years of experience in Marseille, France. In: C.A. Addison/L. De Luca/S. Pescarin, (eds.) Proceedings of the 2013 Digital Heritage International Congress, 28 Oct-1 Nov, Marseille, France, IEEE, (Marseille 2013) 97–104. Erič 2004 M. Erič, Preparation of documentation and graphical visualization of selected objects from the archaeological sites of Ribnica and Zagorica-Technical report/Tehnično poročilo o grafični pripravi dokumentacije in vizualizaciji izbranih objektov na najdiščih, Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Art, University of Ljubljana (Ljubljana 2004). Erič/Kirigin/Slapšak 2008 M. Erič/B. Kirigin/B. Slapšak, Stari Grad Plain. World’s Cultural Heritage. Optical disc [CD-ROM], 4:04 min. Department of Archaeology, Faculty of Art, University of Ljubljana; Archaeological Museum of Split (Ljubljana 2008). Erič/Poglajen/Gaspari 2012 M. Erič/S. Poglajen/A. Gaspari, Registering cultural heritage in the territorial sea of the Republic of Slovenia and the perspectives on its management/Evidentiranje kulturne dediščine v teritorialnem morju Republike Slovenije in perspektiva njenega upravljanja. In: A. Gaspari/ M. Erič (eds.) Submerged Past. Archaeology of the aquatic environments and underwater cultural heritage exploring in Slovenia. Zbornik ob 128-letnici Dežmanovih raziskav Ljubljanice na Vrhniki 1884–2012. (Didakta, Radovljica 2012) 167–176. Erič et al. 2013 M. Erič/R. Kovačič/G. Berginc/M. Pugelj/Ž. Stopinšek/F. Solina, The impact of the latest 3D technologies on the documentation of underwater heritage sites. In: C.A. Addison/L. De Luca/S. Pescarin, (eds.) Proceedings of the 2013 Digital Heritage International Congress, 28 Oct-1 Nov, Marseille, France, IEEE, (Marseille 2013) 281–288. Erič et al. 2014 M. Erič/A. Gaspari/K. Čufar/F. Solina/T. Verbič, Early Roman barge from the Ljubljanica River at Sinja Gorica. Arheološki vestnik 65, 187–254.
34
Gaspari 2006 A. Gaspari, Zalog near Verd: Stone Age hunters‘ camp at the western edge of the Ljubljansko barje. Opera Instituti archaeologici Sloveniae 11 (ZRC Publishing, Ljubljana 2006). Gaspari/Erič 2006a A. Gaspari/M. Erič, Underwater research in the bed of the Ljubija stream at Zalog near Verd = discovery, research methodology and geomorphologic characteristics of the site. In: A. Gaspari (ed.) Zalog near Verd: Stone Age hunters‘ camp at the western edge of the Ljubljansko barje. Opera Instituti archaeologici Sloveniae 11 (ZRC Publishing, Ljubljana 2006) 11–31. Gaspari/Erič 2006b A. Gaspari/M. Erič, Kamin pri Bevkah; Preliminarno poročilo o raziskavah struge Ljubljanice v Kaminu pri Bevkah v letih 2004 in 2005. Reports of Underwater Archaeology Division/Poročila Skupine za podvodno arheologijo 15 (Ljubljana 2006). Gaspari/Erič 2010 A. Gaspari/M. Erič, Minimal Standards of Underwater Archaeology Researching: Platform and Guidlines/ Minimalni standardi podvodnih arheoloških raziskav: Izhodišča in smernice. Standards of Project Studies of Ministry of Culture RS. Gaspari/Erič/Odar 2011 A. Gaspari/M. Erič/B. Odar, A Palaeolithic wooden point from Ljubljansko barje, Slovenia. In: J. Benjamin/C. Bonsall/C. Pickard/A.R. Fischer, (eds.) Submerged prehistory (Oakville: Oxbow Books Oxford 2011), 186–192. Gluščević 2009 S. Gluščević, The Roman shipwreck from the 1st Century AD at Grebeni by the island of Silba (preliminary results). Archaeologia Maritima Mediterranea 6, 69–87. Hincak/Štefančič 2006 Anthropological analysis of the cranium = Antropolška analiza lobanje. In: A. Gaspari (ed.) Zalog near Verd: Stone Age hunters‘ camp at the western edge of the Ljubljansko barje. Opera Instituti archaeologici Sloveniae 11 (ZRC Publishing, Ljubljana 2006) 155–163. Koncani Uhač/Uhač 2012 I. Koncani Uhač/M. Uhač, Prapovijesni brod iz uvale Zambratija – prva kampanja istraživanja. Histria Antiqua 21 (Pula 2012), 533–538. Mlekuž 2013 D. Mlekuž, Skin Deep: LiDAR and Good Practice of Landscape Archaeology. In: C. Corsi/B. Slapšak/F. Vermeulen, (eds.) Good Practice in Archaeological Diagnostics. Natural Science in Archaeology (Springer International Publishing, Cham 2013), 113–129.
Novaković et al. 2014 G. Novaković/D. Mlekuž/L. Rozman/A. Lazar/B. Peric/R. Cerkvenik/K. Peternelj/M. Erič, New approaches to understanding the world natural and cultural heritage by using 3D technology: UNESCO’s Škocjan Cave, Slovenia, International Journal of Heritage in the Digital Era 3/4 (Oxford 2014), 629–642. Pierce 1989 A. D. Pierce, Acoustics: an introduction to its physical principles and applications. (Acoustical Society of America and American Institute of Physics, New York, 1989). Poglajen/Mozetič/Vranac 2012 S. Poglajen/D. Mozetič/D. Vranac, High-resolution Hydrographic Survey of Lake Bled. Summary/Visokoresolucijska hidrografska izmera Blejskega jezera. In: A. Gaspari (ed.) The unknown Lake Bled: underwater cultural heritage and the results of archaeological research/ Neznano Blejsko jezero: podvodna kulturna dediščina in rezultati arheoloških raziskav. Vestnik XX (Institute for the Protection of Cultural Heritage of Slovenia, Ljubljana 2008), 32–39.
Stančič/Slapšak 1988 Z. Stančič/B. Slapšak, A modular analysis of the field sistem of Pharos. In: J.C. Chapman/J. Bintliff/V. Gaffney/B. Slapšak (eds.) Recent developments in Yugoslav archaeology. BAR International Series 431 (Oxford 1988), 191–198. Stančič/Šivic 1988 Z. Stančič/P. Šivic, Photogrammetric documentation of archaeological excavations. In: 11th International simposium: Sofia, 4–7 october 1988, Contributions of modern photogrammetry remote sensing and image processing methods to the architectural and urbany heritage. Bulgarian National Commitee of ICOMOS: International Commitee of Architectural Photogrammetry CIPA (Sofia 1989) 213–223. Theberge/Cherkis 2013 E.A.Theberge and Z.N. Cherkis, A Note on Fifty Years of Multi-beam, May 2013 [On line] Available at: http:// www.hydro-international.com/issues/articles/id1471-A_ Note_on_Fifty_Years_ofMultibeam.html [Accessed at 25th March 2015].
35
Helena Novak
Neolithic Lake Settlements A new UNESCO World Heritage leads to the emerging of underwaterand wetland-research in Austria
2011 the „Prehistoric Pile Dwellings around the Alps“ had been granted the UNECSO World Heritage label in six middle European countries. Out of 1000 known lake settlements around the alps 111 were placed under World Heritage protection (Fig. 1). Five of the 111 lake settlements are archaeological sites in Austria: Abtsdorf I (Attersee, Upper Austria), Abtsdorf III (Attersee, Upper Austria), Litzlberg Süd (Attersee, Upper Austria), See (Mondsee, Upper Austria), Keutschach (Keutschacher See, Carinthia) (Fig. 2).
The selection of the underwater sites represents a spectrum of important lake settlements from the neolithic to the bronze age period in Austria. Unfortunately, some of these famous archaeological sites have a challenging conservation situation. In order to fulfill the terms of the World Heritage status, the national management association „Kuratorium Pfahlbauten“ was commissioned to work out concepts to guarantee the safeguarding of the World Heritage sites. Furthermore the association is responsible for performing and encouraging research on lake settlement sites in Austria.
Fig. 1 Map of all known lake settlements around the alps (© Palafittes).
36
Fig. 2 Map of Austrian lake settlements with UNESCO World Heritage label (© Kuratorium Pfahlbauten). For a better understanding of the situation of the archaeological sites under water, the site management of Upper Austria implemented a monitoring system in each World Heritage during the last two years. So, since January 2013, the lake settlements are under continuous control. Through the constant monitoring, areas, which are exposed to damaging impacts can be identified. Regular measurements survey the extent of erosions, washing off the prehistoric layers. The data that is collected during monitoring campaigns is crucial for our understanding of the impact itself and for working out research concepts, that form the basis for a proper and sustainable preservation of the sites.
Monitoring system The monitoring system is a long-term project and mainly consists of three methods of observation: erosion markers, coring, surface survey.
Erosion markers To measure the effect of erosion in the protected areas, a grid of erosion markers was installed. The markers are stakes of one meter length, which were put into the ground, leaving only 10 cm above ground level. At least
two times per year, the site management surveys the erosion markers in order to document the development of sedimentation (increase or erosion of sediment coverage). The regular control also indicates in which season of the year erosion or deposition of lake sediment takes place. These are important informations to understand the origin of erosion. Measurements taken in winter showed deposition of sediment at the prehistoric settlement area of Seewalchen at Attersee. During the summer, starting with the beginning of the shipping season on Attersee, massive erosion takes place. This is most likely due to the fact, that the landing base for the large tourist ship of Attersee is located close to the settlelement area. The ship`s propellers cause sediment resuspension, which is transported from the location by a constant water stream of the nearby river „Ager“. In this way, the natural erosion is massively increased by the impact of the ship`s propellers. There is good evidence, that without shipping during summer in the settlement area, erosion would be minimized or might even be completely absent (Fig. 3).
Coring For a better understanding of the stratigraphy and to estimate the spread of the lake settlements coring is used. The cores for the sediment extractions are between 1–2 m long and have a diameter of 9 cm. The amount of material that can be extracted depends on the compound of the lake ground. Larger stones or gravel, often used for shore con-
37
Fig. 3 Erosion marks at Litzlberg Süd (© Kuratorium Pfahlbauten/Christian Howe). structions, are hardly penetrable structures. Therefore, in shore areas in most cases only small cores can be extracted and in some cases even smaller drilling units have to be used. In these areas, erosion impact is frequent, so prehistoric layers are mostly located within 30–50 cm depth from the sediment surface. Offshore settlements may be found underneath huge amounts of lake sediments. At Litzlberg Süd, for example, the last remains where found 85 m offshore underneath more than 1m sediment. The recent findings show that the expansion of the settlement area reaches much further into the lake than indicated in an earlier survey in 1977 (Pohl 2014; Fig. 4).
cialized preventive measures and sometimes immediate protection measures, like started in a buoy-project (q.v. Litzlberg Süd). Longterm survey of the surface under water is necessary for a proper monitoring, documentation and prevention of damages and for meaningful and qualitative evidence to plan sustainable preservation arrangements. New survey methods to collect more accurate data and for a better visualization of the situation under water are at test stage. The University of Vienna1 and the company „Crazy Eye“2 were running tests for the use of Structure
Surface surveying
1
At least two times per year the research team surveys all underwater World Heritage sites of Austria. During these regular campaigns the monitoring systems are expanded and overhauled. The first measurements show that the applied system indicates expected damages at some of the protected zones. Impacts on smaller areas need spe-
38
Mag. Viktor Jansa wrote his Master-Thesis at the Institute of Prehistory and Historical Archaeology from the University of Vienna about problems and possible solutions for monitoring of underwater sites with new technical methods. He was running first tests for the use of SfM at lake settlement sites of Attersee (Jansa 2013). 2 Mag. Ronny Weßling from the company „Crazy Eye“ reconstructed with SfM a 3D Model of the excavation
Fig. 4 Coring carried out by Uwitec. Core of Litzlberg Süd with huge amounts of lake sediment on top of the cultural layer (© Kuratorium Pfahlbauten/Christian Howe and Henrik Pohl). from Motion (SfM) under water. It is possible to compare several 3D models of an area from different monitoring periods to each other and take measurements within the models. The models could be used to measure erosion or other changes of surface topography. So far SfM was mainly tested on small areas under water (Jansa 2013, 107–108). If it would be possible to apply the method for large-scale surveys, the monitoring would be much more detailed than a grid of erosion marks ever could be. As part of the research project „Zeitensprung“ a first underwater settlement excavation will be accompanied with SfM in October 2015. First survey tests at the excavation area were taken in April 2015 (Weßling 2015). The monitoring of the last years already provides important information about the different conditions of the sites and a variation of damaging activities under water.
site from Seewalchen at Attersee (Weßling 2015).
State of the World Heritage sites See, Mondsee (Upper Austria) Date: Neolithic, 3971–3357 BC Ox Cal calibration of C14-Analyses of J. Offenberger in 1976 (Hirmann 1999). The neolithic settlement area is located next to the mouth of the river Seeache, which connects the two lakes Mondsee and Attersee. The site was first discovered in 1872 by Matthäus Much, who collected a huge amount of findings from there. The collection is still used for educational purposes by the University of Vienna. Today, the remains of the former lakeshore settlement are found 2–5 m underneath the water surface. The constant undertow in this area causes significant erosion. Natural lake sediments above the cultural layers have washed off (Fig. 5). Never the less in this area still exist prehistoric layers of about 30 cm depth (Pohl 2014). It is remarkable that they
39
Fig. 5 See, Mondsee: pile-field and prehistoric material on top of the surface (© Kuratorium Pfahlbauten/ Christian Howe).
Fig. 6 Remains of the world heritage inside a buoy crater of Litzlberg Süd (© Kuratorium Pfahlbauten/ Christian Howe).
had been preserved, after such longterm erosion. Perhaps the heaviness of erosion increase after modern river regulation or bank fixation during the last 150 years. There is evidence that constructions like seawalls of concrete interfere with the way waves impact on the ground. That is why erosion increases at surrounding areas of such technical modifications (Schröder 2013, 27). However, at the World Heritage site See at Mondsee there is extensive erosion and a longterm protection responsibility. Recent developments in our neighbouring countries already provide sound methods for preventing erosion. Such methods are, e.g., covering the cultural layers with geotextile and gravel. Tests at the archaeological site Unteruhldingen at Bodensee, for example, show the protection effect of gravel filling (Hofmann 2013, 46). This could also be a practicable system for the preservation of the World Heritage site of Mondsee. Currently, research strategies are developed in order to learn as much as possible about the site conditions before covering it.
se caters may reach over 10 m in diameter with more than 2 m depth. In some cases the chain cuts through the natural sediments, digs up cultural layers and destroys them. There are also abandoned buoy stones on the ground. In this cases the craters fill with deposit material and thus are sedimented again. If we assume that for each lost buoy stone a new one was installed, it is most likely that the archaeological site is already heavily damaged. To prevent the World Heritage site from more destruction of that kind, the site management developed a protection project in cooperation with the national heritage agencies (Österreichisches Bundesdenkmalamt) and the Österreichische Bundesforste as administrative authority of the lake . Starting with 2015 the buoy service of Attersee will install an intersystem on the sailboat buoys to lift the chains from the ground. A smaller buoy between the sailboat buoy and the stone shell prevent the lake bed from damage caused by the rotation of the chain. The testing phase started already 2014 and the system is about to be build up at Litzlberg Süd this year. The monitoring will show if this method does prove effective. Otherwise the government must find a legitimate solution with the owners of the sailboat buoys (Fig. 6, 7).
Litzlberg Süd, Attersee (Upper Austria) Date: Neolithic Findings from the site indicate the dating (Hirmann 1999). The World Heritage sites at Attersee are in good condition. Natural lake sediments have build up on top of the cultural layers of all sites of Attersee. Furthermore, at some areas, stonewort covers the surface. The superficial deposit acts like a protection zone against exposure. However, impacts caused by human activities are able to reach the cultural layers, despite deposits of 0.50 m to more than 1m. Most of the shore areas at Attersee are private properties. The owners moore their sailboats on buoys in the World Heritage zone. The buoys are attached on heavy stones at the ground with iron chains. The chains of some buoys are long enough to touch the ground. The problem is that those chains are under constant movement. The chains stir up the ground and occasionally form huge craters. The size of the-
40
Abtsdorf I, Attersee (Upper Austria) Date: Bronze Age, 1884–1528 BC OxCal calibration of C14-Analyses of M.-C. Ries, 2014 (Ries 2014). During prehistoric times the site was a peninsula. Today the site is covered by shallow water and is located 2–2.5 m underneath the water surface. The site is naturally protected by sedimental deposit, except in the areas of buoy craters. In Abtsdorf I we have a similar buoy situation like in Litzlberg Süd. This protection problem is symptomatic for all sites at Attersee. We counted sixteen buoys at Litzlberg Süd and seven buoys inside the protection area of Abtsdorf I. It is planned to install the same in-
Fig. 7 Buoy crater at Litzlberg Süd and test „Zwischenboje“ (© Kuratorium Pfahlbauten/Henrik Pohl). tersystem on the sailboat buoys like in Litzlberg Süd as soon as possible. Meanwhile coring comes into operation to find out the maximum spread of the World Heritage site and to collect data for continuing research projects. M.-C. Ries examined three cores of Abtsdorf I using microscopical pollen analysis. During her research she was also able to take new C14-probes of the site, which date Abtsdorf I between 17th and 16th century BC. The dates correspond with the OxCal calibrations of the results of K. Czech from 1982 (Ries 2014, 25). Abtsdorf III, Attersee (Upper Austria) Date: Neolithic, 3654–3104 BC OxCal calibration of C14-Analyses of K. Czech, 1982. (Hirmann 1999) Abtsdorf III is situated south of the former peninsula, where Abtsdorf I is located. Because of the large amount of sedimental deposit and stonewort the cultural layers are completely covered, not even posts point out of the ground. Only with coring methods it is possible to prove
the existence of the World Heritage and determine the settlement area. The cores show a small cultural layer of 5 cm thickness. To find out more about the spread of the settlement area and its stratigraphy coring will be extended to a larger area. Nevertheless, it can be stated that the preservation of the World Heritage site Abtsdorf III is in a good state. Keutschacher See (Carinthia) Date: Neolithic, 4200–3650 BC OxCal calibration of C14-Analyses of J. Offenberger, 1982, and Dendrochronological Analysis of O. Cichocki, 1993. (Hirmann 1999) The neolithic site of Keutschach was discovered in 1864 by Ferdinand Hochstätter. It is not only the first known lake settlement of Austria, but also the one with the oldest dendrochronologically confirmed dating (Gleirscher 2014, 17–18, 34). The site is located in the middle of the lake on a former island. With the rise of the water level the island sank below water level. Today, the shallow is 2 m underneath
41
the water surface and the lowest point of the former island is in about 12–15 m depth. Because of the shape of the shallow in some areas the condition of the archaeological site is critical. For example, at areas where the surface topography is sloping, sediment, cultural layers and posts broke away. Animals, like the pikeperch or crawfish, which dig holes in the ground and deteriorate the conservation situation of the site. The dismantled material drop down from the shallow and at 15 m depth prehistoric findings remain lying on the ground. These artifacts cannot be associated with other archaeological context and poorly qualify for research work. The conservation condition of Keutschach is unique and therefore challenging. Concepts for provisions are in the state of elaboration.
Public relations As underwater sites are not plainly visible, they are particularly challenging when it comes to public relations. Furthermore there are two distinct situations jeopardizing the World Heritage: In contrast to Keutschach and Mondsee, where damages are caused by natural causes, the cultural layers at Attersee are mostly destroyed by human influence. This occurs in most cases because the public does not know about the World Heritage sites sitting on their doorsteps. Although UNESCO demands access of the World Heritage to the public, we have to keep in mind, that underwater sites have been plundered a lot by skin divers in the past. It is therefore imperative to build up awareness of its existence and its importance to the public. „Kuratorium Pfahlbauten“ already carried out some public relations projects in the regions of Attersee, Mondsee and Keutschacher See. Especially school projects, a series of lectures and the World Heritage festivals have been very successful. The network of interested schools and local residents wanting to work on the topic is already expanding. Regional associations like „Pfahlbau am Attersee“ (www.pfahlbau.at) were founded in Upper Austria and Carinthia during the past two years. To provide more visibility for the World Heritage the government of Upper Austria supported the construction of three information pavilions in 2013. Regional associations make use of the pavilions as a tourist attraction and as destination for guided World Heritage tours. The construction of a similar pavilion at Keutschach is in preparation. In collaboration with the communities of Attersee, Seewalchen and Mondsee it was also possible to make the World Heritage „Pile dwellings around the alps“ the focus of the Upper Austria Provincial Exhibition in 2020 (Oberösterreichische Landesausstellung: „Versunken - Aufgetaucht“). In 2014 the first Carinthian World Heritage festival was celebrated. The find of a bronze age logboat of the „Sattnitz Moor“, a nearby marshland, was reconstructed in the public bathing area of Keutschach. The wood work was
42
carried out by a team of experimental archaeologists under the leadership of Wolfgang Lobisser, scientific staff member of VIAS - Vienna Institute for Archaeological Science. The differences between the use of stone, bronze and iron age tools were analyzed and documented. A publication about the reconstruction process is at work. The logboat reconstruction shall be used as a touristic feature within the summer program at the lake of Keutschach. The community of Keutschach also plan to arrange a second World Heritage festival in Carinthia in 2015.
Running Projects and a view to the future This particular UNESCO World Heritage inspired other institutions in Austria to focus on the lake villages as research topic. Furthermore it is necessary to accomplish new research data and information about lake settlements in Austria in preparations for the large exhibition in 2020. One of the important tasks of the association „Kuratorium Pfahlbauten“ is to initiate such endeavors and form a link between the upcoming scientific projects in this field of study. Following projects have been approved:
„Beyond lake settlements: Studying Neolithic Environmental changes and human impact at small lakes in Switzerland, Germany and Austria.“ Project lead: Timothy Taylor - University of Vienna Funding: FWF - Der Wissenschaftsfond, DACH Lead Agency-Verfahren (2014–2017) Short description: The international project investigates the human impact on the landscape and the changes of the natural environment around lakes. Small shallow lakes were chosen, because of the paleoecological focus. Smaller lakes might preserve undisturbed laminated annual sediments with potential for generating ultra-high-resolution diachronic data on vegetation, paleoclimate and human impact (Hafner 2015). In Austria also larger lakes are going to be investigated due to the research gap compared to the other collaborating countries in this matter. With the use of GIS (geographical information system) a landscape model of the area Attersee and Mondsee will be built connected to a data bank with archaeological data of the region. During my Master theses I am allowed to use the model for my research. I am going to work on landscape data connected to prehistoric human settlements. Different parameters in the landscape might signal places of human residence on lake shores. The results hopefully lead us to unknown archaeological sites of Attersee and Mondsee.
„Zeitensprung“
„Doing Welterbe - Welterbe Begreifen“
Project lead: Jutta Leskovar - State Museum of Upper Austria in Linz Funding: National government of Upper Austria (2014–2019)
Project lead: Anton Kern - National History Museum of Vienna Funding: Sparkling Science (2015–2016)
Short description: The prehistoric lake settlement of Seewalchen at Attersee is partly under a critical protection state. In the year 1957 a pit for a diving platform was dug in the lake ground at the public bathing area. Since then prehistoric material break off the pits profile. Also regular works to restore the pit are destroying the archaeological site. In order of preservation of the cultural remains it is planed to install pile walls to stabilize the pit. Before the installation, archaeological excavations of the eastward side of the pit are planed. So, in October 2015 the first underwater excavation since 20 years in Austria will be carried out. The „Zeitensprung“ is a preparatory research program prior to the 2020 exhibition on lake villages in Upper Austria. After the first pilot program 2015 in Seewalchen other lake village sites will be investigated.
Short description: The Sparkling Science foundation finances projects which connects scientific institutions with schools of Austria. The children are supposed to work on research topics together with scientists. The project „Doing World Heritage“ focusses on the meaning of the certification „World Heritage“. What or who makes the prehistoric pile dwelling so important? What characterizes an object or building as World Heritage and who decides what cultural remains are worthy. In the project three schools of Austria take part. During the theoretical part of the project the students are learning methods of empirical research. In the following fieldwork they are going to take interviews and collect knowledge about the World Heritage in their region. Together with scientists the collected data are going to be evaluated. With the technology of 3D-print the students and scientists are going to look into the authenticity and integrity of cultural objects and the World Heritage. Does the package World Heritage includes only original findings or also the 3D-print of the original or other reconstructions? One of the main goals of the project is to create together with the students tools for schools to make the World Heritage more comprehensible (Kern 2015). A longterm goal of the new underwater-research initiative is to build up expertise and to integrate the topic into Institutions of Science in Austria. It is necessary to promote young researchers and establish affordable education in underwater archaeology for students. The international partner-organizations of the UNESCO-World heritage „Pile dwellings around the alps“ and the already existing network behind it are helpful in the process to achieve those goals. After nearly 20 years of underwaterresearch pause we now can be confident to fill up some gaps of knowledge about the lake settlements of Austria.
Helena Novak,
[email protected] Kuratorium Pfahlbauten
43
Literature Gleirscher 2014 P. Gleirscher, Keutschach und die Pfahlbauten in Slowenien und Friau - UNESCO-Welterbestätten (Klagenfurt, Celovec-Ljubliana, Laibach-Wien, Dunaj 2014). Hafner 2015 A. Hafner, Beyond lake settlements: Studying Neolithic environmental changes and human impact at small lakes in Switzerland, Germany and Austria. www.academia.eu (07.08.2015). Hirmann 1999 H. Hirmann, Unterwasserarchäologische Fundstellen in Österreich [B.A. theses Univ. Vienna 1999]. Hofmann 2013 H. Hofmann/C.Seibt/F. Peeters, Wellenexposition und Resuspensionspotential ausgewählter Untersuchungsgebiete am Bodensee: Messungen und Modellierung. Erosion und Denkmalschutz am Bodensee und Zürichsee (Bregenz 2013) 37–51. Jansa 2013 V. Jansa, Probleme und Lösungsansätze beim Monitoring unterwasserarchäologischer Fundstellen am Beispiel des UNESCO - Weltkulturerbes Pfahlbauten [M.A. theses Univ. Vienna 2013, 1–124].
