Nontimber Forest Product Gathering in Ritigala Forest (Sri Lanka ...

Nontimber Forest Product Gathering in Ritigala Forest (Sri Lanka): Household Strategies and Community Differentiation

Human Ecology, Vol. 24, No. 4, 1996

Nontimber Forest Product Gathering in Ritigala Forest (Sri Lanka): Household Strategies and Community Dififerentiation Anoja Wickramasinghe/ Manuel Ruiz Perez,^ and Jill M. Blockhus^

Sri Lanka has a long tradition of forest product use. The relationship of people with a dry zone forest was studied using a sample of 48 households in two villages tliat varied in distance to the forest and access to the maricet. All households interviewed collected subsistence forest products and a majority of them also collected commercial products. Tiie daily peak-season income from commercial gathering was 4.5 to 7.7 times the daily labor wage. There is a strong gender specialization, with commercial gathering dominated by men whereas subsistence gathering is almost exclusively the task of women. The average forest-derived household income in tiie village closer to the forest and with better market access was nearly double that of the other village. Family size as a proxy of labor availability was the main discriminating factor between those households who did and those who did not gather commercial products. A small inverse relationship between forest gathering and size of household agricultural land (particularly paddy rice) was observed. No clear relationship was found between total household income and .forest derived income, contradicting the view- that commercial forest gathering is an exclusive activity of the poorest households. K E Y WORDS: nontimber forest products; forest gathering; houselioid economy; Sri Lanka.

INTRODUCTION Diverse environmental conditions throughout Sri Lanka have resuhed in the development of many distinct ecosystems. Although the country is ^Department of Geography, University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka. ^Center for International Forestry Research, Bogor, Indonesia. ^lUCN, Gland, Switzerland. 493

494

Wickramasinghe, Ruiz Perez, and Blockhus

not outstanding for its absolute number of species, the link to the Southern Gondwana Deccan Plate, and its insular character make it an important region for endemic species (Gunatilleke and Gunatilleke, 1984; Ashton and Gunatilleke, 1987; Erdelen, 1988). Sri Lanka has experienced a high rate of deforestation, similar to that in many tropical countries. The country's forests, estimated in 1881 to cover 84% of the land, surface (NARESA, 1991), are currently estimated at between 21-27% o f total land surface (CoUins et al, 1991; VAO, 1993; Ekanayake and Abeygunawardena, 1994; Forestry Planning Unit, 1995). Most of the remaining forests are small and fragmented and located i n mountainous areas. Nonetheless, these forest patches are still under pressure f r o m surrounding communities for agricultural land and for provision of nontimber forest products (referred to hereafter as NTFPs). I n Sri Lanka there is a long tradition of forest product use by communities living in close proximity to forests, either as an economic mainstay or as a supplementary source of household income. Exploitation of wild species, the enrichment of natural forests with economically important species, and the adoption of complex agroforestry systems are all examples of a close relationship between people and forests. The Kandyan homeg'ardens, with a predominance of spices, are well-known examples of modified forest systems which exhibit both high economic and conservation values (Everett, 1993; Wickramasinghe, 1995a). As in other regions, the use of NTFPs has attracted attention in Sri Lanka in recent years because of their importance i n supporting famUy income and the potential for harvesting NTFPs sustainably while maintaining forest biodiversity. Several studies documenting the extent and types of usage have been carried out, particularly in the humid forests of Knuckles, Adam's Peak Wilderness, and Sinharaja (see, for instance, McDermott et al., 1990; Gunatilake et al., 1993; Gunatilleke et al., 1993; Gunatilake, 1994; Wickramasinghe, 1995b). There have been studies to explore the small-scale handicraft industry based on NTFPs (see for example de Zoysa and Vivekanandan, 1991). One attempt has been made to describe the "traditional use" of forest products at the national level ( l U C N , 1995). A n analysis of these studies suggests that four basic propositions emerge to explain the main relationship between NTFPs and the communities that use them: (a) NTFPs are still a relevant part of the economy of communities living on the periphery of the forest. (b) The collection of NTFPs allows in most cases for the maintenance of the forest cover and most of its species. (c) The extent and type of use of the forest are heavily influenced by the distance from the forest to collectors' homes.