44
Kern 2015 A. Kern, Doing Welterbe - Welterbe begreifen. Objekte und Erzählungen im Kontext der urgeschichtlichen Pfahlbauten. www.sparklingscience.at/de/projects/ show.html?--typo3_neos_nodetypes-page[id]=914 (18.05.2015). Pohl 2014 H.Pohl, Erste Ergebnisse und Massnahmen zum Schutz der prähistorischen Seeufersiedlungen in Österreich. In: arcéologie &érosion - 3, Monitoring et Messer de protection pour la sauvegarde des Palastes préhistoriques Autor des Alpes, Altes de la troisiéme Rencontre Internationale Arenenberg et Hemmenhofen, 8–10 Oktober 2014 (Hemmenhofen 2014) 69–76. Ries 2014 M.-C. Ries, Palynologische Untersuchung der frühbronzezeitlichen Ufersiedlung Abtsdorf I (Attersee) [B.A. theses Univ. Vienna 2014, 1–97]. Schröder 2013 H. G. Schröder, Das Phänomen Erosion aus dem Blickwinkel der Seeforschung. Erosion und Denkmalschutz am Bodensee und Zürichsee (Bregenz 2013) 25–28. Weßling 2015 R. Weßling, Underwater SfM - neolithic pile dwellings, a 3D model. www.crazyeye.at, https://sketchfab. com/models/f3ae012136574037b92c6e62a9e98b70 (28.04.2015).
Marie-Claire Ries
New Research on a waterlogged Bronze Age Settlement in Lake Attersee (Austria)
Abstract Only little is known about Bronze Age lake dwellings in the Austrian Alpine Foreland. The inundated settlement of Abtsdorf I is a protected UNESCO World Heritage site, where new investigations have been carried out since 2013. Sediment cores were extracted from the former settlement area during an underwater archaeological survey and taken to Kiel University for further analysis. They have been studied using a multidisciplinary approach in order to get a better understanding of the prehistoric lake dwellers. Pollen analyses as well as first sedimentary research contributed significantly to our knowledge on the prehistoric settlement. The results highlight patterns in vegetation dynamics associated with human-impact history.
Introduction The Upper-Austrian cultural landscape Salzkammergut is outstanding in its archaeological richness. Alongside other UNESCO-Heritage sites like Hallstatt, it houses plenty of prehistoric submerged settlements. Four of them were inscripted on the UNESCO list of World Heritage sites in 2011. This was a crucial step that led to a new chapter in applied underwater-archaeological research in Austria. For the first time since the 1980s, local underwater-archaeology was connected to official Austrian state authorities, which tasked the newly founded Kuratorium Pfahlbau to apply fundamental coordination work as well as create a long-term monitoring program (Pohl 2015). Parts of these tasks include observation and protection. But also the support of new archaeological research and the valorisation of interdisciplinary approaches is of major interest1. With the beginning of new investigations, a collaboration between paleoecologists and archaeologists became necessary and was therefore intensified. Concerning this aspect, the method of pollen analysis applied in settlement sites was used to gain insight in the development of the cultural landscape.
1 H. Novak this Volume, 34–43.
46
Another major part of this study was the conduction of precise AMS-Radiocarbon dating from the Bronze Age lakeshore sites, which have not been in the focus of research until now.
Study area Upper Austria houses numerous lakes formed during glaciaton phases. Generally, the area is suitable for investigations in vegetational development due to its high concentration of lakes and mires (Draxler 1977; 2003; Schmidt 1981; Wimmer 1996). The basin of lake Attersee is the largest, with a maximum depth of about 170 m and a surface area of 45.9 km². The catchment area comprises about 463.6 km². The main inlet is the Seeache wich connects Lake Attersee at its southern end to Lake Mondsee. River Ager is the outlet and a tributary waterway to the River Traun wich shows further connection to the Danube as well as Alpine lakes like Traunsee or Hallstätter See. Presumably, these favorable geographic connection routes were already used during prehistoric times as a network to neighbouring regions as well as an access to long-distance contacts. The geological settings are characterised by Rhenodanubic Flysch sediments and glacial moraines on the western and northern margins of the lake basin. The southern and eastern shorelines are part of a geological unit belonging to the Northern Calcareous Alps (Behbehani et al.1986, 235). Based on those settings, prehistoric settlements are concentrated mainly on the western and northern shoreline where it was possible to exploit the hinterland for agricultural activities such as crop cultivation (Offenberger 1981). Following the geologic basic factors, the site of Abtsdorf I is located about 200 m off the western shoreline. The remains of the former settlement area are located on a spur-like structure, presumably a former peninsula wich is currently situated in shallow water depth from 2 m to 4 m depth (Fig. 1). The expansion is approximately 180 m in width and 120 m in length. Overall due to the geomorphologic surface situation, only little insight into the conditions of the prehistoric settlement area is attainable. A thick layer of lake-marl with partially occuring gravel deposits covers almost the entire surface.
Fig. 1 Plan of the site with a 100 m long basic orientation line and the position of the core profiles as black points. The black frame shows the inner settlement area defined by Czech (1977). Data set used for this plan was provided by POHL Kuratorium Pfahlbauten, Österreich. Therefore, the prehistoric cultural horizon, which consists of the settlement remains, is well-protected from erosion.
Archaeological Setting First investigations on Austria´s prehistoric lakeshore dwellings were carried out by the second half of the 19th century, relating to the Pile-Dwelling trend from Switzerland. In 1870 a prehistoric settlement had been discovered at Lake Attersee for the first time (Dworsky et al. 2013, 2; Offenberger 1981). Since then, several other submerged settlements had been explored (Ruttkay et al. 2004; Ruttkay 1990; Offenberger 1981; 1986). Within the Austrian lake dwellings, the majority of the archaeological remains are dated into Neolithic times. In Upper-Austria, they are associated with the socalled Mondsee-group, which appeared between the 38th and 25th centuries BC (Maurer 2014; Ruttkay 1990). Nevertheless, archeological artefacts belonging to the Bronze Age, according to their morphology, were omni-
present within the region since pioneer research (Gruber 2011; Menotti 2001; Ries 2014; Ruttkay 1981; 1982; 1990; 2005; Willvonseder 1966; 1968). Therefore, a definition of the so-called Attersee-group was suggested for a settlement period, correlating with the chronological stage of the Early Bronze Age A2 to A2/B1 (Ruttkay 1982, 19). This first definition was carried out exclusively by analysis of artefacts deriving from Abtsdorf I (Ruttkay 1982, 19). Results of artefactmorphological analysis indicate a timespan ranging from the 19th to the beginnig of the 15th centuries BC. Radiocarbon dates, which were comprised from Abtsdorf I after the first typological-chronological classification, confirm the timespan (Czech 1982, Ries 2014). Furthermore, the results suggest strong chronological correlations to occupation phases of lakeshoredwellings from the western circumalpine region (Menotti 1999; 2001; 2003; 2009, Strahm 2001). Nevertheless, regarding the current state of research, further investigations concerning the development of the Bronze Age settlement landscape in the region of Salzkammergut is absolutely essential (Ries 2014).
47
Material and Methods
Coring Sediment cores were extracted during the 2013 underwater-archaeological survey by the UNESCO Site Management Upper Austria in cooperation with UWI TEC Mondsee (http://www.uwitec.at). Overall, eleven cores were obtained next to a 100 m long basic orientation line (Fig. 1). This transect was orientated E-W with the intention to identify the inner stratification of the site without causing large invasive impact. Additionally, further information on the expansion of the anthropogenic layers identified during the first survey by Czech (1977; 1982) was reasessed. The sediment cores were extracted using a 9 cm Diameter piston corer installed on a sampling platform. For this study, three core profiles were selected to be transported to the Institute of Pre- and Protohistoric Archaeology at Kiel University for further investigation. The sediment profiles consisted mainly of light-grey lake-marl interstratified with layers of coarser material like gravel and sand (Fig. 2). The profiles KP 02 and KP 09 showed no clearly visible traces of anthropogenic deposits and were therefore specified as near-site sequences. KP 06 is part of the central settlement area and contains an anthropogenic deposit layer consisting of compact organic material with high amounts of charred and uncharred remains. Hence, it was classified as an on-site profile. Since the analysis was basically focused on the archaeological phase of the Early Bronze Age settlement horizon, it only provides insight into short intervals of previous and following phases. Linked to this the sampled area was mainly restricted to the sediment units correlating with each other in aspects of their texture (Fig. 2). Generally, it was visible that the soil formation of parts of the stratigraphic sequence was affected by certain kinds of turbation processes relating to a dynamic littoral environment (Fig. 3). Relating to this aspect, some layers consist of more coarsley granular material and are presumably affected by the non-deposition of sediments wich can be caused by disturbances such as lower water levels (Magny 2006).
Dating & Makro Remains AMS 14C-dating of six samples was carried out at Beta Analytic Laboratory in Miami (Tab. 1). Calibration to the calendar timescale was carried out using the OxCal v 4.2.3. calibration software (Bronk; Ramsey). Within the 2σ-range, the calibrated results scatter from 1884 to 1528 BC. To gain suitable material for dating, sediment subsamples were examined. During the procedure, it became obvious that all sediment cores contained large amounts of charred and uncharred macro remains as well as charcoal. A notable aspect within the sampling proce-
48
Fig. 2 Core profiles: The position of the little black rectangular boxes symbolize pollen samples and circles the extraction points for AMS 14C-dating. dure was that in the layers correlating with the cultural horizon and within the anthropogenic deposits of KP 06, a high concentration of macro remains occurred (Fig. 4). Those include cereal-chaff from Triticum spelta. (Here I would like to thank Helmut Kroll for his support with the identification). It is a typical example for a crop cultivated in a Bronze Age context in the northern circumalpine area (Rachoud-Schneider et al. 1998). What makes this find exceptional is that no remains of Triticum spelta have been identified in Austrian lake dwellings so far.
Pollen analysis The sampling strategy for palynology was conducted in vertical sequences with intervals of 2 cm to 8 cm, with the highest density in KP 02 (Fig. 2). A total of 25 samples have been analysed, of which five originate from an-
Fig. 3 Some sediment units in the profile give evidence for a dynamic littoral environment while sedimentary deposition due to their coarser granular texture.
Fig. 4 Uncharred and charred plant remains used for AMS 14C-dating. The shown remains derive from Rubus fruticosus, Chenopodium album, Sambucus nigra and cereal-chaff from Triticum spelta.
Tab. 1 Overview of radiocarbon dates from Abtsdorf I including calibrated results from Czech (1982).
49
thropogenic deposits. About 1.5 cm³ of the samples were prepared for analysis according to standard methods (Fægri/Iversen 1989, 76–84; Jacomet/Kreuz 1999, 162; Erdtmann 1960). The identification of pollen was carried out at 400-fold, in exeptional cases at 1000-fold magnification. In order to determine the Cerealia-type pollen phase contrast microscopy was used. The reference collection of the palynological laboratory in Kiel university as well as several other keys were used (Beug 2004; Fægri 1993). A minimum of 500 arboreal pollen grains (AP) per sample were counted, including Corylus. The calculation of pollen percentages is based on the total terrestrial pollen sum, including arboreal pollen and pollen of herbaceous terrestrial plants. Aquatic pollen types were excluded. Pollen diagrams were created using the program TILIA (Version 1.7.16). The curves of individual plant Taxa are plotted with a 10-fold grey exaggeration (Fig. 5; Fig. 6). The Nomenclature proposed by Beug (2004) was applied.
Results, Interpretation and Discussion The Diagrams of KP 02 and KP 06 refer to each other. KP 02 comprises pollen record from the near-site settlement area and is therefore not as heavily affected by artificial anthropogenic-induced pollen accumulation as KP 06. The results from KP 09 were excluded because of taphonomic issues. Overall, 77 pollen types could be identified from the pollen flora. Based on major changes in percental pollen proportions, four pollen assemblage zones were specified per diagram (Fig. 5; Fig. 6). Those summarize the main characteristics in the vegetation development. Zones correlating with the Bronze Age horizons are discussed in detail. The full-lenght study can be read in Ries (2014).
KP 02 – PAZ 1 (104–101 cm) This part represents the oldest section of the near-site diagram and dates to the time before the establishment of the Bronze Age settlement. Hence, it presumably corellates with the neolithic time frame. High rates of arboreal tree pollen are present (90%). Conifers like Pinus and Picea reach high percentages, followed by deciduous trees like Quercus and Tilia. The occurence of herbaceous pollen is very low and does not exceed 10%. No distinct indicators for human activity could be observed. In general, the variety of pollen types seems very restricted. It is very likely that pollen has been affected by a selective preservation process in this unit. Therefore a gap exists in the diagram to the adjacent younger PAZ 2. This situation indicates the dissolution of pollen, probably induced by oxidation during a period of lower water level situation in the littoral area. For this reason, the zone was defined as a layer with no pollen preservation (Fig. 5).
50
KP02 PAZ 2 (101–93 cm) 14C samples proove that sediments from PAZ 2 were formed in the time frame of the Early Bronze Age (Ries 2014). The assemblage zone is divided into two subzones separated by another layer without pollen preservation (Fig. 5). The stratigraphicaly older part is characterised by percentages of arboreal pollen up to 90%. Abies and Fagus are the most abundant Taxa in the mixed forest, followed by arboreal pollen from Picea Alnus, Quercus and Pinus. Woodland with pioneer function (Betula) has established. Corylus is well represented with 5%. The percentage of Tilia and Ulmus is lower than 5%. The closed forest is still very dominant. Distinct signs of human impact linked to the Bronze Age settlement Abtsdorf I could be observed. A gradual change in the arboreal pollen composition to more light demanding extended open forest in the settlement-surrounding area is reflected. It is very likely, that shrubs and pioneer forests, which were established now, were also exploited for agricultural practices like coppicing for leafhay-foddering (Akeret/Jacomet 1997; Hadorn 1994; Rasmussen 1989). Additional, other distinct signs of human impact on the landscape increase. Those include the opening process of the landscape, the presence of crops and an increase of herbaceous pollen indicating anthropogenic activity. Pollen of Cerealia reach their highest values within the total diagram (Fig. 5). Poaceae show high values that reach almost 5%. Herbs like Plantago lanceolata, Artemisia or Thalictrum as well as other Taxa, which occur in open land like grazed forests, pastures, meadows and fallow land are frequent. Nevertheless, the pollen emission of herbaceous pollen does not exceed 10% in the overall total terrestrial pollen influx. Therefore it is very probable that no strong and permanent deforestation occurred during the Early Bronze Age in the region of Abtsdorf I. The following stratigraphic part of PAZ 2 is characterized by another horizon without pollen preservation, which is followed by a subzone defined by strong reforestation. Traces of former settlement activity in the pollen diagram dissipate almost completely in the strarigraphical younger part of PAZ 2. This gives evidence that human impact on the surrounding environment of Abtsdorf I is strongly reduced after the deterioration of the settlement. Arboreal Pollen reach percentages of about 95%. Marginal traces of Plantago lanceolata could be recognized.
KP02 PAZ 3 (93–87 cm) The following assemblage zone PAZ 3 is of unknown age and reflects vegetational development after the Early Bronze Age times, probably correlating to Middle to Late Bronze Age or Iron Age phases. In general, a shift in the arboreal pollen percentages becomes apparent. Fagus becomes the most dominant Taxa followed by Picea and Abies. Among the openland indicators, Centaurea jacea, Apiaceae, Chenopodiaceae and high amounts of Plantago lanceolata were present. Generally, a gradual shift
Fig. 5 Abtsdorf I KP 02: near-site profile, Simplified pollen diagram with the main Taxa present. The percentages are based on the total terrestrial pollen sum.
Fig. 6 Abtsdorf I KP 06: on-site profile, Simplified pollen diagram with the main Taxa present. The percentages are based on the total terrestrial pollen sum. 51
to an increased floristic richness is reflected. Correlating to the high percentages of Poaceae, this could be an evidence for a gradual shift in grassland management in the area. Similar developments could be documented since the Late Bronze Age in the western circumalpine area (Rachoud-Schneider et al. 1998, 160). The occurrence of Cerealia-pollen gives clear evidence of arable farming activity. But the overall the pollen values indicating deforestation do not exceed 10%.
KP02 PAZ4 (87–84 cm) Considerable changes could be observed in the pollen record for the youngest assemblage zone (Fig. 5). It is of unknown age but most likely correlates with the time frame from the Iron Age up to the Roman period. Values of arboreal pollen are decreasing. It is remarkable that Quercus is the only Taxa within the total arboreal pollen sum which shows elevated values. Cerealia as well as various herbaceaous pollen-types indicate lasting anthropogenic influence. Non-arboreal pollen exceeds 10%. PAZ 4 displays the strongest level of anthropogenic activities in the whole diagram, suggesting that an advance in the expansion of deforestation around the lake took place.
KP06 PAZ 1 (40–35 cm) In a similar way to KP 02 PAZ 1, the assemblage zone represents the pollen influx phases before the establishment of the Early Bronze Age settlement. The stratigraphically oldest layer, which was investigated in KP06 PAZ 1, shows strong evidence that a phase of probably human-related elevated openland indicators could be documented (Fig. 6). The pollensample shows high values of non-arboreal pollen like Artemisia, Chenopodiaceae ond Gramineae reaching up to 10%. Woodland is mainly represented by conifers including Picea, Pinus and Abies. Values of broad-leafed trees are rather low in the stage of PAZ 1 and mainly represented by Fagus. The pollen indicators for human activity are possibly related to the neolithic settlement structures Abtsdorf II or Abtsdorf III, which could be identified in the vicinicty of Abtsdorf I (Czech 1977). In the following pollen sample, a strong decline of herbaceous pollen is evident at the depth of 37 cm. The strong reduction of openland indicating pollen types is striking. This is accompanied by an expansion of forests with values of arboreal pollen increasing to 95%. Therefore, a phase of abandonment of the lakeshore settlement area can be suggested.
KP06 PAZ 2 (35–18,5 cm) Early Bronze Age Section The recorded phases in the assemblage zone PAZ 2 represents the anthropogenic cultural horizon of the settlement Abtsdorf I. Regarding the interpretation of on-site pollen analysis, the formation process of these exceptional layers should be considered. In contrast to naturally
52
deposited sediments from continuous archives, the anthropogenic layers of Abtsdorf I are basically accumulated on a surface highly influenced by settlement activity (Jacomet/Kreuz 1999, 70; Richard 1993, 256). In this case, the pollen source does not only reflect local vegetation, but principally pollen deposited through human plant use at the site. Some pollen types are therefore deposited in exceptionally high amounts. Within paleo-environmental research, on-site pollen analysis is a valuable source of information about plant use and local vegetation present and selected at the site (Dal Corso 2012, 77). To some extent, the accumulated pollen types can even be linked to certain kind of domestic activity or specific craft-related actions. When taking those factors into account, a strong reduction of arboreal pollen the cultural horizon is obvious (Fig. 6). The arboreal pollen reaches the lowest value within the diagram of KP 06. However, particular arboreal species reach their highest percentage values within the settlement layer. Amounts of Tilia or Corylus are increasing. This might refer to a specific purpose linked to these Taxa. Within the settlement, such accumulations might be linked to subsistence strategies such as leaf-hay foddering connected to agricultural practices like coppicing (Rasmussen 1989; Akeret/Jacomet 1997; Hadorn 1994). Furthermore, considerable amounts of herbaceous pollen types increase. For the values of Plantago lanceolata, a maximum of up to 10% is recorded. In addition, Poaceae reach maximum values of 30%. Among nonarboreal pollen types Liguliflorae, Apiaceae, Filipendula, Chenopodiaceae, Artemisia, Centaurea jacea, Trifolium occur in considerable amounts. In addition, various pollen types of shrubs like Rhamnus frangula, Sorbus, Rubus, Viburnum opulus, Sambucus nigra-Typ and Rosaceae indet. are present. Moreover, the accumulated pollen of cultivated plants refers to certain crop types exploited within arable farming. The value of cereals exceeds 5% and refers mostly to the Triticum-group. Evidence for the cultivation of Linum usitatissimum is exceptional due tho the fact that it is not very common to be preserved in pollen records (Brombcher/Hadorn 2004, 63). This gives evidence that the fibrous plant has presumably been exploited as an oilseed plant or fibre crop, which provided fibres for cloth and cordage. This indicates that there might be the chance that within the settlement of Abtsdorf I, specialized craft activies like textile production might have been conducted. Nevertheless this suggestion remains to be highly speculative and needs further proof from archaeological assemblages of material culture.
KP06 PAZ 3 (18,5–14,5 cm) Evidence for a stage of reforestation, after the human impact related to the Early Bronze Age settlement phase ceased, is given in assemblage zone 3. Arboreal Pollen influx reaches about 95%. The close forest is dominated by Abies and Picea. The amount of deciduous trees is dominated by Fagus, followed by Betula and Quercus. Concerning the non-arboreal-pollen, a striking decrease is obvious. Anthropogenic indicators like Plantago
lanceolata are rather low. One single find of Cerealia indet. indicates traces of crop cultivation. But in general, very little evidence for human activity related pollen could be traced in this assemblage zone.
KP06 PAZ4 (14,5–10 cm) Regarding the stratigraphically youngest assemblage zone, a gradual shift within the relationship between forest and openland can be observed. A greater sampling interval was applied, so the time span in this pollen assemblage zone reflects a broader section. For the first time, pollen of Juglans could be detected. This is evidence, as the sampled area might represent a chronological frame including the Roman occupation phase of Lake Attersee, since Juglans does not appear in the Attersee region before cultivation linked to Roman occupation (Schmidt 1981, 71). The arboreal pollen influx is characterised by a decrease concerning Taxa like Abies and Fagus. In contrast, some arboreal pollen types show higher amounts such as pioneer forest communities including Betula. At the same time, values of Quercus rise. Pollen grains of cerealia are frequent. Furthermore, amounts of Poaceae increase to over 5%. But in general, the human-driven formation of a deforestated open landscape still does not exceed 15%.
Conclusion The present study allows a new insight into the lakeshore settlement history at Lake Attersee, which is just about to be explored on an interdisciplinary level. Using a combination of archaeological and palaeoecological methods, new information on vegetation history and human impact on the Bronze Age landscape could be revealed. The results of investigations of near-site and on-site deposits show that environmental changes include an opening of the landscape trig-
gered by anthropogenic activities relating to the occupation phase of Abtsdorf I. Human impact is characterized by increased deforestation and the establishment of limited openland areas such as fields and pastures surrounding the village. Nevertheless, pollen representing deforested land does not exceed 15% of the overall terrestrial pollen sum during the settlement period. Besides, distinct evidence for local crop cultivation could be traced. Especially the material from anthropogenic on-site layers provided significant information on crop cultivation and plant use. Furthermore, strong signals for a relocation of anthropogenic activity in the area is reflected in the following younger phases. A decrease in nonarboreal pollen gives strong evidence for the reduction of human impact on the environment after the deterioration of the settlement. However, the presented results also indicate that further research is needed to get a better understanding. Therefore, investigations on sediment sequences for anthropogenic signals reflecting environmental conditions and prehistoric settlement dynamics as well as archaeologicalbased research should be intensified at Lake Attersee.
Acknowledgements The paper is based on a Bachelor Thesis submitted at Kiel University and on a talk given at the International N.E.R.D Underwaterarchaeological Conference at Kiel. The presented results should therefore be observed as a preliminary study for upcoming bioarchaeological projects. I am most grateful to the members of Kuratorium Pfahlbau for making the study possible by providing sediment cores and financial support. Further I want to express sincere thanks to Dr. Walter Dörfler and Prof. Dr. Wiebke Kirleis for scientific supervision and to all members at the Institute of Pre- and Protohistoric Archaeology at the University of Kiel for help during the work in the laboratory and for open discussion.
Marie-Claire Ries,
[email protected] Universität Wien
53
Literature Akeret/Jacomet 1997 Ö. Akeret/St. Jacomet, Analysis of plant macrofossils in goat/ sheep faeces from the Neolithic lake shore settlement of Horgen Scheller. An indication of prehistoric transhumance? Vegetation History and Archaeobotany 6, 4,1997, 235–239. Behbehani et al.1986 A.-R. Behbehani/J. Müller/R. Schmidt/J. Schneider/H.G. Schröder/I.Strackenbock/M. Sturm, Sediments and sedimentary history of Lake Attersee (Salzkammergut, Austria). Hydrobiologia 143, 1986, 233–246. Behre 1981 K.-E. Behre, The interpretation of anthropogenic indicators in pollen diagrams. Pollen et spores 23, 1981, 225–245. Beug 2004 H.-J. Beug, Leitfaden der Pollenbestimmung für Mitteleuropa und angrenzende Gebiete (München 2004). Brombacher/Hadorn 2004 Ch. Brombacher/P. Hadorn, Untersuchungen der Pollen und Makroreste aus den Profilsäulen. In: St. Jacomet (Hrsg.), Die jungsteinzeitliche Seeufersiedlung Arbon – Bleiche 3, Bd. 3 Umwelt und Wirtschaft. Archäologie im Thurgau 12 (Thurgau 2004) 50–63. Bronk/Ramsey 2014 Bronk Ramsey, C., 2014. OxCal 4.2.3. Manual. Available at https://c14.arch.oxac.uk/oxcal/. Czech 1977 K. Czech, Pfahlbausuche und Lokalisierung der Pfahlbauten im Attersee 2. Fundber. Österreich 16, 1977, 83–94. Czech 1982 K. Czech, Bestandsaufnahme des Unterwasserkulturerbes in den Salzkammergutseen. Fundber. Österreich 21, 1982, 7–17. Dal Corso et al. 2012 M. Dal Corso/M. Marchesini/G. Leonardi/W. Kirleis, Environmental Changes and Human Impact during the Bronze Age in Northern Italy: On-site Palynological investigation at Fondo Paviani, Verona, 71–85 In: J. Kneisel et al. (Hrsg.) Collapse or Continuity? Environment and Development of Bronze Age Human Landscapes (Bonn 2012) 71–85. Draxler 1977 I. Draxler, Pollenanalytische Untersuchungen von Mooren zur Spät- und Postglazialen Vegetationsgeschichte im Einzugsgebiet der Traun. Jahrb. Geolog. B.-A. 120, 1, 1977, 131–163. Draxler 2003 I. Draxler, Moore und Seen des Salzkammerguts – Archive für 17.000 Jahre Vegetationsgeschichte. In: J. Weidinger/H. Lobitzer/I. Spitzbart (Hrsg.), Beiträge zur Geologie des Salzkammerguts. Gmundner Geo-Studien2 (Gmunden 2003) 229–236. 54
Dworsky et al. 2013 R. Breitwieser/C. Dworsky/O. Cichocki/D. Neubauer/F. Schipper, Die Pfahlbauten in Österreich: vom nationalen Unterwasserkulturerbe zum Weltkulturerbe. In: Die Mölkerstiege 130–132, 2013, o.S. Erdtmann 1960 G. Erdtman, The acetolysis method. A revised description. Svensk Botanisk Tidskrift 54, 4, 1960, 561–564. Fægri 1993 K. Fægri, Bestimmungsschlüssel für die nordwest-europäische Pollenflora (Jena 1993). Fægri/Iversen 1989 K. Fægri/I. Iversen, Textbook of pollen analysis (Chichester u.a. 1989). Gruber 2011 H. Gruber, Die mittlere und späte Bronzezeit (Stufen Bz B–D) in Oberösterreich. Entwicklung und Fortschritte der Forschung 1990–2010. Fines Transire 20, 2011, 253–265. Hadorn 1994 Ph. Hadorn, Saint-Blaise/Bains des Dames, 1. Palynologie d‘un site néolithique et histoire de la végétation des derniers 16000 ans. Archéologie Neuchâteloise, 18 (Neuchâtel 1994). Jacomet/Kreuz 1999 St. Jacomet/A. Kreuz, Archäobotanik. Aufgaben, Methoden und Ergebnisse vegetations- und agrargeschichtlicher Forschung (Stuttgart 1999). Magny 2006 M. Magny, Lake-level studies. West-Central-Europe. In: E.A. Scott (Hrsg.), Encyclopedia of quaternary science 2 (Amsterdam 2006) 1389f. Maurer 2014 J. Maurer, Die Mondsee-Gruppe. Gibt es Neuigkeiten? Ein allgemeiner Überblick zum Stand der Forschung. In: L. Husty/K. Schmotz (Hrsg.), Vorträge des 32. Niederbayerischen Archäologentages (Rahden 2014) 145–190. Menotti 1999 F. Menotti, The abandonment of the ZH-Mozartstraße Early Bronze Age lake-settlement. GIS Computer simulations of the lake-level fluctuation hypothesis. Oxford Journal Arch. 18, 2, 1999,143–156. Menotti 2001 F. Menotti, „The Missing Period“. Middle Bronze Age Lake-Dwellings in the Alps. BAR International Series 968 (Oxford 2001). Menotti 2003 F. Menotti, Cultural response to environmental change in the alpine lacustrine regions. The displacement model. Oxford Journal Arch. 22, 4, 2003, 375–397.
Menotti 2009 F. Menotti, Climate variations in the Circum-Alpine region and their influence on Neolithic-Bronze-Age lacustrine communities displacement and/or cultural adaption. Documenta Praehistorica 36, 2009, 61–66. Novak 2016 H. Novak, Neolithic Lake Settlements. A new UNESCO World Heritage leads to the emerging of underwater- and wetland-research in Austria. In: M. Christ/J. Enzmann/F. Jürgens/F. Steffensen/J. Ulrich/F. Wilkes, N.E.R.D. New European Researches and Discoveries in Underwaterarchaeology Conference. Beiträge der Internationalen Konferenz der Arbeitsgruppe für maritime und limnische Archäologie. 21.–23. November 2014 in Kiel. (Stud. z. Archäol. Europas, XX), Bonn: Habelt 2016, 22–31 (in Druck). Strahm 2001 C. Strahm, Das Kulturenkonzept und das Periodisierungskonzept – Ein Methodischer Beitrag zur Gliederung und Dynamik der Frühbronzezeit. In: B. Eberschweiler (Hrsg.), Aktuelles zur Frühbronzezeit und frühen Mittelbronzezeit im nördlichen Alpenvorland. Rundgespräch Hemmenhofen 6. Mai 2000. Hemmenhofer Skripte 2 (Freiburg i.Br. 2001) 177–185. Offenberger 1981 J. Offenberger, Die „Pfahlbauten“ der Salzkammergutseen. In: D. Straub (Hrsg.), Das Mondsee-Land. Geschichte und Kultur (Linz 1981) 295–357. Offenberger 1986 J. Offenberger, Pfahlbauten, Feuchtbodensiedlungen und Packwerke. Bodendenkmale in einer modernen Umwelt. Archaeologia Austriaca 70, 1986 (1987) 205–226. Pohl H. Pohl, Bericht zur unterwasserarchäologischen Prospektion Abtsdorf I an das Bundesdenkmalamt Österreich, FÖ (in Druck). Pohl 2015 H. Pohl, Erste Ergebnisse und Maßnahmen zum Schutz der prähistorischen Seeufersiedlungen in Österreich, In: archéologie & érosion – 3, Monitoring et mesures de protection pour la sauvegarde des palafittes préhistoriques autour des Alpes, Actes de la troisième Rencontre Internationale Arenenberg et Hemmenhofen, 8–10 octobre 2014, 69–76. Rachoud-Schneider et al. 1998 A.-M. Rachoud-Schneider/St. Jacomet/H. Zoller, Umwelt und Subsistenzwirtschaft. Vegetationsentwicklung, Vegetationsveränderungen durch menschlichen Einfluss, Ackerbau und Sammelwirtschaft. In: St. Hochuli/R. Niffeler/V. Rychner (Hrsg.), Bronzezeit. Die Schweiz vom Paläolithikum bis zum frühen Mittelalter 3 (Basel 1998) 141–170. Rasmussen 1989 P. Rasmussen, Leaf-foddering of Livestock in the Neolithic. Archaeobotanical Evidence from Weier , Switzerland. Journal of Danish Archaeology 8, 1989, 51–71.
Richard 1993 H. Richard, Palynological micro-analysis in Neolithic lake dwellings. Journal of Archaeological Science 20, 1993, 241–262. Ries 2014 M.-C. Ries, Palynologische Untersuchung der frühbronzezeitlichen Ufersiedlung Abtsdorf I (Attersee), unpublished Bachelor-Thesis University Kiel 2014. Ruttkay 1981 E. Ruttkay, Typologie und Chronologie der MondseeGruppe. In: D. Straub (Hrsg.), Das Mondsee-Land. Geschichte und Kultur (Linz 1981) 269–294. Ruttkay 1982 E. Ruttkay, Archäologisches Fundmaterial aus den Stationen Abtsdorf I, Abtsdorf II und Weyregg I. Fundber. Österreich 21, 1982 (1983) 19–24. Ruttkay 1990 E. Ruttkay, Beiträge zur Typologie und Chronologie der Siedlungen in den Salzkammergutseen. In: M. Höneisen (Hrsg.), Die ersten Bauern. Pfahlbaufunde Europas 2. Einführung, Balkan und angrenzende Regionen der Schweiz (Zürich 1990) 111–121. Ruttkay 2005 E. Ruttkay, Seewalchen am Attersee. In: H. Beck (Hrsg.), RGA2 28 (Berlin/New York 2005) 68–74. Ruttkay et al. 2004 E. Ruttkay/O. Cichocki/E. Pernicka/E. Pucher, Prehistoric lacustrine villages on the Austrian lakes. Past and recent research developments. In: F. Menotti (Hrsg.), Living on the Lake in Prehistoric Europe. 150 years of lake-dwelling research (London 2004) 50–69. Schmidt 1981 R. Schmidt, Grundzüge der Spät- und Postglazialen Vegetations- und Klimageschichte des Salzkammergutes (Österreich) aufgrund palynologischer Untersuchungen von See- und Moorprofilen. Mitteilungen der Kommission für Quartärforschung der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 3 (Wien 1981). Willvonseder 1966 K. Willvonseder, Eine bronzezeitliche Moorsiedlung in Gerlham bei Seewalchen. Jahrbuch des Oberösterreichischen Musealvereins 111, 1966, 154–160. Willvonseder 1968 K. Willvonseder, Die jungsteinzeitlichen und bronzezeitlichen Pfahlbauten des Attersees in Oberösterreich. Mitteilungen der Prähistorischen Kommission 11/12 (Wien 1968). Wimmer 1996 F.X. Wimmer, Pollenanalytische und stratigraphische Untersuchungen zur Vegetationsgeschichte am Nordrand der östlichen Kalkalpen. Beiträge zur Naturkunde Oberösterreichs 4, 1996, 337–425. 55
Marina Nuovo
Roman harbours: coastal and underwater landscapes in the central-southern Adriatic Sea
Introduction The main goal of this research is to compare the ancient landscape and the harbour organization in regio II Apulia et Calabria (Fig. 1) in regio IV Samnium and in regio V Picenum (Fig. 2). These correspond to modern Puglia, in the south-western Adriatic Sea, and to Abruzzo and Marche regions along the central-western Adriatic. The study-areas investigated are the coast between Bari and Monopoli (Puglia) and the one between Vasto (Abruzzo) and Ancona (Marche). Although these regions are one next to the other and the portion of littoral analyzed is relatively short - about 500 km in length - the coast of the western central and southern Adriatic is not homogeneous but is a combination of completely different landscapes. The central part has sandy and low beaches crossed by many river mouths while in the south there are rocky beaches with low cliffs and narrow bays. The common factor is that for both southern and central Adriatic coast there is an obvious lack of natural big ports, with the exceptions of Ancona (Marche) and Brindisi (Puglia). This study has followed a multidisciplinary approach, arguably essential for any study concerning ancient topography and landscapes. Data were collected from both ground and underwater surveys carried out in 2004–20051 and 2011–20142, from the analyses of the published bibliography, from the ancient Greek and Roman sources and from the study of historical and contemporary air photos and cartography. Finally the results have been combined
1 2
56
These surveys were systematically carried out with the cooperation of colleagues from University of Salento (formerly University of Lecce) during the research for my MA thesis entitled Contributi per la Carta Archeologica Subacquea del tratto di costa Monopoli- Bari (Contributions for the underwater archaeological map of the coast between Monopoli and Bari) and discussed on 15/12/2005. These surveys were systematically carried out with the help of students from University of Rome “Sapienza” during the investigation for my PhD thesis entitled Le strutture portuali romane delle regioni augustee IV e V: alcuni casi studio (Roman harbours in the augustean regions IV and V: some study-cases) and defended on 02/12/2014.
with the geomorphologic peculiarities of the studied area. Geomorphology is essential for understanding how the natural landscape is composed and how humans have changed it in order to control, arrange and administer it. Natural and anthropogenic landscapes, in fact, are strictly connected in a mutual relationship and the study of the one implicates, necessarily, the investigation of the other. During the underwater surveys that I carried out in 2004– 2005 and 2011–2014 I had the opportunity to investigate the littoral and to discover different types of artifacts like pottery and stone anchors scattered on the seabed but also features like breakwaters. These were built with roughly worked stones and without the use of mortar and are now submerged but were originally at sea level or higher and used to protect the entrance of the ports from winds, waves and currents. In this paper I will present the results of the investigation of two sites among the ones analyzed in Apulia and two of the places explored in Picenum and in Samnium.
Geomorphology The southern Adriatic coast is low and rocky with only few cliffs reaching to 10 m. It is characterized by narrow bays, locally called cale and localized mainly in the central part of the Puglia region. The cale were originally palaeoriver mouths that, during geological eras, deeply incised the soft seaboard made of calcarenite - a local type of limestone - and were later flooded by the sea. The bays have been used for centuries as landing places by small boats (Fig. 3). Along the littoral is also easy to recognize the results of carsism phenomena that formed many caves. These are located at both ground and underwater levels, such as Grotta dei Colombi at Polignano a
Fig. 1 The coast between Bari and Monopoli in Puglia (photo: Landsat, Data SIO, NOAA, U.S. Navy, NGA, GEBCO©2015 Google).
Fig. 2 The coast between Ancona and Vasto in Marche and Abruzzo regions (photo: Landsat, Data SIO, NOAA, U.S. Navy, NGA, GEBCO©2015 Google).
Fig. 3 One of the bay, Cala S. Vito (Polignano a Mare), still used as a landing place by small boats (photo: author).
Fig. 4 Quarry of calcarenite located on the rocky beach of Cala S. Vito (photo: author).
Mare (BA) and the caves at Cala San Giovanni3, Polignano a Mare (BA), sometimes inhabited in prehistoric times or used during the Middle Age. For centuries, until the beginning of the 20th c., many quarries of calcarenite - locally called carparo and located on the rocky beaches - were exploited to obtain building material (Fig. 4). This stone, rich in grains of shells, corals and carbonate, was extracted along the coast because there the quality of the material is particularly suitable for building purposes as the external surface is covered and cemented by a water-resistant crust. In places it is possible to see blocks that were prepared for the extraction but left in situ probably because the presence of imperfections made them unusable. The extraction technique was unchanged from the antiquity until recent time and for this reason it is
particularly difficult to date the quarries4, also because they have never been systematically studied. The central Adriatic coast, along Abruzzo and Marche regions, has alluvial origins. Consequently, it is generally low and sandy and is cut by the mouths of many rivers that rise in the Apennines. Only a few parts of this littoral have cliffs or rocky beaches, for example the area of Conero promontory (Ancona, Marche region) and Punta Aderci (Vasto, southern part of Abruzzo region). The rivers, with a maximum length of 145 km and a torrential regime, cross the narrow coastal plain perpendicularly to the littoral and for this reason their mouths are called ‘comb-shaped’. The longest river is the Pescara and the length of the other rivers is between 50 km (Saline river, Abruzzo) and 94 km (Potenza river, Marche).
3
4
The caves are reachable through the hotel ‘Castellinaria’, but unfortunately they are poorly conserved and some are used as store rooms by the staff of the hotel. For details about the caves along the coast between Bari and Monopoli see Nuovo 2006, 13–16.
L’Abbate 1990, 25.
57
Generally speaking, the river mouths tend to migrate to the SE, due to the presence of the Western Adriatic Current. When the water is particularly abundant and when it flows fast, the mouths tend to migrate to NW. The river mouth morphology is not dissimilar to that of the narrow bays called cale, mentioned above and located in Puglia. Due to the lack of natural ports, the lagoons, the river mouths and the cale have represented for centuries the only possible landing places for small and medium-sized boats, doing mainly coastal navigation. Along the seashore there are still relics of low dunes, parallel to the coast, mainly located between the Tronto (San Benedetto del Tronto, southern part of Marche region) and the Trigno rivers (San Salvo, southern part of Abruzzo region). The dunes, created by the accumulation of wind-blown sand, characterized the entire Adriatic coast until the end of the 19th century, when they were almost totally destroyed by the works for the construction of the railway5. Until the 16th century there were also lagoons, marshes and bogs, which nowadays barely survive, as in the last five centuries they have been periodically drained and dried out. They were originally caused by rivers’ floods and in ancient times these areas were probably looked after and exploited for economical purposes. Consequently, the ancient coastal landscape was more varied than the one of the present-day and the littoral plain was more similar to that of northern Adriatic, near the Po river mouth. Place names like Padula, Moie or Sentina recall the presence of lagoons, marshes and bogs. Sentina, for example, is a place located N of the Tronto river mouth (San Benedetto del Tronto, Marche). It was never completely drained out and has been a natural park since 20046. Moreover, until 1834 there were two small lakes very close to the fortress of Carlo V, in Pescara (Abruzzo), called lago della Vallicella and laghetto della Palata, which were completely dried out by the marquise Nunziante7. From all these data it is clear that anthropogenic interferences have dramatically modified the coastal and the underwater landscapes. In the last 50 years these changes occurred more frequently and quickly than in the past. This is due, for example, to unauthorized building development carried out very close to the littoral or to the creation of breakwaters, built to protect the sandy beaches but also detrimentally modifying the balance of the sea currents.
5 Mancinelli 2001, D. 111. 6 http://www.riservasentina.it/cms/documenti/documenti-ammi- nistrativi/delibera-regionale/. 7 Annali 1836, 42–43. At page 43: “Approvato pertanto il disegno del Signor Marchese Nunziante, e messa a sua disposizione la tenue somma domandata, fece egli dar principio a’ lavori il 3 Luglio dell’anno mentovato. Attaccò sulle prime quel labirinto paludoso della Vallicella, e fattavi gettare arena in mare, lo colmò tutto quanto”.
58
Ancient navigation along the Adriatic Sea: winds and currents Currents and winds influenced ancient navigation and the choice of some areas as ports is a consequence of those particular conditions. The predominant wind along the middle Adriatic coast blows usually from SE (Sirocco), even if new anemometric studies have showed that in the last 30 years the predominant and prevailing winds blow mainly from NW, N and NE8. The Sirocco was not particularly dangerous for sail navigation because, even when it is particularly strong and has a speed of 40 knots, it blows uniformly, without gusts that might break the masts, and sailors could safety reach an anchoring place9. As the predominant wind was from SE, usually the access to the ports along the western Adriatic coast was oriented NW, in order to be upwind and to allow sailors to quickly reduce immediately the vessel’s speed for a secure entrance into the port. In the Adriatic there are two coastal currents, the Eastern Adriatic Current (EAC) and the Western Adriatic Current (WAC). The Eastern Adriatic Current (EAC) arrives in the Adriatic Sea from the Otranto Channel and flows along the eastern Adriatic coast with SW-NE direction. On the Italian littoral the Western Adriatic Current (WAC) flows NW-SE; it is colder than the EAC and it has a lower density because of the fresh water contribution from many rivers such as the Po. Furthermore, two main gyres cross the Adriatic from the south-eastern side of the Adriatic Sea to the Gargano promontory and from Punta Planka (Croatia) to the Conero promontory. The gyres change their position in the Adriatic basin a little during the seasons as they are slightly farther north during the winter and farther south in the summer. The presence of the coastal currents and of the gyres have influenced the ancient sailing. Indeed, according to General G. Marieni10 - who had the task of writing a pilot book about the Adriatic Sea, commissioned by the Istituto Geografico Militare in 1830 - sailors paid much attention to these currents and preferred to navigate along the eastern coast if they had to go from the SE (eastern Mediterranean or Aegen Sea) to Venice or Trieste. They could cross the Adriatic in correspondence with the Gargano and Conero promontories. If sailors had to go from NW to SE, they preferred to navigate along the western Adriatic coast as they knew that the currents, even if not particularly strong as the ones in the Adriatic Sea11, may influence the journey anyway and make it faster or
8 9 10 11
Miccadei et alii 2011, p. 1124. Marieni 1830, pp. 9–10. Marieni 1830. Current speed in summer: 1 knot; in winter: 2 or 3 knots, but with the contribution of winds from the W, NW and N it could be between 5 and 6 knots (Mancinelli 2001, D. 103).
Fig. 5 Cala Padovano. A seawall built with small and irregularly shaped stones, not preserved to its original height (photo: Cristiana Zongoli).
Fig. 6 The mooring place at Cala Incina, used by a fleet of small fishing boats even today (photo: author).
slower. Consequently, it is possible that the ancient merchants navigating from the eastern Mediterranean sailed along the eastern Adriatic after they had passed the Otranto Channel. They could then cross the Adriatic at the two main gyres, Gargano - to go in Apulia and in the south-western Adriatic coast - and Conero to go in Picenum and Samnium. Maybe it is not just a coincidence that in both the Gargano and the Conero areas there were cult sites dedicated to the Greek hero Diomedes of Argos. Crossing the Adriatic might be dangerous as there are not many reference points for miles and because sometimes it is possible to be victim of unexpected weather changes, which are fairly common in this sea. This may explain why for the sailors was very important to put themselves under the protection of a deity during the navigation.
Cala Padovano (Mola di Bari, Puglia - regio II Apulia et Calabria) is a small, rocky bay, at the mouth of a lama, a palaeoriver mouth that, during geological eras, deeply incised the soft calcarenite seaboard and was later flooded by the sea. The bay is not particularly big - 130 m long and 43 m wide - but it is protected from the winds coming from the E, SE, S, SW and W (Levanter, Sirocco, Ostro, Libeccio, and Westerly). Today it used by few small boats for local fishing. On the beach are the remains of a Roman villa maritima (2nd–1st c. B.C.), investigated by Soprintendenza Archeologica di Bari between 1988 and 199412. The villa is preserved only in its residential part, organized around a central colonnaded courtyard with a garden. The rooms surrounding the courtyard were decorated with mosaic pavements and painted plaster on the walls. On the W side of the bay, there are calcarenite
quarries and small pools for salt production. The quarries, now reached by the sea, were misinterpreted by E. Mola13 in 1796 as he thought that they were seats used by people for sea baths. The eastern side of the bay was protected by a seawall which still partly survives. It is oriented NW–SE and built with small and irregularly shaped stones without the use of any mortar. The seawall is now underwater, at a depth of 2–3 m and it is not preserved to its original height as it collapsed (Fig. 5). The rocky seabed where the seawall is located seems to have been worked and levelled. Similar structures with the same function can be seen in other places in Puglia, like Saturo (Taranto) and Torre S. Gregorio (Lecce). Possibly a second seawall could protect the other side of the bay in order to create an artificial basin, but at present there is no clear archaeological evidence for it. On the seabed of the bay are many pottery fragments, eroded by the sea, belonging mainly to amphorae and common wares. Probably the small harbour was used only as a private landing place by the owners of the villa maritima. Cala Incina (Monopoli, Puglia, regio II Apulia et Calabria) is a narrow and elongated bay (300 m long, 50 m wide), at the mouth of lama Incina. The palaeoriver formed a small canyon 10 km long, with banks 20 m high at some points and with many natural and artificial caves along its length, probably used since the Palaeolithic. The palaeoriver bed is fertile and, at present, it is exploited for agricultural purposes. There are freshwater springs but today they are under the sea level. The bay is really well protected from almost all the winds and it is exposed only to the winds coming from the N and NE (Maestro and Gregale). It is also a good mooring place because it offers a depth between 5 and 15 m and even nowadays it is much used by a fleet of small fishing boats, anchored along the sides of the bay or pulled directly onto the tiny beach (Fig. 6). The caves on the sides of the bay are used as temporary storages for fishing nets
12 Ciancio 2002, 17.
13 Mola 1796.
Harbours organization: some examples
59
Fig. 7 Boats anchored along the slope of the promontory of Punta Penna or pulled directly onto the sandy beach. Picture published in 1929 by L. Anelli (photo: Anelli 1929, 65). and other fishing tools. On the western side of the bay there is a tower built in 1539 as part of a complex defensive system in southern Adriatic coast against the raids of the Saracen pirates. Underwater surveys were carried out in 2000 by Nucleo per l’Archeologia Subacquea della Soprintendenza Archeologica della Puglia (Underwater Archaeology Team) and 7 stone anchors were found on the rocky seabed, in an area of about 20–30 m2, at a depth of 15 m. The anchors were overlapping but they were not stuck together by concretions. Only two of them were recovered and deposited in the archaeological storeroom of National Archaeological Museum at Egnazia (Fasano, Puglia)14. During those surveys no other materials were identified. In May 2005 new surveys, carried out by University of Lecce, recovered pottery fragments spread on the entire surface of the seabed of the bay, mainly common ware, cooking vessels and late antique amphorae like Later Roman 1 and Later Roman 215. The surveys did not identify any remains of artificial docks or seawalls. The bay is naturally well protected and this probably explains why it was not necessary to improve it with seawalls. Passages are cut in the lower part of the rock, almost at sea level, along the two sides of the bay and nowadays – but
perhaps also in the past - they were used as docks. It is clear that the bay has been used as a landing place for centuries. It has perfect characteristics, like availability of freshwater, deep seabed and protection from almost all the winds, but, for the moment, the archaeological data are insufficient to give a complete chronological reconstruction of the site. Punta Penna (Vasto, Abruzzo, regio IV Samnium) is one of the few cliffs along the middle Adriatic coast. At its foot there is a bay with a small sandy ‘pocket’ beach16, a perfect natural harbour, called Seno della Lotta. Thanks to the presence of the two small promontories called Punta Penna, to the E, and Punta della Lotta, to the W, the bay is very well protected from almost all the winds, except those blowing from NW, N and NE (Tramontane, Maestro and Gregale) and probably for this reason it was not improved with artificial seawalls and docks in ancient times. This natural port was used by the community of the city of Vasto before the use of motorboats in the middle of the 20th century. In some pictures published by L. Anelli in 192917 it is possible to see boats anchored along the slope of the promontory of Punta Penna. Others are moored a few hundred meters from the water’s edge or have been pulled directly onto the sandy beach (Fig. 7).
14 15
16 17
60
Inv. Num.: R.C.E. 2262. The bay is much frequented during the summer by divers and it is possible that the archaeological record is only partially preserved as they might have illegally collected artifacts found in the bay.
In geological terms a ‘pocket’ beach is usually located at the foot of cliff and it is the result of the erosion of the cliff by atmospheric and marine agents. Anelli 1929, 65.
Fig. 8 The coast in front of Torre del Cerrano (photo: author). In the 1950s and later in the 1990s, the port was totally transformed and two huge docks were built at Punta Penna and Punta della Lotta in order to increase the protection of the bay and to provide enough depth for big vessels. These two docks, and in particular the one built at W, on Punta della Lotta, have completely changed the marine landscape as they impede the natural transportation of sediments brought by the sea currents. As an effect, the area between Punta della Lotta and Punta Aderci is now occupied by a large sandy beach resulting from the accumulation of sediments against the dock at Punta della Lotta18. Moreover, the new port has completely covered the original natural bay with cement and underwater surveys in this area were not possible due to the intense port activities. In the 1990s, S. Gargiullo and E. Okely19 noted that in the sea in front of Seno della Lotta there was a concentration of amphorae, otherwise unidentified, located on a sandy seabed at depths between 5 and 12 m. From at least the 4th century B.C., a community of Frentani, an Italic population, lived on top of Punta Penna in scattered housing units at the centre of which was, presumably, a sanctuary. Very little archaeological evidence related to the sanctuary was found in the area near the church of S. Maria della Penna, on top of the promontory20. In the 1990s, remains of mosaic floors were also found at Punta Penna. These were probably part of a house built between the 2nd and the beginning of the 1st century B.C.21. The Frentani were conquered by the Romans who founded the city of Histonium, probably located 6 km southern than Punta Penna, in the area where later the medieval centre developed.
18 19 20 21
Since 1998, the new beach and the surroundings are a natural protected area (Riserva Naturale Regionale ‘Punta Aderci’). Gargiullo, Okely 1993, 118. Anelli 1899, 33; Staffa 1997, 79–80. Staffa 2002, 225.
Fig. 9 One of the structures identified in the 1980s at Torre del Cerrano (photo: Sgattoni/Zanni Ulisse 1983, fig. 4). On top of Punta della Lotta, around 1230, Frederick II built a fortress called Pennaluce, with storehouses to stock the goods that arrived in the harbour below. Torre del Cerrano (Pineto, Abruzzo, regio V Picenum) is located on a low and sandy beach near the Cerrano Torrent mouth, where a small dune is also preserved, less than 1 m high, characterized by the presence of typical dune vegetation of a kind that, in some cases, is rare and in danger of extinction. In the 16th century, a tower was built at about 800 m from the torrent, on the top of a low mound, as part of the defensive system against the Saracen pirates. The tower is known as Torre del Cerrano, after the name of the torrent (Fig. 8). During the 1980s, the remains of a possible Roman harbour were found 400 m offshore from the tower at depths between 5 and 11 m22 (Fig. 9). The evidence was identified as the remains of the port of Hatria, a Roman city founded in the 3rd century B.C. and built at few kilometres from the coast, on the top of three small hills. The structures form an artificial harbour basin with the access located at NE23, closed by two stone-made docks with mooring stones of various size and material (local limestone and a natural conglomerate called puddinga), according to the dimensions of the boats and to the size of their drafts.