Nontimber Gathering in Sri Lanka

495

(d) Income derived from NTFPs (or, in the terms of many of the studies, "forest dependency") tends to be negatively correlated with total household income. The total household income tends to be negatively correlated to subsistence gathering and positively correlated to commercial gathering. In the present paper we attempt to test the validity of propositions (a), (c), and (d) i n the context of a dry forest, Ritigala, in the central-northern part of Sri Lanka. Due to the long-term monitoring requirements that proposition (b) would entail, we were not able to test the validity qf this proposition. We also try to estimate the average NTFP commercial production of one ha. of forest, as well as to determine the possible effects of access to main markets and marketing channels on the commercial collection of NTFPs.

T H E RITIGALA FOREST AND ITS SURROUNDING COMMUNITIES Ritigala is a prominent landscape feature of the northern dry lowlands of Sri Lanka. This granitic mountain range, located i n the District of Anuradhapura (North Central Province, see Fig. 1) rises to 766 m.a.s.l. The mountain forest extends 6.5 km from north to south, while the width varies f r o m 3 to 4 km. The total area is 1528 ha. Dense forest cover makes R i tigala a natural refugium for dry forest species, many of which are endemic. This contributed to the declaration of Ritigala as a Strict Nature Reserve i n 1941. The present administrative authority for Ritigala is the Department of Wildlife Conservation, in contrast with the neighboring forest hills of Labunoruwa and Kumbukwalaninna, which are under the administration of the Forest Department as Forest Reserves. Local people do not have legal access to use of the forest. However, as Ritigala is a Strict Nature Reserve under the Wildlife Department, the local wildlife guards are more concerned with controlling hunting in the area. Thus, collection of plant products other than timber is tolerated. The orographic effect, which captures both the northeast and southwest monsoons, enables Ritigala to receive substantially more rainfall than the surrounding areas. This fact was well known by the ancient civilization that developed the "Hydraulic Society" of the dry zones of Sri Lanka (Leach, 1959). This civilization built earthen reservoirs (water tanks) that, connected in a cascade, provided water for irrigation during the dry season. Numerous water tanks are found in this area, part of the 12,000 operational village tanks existing throughout the country (NARESA, 1991). Ten villages are i n close proximity to the Ritigala Strict Nature Reserve. Moreover, several other villages have become abandoned due to

496


Ritigala Forest

Fig. 1. Map of Ritigala forest (contour Unes in feet).

problems caused by wild elephants and flash floods. The local people associate the history of these villages and their housing clusters with the location of the water tanks. The "tank-based community" systems are still prevalent, except on the western slopes, where scattered housing also is developing along the roadsides. The total population i n the ten villages surrounding the forests is 6538. Average family size in a village varies between 4.8 and 7.8, with an average of 6.0 per family. I n terms of ethnicity and religion, Sinhalese Buddhists predominante i n the region, except i n Bamunugama and Uththupitiya which are completely Muslim. Ulpotha is a special case i n the sense that


497

both Buddhists and Muslims are living in the same village. Of all of the peripheral communities, only one is a Sinhala Christian village, AlagoUewa, in the northvi^est. Indigenous origin is an important characteristic of three of the ten communities. The peppie of Kiriyagaswewa, Moragoda, and Muriyakadawala identify themselves as descendants of the "Vanriikaroyo," the hunting-gathering groups that once inhabited the region. The origins of the villagers became evident during the preliminary visits made by the survey team. The livelihoods o f people in thfcse three communities are more forest-related than those i n the other case study villages. They practice collective gathering and shariiig of benefits from forest products. Apart from strong social cohesiveness, this practice helps to minimize risks when entering the forest and increases efficiency by promoting a specialization of tasks within the group.'' A l l households own land, practicing seasonal farming that combines homegardens (very small plots of up to a few hundred m^ with fruit trees), "chena" cultivation (the traditional slash and burn dry farming that is now carried out on permanent plots) and paddy rice, more widespread in those areas close to water tanks since it needs irrigation. Some livestock are present, consisting of goats in Muslim villages and neighboring villages, water buffaloes owned by some relatively affluent households, and pigs in the cases of AlagoUewa and Muriyakadawala. The extent of use of the forest varies among villages, as well as among households within the same village. AU famiUes in the ten viUages use the forest for at least some subsistence products such as fuelwood and medicinal plants. A dominant feature of Ritigala forest and its surrounding communities is the presence of various east-west asymmetries related to environmental and social factors which influence the use of the forest. The eastern slope, exposed to the N E monsoon, has less humidity than the western slope, which faces the wetter SW monsoon. The N E monsoon brings water that is extremely valuable for agriculture. The transition of the eastern slope to the surrounding flat land is also more gradual, with the foothiUs showing an altered forest that gradually disappears close to the viUages. This gentle slope is a frequent route for wUd elephants, obliging viUagers to spend additional time and resources in controUing the herds. The gradient on the western side is more abrupt, changing over a short distance from a steep to a gentle slope, resulting in a clear boundary between the forest on the steep slopes and crop lands on the plain. Thus, the villages are quite close to the forest. This western side is rarely traversed by elephants. ''For example, people who climb the trees to cut the branches and people who stay on the ground collecting the fruits.