22 23
For more information about the first investigation undertaken between July and November 1982 see Sgattoni, Zanni Ulisse 1983. Migliorati 1989, 27.
61
Fig. 10 Undated postcard. Boats with flat bottom pulled onto the sandy beach of Pescara (photo: http://portodipescara.blogspot.it/2011/04/storia-del-porto-di-pescara-e-del-fiume.html). Artefacts, including ceramic fragments dated between the 1st and the 2nd century B.C., were also found during the underwater research. The remains were partially documented with drawings during 1987 and 1988 and the results of the investigation campaign were published24. The underwater research was not particularly easy due to the poor visibility (less than 1.50 m) and due the unpredictability of the weather conditions. In order to complete the work started in the 1980s, in 2009, 2010 and 2011 underwater survey campaigns were carried out, during one-week summer schools organized by University of Rome “Sapienza” with the logistic support of ‘Archeosub Hatria’, a local no-profit cultural association. The plan drawn during the 1980s as part of the documentation was updated with five new blocks identified during the recent investigations. Also during these surveys the bad water and weather conditions (rain, strong winds from NNE and SE, underwater currents, unclear water due to the presence of thick silt sediments, etc.) had a detrimental influence on the underwater exploration and very few dives produced useful results. Due to its natural, historical and archaeological peculiarities, in 2010 the littoral in front of Torre del Cerrano became a marine protected area called Area Marina Protetta Torre del Cerrano25. The stone structures are now com-
24 Migliorati 1989, 24–27; Migliorati 1997, 229–236. 25 Migliorati, Nuovo et alii 2011, 163–173.
62
pletely covered by bivalve shellfish and different types of sponges, surely interesting from a naturalistic point of view but a big impediment to complete archaeological documentation. For a better understanding of the structures identified it would be desirable if future work could include the cleaning of one or more blocks. This would require a compromise between archaeology and nature that is different to what has happened so far.
What kind of boats could land along the middle and southern Adriatic coast? Knowledge of the ancient coastal and underwater landscape allows us now to understand which kinds of boats could use the mooring places created at the river mouths. It is very possible that the boats that used to frequent these small ports had a flat bottom or a keel that did not protrude much, in order to have a shallow draft that allowed an easy navigation in shallow waters. These boats could practice mainly coastal and river navigation, but they also might have crossed the Adriatic for short journeys, if necessary. The hypothesis of a flat bottom seems
to be tenable because it is also supported by archaeological finds. Indeed, shipwrecks with this type of keel have been found in the northern Adriatic, along many palaeorivers from Cervia (Emilia Romagna) to Venice. Analysis of these boats have revealed that they were built using the ‘sewing’ technique, one of the oldest naval carpentry methods, used since the 3rd millennium B.C. Pliny the Elder named these ‘sewn’ boats sutiles naves26. In the ‘sewing’ technique the first plank of the external shell was fastened to the keel and all the planks of the external shell were linked together using vegetal fibres27. The raw material for cord and rope production - mainly grass was available along the rivers’ banks and in the lagoons. In the area between Aquileia (Friuli Venezia Giulia) and Cervia28 the ‘sewn’ shipwrecks uncovered are all dated between the 1st and the 2nd century A.D. On this basis, we can argue that the middle-Adriatic boats also could have been ‘sewn’, even if for the moment there is no archaeological evidence that can prove this hypothesis. Surely, flat bottom, small dimensions and manoeuverability are traits common in all the western Adriatic boats - both for fishing and trading - at least from post-Medieval time until the first half of the 20th century, when motor-ships replaced the traditional boats (Fig. 10).
Conclusions The middle and the southern Adriatic coasts present many geomorphologic differences but the one aspect they have in common is that they do not have natural harbours. In fact, even ancient geographers and historians, like Strabo29 and Livy30, declared that this coast is harbourless, especially when compared to the eastern Adriatic littoral which is naturally provided with landing places, as it is characterized by many islands and bays. This lack may have been a serious problem for the development of local trade and communications and this is why the only solution was to use the river (or the palaeoriver) mouths as landing places.
They offered a safe anchorage and a place for taking on fresh water. Along the middle Adriatic coast temporary landing places might also have been offered by coastal lagoons and marshes which were very common in the past although nowadays they are poorly preserved. Consequently, in ancient times, the natural landscape of the littoral plain was similar to that of present-day northern Adriatic near the Po river mouth. Due to these landscape peculiarities, it is most likely that the boats that used to frequent the small ports along the western Adriatic coast had a flat bottom to allow easy navigation in shallow waters. These boats practiced mainly coastal navigation but probably they could also cross the Adriatic for short journeys. Shipwrecks with this characteristic have been found in the northern Adriatic, along many palaeorivers from Cervia (Emilia Romagna) to Venice (Veneto) and their analysis has revealed that they were ‘sewn’ boats. In conclusion, the traders probably stopped at the anchoring places at the river mouths or they may have left their goods in a big collecting harbour, from which wares were re-distributed. In the middle Adriatic coast, this function of collection and distribution occurred in the harbour of Numana/Ancona (Marche); in the southern Adriatic it occurred at Otranto (Puglia) and later in the big harbour of Brindisi (Puglia), and in the northern Adriatic it occurred at Spina and Adria (Emilia Romagna) and then at Aquileia (Friuli Venezia Giulia). From the collecting harbours the goods would be sorted and distributed to the many small emporia, along the western Adriatic littoral. The small boats - manoeuverable with flat bottom and shallow draft - had the task of transferring the goods from the big harbours to the small ports at the river mouths, doing coastal navigation.
Marina Maria Serena Nuovo,
[email protected] University of Rome “La Sapienza”
26 Pliny, XXIV, 65. 27 See Beltrame 2012 for details about boat building techniques. 28 For details about the discovery of the shipwrecks in the area between Aquileia and Cervia, see Beltrame 2002, 355–371. 29 Strabo, VII, 5, 10. 30 Livy, X, 2, 4.
63
Literature Anelli 1899 L. Anelli, Esposizione degli oggetti esistenti nel Gabinetto di Vasto compilata su documenti raccolti dal Betti, dal Marchesani e dall’Altea (Vasto 1899). Anelli 1929 L. Anelli, Histonium ed il Vasto attraverso i secoli (Vasto 1929). Anelli 1836 L. Annali civili del Regno delle due Sicilie, vol. 10–12, (1836), 41–44. Sgattoni/Zanni Ulisse 1983 M. Sgattoni/P. Zanni Ulisse (eds.), Cerrano ieri e oggi, a cura di M. Sgattoni e P. Zanni Ulisse, Teramo 1983. Beltrame 2002 C. Beltrame, Le sutiles naves romane del litorale altoadriatico. Nuove testimonianze e considerazioni tecnologiche, “ASubacq”, 3, 2002, 353–379. Beltrame 2012 C. Beltrame, Archeologia marittima del Mediterraneo. Navi, merci e porti dall’antichità all’età moderna, (Roma 2012). Ciancio 2002 A. Ciancio (ed.), La Peucezia in Età Romana, (Bari 2002). Gargiullo/Okely 1993 S. Gargiullo/E. Okely, Atlante archeologico dei mari d’Italia, III (Castelmadama 1993). L’abbate 1990 V. L’Abbate Museo civico di Conversano. La sezione arceologica. Guida all’archeologia del sud-est barese, with contributions of A. Ciancio and F. Radina (Fasano 1990). Mancinelli 2001 A. Mancinelli, Analisi delle opere di difesa in Studi, indagini, modelli matematici finalizzati alla redazione del Piano di Difesa della Costa. Relazione generale (Ancona 2001), D.1-D.134 (http://www.autoritadibacino.marche. it/costa/studi/relazione.asp). Marieni 1836 G. Marieni, Portolano del Mare Adriatico. Compilato sotto la direzione dell’Istituto Geografico Militare dell’I.R. Stato Maggiore Generale dal Capitano Giacomo Marieni (Milano 1830).
64
Miccadei et al II 2011 E. Miccadei/F. Mascioli/T. Piacentini/F. Ricci, Geomorphological Features of Coastal Dunes along the Central Adriatic Coast (Abruzzo, Italy), “Journal of Coastal Research”, 27, 9, 2011, 1122–1136. Migliorati 1989 L. Migliorati, Operazione ‘Forma Maris’, in “AGIP Review”, Suppl. Italia, 3, 1989, 24–27. Migliorati 1997 L. Migliorati, Insediamenti costieri del Piceno meridionale: primi risultati delle campagne di ricerca, “Bollettino di Archeologia Subacquea”, 1–2, 229–236. Migliorati, Nuovo et al II 2011 L. Migliorati/M. Nuovo/G. Patti/A. De Ascentiis/F. Vallarola/G. Dipietrantonio, Local identity, tourism and development: the case of Natural Wildlife Marine Reserve “Torre del Cerrano” (Abruzzo -Italy), Atti del II Convegno Internazionale “Sustainable tourism and local development: resources, strategies and policies for Albania”, Fier-Tirana (Albania), 7–10 May 2010, Tirana 2011, 163–173. Mola 1796 E. Mola, Peregrinazione letteraria per una parte dell’Apulia con la descrizione delle sue sopravanzanti antichità (Bari 1796). Nuovo 2006 M. Nuovo, Contributi per la carta archeologica subacquea del sud-est barese, “L’Archeologo subacqueo”, 12, 1–2 (34–35), 2006, 13–16. Sgattoni, Zanni Ulisse 1983 M. Sgattoni, P. Zanni Ulisse, Cerrano ieri e oggi (Teramo 1983). Staffa 1997 A. R. Staffa, Testimonianze di un santuario dalla località Punta Penna di Vasto, in A. Campanelli, A. Faustoferri (eds), I luoghi degli dei. Sacro e natura nell’Abruzzo italico (Pescara 1997), 79–80. Staffa 2002 A. R. Staffa, L’Abruzzo costiero. Viabilità, insediamenti, strutture portuali ed assetto del territorio fra Antichità ed Alto Medioevo (Lanciano 2002).
Julia Goldhammer, Martina Karle
A fish trap basket from Belum (Ldkr. Cuxhaven). Excerpt from the presentation “Archaeology in the Wadden: Submarine Archaeology without a diving suit”
Introduction The Wadden Sea area in the Southern North Sea is characterized by strong tidal currents and resulting sediment movements. Since the end of the last glacial period this amphibian landscape has gone through innumerous changes, and is still in motion. It was used by humans until the Holocene inundation took place. Contemporary sediment shifts give the opportunity to get insight into sunken settlements and palaeolandscapes but may also destroy the rich geological and archaeological record. In recent years, increasing coastal protection and offshore industries threaten the cultural heritage more than ever. The project “Settlement and cultural history of the Wadden Sea area in Lower Saxony” (Goldhammer et al. 2014) based at the Lower Saxony Institute for Historical Coastal Research1, aims to document the cultural heritage of the Lower Saxony Wadden Sea which covers a territory of 3.525 km² (Fig. 1). In this region, the seafloor falls dry during low tide and „submarine“ surveys are possible without diving equipment. By analysing a variety of basic geological data available from the State Authority for Mining, Energy and Geology’s2 database, palaeogeographical changes of the modern coastal area will be reconstructed in order to identify zones of particular archaeological interest. The recording of known, the prospecting of new sites and the investigation and consecuti-
1 2
66
Niedersächsisches Institut für historische Küstenforschung, Wilhelmshaven (NIhK). Landesamt für Bergbau, Energie und Geologie, Hannover (LBEG).
Fig. 1 Map of the research area, the tidal flats of the Lower Saxony Wadden Sea (Map: M. Karle, NIhK). ve monitoring of both will show the research potential of this tidal region and will help saving the cultural archive before it gets destroyed by erosion. By this means the project aims to get new insights into the development and anthropogenic use of the Wadden Sea area.
Fig. 2 Official subdivision of the North Sea areas (Nordseegemarkungen) in the State of Lower Saxony (Source: Excerpt from geobasis data of the Surveying and Cadastral Administration from Lower Saxony, © 2012).
Dip into a submerged landscape The outcome of the Wadden Sea project assumes, that there are many more cultural remains beneath the tidal flats than was known from the Lower Saxony State Service for Cultural Heritage3 data base ADAB web (Jöns et al. 2013; Niederhöfer in prep.) before the geoarchaeological project started. The systematic screening of archive material, historic maps and series of aerial photographs taken by the National Park Administration Wadden Sea Lower Saxony4 gave evidence for more cultural remains. Within the project difficulties in working in the Lower Saxony Wadden Sea became clear: due to the high sedimentation rate and the fast sediment shifting in the tidal flats, the localization of objects from aerial photography is difficult. Furthermore the location of sites observed some decades ago is nearly impossible. Survey work on the tidal flats is a challenge for geoarchaeologists. The researcher has to deal with tides, wind direction and wind intensity during planning. Furthermore it is important to consider the physical condition of the research team which leads to a realistic calculation of the planned route for one low-tide period. It is essential to adapt the length of the walking route to the sandy or muddy nature of the ground. In addition to that, the survey duration depends on the location of the chosen area. Near the low-water line, working time is restricted to only half an hour, whereas closer to the coast working usually is possible for up to four hours.
3 Niedersächsisches Landesamt für Denkmalpflege, Hannover. 4 Nationalparkverwaltung Niedersächsisches Wattenmeer, Wilhelms- haven.
But the excellent preservation conditions especially for organic material in the tidal flats makes this region a potential source of exceptional remains. Besides, sediment relocation and the tidal creek or channel dislocation also gives chances to detect unknown cultural remains. As the majority of known settlement remains from the Wadden Sea area originate from the flats of the ‘Benser’ and ‘Seriemer Watt’ (North Sea area/Nordseegemarkung Ostfriesisches Küstenmeer Ost: see Fig. 2) where detailed and regular surveys took place (Heinze 2000; Niederhöfer in prep.) it must be assumed that a systematic monitoring of the Wadden Sea will help to locate and document more sites before erosion destroyes them. To prevent damage of heritage remains induced by a commercial use of the sea floor, it is important to predict the possible location of settlement remains using models. This predictive modeling of potential areas will be of great importance for marine spatial planning in the future.
New finds from the mud During the project’s duration, it was possible to locate unknown cultural remains. An early modern farmstead with broken bricks, animal bones, fragments from leaded lights, clay pipes and numerous ceramic sherds, which dates the settlement to the 16th/17th century was found on the tidal flats off Horumersiel. Furthermore remains of a stack dyke from the years of 1680–1718 were observed on the tidal flats off Schillig (Both sites Nordseegemarkung Nordsee, Blaue Balje, on-shore Administrative District of Wangerland. Goldhammer/Karle 2015). The exploitation of the North Sea marine resources was discovered through the detection of some fish traps on the
67
Fig. 3 Fish trap baskets in situ off Belum (Nordseegemarkung Nordsee, Elbe, on-shore Administrative District of Cuxhaven, photo: NIhK).
Fig. 4 Excavated fish trap basket in situ off Belum, made of Salix twigs (Nordseegemarkung Nordsee, Elbe, onshore Administrative District of Cuxhaven, photo: NIhK).
68
Fig. 5 Uncovered fish trap basket in the laboratory of NIhK (Photo: R. Kiepe, NIhK).
Fig. 6 Radiocarbon curve of Poz-55433. The analysed material was a sample of Salix twig from the excavated fish trap basket off Belum (Nordseegemarkung Nordsee, Elbe, on-shore Administrative District of Cuxhaven).
Fig. 7: Recent fish trap basket (length 1.01 m), braided by Erhard Djuren, Wremen (Administrative District of Cuxhaven, photo: R. Kiepe, NIhk).
River Elbe Estuary tidal flats off Belum (Nordseegemarkung Nordsee, Elbe, on-shore Administrative District of Cuxhaven). During a survey which was intended to find a ship wreck site, four fish trap baskets have been observed in the area. Two of them were imbedded horizontally into the mud (Fig. 3.1, 3) and two were imbedded obliquely and vertically in a way, that only parts of their mouth were visible (Fig. 3.2, 4). The kind of wood of the horizontally imbedded fish trap baskets has been analysed by Botanist Dr. S. Wolters, NIhK. Both were made of willow tree (Salix) twigs. One of them (Fig. 3.2, FdNr. 61) was recovered enbloc to document the size, shape and braiding technique. In the intertidal area, a careful excavation and an accurate documentation would not have been possible due to the time limitation. This is only possible in the laboratory. Due to the length of 96 cm and the maximum circumference of 126 cm it was impossible to lift the whole object filled with mud (Fig. 4). We had to decide in the field to only recover half of the fish trap basket and chose the part with the tail5. This basket section was carefully uncovered by restauration trainee A. Steinmetz under the supervision of restaurator G. Kulbach, NIhK (Fig. 5). A wooden sample from the basket long withies was dated by Radiocarbon analysis to 1490–1660 cal. AD (Poz-55433, 295 ± 30 BP; calibrated with OxCal v4.1.7, Bronk Ramsey 2010; r:5, Atmospheric data from Reimer et al. 2009, Fig. 6). Fish traps are known since mesolithic times, as shown by 9000 year old remains of hazel poles belonging to a fish trap from the southern Swedish coast (BAILEY ET AL. 2012 Fig. 3). Evidence for fish trap baskets is known from different mesolithic sites in France, Sweden, Denmark, The Netherlands, Ireland, Russia and from the southwestern Baltic coast (KLOOß 2014, 261; KLOOß 2015, 244–246 Tab. 72).
A 2000 year old fish trap basket braiding tradition
5
For terminology please see Out 2008, 2 Fig. 2.
The excavated fish trap basket has a bottled shape with a wide funnel which leads into the inner part of the trap. The other end, the tail, is tapered and open and had to be closed for use. The shape in cross section is best seen on another basket displayed in Fig. 3.1. The circumference at the thickest section was 126 cm. A detailed analysis of the braiding technique showed, that for the stability of the basket, thick, parallel double bars (so called long withies) were bound together with bindings made of thinner twigs which were woven densely alternating around the parallel bars (Fig. 5). As braiding technique, the so called “Fitze” (Barthel 1977, 153 Fig. 3) was used. This braiding is comparable to the weaving technique plain-weave6. The same braiding technique and material – willow tree (Salix) twigs were used for fish trap baskets found in the sacrificial bog of Oberdorla, Thuringia (Barthel 1977, 153–154; Plate XIIXVI), but the shape of the basket is different. There are two different shapes of baskets in Oberdorla, one was conical (Barthel 1977, 153–154; Plate XII-XVI), the other trumpet like (Barthel 1977, 153–154; Plate XVIII). The Oberdorla baskets date into the roman iron age (1 to 375 AD) and were made of willow tree (Salix). Interestingly, the way of braiding and the shape of the fish trap basket from Belum is equal to those still in use on the coast of Wremen (Fig. 7), where Mr. Erhard Djuren still uses them to catch shrimps (Crangon crangon) in a tidal creek (Fig. 8). Known Mesolithic fish trap baskets from Ertebølle sites look different. The braiding is not as dense as that of the Belum basket. The Ertebølle baskets are made of “parallel bars [, so-called long withies …] bound together at different intervals with two strings using
6 „Leinwandbindung“
69
Fig. 8 Recent location of fish trap baskets used by Erhard Djuren, Wremen (Administrative District of Cuxhaven) for catching shrimps. Due to the end of the season, nearly all baskets were removed in November 2013 (Photos: NIhK). the so-called ‘Zwirnbindung’ technique” (Klooß 2014, 260–261 Fig 4.1). Those long withies were made of branches split lengthwise7, cut from red dogwood (Cornus sanguinea) and guilder rose (Viburnum opulus. Klooß 2014, 261; Klooß 2015, 248). Other Stone Age fish traps from northern and western Europe were processed with twigs8, besides other wooden species frequently from willow tree (Salix. Out 2008. Klooß 2014, 262). The fish trap baskets from the Mesolithic sites with the braiding not as tight as the plain-weave technique must have been used for catching marine animals bigger than shrimps. The gaps in the Mesolithic braiding are as big as those of recent fish trap baskets for European Flounder (Platichthys flesus) as is shown by examples from the Dollart from the 19th and 20th century. They were also made from Salix twigs, but not braided as densely as the basket from Belum (Kirchhoff 2000, 74, 80). Consequently the fish trap basket from Belum must have been
7 „Lattenreuse“ 8 „Zweigreuse“
70
used to catch small fish or shrimps. It is a witness of an endangered handicraft which was of great importance for the local communities in former times.
Acknowledgements The Project is funded by the Lower Saxony Ministry of Science and Culture. Thanks to Dr. Stefanie Klooß, Institute for Pre- and Protohistoric Archaeology, Kiel University, for helpful remarks and references. The manuscript was kindly corrected by Franziska Steffensen. We are thankful for the help of our student assistants and student trainees Jette Bielau, Miriam Bohnenkamp, Laura Brandt, Marijana Christ, Annika Condit, Paula Dorner, Jonas Enzmann, Katerina Hencke, Anne Kaschel, Dominique Ortmann, Julia Runge, Saryn Schlotfeldt, Marian Schüch, Franziska Steffensen, Amandine Steinmetz, Feiko Wilkes as well as research assistant Steffen Schnitker. We are grateful to Erhard Djuren for the insights into shrimp fishing with baskets and our survey at medieval sites in the “Schmarrener Loch”.
Julia Goldhammer M.A.,
[email protected] Lower Saxony Institute for Historical Coastal Research Viktoriastr. 26/28, 26382 Wilhelmshaven, Germany.
Dr. Martina Karle,
[email protected] Lower Saxony Institute for Historical Coastal Research Viktoriastr. 26/28, 26382 Wilhelmshaven, Germany.
Literature Bailey et al. 2012 G. Bailey, D. Sakellariou and members of the SPLASHCOS network, SPLASHCOS: Submerged Prehistoric Archaeology and Landscapes of the Continental Shelf. Antiquity 86 vol. 334, 2012 [http://antiquity.ac.uk/projgall/sakellariou334, last call up on 18.02.2015]. Barthel, H.-J. 1977 H.-J Barthel, Die germanische Binnenfischerei im Gebiet des See- und Moorheiligtums von Oberdorla. Alt-Thüringen 14, 1977, 148–185. Bronk Ramsey 2010 C. Bronk Ramsey, M. Dee, S. Lee, T. Nakagawa and R.A. Staff, Developments in the calibration and modeling of radiocarbon dates, Radiocarbon, 52 (2–3), 953–961. Goldhammer et al. 2014 J. Goldhammer, M. Karle and S. Kleingärtner, Das Wattenmeer als Forschungsgebiet, Berichte zur Denkmalpflege in Niedersachsen 2014, 1, 2–6. Goldhammer/Karle 2015 J. Goldhammer and M. Karle, Geoarchaeological research in the Wadden Sea area of Lower Saxony. Siedlungs-und Küstenforschung an der südlichen Nordseeküste 38, 2015, 59–70. Heinze 2000 A. Heinze, Archäologische Funde im ostfriesischen Watt. Jaarverslagen van de Vereniging voor Terpenonderzoek 76–82, 1992–1998 (2000), 76–97. Jöns et al. 2013 H. Jöns, M. Karle and S. Kleingärtner, Das Nordseebecken und der Wattenmeerraum als Forschungsgebiet. Methodische Überlegungen, Strategien und aktuelle Forschungsprojekte. Offa 69/70, 2012/2013, 2013, 71–80.
Kirchhoff 2000 J. Kirchhoff, Fischfang auf dem Wattengrund – Die fremde Welt im Tidenstrom – Spurensuche in der Dollartgeschichte (Weener 2000). Klooß 2014 S. Klooß, They were fishing in the sea and coppicing the forest. Bericht RGK 92, 2011, 2014, 251–274. Klooß 2015 S. Klooß, Mit Einbaum und Paddel zum Fischfang – Holzartefakte von endmesolithischen und frühneolithischen Küstensiedlungen an der südwestlichen Ostseeküste. Untersuchungen und Materialien zur Steinzeit in Schleswig-Holstein und im Ostseeraum 6 (Kiel/Hamburg 2015). Niederhöfer in prep. K. Niederhöfer, Archäologische Fundstellen im ostfriesischen Wattenmeer – Siedlungsgeschichte einer untergegangenen Landschaft bis 1570. Dissertation Universität Hamburg (in prep.) Out 2008 W. A. Out, Selective use of Cornus sanguinea L. (red dogwood) for Neolithic fish traps in the Netherlands. Environmental Arch. 13/1, 2008, 1–10. Reimer et al. 2009 P. J. Reimer, M. G. L. Baillie, E. Bard, A. Bayliss, J. W. Beck, P. G. Blackwell, C. B. Ramsey, C. E. Buck, G. S. Burr, R. L. Edwards, M. Friedrich, P. M. Grootes, T. P. Guilderson, I. Hajdas, T. J. Heaton, A. G. Hogg, K. A. Hughen, K. F. Kaiser, B. Kromer, F. G. McCormac, S. W. Manning, R. W. Reimer, D. A. Richards, J. R. Southon, S. Talamo, C. S. M. Turney, J. v. d. Pflicht, C. E. Weyhenmeyer, IntCal09 and Marine09 radiocarbon age calibration curves, 0–50,000 years cal BP. Radiocarbon 51, 2009, 1111–1150.
71
Margaret Logan
A Study of a 16th-century wooden vessel from the Netherlands
Introduction OE34, a wooden vessel roughly 16 m long and 5 m wide, and dated (both dendrochronologically and relatively) to the second half of the sixteenth century, was discovered in 1979 in a reclamated polder in Flevoland, the Netherlands. The discovery of such a vessel dated to this particular period provides a small glimpse into a usually-dim era of shipbuilders and shipbuilding. The sixteenth century, specifically concerning shipbuilding, presents a gap in the available information. This period is sandwiched between the Middle Ages and the dawn of the Dutch Golden Age, two periods with relative wealths of information, data, and material. Perhaps, through thorough scrutinization of the vessel’s constructional elements, associated finds, and historical context, it is possible to discern what the vessel may have been used for, and maybe even some conclusive statements can be made about the shipbuilders who constructed it (Fig. 1). The vessel, located about 30 cm under the surface of the ground, featured ceiling planking, an extensive framing system and hull planking, as well as an assortment of associated finds. These included a few weapons, barrels of quicklime, coins, ceramic pitchers, and more. Dendrochronological analysis resulted in a construction date of 1553. Relative dating with the use of coins unearthed during the excavation gave a foundering date of 1572 (Van Holk 2013, personal communication). Over the course of two sessions in 2011 and 2012, the vessel was excavated, recorded, and deposed by the International Fieldschool for Maritime Archaeology Flevoland (IFMAF), which is a joint venture amongst the University of Groningen, the province of Flevoland and municipality of Lelystad, the Rijksdienst voor het Cultureel Erfgoed (Dutch Cultural Heritage Agency), and Nieuw Land Heritage Centre. The author herself participated in the second session of excavation. Sources for research are the excavation drawings and photographs, as well as comparisons to other vessels which are either contemporaneous with OE34 or feature similar constructional characteristics. The full analysis of OE34 can be found in the author’s master thesis for the
72
Maritime Archaeology Programme of Syddansk Universitiet. The following will be a summary of the author’s findings.
Research Question and Methodology Equipped with geographical and historical context as well as the constructional philosophy based on painstaking observation of the excavated vessel, and analysis of the associated finds, the author hopes to come to some definitive statements concerning the vessel’s builders, users, and use. However, it will not be a question of into which typology of water-craft the vessel should be placed. The author would venture so far as to argue that such endeavours in and of themselves do little in the way of academic research, as well as in the attempt to shed light on the past. There is always the danger that any interpretation projected onto the archaeological record is merely a modern construct of what we today believe to be significant or meaningful. To, dare I say, simply categorize a vessel based on construction method is moot. There is no denying that the classification of wooden vessels is useful. However, it should be a means to an end. To quote Maarleveld, ‘Typology and classification are beneficial so long as they remain tools rather than gospel... typology alone will never suffice’ (Maarleveld 1995, 6). For the sake of argument, let us say that it is indeed the aim to classify OE34. If it were the aim, and if it were possible, what would it tell us about the vessel? Only that we have successfully placed the vessel in a category that is of a present-day construct. Rather than classifying OE34, what can the comprehensive analysis of a vessel tell us, if anything, about its possible function, and about those who built and sailed it? ‘[Ships’] remains, like the words of historical texts, carry meaning of far more interpretive value than simple identi-
Fig. 1 OE34 excavated, including ceiling planking. fication like labels in an old-fashioned museum case. A far better strategy is an approach that seeks to capitalize on the source materials in a more integrated way’ (Adams 2003, 42). This holistic approach will take into account three aspects of the vessel. First, the historical setting in which the vessel was built and operated: the Netherlands in the 16th century. Second, and more strongly, the construction of OE34 was carefully and methodically observed, recorded, and analysed. As the constructional elements were observed, several interesting elements became obvious: elements that were unexpected or reveal specific information about the constructional philosophy of the vessel. Lastly, to a lesser degree, the myriad associated finds will be considered, and the information which can be gleaned from them. For example, coins found in the course of excavation revealed the foundering date of the vessel, based on the lack of a particular mark or stamp on those coins. One may almost call this approach an anthropological one: the human aspect should always be the final destination of a research question. Quantitative data concerning the archaeological record is crucial and infinitely useful, when used as a magnifying glass, microscope, or telescope to those who created, used, and/or discarded or lost the artefact in question. With this small wooden vessel from the Low Countries, approached with a holistic (almost anthropological) view, the author hopes to come to conclusive statements concerning those who built and used the vessel.
Historical Context As OE34’s foundering location, and thus probable area of operation, was in the former Zuiderzee in ca. 1572, we will take a moment to focus on this region, in the second half of the sixteenth century, as the Dutch rose up in arms against the severe rule of Philip II. However, please note that this is meant to be a brief summary: reality was of course more complex than can be conveyed in a few pages. ‘For [a revolt] to happen there must be a preparatory period of polarization of attitudes, ideologies, and constitutional views lasting decades’ (Israel 1995, 169). The author aims only to provide a rough framework of the political situation at the time, as well as a short introduction of the Sea-Beggars, who operated (at least in part) in the Zuiderzee in the very same moment as the foundering of OE34 (Fig. 2). The Low Countries (here referring to what is now the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg) were, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, in the middle of political, mercantile, and geographical (both natural and man-made) change, and were about to experience a surge of economic growth which would last almost two centuries. The House of Habsburg had recently inherited the seventeen provinces of the Low Countries (which had been unified by the Habsburg’s Burgundian predecessors in the mid-fifteenth century), and Philip II was attempt-
73
Fig. 2 An image created by the author using a historical map (1570 – 1603) of the Zuiderzee, the coordinates of the wreck, and geo-referencing with Google Earth in order to show where OE34 sank in 1572. Please note this map is rotated 90 degrees from the norm: the top of the map is east, the right south, the bottom west, and the left north. The cities of Harderwijk, Amersfoort, and Monnickendam can be seen for reference (Sgrooten 1570) (Logan 2013). ing to control that which he had so recently inherited. By attempting to centrally govern the provinces as well as squelch the rising Calvinist movement, the Spanish Empire provoked the Low Countries to revolt. In 1567, Philip II dispatched the Duke of Alva to the Netherlands with the order to smother the rebellion of Calvinist Protestants. It was the aim of Philip II, using a combination of severe punishment (meted out by the Duke of Alva) and a reorganization of the Church, to squelch the rising movement. William of Orange ‘unfurled the banner of revolt in 1568’ (Israel 1995, 160). Louis, Count of Nassau, another leader in the rebellion, created the Sea-Beggars (Watergeuzen) in the same year. This was an effective maritime effort of rebels who operated out of Emden – a fleet of privateers carrying letters of marque from Orange. ‘They not only disrupted maritime traffic around the coasts of the Netherlands but effected a series of landings, plundering monasteries and pillaging supplies’ (Israel 1995, 163). It was stated above that OE34 was found to have wrecked in 1572 in the Zuiderzee, thus it is these Sea-Beggars which the author finds particularly relevant.
Construction Summary of the Wreck The excavation revealed that the keel and ceiling planking were in their original positions, and the framing and hull planking were mostly in their original positions. OE34 was discovered to be ‘upright’, (inboard facing
74
Fig. 3 Cross-section photos of the The left picture shows the keel near right picture shows the keel near the change in rabbet (Photos courtesy
OE34 keel. the fore, the aft. Note the of IFMAF).
up and outboard facing down, tilting to neither starboard nor port) and the weight of the soil (and at one time, water) caused her sides to break outwards at the turn of the bilge. However, all of the associated finds were discovered on the starboard side, which suggests a violent foundering, perhaps in stormy seas. A violent foundering could also explain the lack of mast and rigging: ‘In violent weather, the rig may be substantially altered or cut away, cargo, equipment, fixtures and fittings may be jettisoned...’ (Adams 2003, 23). Five rows of ceiling planking were preserved on either side of the zaathout (keelson), and these planks varied in quality of preservation, from well-preserved to almost entirely disintegrated. These ceiling planks were the only evidence of inner planking in OE34, meaning that the vessel only had one deck. The keelson was found to be well-preserved, and still featured a clear mast-step. Forty-two floor timbers (spanten or liggers) spanned the vessel below the turn of the bilge, while framing elements identified as zitters and oplangers alternated at and above the turn of the bilge. The zitters were knee-shaped timbers found at the turn of the bilge, used to reinforce the area, and these had preserved relatively well. Oplangers are floor-timbers found on the inboard sides of the vessel (comparable to the English futtock). Lastly, in four locations between floor timbers, the author has observed ‘filler timbers’, which cannot be identified as floor timbers or zitters or oplangers. While the excavation drawings label three of the four filler timbers as zitters, and the fourth as a floor timber extension, several reasons lead the author to a different conclusion. Their locations (neither bridg-
ing the turn of the bilge as zitters do, nor lengthening a floor timber in the far aft, as a frame extension would), their rectangular cross-sections, and not exhibiting the knee shapes characteristic of OE34’s zitters, compel the author to place them in their own category, with their own special purpose within the framing system of OE34. One of these filler timbers boasts a distinct role bolstering a master-frame/oplanger connection. The hull planking of OE34 consisted of ten strakes on either side of the keel. These strakes were flush-laid (meaning merely that they did not overlap one another), and the garboards featured vertical flat scarfs. The rest of the planking appeared to have used butt-ended joints. Below the turn of the bilge the hull planking was in excellent condition by any standard: archaeologists were able to walk on the bottom strakes while working (albeit with care). Trenails with diameters of 3 cm were used in the construction of OE34 to fasten the ceiling planking, framing elements, and hull planking. In at least 9 locations, larger trenails, with a diameter of 4–5 cm were used. However, the sparsity of these larger trenails indicates they were used for repairs, as compared to the almost ubiquitous use of the 3 cm-diameter trenails. Iron nails were used extensively in the hull planking to secure the vertical flat scarfs. Spijkerpennen (small wooden plugs about 1x1 cm in diameter) were observed in the keel and in the hull planking. Both on the step of the keel, at the turn of the bilge, and in several places along the tenth and uppermost strake, iron bolts were also observed as fasteners. It was hypothesized that these were the fasteners for a possible gangway, or walkway around the inside edge of the vessel (Van Holk 2012, personal communication).
Shape of the Keel The shape of the keel is the first observation which deserves note. The cross-section of the keel of OE34 changes dramatically over its length. T-shaped in the fore, the garboard strakes were thus almost horizontal where they were fastened with iron nails (and therefore, the fore of the vessel would have been round and flat). As one follows the keel from the fore to the aft, the shape of the keel changes. About a third of the length from the aft of the vessel, the keel is rabbeted, the garboard strakes have twisted in order to be fastened to the keel, and now an angle is created between the keel and the garboard strakes. The shape of the hull, here, is V-shaped (Fig. 3). Why would the shipbuilders have the keel change shape over its length? This could be a result of a solution created within the shipyard, in order to alter the shape of the hull (a wide fore and V-shaped aft). The B&W 4, a wooden vessel discovered in Christianshavn, Copenhagen, and dated to 1582 (thus concurrent with OE34) also featured twisting garboard strakes. ‘A twisted garboard
strake raises the bottom aft, resulting in less buoyancy here than forward. This form results in better stability under sail’ (Lemée 2006, 130).
Spjikerpennen Present in the garboard strakes, as well as throughout the hull planking of the vessel, are spijkerpennen (literally translated: ‘spike-plugs’). These are small wooden holes that have been filled with small pegs or dowels of wood. They indicate places in the hull where a temporary clamp, or cleat, was placed (piercing the planking) to hold the planking secure while the framing was built up. After the frames were inserted and fastened to the hull planking, those temporary cleats were removed and the holes they created were filled. These spijkerpennen were discovered in small groups in the planking of OE34, aligned in rows, and as solitary spike-plugs. The existence of these is indicative of the use of temporary fastenings, which quickly reveals at least one phase of the building process of the vessel. The presence of these wooden pegs invites inferences one can make about the method used to construct OE34: the building method reflects that of Dutch-flush, or at least one crucial characteristic of the Dutch-flush method (Maarleveld et al., 1994). Before the two master-frames were inserted, the bottom of the vessel was built, and the strakes were held together with temporary clamps or cleats. The holes left over after the cleats were removed (that is, after the insertion of the two master-frames) had to be plugged with these small wooden dowels in order to keep the hull planking water-tight. Concerning the specific existence of spijkerpennen in the keel of OE34: most of them are independent. Twenty-four spike-plugs are found along OE34’s keel with no ‘matching’ spike-plugs aligned on either of the garboard strakes. Only two spijkerpennen almost align with a corresponding row of two on the port garboard strake. One would assume that if temporary cleats were indeed used, then the cleats should span two elements. What is the purpose of a temporary fastening if it is not fastening two elements together? It would be expected for spike-plugs to be discovered in rows, to have spanned both the keel and the garboard strakes, penetrating both, and leaving holes to be plugged in both, as indeed we observe in several locations in the bottom of OE34. In any case, finding spijkerpennen at all, even in the expected rows of such, is still a surprise. A temporary fastening between the keel and the garboard strake seems risky – this is a crucial connection in the construction of a water-craft. A clamp may have been used where the line of spijkerpennen was found on the keel. Perhaps it is not so odd to have found spike-plugs on the keel, as Witsen mentions such (translated by Hoving): ‘... here and there on the keel and garboard strake also a cleat is hammered, coming above the keel, and closing on the keel as well as on the
75
Fig. 4 The scarf between a floor timber and extension (Photo courtesy of IFMAF). garboard strake, and so fastened it on the keel’ (Hoving 2012, 58). Spijkerpennen were also observed in the keel of the B&W 1 wreck, one of the vessels found in the harbour at Christianshavn and researched by Lemée. He, too, finds their role as fasteners between keel and garboard remarkable. ‘In this case, the garboard plank was fastened to a rabbet in the keel with wooden plugs, ca 1x1 cm square, spaced at 25 to 30 cm intervals. It was surprising to observe that the shipbuilders had chosen to fasten this very important hull element with wooden plugs, but after nearly 400 years in the ground, the connection still held the garboard strongly to the keel’ (Lemée 2006, 127).
Framing System The term ‘framing system’ is not used lightly – not all framing elements present in a vessel constitute a system. This is a term reserved for interconnected parts; individual elements that work together, of which the result is more than the sum of its parts. Vessels, especially those which are built with the structural integrity invested in the hull planking (plank-orientated) do not, strictly speaking, have structural need for a framing system, as such. This, too, comes precariously close to the typology discussion, but the author believes this to be an argument of logic rather than one of adherence to a typological dogma. OE34 featured floor timbers which spanned the bottom of the vessel to the turn of the bilge on each side, fastened to the hull planking underneath with trenails 3 cm in diameter. Especially in the aft, where the V-shape of the vessel is most pronounced (due to the shape of the keel just discussed), compass timbers were utilized. These are huge timbers which were chosen specially for their natural curvature, and were only slightly converted in order to fit snugly into the bottom of OE34.
76
Fig. 5 Rough sketch by the author showing the connection between floor timber, filler timber, and oplanger, creating a master-frame (Logan 2013). Eleven of these floor timbers had one ‘arm’ shorter than the other. In these eleven cases, an additional piece of timber was placed with a diagonal butt scarf to the shorter arm, essentially ‘extending’ each timber so it spanned the width of the bottom of the vessel (Fig. 4). These extensions alternate from port to starboard. Only one frame featured these extensions on both port and starboard. As the frames become less and less curved from the aft of the vessel towards the fore, the hull shape widens (as the keel transitions from rabbeted to T-shape), less compass timbers are used, and it was not difficult to find straight timbers long enough to span the bottom of the vessel. Frame extensions toward the fore were not needed. Floor timbers of OE34, especially those found in the aft of the vessel, were discovered to have retained much of their natural shapes. A branch that showed optimal curvature, but not necessarily optimal length, was used regardless. In some cases these timbers were only cut down the middle and only one or two surfaces were finished – leaving two or three surfaces natural and unworked. This can be explained as an example of efficiency: minimum effort expended on the part of the builders. The builders did not use one timber for the frames, nor did they extensively work the timbers before inserting them. When a timber was found to feature dramatic-enough
Filler Timbers
Fig. 6 Photo of strakes attached with vertical flat scarf, ex situ (Photo courtesy of IFMAF).
curvature to fit into the deep trench of OE34’s aft, it was utilized even if it did not exhibit the length necessary to span the bottom. It was used nonetheless, and an additional timber was used to lengthen that frame. The builders alternated the extensions from port to starboard, so as to not compromise the integrity of the frame system. The utilization of compass timbers and frame extensions indicate the builders at least partially placed the structural integrity of the vessel with the frame system. Frugal (whether due to necessity or choice, it remains unknown) and resourceful, the shipbuilders were clearly intent on constructing a sound and sturdy vessel.
Master Frames Two of the floor timbers in particular were found to have been shaped to fit around corresponding oplangers. The corresponding oplangers had also been worked to feature niches into which the ends of these master frames’ may fit. These frames were two of the longest, flattest floor timbers, and were located at the widest point of the vessel, roughly one-third of the length from the bow. Additionally, two trenails on either end transversely fasten these floor timbers to the oplangers – the connection being evident on both port and starboard ends, creating a composite frame, or hoofdspant (Fig. 5). Thus, the frame system of OE34, at least in the case of these two floor timbers, is interconnected: further evidence that the builders’ constructional philosophy was to place integrity with the framing system. Such a choice would manifest in vessels which were built frame-oriented. So these interconnected frames bolster the evidence already shown by the presence of spijkerpennen: the internal framing constructed, followed by the shell of hull planking. However, it will be shown that other constructional elements seem to contradict this frame-first suggestion.
In the course of observation, several small constructional elements were observed incorporated in the framing system of OE34 which the author did not recognize. Four ‘filler timbers’ were found, two on each side of the vessel. These were found below the turn of the bilge, filling in the space between floor timbers, in the widest, flattest section of the vessel. One of these filler timbers was a component of the master-frame/oplanger connection. The four timbers are very similar in width and height (sided and moulded dimensions): all four were between 10 and 15 cm wide and between 15 and 18 cm high. They all exhibited rectangular cross-sections, clearly so as to fit snugly between floor timbers and to lie flush on top of the hull planking below. The only dimension in which there was a slight difference was in the length: one was found to be slightly longer than the other three.
Vertical Flat Scarfs The presence of vertical flat scarfs in the garboard strakes of OE34, instead of butt-ended scarfs or simple butt-ends, is notable in that such scarfs are not commonly seen in vessels which invest structural integrity in the frames (Fig. 6). There are only two other examples in the archaeological record of vessels which are frame-oriented, yet feature vertical flat scarfs: the Hafnia-Vejle wreck (dated to 1570) and the Princes Channel wreck (dated to 1574). The difference is that OE34 only features vertical flat scarfs in her garboard strakes, whereas the Hafnia-Vejle and the Princes Channel wreck feature them throughout their respective hull planking. The technique of fastening the planks of a strake with a vertical flat scarf is expected in a vessel built plank-oriented: the shell of the hull being built first and being vested with structural integrity, and the inner framing system inserted afterwards. ‘It is a lot harder and time-consuming to construct [using vertical flat scarfs] (at least in the traditional frame first setup) [sic]’ (Auer 2013, personal communication). However, our three vessels have been shown to be constructed frame-oriented. Why, then, do we find these scarfs? This can be explained with two possibilities. First, the unique shape of the keel. As the garboard strake must twist harshly to fasten to the keel, it is logical to assume that strong connections were needed between the planks that made up the garboards. A vertical flat scarf is unquestionably a stronger fastening than a butt-ended scarf. Second, if the frames of OE34 were not yet inserted, the garboard strakes would have had nothing else to which to attach (besides the keel), which means a simple butt-ended scarf between strakes would not have sufficed – necessitating the use of vertical flat scarfs.
77
Fig. 7 Coins in situ (Photograph courtesy of Laura Koehler of the RCE).
Associated Finds During the course of the excavation, various finds were discovered in association with the shipwreck. These included hearth stones as well as ballast, tiles, and several utensils and remains of food products (seeds, nuts, fish, and beef bones) were discovered near the hearth stones. Remains of weapons were found, consisting of two rapiers, the hilt of a third rapier, a possible halberd, and a knife encased within a sheath. Yftinus van Popta provides a preliminary report concerning the presence of these particular weapons aboard OE34 and their implications (Van Popta 2012). Three small barrels were unearthed as well (two during the first session and the third during the second session), all filled with limestone. The associated finds from which conclusions have been drawn are the coins, the weapons, and the three barrels and their contents. The important contribution that the two troves of coins discovered on the site provide is a concrete date of foundering, due to the particular features (or lack thereof) found on the coins themselves. The youngest coins date from 1571, therefore OE34 was in operation at least until 1571. Yet none of the coins recovered feature a stamp (‘klop’) which was required by the Staten Generaal on all coins minted in 1573 and 1574 (Fig. 7). This was a move made by the Republic as a defensive manoeuvre against the rule of the Spanish. As none of the coins featured the required mark, this means that OE34 must have foundered after 1571 and before 1573: it must have foundered in the Zuiderzee in 1572 (Van Holk 2013). Laura Koehler succintly describes this discovery: ‘Deze onverwacht nauwkeurige ondergangsdatum is uniek in de scheepsarcheologie, waar meestal met grotere tijdsmarges op basis van dendrochronologisch onderzoek of een inventaris wordt gewerkt’ (Koehler 2013, 37).
78
The weapons found aboard were two rapiers (as well as the hilt of a possible third rapier), a possible halberd, and a knife in a beechwood sheath. These weapons, while revealing information in their own right, highlight the relative dearth of weaponry found aboard. No firearms nor cannons were found during the excavation of OE34, and the author feels confident to say that due to the probable foundering of OE34 during a storm or high seas, if weapons such as heavy armament had been aboard, they would not have washed away. Therefore, we can all but eliminate OE34 as a warship, or a ship that was being used by soldiers. Perhaps the vessel was used as a cargo vessel, and there were high-ranking officers aboard when it foundered (Van Popta 2012). It could also have been used by the Beggars at sea on the Zuiderzee. As the Beggars were not an organized army and therefore would not have been issued weapons, each would have been responsible for his own defence. Additional (possible) supportive evidence of the use of OE34 against the Spanish occupation are the three limestone-filled barrels. All three of the barrels found measured 85 cm in height, and one was 36 cm in diameter while the other two were 30 cm in diameter. They were all filled with limestone, which had decayed the wooden staves of the barrels, rendering preservation impossible (Koehler 2013). Van Popta noted the use of ‘quicklime’ as a weapon against the Spanish in the Eighty Years’ War, during the Battle of the Zuiderzee. He cites Charl Levall’s De slag op de Zuiderzee, in which quicklime is mentioned as being thrown in pots, and being painful to the enemy Spaniards: ‘Die Geusen smeten van boven neer: De Potten met Calck die vloghen; Uuten Meerssen, hoe langer hoe seer; Int Spaeniaerts ooghen was dat een sweer; De Calck die stoof hoe langer hoe meer; Haer Schepen men wit sach weerden; Met die Calck men haer verveerden’ (Lavell 1986, 72). The substance is mentioned being thrown in pots towards enemies. Quicklime, or calcium oxide, is a hazardous material that heats upon contact with water. If pots were thrown, the dust from the shattered pot could irritate and even corrode the skin – and in contact with water, could ignite flammable substances, like gunpowder (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 1995). This could have been a dangerous and effective weapon.
Conclusion Several conclusions and inferences may be drawn about the shipbuilders of OE34 and her use. First, it has been shown that the shipbuilders were most likely working on a local level as opposed to a state-sanctioned yard. Such use of compass timbers and frame extensions suggest the builders might have had to ‘make do,’ but they struck a balance between economic and structural (technological) choices. Logically, going the ‘cheaper’ way might have resulted in a vessel of less quality or poorer performance. However, the builders were resourceful: the use
of compass timbers where possible, and the use of frame extension timbers (especially in that they alternate from side to side), as well as snug-fitting filler timbers between floor timbers distinctly shows consideration for a sturdy vessel. Second, due to a number of unexpected constructional characteristics, including the shape of the keel, it can also be stated that OE34 does not fit into any pre-existing category of water-craft. ‘Material, place and opportunity often cause deviations. The use, which is of endless variation, forces the building master to bend rules and measures’ (Hoving 2012, 15). The author believes there is something to be said about the fact that only one of the ends of the master-frames was supported by a filler timber. Not one master-frame at both ends, let alone both master-frames at both ends, but just one end of one master-frame/oplanger connection included a shaped filler timber. Could this be yet another feature which speaks towards the improvisations that the shipbuilders appear to have performed? Of having to, or being free to ‘bend the rules’? From the usage of frame extensions, the extensive use of compass timbers, and the use of these filler timbers, it seems that the whole frame system of OE34, while no doubt sturdy and structurally sound, was not necessarily constructed with a pre-conceived design. These shipbuilders did not ‘limit’ themselves to a strict framing procedure. If we follow this hypothesis, it speaks towards a product made by shipbuilders willing to make do with what they had, in a smaller, more local shipyard.
As far as classification goes, it can be summarized that OE34 has the flush-plank hull and vertical flat scarfs of a plank-oriented vessel, but the framing system of interconnected timbers of a frame-oriented vessel. Structural integrity was placed not with one or the other, but with both. The use of interconnected frames do not only provide support to the vessel, but to the author’s stance that classification as the primary goal would have resulted in a very brief discussion. OE34 seems to repel straight-forward classification. What we can possibly infer, concerning OE34’s use, was that she may have been used by the rebellion against the Spanish. Being built on a local scale, along with the shortage of armament discovered on the wreck and the presence of barrels of carbon oxide, and last but not least the fact that ‘It was the seamen, fishermen, and the middling sort who formed the backbone of the Revolt’ (Israel 1995, 182), it is not so implausible to reason that OE34 may have been used by the Sea-Beggars during the rebellion. What we can conclude (with no inference) is that the shipbuilders of OE34 aimed to utilize their resources and construct a structurally solid and stable vessel.
Margaret Logan,
[email protected] Syddansk Universitet’s Maritime Archaeology Programme, Esbjerg, Denmark.
79
Literature Adams 2003 J. Adams, Ships, Innovation & Social Change: Aspects of carvel shipbuilding in northern Europe 1450–1850. Stockholm, Stockholm Department of Archaeology (2003).
Koehler 2013 L. Koehler, Coins found on OE34. Personal communication. Groningen, The Netherlands (2013). Koehler 2013 L. Koehler, Scheepswrak oe 34, vrachtschip uit de Tachtigjarige Oorlog. Archeobrief, A, pp.33–37 (2013).
Auer 2013 J. Auer, Use of vertical flat scarfs in carvel shipbuilding. Personal email (2013).
Koehler 2013 L. Koehler, Two barrels of OE34. Personal communication. Groningen, The Netherlands (2013).
Greenhill 1976 B. Greenhill, Archaeology of the boat: a new introductory study. Middletown, CT, Wesleyan University Press (1976).
Lavell 1986 C. Lavell, De slag op de Zuiderzee in geschiedschrijving en staatsgezinde poezie tot 1648. Hengelo, Schagen (1986).
Greenhill and Morrison 1995 B. Greenhill and J.S. Morrison, The archaeology of boats & ships: an introduction. Naval Institute Press (1995).
Lemée 2006 C.P.P. Lemée, The Renaissance shipwrecks from Christianshavn: an archaeological and architectural study of large carvel vessels in Danish waters, 1580–1640. Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde, National Museum of Denmark, Copenhagen, Denmark (2006).
Hasslöf, Henningsen, Christensen, and Group 1972 O. Hasslöf, H. Henningsen, A.E. Christensen and S.M.H.W. Group, Ships and shipyards, sailors and fishermen: Introduction to maritime ethnology. Copenhagen University Press; Eksp.: Rosenkilde og Bagger (1972). Hocker 1993 F.M. Hocker, The Development of a Bottom-based Shipbuilding Tradition in Northwestern Europe and the New World. University Microfilms (1993).
Maarleveld 1994 T. Maarleveld, Double Dutch Solutions in Flush-Planked Shipbuilding: Continuity and Adaptations at the Start of Modern History. Pp 154–163. In: C. Westerdahl, ed. Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding; Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology. Department of Underwater Archaeology, Oxford (1994).
Hocker and Ward 2004 F.M. Hocker and C.A. Ward, The Philosophy of Shipbuilding: Conceptual Approaches to the Study of Wooden Ships. Texas A&M University Press (2004).
Maarleveld 1995 T. Maarleveld, Type or technique. Some thoughts on boat and ship finds as indicative of cultural traditions, pp 3–7. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 24 (1995).
Hoving 1988 A.J. Hoving, A 17th-Century Dutch 134-foot Pinas: A Reconstruction after Aeloude en Hedendaegse Scheepsbouw en Bestier by Nicolaes Witsen 1671, Part I. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 17 (3), pp.211–222 (1988).
Steffy 1994 J.R. Steffy, Wooden ship building and the interpretation of shipwrecks. College Station, Texas A&M University Press (1994).
Hoving 1988 A.J. Hoving, A 17th-Century Dutch 134-foot Pinas: A Reconstruction after Aeloude en Hedendaegse Scheepsbouw en Bestier by Nicolaes Witsen 1671, Part II. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 17 (4), pp.331–338 (1988). Hoving 2012 A.J. Hoving, Nicolaes Witsen and shipbuilding in the Dutch Golden Age. College Station, Texas A&M University Press (2012). Israel 1995 J. Israel, The Dutch Republic: Its Rise, Greatness, and Fall 1477–1806. USA, Oxford University Press (1995).
80
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 1995 U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Occupational Safety and Health Guideline for Calcium Oxide. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services; Public Health Service; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health; Education and Information Division. Available from: (1995). Unger 1978 R. W. Unger, Dutch shipbuilding before 1800: ships and guilds. Assen, Van Gorcum (1978). Van De Moortel 1991 A. Van De Moortel, A Cog-like Vessel from the Netherlands. Rijkswaterstaat Directie Flevoland (1991).
Van Holk 2013 A. Van Holk, Dating of OE34. Personal communication. The Netherlands (2013). Van Holk 2012 A. Van Holk, Personal communication during OE34 excavation. Lelystad, The Netherlands (2012).
Varenius 1994 B. Varenius, The Symbolic Ship: A Study in the Relationship Between Society and Shipbuilding Traditions, pp.279 –282. In: C. Westerdahl ed. Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Boat and Ship Archaeology, Oxford (1994).
Van Popta 2012 Y. Van Popta, Saevis Tranquillus in Undis: Een archeohistorische analyse naar de wapenvondsten aan boord van scheepswrak OE 34 (2012).
81
Philipp Grassel
Late Hanseatic seafaring from Hamburg and Bremen to Iceland, the Faeroe Islands and Shetland
The Hansa as an economic institution existed between the 14th and the 17th centuries and spanned almost the whole of Europe1. The term “late Hanseatic” refers to the time range between the 15th and the 17th centuries and is, in the older academic (especially German) literature, often stigmatised as a complete downfall and a total dissolution of the Hansa (Dollinger 2012, 433ff.). Younger academic works draw a more sophisticated and less dogmatic picture and speak of a transition rather than a downfall (Hammel-Kiesow 2008, 96ff.). This transition from the Hansa to the Hanseatic Community, which from the 17th century on, consisted predominantly of Bremen, Hamburg and Lübeck, developed in different stages and ended probably in 1866 with the admission of these three cities to the Norddeutschen Bund (Ressel 2012, 127–174).
Late Hanseatic trade with the North Atlantic area The cities of Hamburg and Bremen were the Hansamembers with the biggest trading presence in the North Atlantic area. Between 1400 and 1699 A.D. the majority of Hansa merchants and skippers in this area belonged to these cities. Merchants from Lübeck, Danzig and other Hansa cities traded in the North Atlantic area as well, but in much smaller volumes. The first merchants from Hamburg, for example, are traceable in Iceland from 1423 (Koch 1995, 2) and merchants from Danzig and Lübeck from 1433 A.D. and 1442 A.D. onwards respectively (Baasch 1889, 7). This direct commerce with the North Atlantic area threatened the existence of the main Hansa commercial staple in Bergen, Norway, and caused complaints2 from other Hansa members against the direct
1 2
82
The definition of the Hansa, its structures and organisation, is an ongoing academic process. See Jahnke 2013, 1–32. Such complaints were discussed at the regularly convened Hansa gatherings (Hansetagen). The resolutions (Hanserecesse) made here were, however, more recommendations than mandatory norms.
Iceland, Faeroe Islands and Shetland trade, though these turned out to be useless (Friedland 1973, 69f.). There were two main trading routes to the north. The western route lies along the coast of the southern North Sea, England and Scotland to Shetland. The eastern route runs along Jutland and southern Norway to Bergen and then to Shetland across the open North Sea (Map 1). The 16th century is characterised by the highest amount of Hanseatic activities in the North Atlantic area. Commodities like grain, flour, beer, cloth or metal goods and luxury products like spices were traded for dried or salted fish3, wool cloth (the typical vaðmál), gyrfalcons, feathers and sulphur4. In some places, fresh fish was bought directly from fishermen and preserved on site by Hansa traders, for example in the Shetland Isles. Other merchants promoted, as in Iceland, their own small fishing fleets organised by the inhabitants (Friedland 1973, 76; Skulason 1938, 243). The economic system in the North Atlantic islands was strongly focused on the fish trade and fish was even used as a currency. Because of the lack or the absence of money, merchants used the so called Ausreede-system. That means, the inhabitants bought commodities from a trader on credit, which they had to pay back in fish on the return of the merchant (Entholt/ Beutin 1937, 14ff.). This system created a strong dependence of the consumers on the merchants and their proxy agents. Because of the status of Iceland and Faeroe Islands as a crown land of the Danish-Norwegian Kingdom, merchants had to pay tax to the king´s proxy agents in the islands. After Shetland was given as a dowry by the Danish King Christian I. to the Scottish King James III. in 1469, the merchants here had to pay tax to the Scottish instead of the Danish crown. Many contemporary sources about import and export taxes and the various kinds
3 4
This means stockfish in general, but there existed and still exist a huge number of appellations for dried fish, depending of the drying method or the kind of fish. Between 1531 and 1561, the export of sulphur was allowed from the Icelandic harbour at Húsvík through Hansa merchants. After 1561, the sulphur trade was monopolised by the Danish king Fre- derick II., who assigned this monopoly to a trading company from Stettin, Poland (Baasch 1889, 41f.; Hofmeister 2000, 39).
Map 1 Working area. The lines shows the western and eastern trading routes to the North. Pentagons: Hamburg and Bremen. Circles: other trading posts. of lawsuits about them are available in German, Scottish, Danish, Icelandic or Shetland archives. Very early, merchants started a pattern repetitive visiting of single harbour and trading posts which, of course, created a monopoly for some merchants in some regions of the islands. But this also created a dependence among the traders, who were forced to revisit the same trading posts to collect their debts from their customers. This fact was used to insert a structured licence system in Iceland and the Faeroe Islands, at the latest in the reign of the Danish King Frederick II. The merchants had to buy a trading licence for a specific harbour or place and renew this licence every year (Skulason 1938, 218). Certainly some Hansa cities and traders tried, more or less successfully, to buy trading licences for whole regions or even whole islands to create or stabilise a monopoly. Between 1533 and 1553, for example, Thomas Koppen, a merchant from Hamburg, owned the trading monopoly for the whole Faeroe Islands (Arge/Mehler 2012, 178; Madsen 1999, 34). On the other hand, the Iceland trade in 1547 was leased for 10 years by merchants from Copenhagen and the entire trade between Hamburg and the Danish realm was prohibited between 1574 and 1579 (Baasch 1889, 33, 46.).
The historical entanglements of the Hanseatic-Danish, Hanseatic-Scottish or Internal Hanseatic relations are very extensive and cannot be described here in detail. However it is clear that Hamburg was preferentially involved in the Iceland (Map 3) and the Faeroe Islands trade (Map 4) and Bremen in the Shetland trade (Map 5). Nevertheless, merchants of both cities can be detected on all North Atlantic islands. Sometimes Hansa traders of different cities worked together to exclude English or Dutch competitors. So in 1532 in Iceland, traders from Bremen and Hamburg participated in an assault, led by the Danish Sheriff, against an English ship (Hofmeister 2000, 34). Equally Hanseatic trade with the islands was disturbed through internal Hanseatic disagreements. The role of trader/merchant and skipper are hard to distinguish in the 15th and early 16th centuries in the North Atlantic trade. Often the skipper and the merchant were the same person. A stronger separation started in the middle of the 16th century and implies a classification in trader and servants and skipper and crew. Skipper and crew developed gradually into employees who were hired by trader groups or companies. This is detectable in a comparison of the Hanseatic marine laws of the 15th and 16th centuries. The balance between the protection of ship and crew and the protection of cargo changed to increasingly emphasise
83
Map 2 The whaling area between Spitzbergen (east) und Greenland (west). Continuous lines indicate the reconstructed route of a whaler from Hamburg between 27. April and 22. July 1671. The dotted line shows the southern limit of drifting ice in summer 1671. The data is based on the account published by Friderich Martens in 1675.
Map 3 Iceland. Triangles: posts mainly used by Hamburg ship´s. Pentagons: posts mainly used by Bremen ship´s. Circles: selection of posts used by Hamburg, Bremen and other Hansa ship´s. Star: Kaupstaðartangi/Landey in the West, Gasír in the North and Gautavík in the East. 84
Map 4 Faeroe Islands. Triangles: posts used by Hamburg ship´s. Stars: Krambatangi in the South, Leirvík on Eysturoy in the North.
Map 5 Shetland. Excluding Fair Isle. Triangles: posts used by Hamburg Ship´s. Pentagons: posts used by Bremen ship´s. Circle: posts used by Hansa ship´s. Star: Hagrie´s Böd on Mainland. 85
Table 1 Name and date range for which a specific individual is traceable on different islands. The status as skipper, merchant or ship owner is, if provable, in parentheses. of the cargo protection. Simultaneously the rights of arbitration of the skipper were trimmed and the rights of the trader and trading companies invigorated (see Friedland 1995, 256–267). This development is related to the fact that the financial risks of commercial seafaring were increasingly borne by the traders and trading companies, and this of course promoted the creation of more “merchant complaisant” marine laws. However this did not mean the exclusion of skipper and crew from the freightage. They could hold bigger parts of the cargo but bear the financial risk as well (Brück 1993, 25–41). In the 15th and 16th centuries, merchants´ regular sea passages normally included one annual voyage. The trading season started in April and finished in August/September. This had natural and legal reasons. The climatic conditions of the North Atlantic were a limiting factor: storms or ice drift made sea passages in autumn and winter time risky and unpredictable. Legal limiting factors included, for example, the prohibition for foreign trades to overwinter or found settlements in the islands5. The reasons for this restrictions were different. They promoted, for example, equality of opportunity: that no merchant
had a temporal benefit for trading. They also prevented the possibility of selling needed goods during winter for excessive prices. The number of ship travelling to the Shetland Islands or to Iceland, as well as their home port, is clearly identifiable. In the middle of the 16th century on average five ships per year from Bremen and one or two ships from Hamburg travelled to Shetland. Contemporary sources speak of a minimum of seven ships from Bremen and Hamburg which unloaded cargo in 1560 in Shetland harbours (Friedland 1973, 75). There was a small increase in the number of trading ships from Bremen to Shetland during the 17th century, but the number of permitted voyages was raised from one to a maximum of four per season. The number of the trading ships from Hamburg was raised, in contrast, up to seven ships per season in the early 17th century, with a maximum of two voyages per year6. However, compared with the Iceland trade, the Shetland trade was rather small. In 1585, 14 ships from Hamburg and 8 ships from Bremen, Lübeck and Danzig reached Icelandic harbours, and in 1591 as many as 21 ships from Hamburg arrived in Iceland (Hofmeister
5
6
86
The realisation of these prohibitions at Iceland and Faeroe Island was more stringent than at Shetland. Some contemporary Islandic Thing resolutions are very detailed about this subject. See for ex- ample DI, IV, Nr. 617.
An average of 2–4 ships per session went to Shetland at this period. The reason for the stronger presence of merchants from Hamburg was a complete prohibition of trade for non-Danish merchants at Iceland and the Faeroe Islands by King Christian IV. in 1602.
Table 2 Selection of wreckages of Hanseatic and non-Hanseatic ships.
2000, 36; Ehrenberg 1899, 19f.). But there was no clear separation of the trade with Shetland-, the Faeroes- and Iceland at this time. The contemporary sources in Hamburg deliver a good overview of this theme. Hamburg was the only Hanseatic city with a regular and official assured Iceland Travellers Association (Islandfahrergesellschaft). Because of this organisation, a wide range of documents survive, which include names of merchants, the goods traded, their value, the period trading, precise trading areas in the islands and so on. Some of these documents were compiled by Kurt Piper into two summary collections. The lists of the travellers from Hamburg to Shetland-(Hitland) between 1547 and 1646 and to the Faeroe Islands between 1543 and 1593 create a relatively good foundation for further investigations7. A third compilation made by the same author is the member index of the St. Anna Brotherhood of the Iceland Travellers of Hamburg between 1500 and 1675, which supplements the other compilations very well8. Further investigation of these sources includes primarily a critical academic examination of those compilations. For example, they do not include the whole time range of Hamburg´s activities in the North Atlantic islands, nor necessarily all individuals who were involved in the North Atlantic trade9. It is not possible to expect that all named crewmembers were citizens of Hamburg. The
7 8 9
K. Piper, Verzeichnis der Hamburger Shetland-(Hitland-) Fahrer 1547–1646 at Staatsarchiv Hamburg, StAH 741–2 Genealogische Sammlungen, Sig. 59–6 and Verzeichnis der Hamburger Färoerfahrer 1543–1593 at Staatsarchiv Hamburg, StAH 741–2 Genealogische Sammlungen, Sig. 59–5. K. Piper, Verzeichnis der Tätigen Mitglieder der St. Annen-Brüder- schaft der Islandfahrer zu Hamburg, 1500–1657 at Staatsarchiv Hamburg, StAH 741–2 Genealogische Sammlungen, Sig. 59–4. A concrete register of all sources used by K. Piper could be find at the appendix of the compilations. But he mostly used the “deduc- tion books” of the Seefahrer-Armenhaus.
spelling of the names of merchants and seamen in the sources is not consistent. It is quite possible that differing names in different sources mean the same person. For example the name Schmidt can also be written as Schmitt, Smidt, Smit or Smyt10. It is difficult to determine family relationships of merchants while evaluating the compilations, even so it would be desirable to trace the merchant families over generations and to identify their trading networks within the city and with other Hansa cities. A genealogical investigation of these compilations with the help of comparable archival sources would therefore be a worthwhile task. Nevertheless, the compilations create a good foundation for initial investigations. This author noticed, while comparing the names on the lists with other academic works about the Hamburg-Iceland trade11, that there are almost no records of merchants or seamen traveling to any of the North Atlantic islands. There are a few records of persons who travelled between the Faeroe Islands, the Shetlands and Iceland, but none for persons who travelled from Hamburg to either Shetland, the Faeroe Islands and Iceland. By studying the compilations and other sources, the author was able to distinguish 18 individuals who are, in spite of variable spelling, very like to be traceable in multiple documents, due to the chronology of their trading travels to the North Atlantic islands (Tab.1). Interestingly the presence of the Hamburg merchants and ship owner Franz Brandt in Iceland is traceable long after the official prohibition of the Iceland trade for foreigners by Danish King Christian IV. in 1604 (Koch 1995, 213). This initial evaluation is of course not complete but form, in spite of the sourcecritical issues, a useful first step for further researches.
10 For the critical analyses of sources in general see Brandt 2003. 11 For example: Baasch 1889, Ehrenberg 1899, Entholt/Beutin 1937, Skulason 1938 and Koch 1995.
87
Late Hanseatic seafaring in the North Atlantic area Specialised ships for certain areas as the “Northland” or the North Atlantic area were unknown for the Hanseatic seafaring. The merchants and skippers used the same ships which were used for the trade with England, Holland or the Baltic Area12. Sources of detailed measurements for Hanseatic ships are rare, but the most important information about their size is the so-called Last13. The ships of the merchants which traded in Iceland had an average size of 60 Last (120–180 tons) in the 16th century and the early 17th century. However, ship sizes ranged from 30 to 90 Last (60 to 270 tons). The ships of the Shetland traders were smaller and had an average size of 20–30 Last (40 to 90 tons). Unfortunately there is a lack of more precise ship measurements or constructional information, regarding the number of masts, draught, rigging and so, on in the sources. Names for types of ships like cog, hulk, nef or krawel are often traceable in sources of the 15th and 16th centuries, but it is difficult to evaluate what kind of ships are actually described with these appellations14. Another problem is the small of quantity of wreck finds from the late Hanseatic (and also pre-Hanseatic) periods, which is the main reason for the currently unsatisfactory state of the knowledge of medieval and late medieval Hanseatic seafaring and shipbuilding. The Hanseatic ship crews of the 15th and 16th centuries structured similarly to in later times15. There was a captain (Schiffer) and a helmsman (Steuermann). Other crewmembers were the schymann16, chief boatswain (Oberbootsmann), schipmann17, boatswain (Bootsmann), purser18 (Schryffeyne), ship´s cook (Schiffskoch), ship´s carpenter (Schiffszimmermann) and ship´s boy (Putker). Besides one captain and one helmsman, the number of the crewmembers depended on the ship´s size. Often but not always, the presence of a surgeon19 (Bartscheerer/
12 The rise of the whaling industry first made stronger ship construc- tions necessary, especially so for Arctic conditions in the Polar Sea (see Brinner 1913, 61ff.). 13 The German term Last (Eng.: load) describes the cargo weight of a ship and is normally converted into tons using a ratio of 1:2, thus 1 Last to 2 register tons. In contrast, the Last in Bremen, Hamburg and Lübeck (commercial last - Kommerzlast) is converted using a ratio of 1:3 (see Alberti 1957, 389). 14 B. Hagedorn described this in 1914, relatively theoretically, in his basic work on the development of the most important ship types up to the 19th century. 15 The contemporary descriptions of the Bremen sailor Brüning Rulves (1525–1600) gives a good impression of crew structures and the mode of living on board at Hanseatic ships in the 16th century (see Focke 1916, 91–144). 16 He was responsible for the rigging and the equipment of the ship in general (Focke 1916, 93). 17 That was a highly experienced boatswain, who therefor had the right to higher pay or more space for his private cargo than a com- mon boatswain (Woywodt 1957, 50; Deggim 1999, 14f.). 18 He was responsible for all kinds of calculations and the direct pay- ment of the crew etc. 19 The used term “surgeon” has to be seen in the context of the time, and means a person with any sort of medical knowledge.
88
Chyrurgi) as well as a priest or a preacher is recorded. Whether these preachers were normal members of the crew, or if they were independent travellers with some sort of a “divine mandate” is still unclear. The home port of a Hanseatic ship was defined by the origin of the skipper or the merchant. The crew members could, like today, come from different cities and regions (Woywodt 1957, 52f., 92f.). On average, the number of crew ranged between 10 and 20, dependent on the ship size, but including the merchant and his entourage, up to 60 people could travel on a Hanseatic merchant ship (Hofmeister 2000, 43ff.). Often, the number of the entourage was higher than the number of crewmembers (Ehrenberg 1899, 22f.). An examination of names from the compilations cited above, for travellers to Shetland and the Faeroe Islands from Hamburg, is only a small help. Though the lists name all donors to the Seamen´sAlmshouse (Seefahrer-Armenhaus) per year and ship, it is hard to evaluate whether of these donors (with the exception of the captain and the merchant) were part of the crew or in the merchant´s entourage. A second problem is that not all crew members or members of the entourage donated something, so their names were not recorded in the lists. But it is possible to investigate, with the help of the compilations, the minimum-number of people who travelled with the ships. An average of 10–20 people travelled on the ships going the Faeroe Islands, and 5–15 people on those going to Shetland. Some exceptions of 20–25 people also appear in both compilations. The supply of food and drink to the crew and the merchant´s men was strictly regulated and assured by victuals carried on board, to which were occasionally added with fresh caught fish (Woywodt 1957, 126; Focke 1916, 122). Diseases like scurvy and trauma like fractures, bruises or frostbite were probably common on the ships, though the sources rarely report them. For example, the seaman Brüning Rulves from Bremen described outbreaks of “pestilences” in his reports of journey´s between 1537 and 1580. His ship could temporarily not enter harbours in Portugal or Norway because of the fear of contagion (Focke 1916, 95ff.). In addition to the problems of disease and trauma was also the risk of ship wreckages. In spite of the relatively high frequentation of the North Atlantic area by Hanseatic ships from the 15th to 17th centuries, there is a relatively small number of reports about contemporary wrecks (Tab. 2). In contrast, the problem of piracy is often mentioned in sources. Many Hanseatic and non-Hanseatic sources include complaints from merchants and skippers about pirate assaults and their judicial outcomes (see for example Shetland Documents 1195–1579, Nr. 158; Kammler 1999, 19–34). This sources includes North European pirates of the North and Baltic Seas, as well as North African pirates. The latter assaulted, for example, the Hvalbøur Bay in the Faeroe Islands in 1629 (Arge 2006, 59). Another risk for seafaring and the Hanseatic trade at the time were conflicts and wars between states or kingdoms, though the Hansa cities always attempted to maintain their neutrality with
respect to the conflicting parties20. During the 17th century, motivated by voyages to Greenland, a well-organized whaling industry was established at Bremen, Hamburg and Lübeck (see Brinner 1913). Whaling was also carried out by other cities like Emden, Glückstadt and Altona (Brinner 1913, 409ff.). Greenland travel originally meant the whaling around Spitzbergen-Svalbard. In the 17th century people thought Spitzbergen and Greenland formed one connected landmass (Bullen 1667, 29). The whaling season took place in the polar summer between March/April and August/September and whaling ships from for example Bremen had an average size of 150 Last (450 tons) (Meyer 1965, 285). Smaller ships with a size of 30–50 Last (60 to 150 tons) were also used, for example, for hunting seals. However, typical Hanseatic whaling ships had a size of over 100 Last (>200–300 tons). The aim of whaling was the extraction of blubber from the animals, which was a primary material for the further production of, for example, lamp oil. The crew size of such whaling ships ranged from 40–50 seamen and depended on the number of skiffs21 (Schalupen) carried and which were used in the hunting and harpooning of the whales. Bigger ships normally carried 6 such boats, each with a crew of 6–7 man. Thus 36–42 men could be engaged with hunting while 3–6 men remained as ship watch on board of the whaler. Often the ships were moored to ice floes and the whalers moved with the help of the ice drift. If that was impossible, the ship cruised in front of the drifting ice fields (Map 2). The number of whales, seals and other animals caught and killed is hard to evaluate. Whalers from Bremen alone hunted 283 whales in the Artic between 1695 and 1698 (Witzendorff 1955, 143) and Fridrich Martens described a hunting of 6 whales and huge amount of seals and polar bears in his report of his travel to Spitzbergen, with a whaler from Hamburg in 1671. Considering that ships from Lübeck and other Hanseatic cities beside Bremen and Hamburg, as well as English, Dutch and French ships sailed every year to the Polar Sea for whaling it is obvious that the “death toll” on the Arctic ecosystem was very high.
20 21
To prevent accidental confusions during the English-Dutch trading wars in 1665, 1672 and 1674, the senate of Hamburg sent lists to both conflicting parties with detailed Information about ship na- mes, skippers, ship sizes and the general number of the merchant fleet of Hamburg (Baasch 1910, 39–52; Jeannin 1971, 67–82). These were small, open rowing boats which were used to approach the whales in order to harpoon them from a very close distance. The harpoon was seldom lethal and the whalers had to follow the whales until they were debilitated enough to be finally killed. So- metimes a hunt could last for some hours. For more details of wha- ling in the 17th century, see Bullen 1667 and Martens 1675.
The archaeology of the Hansa in the North Atlantic area The descriptions above show the high availability of academic knowledge of Hanseatic North Atlantic seafaring and sea trade from the 15th to the 17th century from contemporary historical sources. In contrast, archaeological evidence is very rare. The positions of trading posts in the North Atlantic islands which were used by Hanseatic merchants are relatively well known, but their archaeological evaluation has barely started. One problem is that the most of these single trading posts cannot clearly be linked to single Hanseatic merchants. The places were used by different traders, even English and Dutch traders, in different years. There were also no established, fixed harbour structures or larger trading places as in, for example, Oslo, Trondheim or Bergen in Norway22. The trading posts in the North Atlantic islands were simple, with single booths, which served as storage and lodging for the merchants. The nearshore areas of these trading posts complied with only minimal requirements for the safe landing and loading of ships23, such as safe anchorages in which to lighten the ships or simple shoreline stabilisations like mooring rings. Wide, flat and sandy beach areas were another landing possibility, but only for smaller ships. The archaeological remains of such harbour, landing and loading structures have until now not been properly surveyed and researched. The situation at the trading posts themselves is similar, with only a few investigated by archaeological survey´s in recent years. Some examples are Kaupstaðartangi/Landey, Gasír and Gautavík in Iceland, Krambatangi in the Faeroe Islands and Hagrie´s Böd near Gunnister on Mainland in the Shetland Islands24 (see Map 3, 4, 5). However their analyses are still in progress. Maritime archaeological research in the North Atlantic islands has only just started, but with the help of survey´s, supported by sonar systems and scientific diving, a huge number of submarine anomalies have been identified which could be interpreted as man-made, for example in Iceland. Further researches are planned25. The oldest known wreck in Iceland is a Dutch ship from the 17th century26. The geomorphology of different places in Iceland is also remarkable and offers the possibility to investigate protracted postglacial land rebounde as well as sedimentation processes and the connected potential for distribution processes of archaeological remains27.
22 See Christophersen 1999, 161–168; Molaug 1999, 169–178; Herteig 1985, 9–46. 23 The Islandic harbour at Hafnarfjörður, near Reykjavík, is an excep- tion. This place was so important to Hamburg that the merchants built their own church with a copper roof here (Piper 1964/6, 227–232). 24 For detailed information see: Arge/Mehler 2012, 175–186; Gar- diner/Mehler 2007, 385–427; Gardiner/Mehler 2010, 347–349 and Gardiner/Mehler 2013, 1–14. 25 Many thanks to Ragnar Edvardsson, University of Iceland, for this kind notice. 26 Many thanks to Ragnar Edvardsson, University of Iceland, for this kind notice. 27 Theodor Gliemann described an increasing aggradation of many bays in North Iceland. See Th. Gliemann, Geographische Beschrei- bung von Island (Altona 1824) 67.
89
The situation in the Faeroe Islands is quite similar. Here, the process of land subsidence is responsible for the submergence of formerly “dryland” archaeological remains (Arge 2006, 11). The oldest known wreck in the Faeroe Islands is dated to the 17th century and is of Dutch origin. However, in the excavation of a medieval settlement on Eysturoy in the Bay of Leirvík (see Map 4), reused ship planks, nails and rivets of a vessel from the 13th century were discovered (Arge 2006, 10). In Shetland the graves of the Bremen merchants Segebad Detken from 1573 and Henrick Segelken from 1585 in a graveyard of St. Olaf´s church in Lunda Wik on Unst confirm contact with Hanseatic merchants (see Map 5). Between 1559 and 1659, the merchant family of Detken conducted almost the whole of the Hanseatic trade in the three northern Shetland Islands of Unst, Yell and Fetlar. However, as in Iceland and the Faeroe Island, submarine remains of the late Hanseatic period are very rare in Shetland, where the oldest known wrecks dated from the 16th and 17th centuries28. Until now only a very low number of wrecks or parts of wrecks in the islands could be clearly dated to the late Hanseatic period. That is astonishing because of the relatively high frequentation of the North Atlantic islands by Hanseatic merchants and their contemporary reports of ship loses. Of course, non-Hanseatic and local fisherman or traders were also involved in some of these wreckages (see Tab. 2). The archaeological potential of the North Atlantic islands is of course only in a very minor way comparable to the situation in continental Europe. This is for environmental and historical reasons. The isolated position of the islands, with their harsh environmental conditions has led to less urban sprawl over the landscape. The “destruction” of the historical landscape and related archaeological remains of different periods is therefore only marginal and the accessibility of these remains is good, even if the amount of archaeological remains in general is relatively low. The quantity and variety of archaeological material expected in continental Europe is therefore clearly not possible for the islands, even though Iceland and the Faeroe Islands have been inhabited since the Viking Age, and Shetland since the Neolithic. This forms is an interesting scientific challenge to future investigations reconstructing historical circumstances through different ages. Besides the exploration of terrestrial remains, the exploration of maritime and submarine remains has been established in recent years. Marine researches are mostly focussed on the time after the 17th century, because of the relatively high number of wreckages and ship losses in this period. This is due to, firstly, the close integration of the North Atlantic islands into the global trading networks of growing European powers like England, Holland, Denmark or Spain. A second reason is the rise of the whaling and fishing industries in the 17th and 18th centuries as well as the
28 For example the El Gran Grifon, a ship which was built in Rostock, served at the Spanish Armada and sank in 1588 and the Lastdraeger, a ship of the Dutch East India Company (VOC), sunk in 1653.
90
wider exploitation of the Polar Sea by the European states. Finally the North Atlantic region became increasing connected to war and conflict incidents, like for example, the English-Dutch trading wars between 1581 and 1795 or, of course, both World Wars of the 20th century29. There is therefore a high potential to find wrecks of European continental origin from the 15th and 16th centuries in the bays, sounds and fjords of the North Atlantic islands. Other types of maritime archaeological remains, like ballast stone mounds, pier structures, nausts (boathouses), shipyards or landing places are also to be expected near shore lines. But the differentiation and categorisation of Hanseatic finds is still difficult. This is related to the question of how a Hanseatic find is defined and the interpretation of Hanseatic material culture in general. One example is the origin and the dating of Rhenish stoneware from the 15th/16th century found in Iceland and Werra Ware from Lower Saxony found in the Faeroe Islands (see Mehler 2004, 168; Arge/Mehler 2012, 180–184). The existence of such ceramics is not evidence for the presence of influence of Hanseatic merchants in the islands. Non-Hanseatic intermediary traders are also an alternative possible origin of such imported ceramics. Critical discussions of this theme are focussed on the academic evaluation and are highly relevant (see Mehler 2009, 89–108). The find of a wreck with provable Hanseatic origin would be a very good contribution to this discussion and an excellent opportunity to scrutinise source based knowledge about seafaring and shipbuilding of the late Hanseatic period on an archaeological basis.
Acknowledgements This article is based on a conference presentation given by the author in November 2014 at the N.E.R.D. New European Researches and Discoveries in Underwaterarchaeology conference in Kiel/Germany and includes first results of his phd-project on the Archaeology of Hanseatic seafaring between Bremen and Hamburg and the North Atlantic area, especially with Iceland, Faeroe Islands and Shetland.
Philipp Grassel,
[email protected] Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte, Christian-Albrechts-Universität, Johanna-Mestorf-Straße 2-6, 24118 Kiel, Germany
29 For Shetland for example, see Baird 2003, 285–325.
Literature
Dollinger 2012 P. Dollinger, Die Hanse (Stuttgart 2012).
Alberti 1957 H.-J. v. Alberti, Mass und Gewicht. Geschichtliche und tabellarische Darstellungen von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (Berlin 1957).
Entholt/Beutin 1937 H. Entholt/L. Beutin, Bremen und Nordeuropa (Weimar 1937).
Arge 2006 S. V. Arge, Marinarkæologi på Færøerne Fund, forvaltning og udfordringer, in: M. Hahn-Pedersen (Ed.) Havets kulturarv. De nordiske maritime museers arbejdsmøde i Torshavn (Esbjerg 2006) 55–69. Arge/Mehler 2012 S. V. Arge/N. Mehler, Adventures far from home. Hanseatic Trade with the Faroe Islands, in: H. Harnow/D. Cranstone/P. Belford/L. Madsen-Höst (Eds.) Across the North Sea. Later Historical Archaeology in Britain and Denmark, c. 1500-2000 A.D. (Odense 2012) 175–186. Baasch 1889 E. Baasch, Die Islandfahrt der Deutschen. Namentlich der Hamburger vom 15. bis 17. Jahrhundert (Hamburg 1889). Baasch 1910 E. Baasch, Ein Verzeichnis der hamburgischen Kauffahrteiflotte vom Jahre 1672, ZHG, 15, 1910, 39–52. Baird 2003 R. N. Baird, Shipwrecks of the North of Scotland (Glasgow 2003). Brandt 2003 A. v. Brandt, Werkzeug des Historikers (Stuttgart 2003). Brinner 1913 L. Brinner, Die deutsche Grönlandfahrt (Berlin 1913; Nachdr. Bremen 2013). Brück 1993 Th. Brück, Der Eigenhandel hansischer Seeleute vom 15. bis 17. Jahrhundert, HGB, 111, 1993, 25–41. Christophersen 1999 A. Christophersen, The waterfront and beyond. Commercial activity and the making of townscapes, in: J. Bill/B. L. Clausen (Eds.) Maritime Topography and the Medieval Town. Papers from the 5th International Conference on Waterfront Archaeology in Copenhagen 14.–16. May 1998 (Copenhagen 1999) 161–168. Deggim 1999 Ch. Deggim, Zur Seemannsarbeit in der Handelsschiffahrt Norddeutschlands und Skandinaviens vom 13. bis zum 17. Jahrhundert, HGB, 117, 1999, 1–37.
Ehrenberg 1899 R. Ehrenberg, Aus der hamburgischen Handelsgeschichte, ZHG, 10, 1899, 1–40. Friedland 1973 K. Friedland, Der hansische Shetlandhandel in: K. Friedland, Stadt und Land. In der Geschichte des Ostseeraums (Lübeck 1973) 66–79. Friedland 1995 K. Friedland, Schiff und Besatzung. Seemännische Berufs-gemeinschaften im spätmittelalterlichen Nordeuropa, in: Hansischer Geschichtsverein (Ed.) Mensch und Seefahrt zur Hansezeit (Köln 1995) 256–267. Focke 1916 J. Focke, Das Seefahrtenbuch des Brüning Rulves, BJ, 26, 1916, 91–144. Gardiner/Mehler 2007 M. Gardiner/N. Mehler, English and Hanseatic Trading and Fishing Sites in Medieval Iceland: Report on Initial Fieldwork, Germania, 85, 2007, 385–427. Gardiner/Mehler 2010 M. Gardiner/N. Mehler, The Hanseatic trading site at Gunnister Voe, Shetland, Post-Medieval Archaeology, 44/2, 2010, 347–349. Gardiner/Mehler 2013 M. Gardiner/N. Mehler, On the Verge of Colonialism. English and Hanseatic Trade in the North Atlantic Islands, in: P. E. Pope/S. Lewis-Simpson (Eds.) Exploring Atlantic Transitions. Archaeologies of Transience and Permanence in New Found Lands (London 2013) 1–14. Gliemann 1824 Th. Gliemann, Geographische Beschreibung von Island (Altona 1824). Hofmeister 2000 A. E. Hofmeister, Hansische Kaufleute auf Island im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert, in: Deutsch-isländische Gesellschaft Bremerhaven und Bremen (Ed.) Kirche-Kaufmann-Kabeljau. 1000 Jahre Bremer Islandfahrt (Bremen 2000) 33–46. Hagedorn 1914 B. Hagedorn, Die Entwicklung der wichtigsten Schiffstypen bis ins 19. Jahrhundert (Hamburg 1914).
91
Hammel-Kiesow 2008 R. Hammel-Kiesow, Die Hanse (München 2008). Herteig 1985 A. E. Herteig, The archaeological Excavations at Bryggen. „The German Wharf“ in Bergen, 1955-68, Bryggen Papers-Main Series, 1, 1985, 9–46. Jahnke 2013 C. Jahnke, Die Hanse. Überlegungen zur Entwicklung des Hansebegriffes und der Hanse als Institution resp. Organisation, HGB, 131, 2013, 1–32. Jeannin 1971 P. Jeannin, Zur Geschichte der Hamburger Handelsflotte am Ende des 17. Jahrhunderts. Eine Schiffsliste von 1674, ZHG, 57, 1971, 67–82. Koch 1995 C. F. Koch, Untersuchungen über den Aufenthalt von Isländern in Hamburg für den Zeitraum 1520–1662 (Hamburg 1995). Kammler 1999 A. Kammler, Kaperschiffahrt in Hamburg und Lübeck 1471–1510. Ein Forschungsbericht, ZHG, 85, 1999, 19–34. Mehler 2004 N. Mehler, Die mittelalterliche Importkeramik Islands, in: Garðar Guðmundsson (Ed.) Current Issues in Nordic Archaeology. Proceedings of the 21st Conference of Nordic Archaeologists, 6.–9. September 2001, Akureyri, Iceland (Reykjavik 2004) 167–170. Mehler 2009 N. Mehler, The Perception and Interpretation of Hanseatic Material Culture in the North Atlantic: Problems and Suggestions, Archaeologies of the Early Modern North Atlantic, Journal of the North Atlantic, 1, 89–108. Meyer 1965 H.-R. Meyer, Die bremischen Grönlandfahrten und ihr Einfluß auf die bremische Wirtschaft, BJ, 50, 221–286. Molaug 1999 P. B. Molaug, King´s Quay and Bishop´s Quay – the harbour of medieval Oslo, in: J. Bill/B. L. Clausen (Eds.) Maritime Topography and the Medieval Town. Papers from the 5th International Conference on Waterfront Archaeology in Copenhagen 14.–16. May 1998 (Copenhagen 1999) 169–178. Madsen 1999 H. Madsen, Færøernes hvornår skete det (Kolding 1999). Piper 1964/6 K. Piper, Die Kirche der hamburgischen Islandfahrer in Hafnafjördur, HGH, 21, 1964/6, 227–232.
Ressel 2012 M. Ressel, Von der Hanse zur hanseatischen Gemeinschaft. Die Entstehung der Konsulatsgemeinschaft von Bremen, Hamburg und Lübeck, HGB, 130, 2012, 127–174. Skulason 1938 S. Skulason, Hafnarfjöður. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Islandhandels, HGB, 63, 1938, 170–226. Witzendorff 1955 H.-J. v. Witzendorff, Bremens Handel im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert, BJ, 44, 1955, 128–174. Woywodt 1957 W. Woywodt, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der hansischen Seeleute vom 14. bis zum 16. Jahrhundert (Diss. Berlin 1957, unpubl.).
Primary sources Bullen 1667 Ch. Bullen, Eines Seefahrenden Journal Oder Tag-Register/Was auff der Schiffarth nach der Nordt-See und denen Insuln Groenlandt und Spitzbergen täglich vorgefallen Im Jahr Christi 1667. Worin außführlich der WallfischFang deren Arth und Natur/auch andere in der See vorgefallene wunderbahre Sachen eygentlich und natürlich beschrieben werden (Bremen 1667). DI, IV - Diplomatarium Islandicum. Íslenzkt fornbréfasafn sem hefir inni að halda bréf og gjörninga, dóma og máldaga og aðrar skrár, er snerta Ísland eđa Íslandzka Menn, IV. 1265–1449, ed. Jón Þorkelsson, Copenhagen 1897. K. Piper, Verzeichnis der Hamburger Shetland-(Hitland-) Fahrer 1547–1646 – Staatsarchiv Hamburg, StAH 741-2 Genealogische Sammlungen, Sig. 59–6. K. Piper, Verzeichnis der Hamburger Färoerfahrer 1543– 1593 – Staatsarchiv Hamburg, StAH 741-2 Genealogische Sammlungen, Sig. 59–5. K. Piper, Verzeichnis der Tätigen Mitglieder der St. AnnenBrüderschaft der Islandfahrer zu Hamburg, 1500–1657 – Staatsarchiv Hamburg, StAH 741-2 Genealogische Sammlungen, Sig. 59–4. Martens 1675 F. Martens, Spitzbergische oder grönländische Reisebeschreibung, gethan im Jahr 1671. Aus eigner Erfahrunge beschrieben, die dazu erforderte Figuren nach dem Leben selbst abgerissen (so hierbey in Kupffer zu sehen) und jetzo durch den Druck mitgetheilet (Hamburg 1675). J. H. Ballantyne/B. Smith (Eds.) Shetland Documents 1195–1579 (Lerwick 1994).
92
Alexander Cattrysse
Deviating from the Course: Clinker Deviations in Northern-European Carvel Shipbuilding
Introduction A crucial moment in the development of Northern-European shipbuilding techniques is the so-called clinker-tocarvel transition. This can be loosely defined as the period in which lapstrake-shipbuilding was replaced as the dominant shipbuilding technique by flush-shipbuilding. According to Sleeswyk, this transition could only occur when the know-how for the construction of flush-built vessels was present in Northern-Europe, thus the moment at which flush ships were built in Northern Europe, one of the oldest accounts of this being the construction of two flush-built vessels in Brussels by a Portuguese shipwright in 1439 (Sleeswyk 1999, 225–226). The cultural-historical school of thought portrayed the development of boats and ships as an ever-progressing, evolutionary development. According to this school of thought, a natural progression led from plank-orientated, clinker-built vessels with interconnected lapstrake strakes and post-inserted passive frames to the frame-orientated flush-build vessels featuring pre-erected, pre-built frames and non-interconnected planking. The change from one ‘stage’ of development to the next was explained through the emergence of particularly inventive shipbuilders (Litwin 2003, 148–149; Basch 1972, 16; Hornell 1946, 193–194). However, in the last few decades a number of researchers have proved the uni-linear development model to be untenable (Hasslöf 1972; Greenhill 1976; Adams 2003, among others). Adams’ diagram in Ships, innovation and Social Change: Aspects of Carvel Shipbuilding in Northern Europe 1450–1850 shows a number of features which he believes influence the design and construction of ships and boats. Just the sheer number of features he is able to define prove how unlikely it is for a uni-linear progression to be a viable model. Furthermore, a number of vessels have become known which were proven to be constructed flush, or made to look flush-constructed, but were constructed with lapstrake methods. When a carvel-built vessel is constructed, one would expect them to adhere to certain features which can be considered characteristic to that building-methodology. Yet sometimes
94
the vessels feature certain elements which do not fit with the characteristics one would expect at first glance. It is these deviations from the expected (flush) norm that will be discussed in this article, and more exactly: What does the existence of these deviations tell us about the evolution of Northern European shipbuilding? How can we explain these deviations? What is the influence of tradition on the adoption of new technologies, and vice versa? What do these deviations mean?
Deviating features The deviating features discussed in this article are based on, or linked to, non-characteristic features noticed while studying the flush-built (or seemingly flush-built) casestudy vessels Vejle Hafnia and Westerheversand. The author was kindly given permission to study the remains of the Vejle Hafnia preserved in the Vejle museum exhibition and depot by the Vejle Museum, while the Westerheversand was handed over to Syddansk Universitet for research by the Archäologisches Landesamt SchleswigHolstein. Due to its extraordinary hull construction the Westerheversand became part of the source material used for the writing of the author’s thesis at Syddansk Universitet during the summer and fall of 2013. The Vejle Hafnia, despite being extensively recorded by Axel Wiggers (1982) and featuring in numerous scientific works concerning Baltic shipbuilding, still represents one of the question marks within the field of maritime archaeology. The author will discuss the wreck based on these scientific works, the recording by Axel Wiggers, and the study of the wreck remains using photography and detailed sketches. The timbers of the Westerheversand were preserved in a clean-water tank and described using a combination of the timber forms used by the Maritime Archaeology Programme of Syddansk Universitet to describe the timbers of the Pettu and the Mönchgut 92. Furthermore, the individual timbers were recorded photographically and
Fig. 1 The framing system of the Vejle Hafnia, courtesy of the Vejle Museum (Cattrysse 2013). 3-dimensionally using a FaroArm and Rhinoceros. The recording was conducted according to a template designed by the author, based on the templates used for the recording of the Mönchgut 92 and the template used by the Newport Medieval Ship Project. Further post-processing of the data was done according to the Newport Medieval Ship manual, although slight adjustments were made to the methodology, such as the exporting to, and manipulating of, the print-outs using the freeware vector programme Inkscape. Further information was obtained through a review of the available literature and via personal communication with other researchers.
Case studies Vejle Hafnia The Vejle Hafnia, a flush-built vessel, was discovered in 1980, and only the vessel’s bottom was preserved. These remains were twelve metres long and four metres wide. Originally the vessel probably had a length of 19m and a width of five meters. The wreck was dated dendrochronologically to terminus post-quem 1574, and the associated artefacts suggest a date ca. 1600. A dendrochronological analysis performed by Aoife Daly in 2012 proved the wood of the vessel to have come from the Netherlands (Daly, personal communication, 2013 & Gøthche/Bill 2006, 44–45).
The vessel was built on a T-shaped keel, which consisted of at least two sections, and these sections were scarfed together using a diagonal scarf, locked with trenails. Trenails also protruded from the outboard surface of the keel suggesting that another element was connected to the keel. The vessel’s framing elements were not connected at all, suggesting that the frames were not built up before the planking was attached. The shape of the various framing elements suggested that they were made out of crooks chosen specifically for their shape (Fig. 1). The framing system consisted of floor timbers followed by knee-like futtocks which seemed to have been chosen specifically to accommodate the sharp angle of the vessel’s bilge. No further framing elements were preserved but considering the limited height of the knee-like futtocks (ca. 60 cm), it seems safe to assume that at least one more futtock element would have completed the frames. The framing system was tightly constructed: the maximum interdistance of frames was ten centimetres. The garboards were attached to the keel in a lapstrake manner, the planks fastened by both roved iron nails and small trenails. The other strakes were built-up in a flush manner. Spike-plugs were already observed in the Vejle Hafnia by Gøthche and Bill, and the author observed a number of spike-plugs on the outboard of the preserved strakes. The author further believes that spike-plugs would be observed on every strake between the keel and the bilge of the vessel, but due to the manner in which the remains of the vessel are displayed in the museum, the author cannot confirm this hypothesis. Each strake was made up out of two or more planks which were connected to each other using vertical flat scarfs, as shown
95
Fig. 2 A futtock of the Westerheversand (Cattrysse 2013). by the drawings made by Axel Wiggers. The only vertical flat scarf observed by the author showed the presence of spike-plugs and iron nail holes on the scarf, suggesting that the scarfs were locked. The author believes that the Vejle Hafnia was constructed in a plank-orientated manner up to the bilge, after which the floor timbers and the futtock knees were inserted into the bottom. Since no elements above the bilge were preserved, it is impossible to say how the sides of the vessel were built. The Vejle Hafnia would have had a very flat bottom making it ideal for use in shallow water, however, the T-shaped keel would have limited the influence of drift on the vessel. The keel might have been protected by a false-keel (as seems to be suggested by the protruding trenails) allowing the vessel to be safely beached (accidentally or intentionally) despite it’s T-shaped keel.
Westerheversand The Westerheversand wreck, or rather wreckpiece, was discovered on the beach at Westerhevers, SchleswigHolstein, Germany during the winter of 2013. After being surveyed and recovered by the Archäologischen Landesamt Schleswig-Holstein, it was handed over to Syddansk Universitet in May 2013. The wreckpiece’s maximum length was ca. 389 cm while its width was ca. 195 cm. The vessel was dendrochonologically dated by Aoife Daly based on six samples and the analysis showed the wood used for the vessel to have been made out of oak trees which were cut in 1687 or shortly thereafter. Most likely the timbers were all cut in the same area in Schleswig-Holstein (Daly 2013, 1–2). All the preserved framing elements were futtocks and most likely also top-timbers with very regular scantlings. On average they had a length of 158 cm, a sided dimension of 11.13 cm and a moulded dimension of 13.07 cm. The timbers had an average curvature equal to that of a circle with a 122.6 cm radius. The moulded fore face of most timbers had a more natural look, while the moulded
96
stern side seemed more shaped: the exception being timber WS-086, in which the case was exactly the opposite to the other framing timbers. Most of the timbers were in good condition albeit most of the surfaces were damaged due to barnacles attaching themselves to the timbers. The natural faces often consisted of sapwood, and these surfaces were often less well preserved. All the timbers, with the exception of one broken timber, were fitted with both lapstrake– and protruding joggles (Fig. 2). Most fasteners observed on the framing timbers were unwedged, sixedged trenails which completely protruded through the framing timbers, as well as a number of iron nail holes observed on most of the timbers. Two iron bolts were discovered as well, one through the middle protruding joggle of WS-076 (diameter 3.5 cm) and one through the heel of WS-025. Based on the grain of the wood, all the timbers can be designated compass timbers, specifically chosen for their shape and converted with as much respect for the run of the grain as possible. This made the framing timbers sturdier and more flexible, making them much less likely to crack under stress. The Westerheversand’s planking must be split in two categories. On the one hand: the planks fitted on the lapstrake joggles or the spaces in-between the protruding joggles (recessed planks); on the other hand the planks fitted on the protruding joggles (protruding planks). Only two so-called recessed planks were preserved, one of which was split up into three pieces. While the width and length dimensions of the planks differed considerably, they both had a thickness of three centimetres. The planks were fastened to the framing using trenails. With a few exceptions these trenails were all grouped in pairs, one above the other. The edges of both planks were lined with iron nail holes. The interdistance between the nail holes of WS-080 was relatively regular, the top ones being spaced 35 cm–40 cm and the bottom ones ca. 30 cm. This in contrary to the observed holes on plank WS-077/WS-078/WS-079. The nail holes along the top edge here being spaced ca. 30 cm, but the ones on the bottom having a more random spacing of 20–24 cm or even ten centimetres. Both planks were fitted with grooves running along their outboard edges. While this groove was observed on both the top as the
Fig. 3 Digital reconstruction of the Westerheversand (Cattrysse 2013). bottom edge of WS-080, it was only observed on the top edge of plank WS-077/WS-078/WS-079. In contrast to the recessed planks, the protruding planks were much thicker, but also considerably less wide. The average width of these planks was only half that of the average width of the recessed planks. It must be noted though that one of the planks in question (WS-066) was considerably thicker and of better quality then the other (WS-077). Only one scarf was observed: a locked diagonal scarf at the presumed bow end of WS-066. Just as with the recessed planks, the protrusive planks were connected to the framing system using paired six-edged trenails. The interdistance of the nail holes observed on timber WS-070 was circa 30 cm, while on timber WS070 this interdistance was 35 cm. While the nail holes protruded through timbers WS-070, this is not the case for timber WS-066: possibly the shipbuilders were hoping to preserve the timber’s integrity by not protruding through the timber. The bolt which was already mentioned when discussing frame WS-070 was also observed on WS-077, again protruding through the timber. Like the recessed planks, these protruding planks were converted without regard for the run of the grain. Much less sapwood was observed on the protruding planks than on the recessed planks, suggesting that the shipbuilders attempted to utilise as much of the more sturdy hardwood as possible. Based on the observations made during the recording process of the Westerheversand, the author suggests that a construction sequence can be discerned. The scantlings of the timbers lead the author to believe the wreckpiece represents one of the sides of the vessel. Given the limited curvature of the timbers, the wreckpiece would have been located towards the vessel’s midships. The direction of the one diagonal flat scarf observed on WS-066 implies that the wreckpiece represents the port side of the vessel (Fig. 3). However, this is based on the assumption
that the scarf would be placed so that the flow of the water would be contrary to the direction of the scarf. Since this is not a general rule, it can not be excluded that the wreckpiece actually represents the starboard side. Since only the side of the vessel was represented, the construction of the vessel’s bottom remains speculation. However, due to the presence of lapstrake joggles on the heel side of the futtocks the author believes that, after the laying of the keel and the attachment of the endposts, the vessel’s bottom would have been constructed in a lapstrake manner. The various planks would have been interconnected using riveted iron nails. When the bottom was finished the shipbuilder could have chosen to continue the construction of the hull, before inserting the framing, or they could have chosen to insert the floor timbers before raising the vessel’s sides. There is however no evidence to support one method or the other. At first it was believed that the sides were constructed in a frame-orientated manner, making the vessel a variation on the half-carvel construction method. This hypothesis was based on the sapwood rich edges of the recessed planks. The author believed that the edges of these planks would be too weak to temporarily support the weight of the heavier protruding timbers. Further, since the iron nails did not protrude through the heaviest timber, WS-066, it was believed that the connection to the flanking strakes would have been weak. This hypothesis had to be discarded after the discovery of an iron nail within the confines of a frame impression on the inboard of timber WS-066. Since it was impossible to hammer this nail in after the insertion of the frame, it became clear that the side of the vessel, as a matter of fact, was constructed in a plank-orientated manner: the sides being erected before the top timbers were inserted within the hull. Due to the weakness described above, the author believes that the iron nail connection cannot be considered the primary fastening, at least not for the sides. Without the trenail connection to the vessel’s framing, the stresses of WS-066 would easily have torn the timber away from the vessel. Thus, while the construction of the vessel might have been plank-orientated, the author believes that its structural philosophy would have been frame-orientated. The grooves which were observed on the recessed planks suggest the vessel was made waterproof by way of luting. During the raising of the hull, strands of fibrous material would have been inserted into the pre-made grooves which were then covered by another timber, thus waterproofing the seam. No indication for the method of waterproofing the vessel’s scarfs was observed.
The Material Sources: Conclusion The Westerheversand and the Vejle Hafnia both represent a number of features which deviate from the expected norm. The Vejle Hafnia was constructed with a T-shaped keel and the planks were fastened to each other using a vertical flat scarf, both features associated with lapstrake-
97
shipbuilding. The Westerheversand had a hull constructed in such a way it had a ‘crenellated’ effect. This type of shipbuilding was described by Eriksson as follows: “... but on the side the landing alternates. Instead of placing the upper strake of planking on the outside of the lower, every second strake is placed on the inside” (Eriksson 2010, 81). Yet the result would still have looked like a flush vessel. Various vessels have been encountered, as a result of literary research, which represent similar lapstrake features, despite being constructed flush, or seemingly flush. A number of additional deviations associated with those discovered while researching the Vejle Hafnia and the Westerheversand were also encountered. The author found records of flush-built vessels which were waterproofed using the luting technique and waterproofing laths, vessels which were constructed lapstrake but which were entirely or partially re-planked flush, and vessels which were constructed half-flush and half-lapstrake. These features have often been discussed as single entities but seldom as a group. Research of these features have resulted in numerous hypotheses. They have been interpreted as having a constructional function, social/ prestige function, design function, protection function, economical function,... However in this article the author will not join the discussion surrounding the function and meaning of these features and deviations as individual entities. Instead these features will be discussed as a group.
Deviations? What Do They Tell Us? Up to now the author has discussed two vessels displaying characteristics which do not fit the norm of a vessel constructed after the so-called clinker-to-carvel transition. Now it is time to attempt to formulate an answer to the questions which were posed in the beginning of this article.
What About the Evolution of Shipbuilding Methodology? In 1972 Lucien Basch pointed out that there is only a small conceptual difference between the construction of plank-orientated lapstrake vessels and frame-orientated flush vessels. For example the use of moulds: is installing a mould on the keel first to help shape the hull of a lapstrake vessel truly so different to the use of active frames in flush shipbuilding? Similarly, a common flush building methodology is to set up a number of frames and then attach a number of ribbands to these frames. These ribbands are then used as a guideline to shape the remaining frames. In this sense, the ribbands function similarly to the hull planking of a lapstrake ship during the construction of a vessel (Basch 1972, 35–37). Although these
98
techniques are conceptually very similar, they belong to two different building-methodologies, making it so that the way a vessel is constructed is completely different from what one would expect based on its external characteristics when seen moored in the harbour, or wrecked on the ocean floor. These sometimes subtle differences between a plank-orientated and a frame-orientated building methodology led past researchers to consider the transition of plank-orientated lapstrake shipbuilding to frame-orientated flush shipbuilding as an abrupt event caused by an (SINGLE?) inventor (Hornell 1946). However, the last half-century has proved this transition to not be abrupt at all, in fact, older methods were preserved in all kinds of vessels, were they small open vessels used in sheltered waters or bigger seafaring vessels. Sometimes “older” methods were employed on a more local scale, but sometimes they were also employed on a more massive scale. Consider the Dutch-flush shipbuilding method. Numerous flush vessels were constructed using a plank-orientated methodology. The method remained the main construction technique for flush vessels in Dutch shipyards up until the introduction of the 150 foot Indiaman in the mid-18th century (Maarleveld 1992; Kist 1992). The various deviations which the author encountered once again prove that the evolution of shipbuilding methodologies cannot be considered a uni-linear progression. In fact, at any one time a number of methods were used to construct flush vessels, or at least vessels which were made to appear flush. Up until the very twilight of commercially-used sailing vessels, flush vessels were constructed using methods which do not conform to the carvel methodology we have come to expect from a flush-constructed vessel. Thus, the deviations discussed here not only support the multi-linear evolution of shipbuilding methodologies, they can also be used as proof for the preservation of clinker characteristics—not only in small open vessels used for sheltered water, but also in larger sea-going vessels.
Where Do These Deviations Originate? While many an author has devoted attention to the possible function of these deviations, the author wishes to explore from whence these deviations might have originated. Most of these deviations are related to “older” pretransition building methods: how then, did these “old” techniques become mixed with “new” techniques? The various European states interfered in the use of flush shipbuilding from the very beginning of flush construction in Northern Europe. Duke Philippe of Burgundy, count of Flanders, ordered the first recorded construction of two flush-built “Caravelas” in Northern Europe, more specifically Brussels, in 1439. Soon other rulers started constructing flush vessels: a royal Danish “Kravel” was constructed in 1474, and more “Kravels” were constructed by the Danish king in 1488, Christian the IV’s fleet was constructed in the 1620’s and the 1630’s, as well as
what would eventually become the Royal Navy under England’s Henry VII and VII, the Swedish “Kravels” ordered by Gustav Vasa... (Probst 1994, 145; Lemée, 2006, 37; Adams 2003, 48, 87; Sleeswyk 1999, 266). The Netherlands took a completely different approach to the new building methodology than most Northern European powers. While most invested in the methodology for the construction of Men-of-War, the merchants in the Netherlands concentrated on the construction of Merchantmen. These merchantmen would be so successful that they led to the Dutch Golden Age, central to which was the Dutch East India Company. This company was divided in six branches which all had their own shipyards, responsible for the construction and upkeep of 200 European-built vessels at any one time (Gawronski et al. 1992; Adams 2003, 67). While the East India Company cannot be considered as a state or a head of state, neither in the Netherlands is there a clear hand of an authority in the large scale construction of flush vessels. Thus, various authorities commenced flush-shipbuilding programmes, and in doing so influenced the adoption and spread of flush-shipbuilding both directly and indirectly. Let’s discuss the direct influence at first. In order to construct these flush vessels, often foreign shipwrights and labourers were attracted, and of course indigenous labourers were also employed. Rieth believes that this phenomena explains the slow adoption of flush shipbuilding methodologies in local shipyards. The French crown hired foreign shipwrights who used geometrical methods to design ships, while employing local labourers to construct them. These locals in turn spread the knowledge they gained while constructing these vessels for the state to the private shipyards, where a passive resistance emerged: the traditional building methods versus the new, state-sponsored, flush building method (Rieth 1985, 20). Thus while in the state-sponsored shipyards foreign shipwrights were constructing flush vessels, local shipbuilding traditions persisted in the smaller towns and villages. Similarly, every year in England and Denmark a number of local shipbuilders were obliged to travel to the Royal shipyards to help in the repair, maintenance, and construction of vessels. These shipbuilders, already familiar with the lapstrake shipbuilding method, were introduced to flush vessels and the methodologies used to construct these vessels. At the end of their term, these shipbuilders would have taken their knowledge of the new methods and technologies back with them to the local shipyards (Ossowski 2006, 264; Lemée 2006, 67–68). Of course, this traffic of knowledge would have worked both ways: the local shipbuilders also bringing techniques to the royal shipyards, which might have been unknown to the (foreign) shipbuilders working in the yard. Another form of direct state-influence on the adoption and spread of flush-building methods was through state policy. For example, in Sweden flush-built vessels enjoyed a tax privilege introduced in the 17th century—a privilege kept in place at least until the 18th century. The privilege was created to encourage the construction of flush-built vessels which could be fitted for war when necessary. A similar privilege was in place in England: the
so-called ‘bounty’ system. It was introduced by Henry VII or possibly even earlier, and was meant to sponsor the construction of vessels which could also be used as warships. The requirement to be eligible for the sponsorship grew stricter over time as the average size of menof-war grew, until finally the sponsorship was abandoned as only East-Indiamen could still be considered as eligible (Eriksson 2004, 80; Adams 2003, 147–148). State policy also had an indirect influence promoting the flush shipbuilding methodology. Already in the 16th century in the Netherlands there was a conceptual and practical division between vessels constructed flush and vessels constructed lapstrake. Flush vessel were considered superior to the lapstrake vessels: only members of the shipbuilders’ guild were allowed to construct flush vessels, while all others were limited to the construction of lapstrake vessels (Hocker 1991, 12–13). Adams believes this phenomena is to be explained by the centralization of power in the hands of one man, the monarch, at the end of feudal age. These kings constructed vessels not just for the purpose of fighting wars, but also for representing the monarch’s power through symbolism and practice. The early flush-constructed vessels were often richly decorated with elements reminiscent of palace architecture and with heraldic devices. Furthermore, their commanders were not necessarily good and able seaman, but only had to hold a title of nobility (Adams 2003, 95–97). Thus the state promoted flush-shipbuilding actively and passively. The advent of flush-shipbuilding also led to the growth of naval architecture as a scientific study. Now ship designers tried to use mathematical methods to design hull shapes which would increase the performance of their ships. This of course required an education (Adams 2003, 145). Shipwrights who might not have had the social rank or the financial means to pay for such a study would have still wanted to construct flush vessels. Many of these shipwrights, trained in what Rieth calls the “traditional system” would however have worked on vessels which were constructed according to the new “scientific system”. Could they have been the shipwrights responsible for the deviating features mentioned above, vessels constructed with both elements of the “old” and the “new”? Of course it has to be taken into account that some shipwrights might simply not have trusted the new scientific design method completely, and stuck to the traditional methods they were familiar with for those parts of the vessel they found crucial.
99
How Does Tradition Influence New Technologies, and How Do These Technologies Influence Tradition? Previously, the author discussed how some shipbuilders constructed flush vessels using traditional lapstrake methodologies. Therefore also the influence of tradition on the adoption of new technologies and vice versa needs to be discussed. What exactly is understood with the term “tradition”? Adams defines tradition as “... a system of ideas about what boats and ships are and how they should be designed and constructed” (Adams 2003, 27). Despite McGrail’s criticism on the concept of shipbuilding traditions (tradition is a “...perceived style of building generally used in a certain region during a given time range” (McGrail 1995, 139), Adams believes that “...people building particular craft were aware of the specific rules and conventions that governed their work, even if only at the level of ‘we always do it this way’... Craft traditions therefore constitute social practice, motivated action, and so were constructs in the minds of their practitioners too” (Adams 2003, 27). Personally, the author agrees with McGrail’s criticism. A tradition is defined based on a number of characteristics. Once an artefact meets a number of these characteristics, it is considered as being part of that tradition. However, these characteristics are present-day constructs which are reflected back onto the past. These characteristics might not have been considered anything more in the past than something that is ‘always so’, and the tradition as it is defined today might not have existed at all. The question is, where did these characteristics come from, and why do they perpetuate through time in certain regions? The author believes these characteristics perpetuate through time as a consequence of education. A master teaches the skills and methods he deems best to his apprentices and his employees. These apprentices and employees might leave his service at some point and start constructing vessels of their own. To construct their own vessels they would use the methods which they are familiar with, those that were taught to them by their previous master. However, the former apprentice, now-turnedmaster, might discover new shipbuilding methods. The knowledge of these methods could have been obtained through communication with peers, by developing it himself, by observing the construction method of vessels under repair, or simply by seeing such vessels in use. Thus the vessels that the apprentice now constructs would show characteristics of both the methods taught to him by his master as well as the new methods. The old apprentice would thus develop a shipbuilding method which he deems the best and he would also pass this method on to his apprentices. Due to this master-pupil relationship some characteristics would spread through both space and time until they are eventually considered obsolete.
100
For example, let’s discuss the flat-bottom characteristic. The origins of flat-bottom vessels has been discussed intensively in the study of shipbuilding traditions. The most common hypothesis dates the characteristic back to the Late-Roman river barges. These barges would have been the basis for the round-bottomed keel-less ‘Frisian’ vessel. This type of vessel has been linked to the cog based on constructional and linguistic evidence (Cameron 1982, 324; Westerdahl 1992, 10). The flat-bottomed characteristic also persists after the clinker-to-carvel transition, as proven by vessels such as the B&W4, Vejle Hafnia, Klim Strand, Stinesminde, Gideon, and Wittenbergen but also by the designs of Dutch vessels by Van Yk and Witsen. While one could recognize the use of the flat-bottom as a consequence of the ‘Frisian’ building tradition, the author believes that a more pragmatic reason can explain the persistence of the flat-bottom characteristic. All the vessels and vessel types mentioned above were mainly used in the Wadden Sea and the Baltic, thus they had to be able to sail the shallow waters of the Wadden Sea and through the Kattegat (Christensen 1992, 87). The author would like to suggest that the flat-bottomed characteristic should be considered a consequence of vessels being “...adapted to the conditions of the route concerned and to the character of the harbours (havens) for which they are intended” (Westerdahl 1995, 213). While one could suggest that the shallow water is the origin of the flat-bottom characteristics and that it persisted due to vessels always having been built this way in those regions, a letter written by Judichaer proves that at least one shipwright was very aware of the reason why vessels had to be constructed with a low draught, suggesting that the characteristic persisted due to the advantages of constructing a vessel in such a way outweighing the disadvantages (RA (DK): Fabrikmesterarkivet, pk. 24, note 23). Tradition certainly has an influence on the adoption of new technologies. The deviations in this thesis are all the results of characteristics, which can be traced back to the lapstrake-building method, but which survived long enough to be incorporated into the construction of flush-built vessels. They thus represent the use of ‘traditional’ lapstrake methods for the construction of ‘new’ flush technologies. The influence of new technologies on tradition is demonstrated by the clinker-to-carvel transition itself. Lapstrake building methods were the dominant construction methods for Northern-European vessels for centuries, despite the existence of flush vessels being known, until the method was gradually superseded by the newly dominant flush building method, which even changed the way in which a vessel was conceptualized. This shows that the adoption of new technologies can have a huge impact on traditional methods. A perfect example of the influence of new technology is the halfcarvel: a vessel which had its most important part constructed using a lapstrake-method, which the shipbuilders knew and trusted, but which was still made to look flush as a consequence of the dominant position this new technology held.
Fig. 4 Graph showing the spread of the deviations through time (Cattrysse 2013).
What Do These Deviations Mean? In order to grasp the spread of the deviations discussed above over time, the author created a graph which shows the number of examples known per century per deviation. Of course it must be kept in mind that only a limited source was used for the creation of the graph, so rather than discussing the numbers, the author will limit himself to discussing the spread through time (Fig. 4). The graph shows that while most of the deviations persist through the time-range of the graph, the examples of deviations connected to waterproofing and the T-shaped keels are only encountered during the 15th and 16th centuries, just after the transition. Waterproofing deviations can be considered a consequence of an inadequate knowledge of the caulking technique or of a distrust in the waterproofing method. It can thus be considered that with the caulking technique becoming more familiar to the shipbuilders, and its trustworthiness becoming clear through time, the waterproofing deviations become obsolete. The T-shaped keel could be considered the shipbuilders’ attempt to build a vessel using familiar techniques, the lapstrake connection between garboards and keel being a very well-known technique. As the shipbuilders became more familiar with other garboard-keel connections, the use of the T-shaped keel for the construction of flush vessels diminished. The use of the vertical-flat scarf persisted throughout the centuries. It has to be noted though that while the 16th-century flush vessels constructed with a vertical flat scarf were sea-going vessels, the vessels with vertical flat scarfs from the 18th and 19th centuries were vessels used to sail the inland Zuyderzee and the extensive river network connected to this inland sea. Thus although the scarf would have been more sturdy, certainly as the availability of long wood lessened, the advantages of the butted scarf made it more dominant in sea-going vessels, while the vertical flat scarf persisted for the construction of vessels meant for use in more or less sheltered waters. This could be explained possibly due to the inland
vessels having easier access to fully-equipped shipyards to replace damaged strakes, in contrast to ocean-going vessels which would have to replace damaged strakes while at sea. Replacing a butted strake would be a much less complicated operation at sea than replacing a strake scarfed using a vertical-flat scarf. The remaining deviations are all related to the build-up of the vessel and thus represent various methods to construct flush, or seemingly-flush, vessels using familiar lapstrake methods. It has to be noted though that most of the vessels belonging to these deviations were not stateowned vessels, or vessels constructed with the purpose of conducting long-distance trade. In fact most of these belong to the sometimes-ignored, albeit very extensive group, of ‘local’ vessels. These deviations clearly prove that the lapstrake building method was never completely replaced by the flush building methods, even for the construction of bigger, sea-going vessels. It could even be said that the metal-constructed vessels of the 19th and early 20th century used a mixture of the clinker and carvel building methods. While the vessels were constructed frame-orientated, the various metal plates used to buildup the hull overlapped, and were interconnected using rivets (Scheepsvaartmuseum Baasrode 2013).
Conclusion and Future Perspectives While various vessels might have appeared to be flush, their building methodology did not always conform to the flush expectant. In fact, some of these vessels were constructed using methods which had more similarities with lapstrake shipbuilding than with flush shipbuilding. Based on the analysis of various deviating features the author proposed a number of hypotheses concerning Northern European shipbuilding. The deviations support a multi-linear development of shipbuilding techniques, while there might have been a progression of one dominant technique to the next, the older methodology never truly disappeared. Not only were vessels still constructed using lapstrake construction techniques after the socalled transition, various vessels which were constructed according to the new dominant, flush, technique still had lapstrake characteristics. The origins of these deviations seem to trace back to the very beginning of the clinker-to-carvel transition. Flush shipbuilding was promoted both directly and indirectly by the state resulting in flush-built vessels enjoying a number of advantages over lapstrake-built vessels which expedited the adoption process of the flush-building technique. Some shipbuilders however chose to construct their flush vessels based on the lapstrake techniques with which they were already familiar and which they trusted. The author believes that these deviations perpetuated through time as a consequence of master-pupil relations. Pupils were taught shipbuilding techniques from their master, meaning that when a master constructed his vessels using a certain deviation, also the pupil would construct his vessel
101
using these deviations for as long as that pupil believed it to be necessary or advantageous. Since lapstrake deviations in flush shipbuilding were present in wooden shipbuilding until the very twilight of commercial wood-built sailing vessels, one could say that the lapstrake technique was never truly replaced by the flush shipbuilding method. It seems that the large majority of vessels which feature one of these deviations were used at a relatively local level for transport. Does this explain why so little is written on these deviations? Thijs Maarleveld already pointed out an apparent research bias towards vessels of war and Gøthche also mentions a research bias towards warships, cogs, and Viking ships. The study of these features has the potential to further clarify the web of factors influencing the way in which a vessel is conceived, designed, constructed, and used. Such study could also further our knowledge on the way in which new vessel types and construction methods are adopted and developed. After all, Greenhill already stressed the importance of studying hybrids of what he calls edge-to-edge-joined and nonedge-to-edge-joined vessels, saying, “Such hybrids are rare and each one has to be considered and examined separately. It is possible that hybrids may provide useful evidence as to the origins of non edge-joined construction” (Greenhill 1976, 66). While the author does not wish to diminish the importance of research into the construction and design of vessels of war and long-distance merchantmen, he does believe that more attention should be given to the locallyused vessel. These would have been the working horses of the common people, the people who have less opportunity to find their way into written history. Just as landbased archaeology has the unique potential to tell us the story of those people who otherwise would not be heard. The author believes that by studying locally used and operated watercraft maritime archaeology can also contribute to telling the stories of these anonymous people, potentially reconnecting present-day communities with their maritime past. A connection which has been abruptly severed due to the strict rules now governing the use of our waterways and maritime resources.
102
Acknowledgements The author would like to acknowledge his thesis supervisor, Dr. Jens Auer, without who’s insights and advice writing this thesis would not have been possible. Furthermore the author wishes to express his thanks to the other tutors at Syddansk Universitet’s Maritime Archaeology Programme: Dr. Thijs Maarleveld, Dr. Bo Ejstrud, and Dr. Holger Schweitzer. The education and training offered by the tutors of the programme gave me the necessary skills and knowledge to succesfully complete my Master-degree.
Alexander Cattrysse,
[email protected], Syddansk Universitet’s Maritime Archaeology Programme, Esbjerg, Denmark.
Literature Adams 2003 J. Adams, Ships, innovation and social change: aspects of carvel shipbuilding in northern Europe 1450–1850. Stockholm 2003, Stockholm University. Basch 1972 L. Basch, Ancient wrecks and the archaeology of ships. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 1972, 1, 1–58. Cameron 1982 P. N. Cameron, Saxons, sea and sail. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 1982, 11 (4), 319–332. Christensen 1992 A. E. Christensen, Medieval Shipping in the North Sea. In: Maritime Studies, Ports and Ships. Medieval Europe. York, Medieval Europe 1992, 87–91. Daly 2013 A. Daly, Dendrochronological analysis of the Westerheversand boat, Schleswig-Holstein, Germany, 2013. Eriksson 2004 N. Eriksson, Vraket som Björn hittade. Marinarkeologisktidskrift: meddelanden från Marinarkeologiska sällskapet 2004, 1, 12–16. Gawronski/Kist/Stokvis-Van Boetzelaer 1992 J. Gawronski, B. Kist, O. Stokvis-Van Boetzelaer, Hollandia compendium. A contrinution to the history, archaeology, classification and lexicography of a 150ft. Dutch East Indiaman (1740–1750). Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, Elsevier 1992. Gøthche/Bill 2006 M. Gøthche, J. Bill, Renæsance i småskibsbyggeriet - arkælogisk set. In: E. Gøbel, C. P. P. Lemée eds. Skibsbyggeri og søfart i Renæssancen. Maritim Kontakt. København, Kontaktudvalget for Dansk Maritim Historie-og Samfundsforskning 2006, 43–68. Greenhill 1976 B. Greenhill, Archaeology of the Boat: a New Introductionary Study. Middletown, Wesleyan University Press 1976. Hasslöf 1972 O. Hasslöf, Main Principles in the Technology of shipbuilding. In: Ships and Shipyards, Sailors and Fishermen: Introduction to Maritime Ethnology. Copenhagen, Copenhagen University Press 1972, 27–72. Hasslöf/Christensen 1972 O. Hasslöf, A.E. Christensen Jr. eds., Ships and Shipyards, Sailors and Fishermen: Introduction to Maritime Ehtnology. Copenhagen, Copenhagen University Press 1972.
Hocker 1991 F. M. Hocker, The Development of a Bottom-Based Shipbuilding Tradition in Northwestern Europe and the New World. in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. College Station, Texas A&M University 1991. Hornell 1946 J. Hornell, Water Transport: Origins & Early Evolution. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press 1946. Kist 1992 B. Kist, A short discussion of the political and technical aspects of reform in the Dutch Eas India Company with regard to shipbuilding. In: O. Stokvis-Van Boetzelaer, J. Gawronski, B. Kist eds. Hollandia compendium. A contrinution to the history, archaeology, classification and lexicography of a 150ft. Dutch East Indiaman (1740–1750). Rijksmuseum Amsterdam, Elsevier 1992. Lemée 2006 C. P. P. Lemée, The Reniassance Shipwrecks from Christianshavn: An archaeological and architectural study of large carvel vessels in Danish waters, 1580–1640. Roskilde, The Viking Ship Museum 2006. Litwin 2003 J. Litwin, Shipbuilding Techniques from the Medieval Age Onwards. In: J. Litwin, K. Newland, A. Ciemińska eds. Baltic Sea Identity: Common Sea - Common Culture? Gdańsk, Centralne Muzeum Morskie w Gdańsku 2003. Maarleveld 1992 T. Maarleveld, Archaeology and early modern merchant ships. Building sequence and consequences. An introductory review. Rotterdam Papers, VII, 1992, 155–1. McGrail 1995 S. McGrail, Romano-Celtic boats and ships: characteristic features. International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 24 (2), 1995, 139–145. Ossowski 2006 W. Ossowski, Two double-planked wrecks from Poland. In: L. Blue, F. Hocker eds. Connected by the sea. Oxford 2006, Oxbow. Probst 1994 N. M. Probst, The Introduction of Flushed-planked Skin in northern Europe - and the Elsinore Wreck. In: C. Westerdahl ed. Crossroads in Ancient Shipbuilding. Exbow Monograph 40. Oxford 1994, Oxbow Books, 1994, 143–152. Rieth 1985 E. Rieth, La question de la construction navale à francbord au Ponant. Neptunia, 1985, 8–21.
103
Westerdahl 1995 C. Westerdahl, Traditional zones of transport geography in relation to ship types. In: O. Olsen, J. S. Madsen, F. Rieck eds. Shipshape: Essays for Ole Crumlin-Pedersen on the occasion of his 60th anniversary February 24th 1995. Roskilde 1995, The Viking Ship Museum.
Westerdahl 1992 C. Westerdahl, The maritime cultural landscape. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 21 (1), 1992, 5–14.
RA (DK) Unpublished: RA (DK): Fabrikmesterarkivet, pk. 24, note 23.
104
Sleeswyk 1999 A. W. Sleeswyk, Carvel-Planking and Carvel ships in the North of Europe. In: P. Pomey, É. Rieth eds. Construction navale, maritime et fluviale. Approches archéologique, historique et ethnologique. Archaeonautica 14. Paris 1999, CNRS Éditions, 223–228.
Perspective
Underwaterarchaeology in Kiel The successful N.E.R.D. In Underwaterarchaeology Conference resulted in new perspectives for AMLA in Kiel. First of all, close contacts to the network of European underwater- and maritime archaeologists could be established. This network expands from Scandinavia to the Mediterranean and lead to a field school in cooperation with the Maritime Archaeology Program of the Syddansk Universität in Esbjerg (Denmark) (MAP) and the Archäologisches Landesamt Schleswig-Holstein (ALSH). During that field school, members of MAP and AMLA investigated the early Viking age barrier of Reesholm (district Schleswig) under the supervision of Jens Auer and PD Oliver Nakoinz. As a major achievement, new extensions were found, so the lengths of the barrier doubled to 1,5 km. No comparisons are known so far and new investigations are planned for the future. Linked with the investigation at Reesholm a shipwreck at Fahrdorf was surveyed. The survey was continued by AMLA in winter 2015. Due to the good visibility in winter (20 cm), new documentation techniques (structure for motion) were tested on that site. These projects are realized in close cooperation with ALSH which is expanding rapidly. A growing number of AMLA-members participate in projects of the Forschungstauchlager at the Institut für Geowissenschaften, like the documentation of Malik wreck in the Ostsee and the survey of the Mühlteich in Lindhorst for the Kreisarchäologie HamburgHarburg. Furthermore, scientific divers of the AMLA took part in projects in Niedersachsen, arranged by the Kreisarchäologie Stade together with the Institut für Urund Frühgeschichte and the Niedersächsisches Institut für Hirstorische Küstenforschung (NIhK).
Due to the good experiences on the N.E.R.D. as an underwater archaeology conference, AMLA presented their research on several conferences, for example the AKUWA in Marburg, the In Poseidons Reich and the ISBSA in Danzig. The concept of the N.E.R.D. in Underwaterarchaeology Conference, to create a platform for young researchers, was also adopted by participants from Slovenia and Croatia, in creating the ANNONA conference in Zadar in November 2015. To sum up, the N.E.R.D. team is pleased and proud to have achieved this results and rates the conference a raving success. The young underwater archaeology researchers are on the right track, and conferences like the N.E.R.D. will hopefully be incorporated as an inherent part in the research world. Fritz Jürgens, Kiel 2016
105