498

Two socioeconomic aspects differentiate the east from the west. The western side has a good paved road that allows for quick access to Dambulla, the main town and market center of the region, situated 18 k m from the southern point of Ritigala. This area, which has traditionally enjoyed better transport infrastructure, is where the newest communities (predominately Islamic and Catholic) settled around 50 years ago. The area offers better market opportunities for livestock, crops, and forest products. The eastern side, by contrast, has only a poor quality, unpaved road, making transport more difficult. A l l the villages on this side are old Sinhalese communities. These differences have resulted in the predominance of a subsistence economy i n the eastern villages and a more market-oriented ^economy i n the western villages.

•

METHODOLOGY

After two reconnaissance visits to the ten villages adjacent to Ritigala, two communities were selected for detailed study, Muriyakadawala on the western slope and Kiriyagaswewa on the eastern slope. These village communities are of a similar size, culturally fairly homogeneous (largely of indigenous origin) and maintain a strong traditional relationship with the . forest. Moreover, the two villages were chosen on the basis o f their location in the two distinct areas (east and west). This selection restricted the variabiUty associated with culture and village size, while concentrating on factors related to distance to the forest, infrastructure, market orientation, and access. Twenty-four households were randomly selected f r o m each village for carrying out intensive interviews to elicit information on NTFP usage. Primary data were obtained through a combination of structured interviews at the household level and the measurement of daily collection of forest products at forest entry points. This was complemented by key informant interviews, and participatory observation of forest gatherers. Also, informal group discussions were held about gathering activities, seasonal patterns, and social group differentiation, including gender roles. Information about the main sources of income was obtained for all households in each village through brief interviews. The fieldwork was conducted for 3 months, from August to October 1994. During this time of the year, farming activities are at their lowest level. This coincides with the peak of the gathering season for two of the most valuable forest products, the fruit of gal-siyambala (Dialium ovoideum) and wild bee honey. The field work did not cover two other seasonal products for which gathering begins in December, the medicinal plant bin-kohomba (Munronia pumila) and the mora fruit (Dimocarpus longana), which has ir-


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Table L Perceived Role of Forest Products in Household Income" Muriyakadawala Role of forest products in . total household income No. households (%) Primary source (>50%) Secondary source No collection for market Total

26 53 8 87

30 61 9 100

Kiriyagaswewa No. households

(%)

16 69 11 96

17 72 11 100

"All households.

regular yields with heavy fruiting every 5-7 years.^ However, the season covered in the study represents the bulk of the commercial gathering activities. Fuelwood collection and hunting were also studied, although the data on hunting are incomplete, due to the difficulty of obtaining rehable information about what is widely recognized as being an illegal activity. Data on marketing and prices were obtamed through use of the household questionnaire, as well as through interviews with the local traders.

SOCIOECONOMIC PROFILE OF THE TWO COMMUNITIES The basic sources of income in both villages are farming and gathering of forest products. Off-farm labor provides occasional supplementary income. Table I shows the importance of forest products in the household economy as perceived by the respondents. The data are based on brief interviews i n all households. The degree of rehance on forest products for household income varies between households of the same village. Between one-quarter and one-fifth of the households derive most of their income f r o m forest gathering activities, although in 90% of the cases, collection of forest products contributes some household income. Both communities show a relatively similar distribution in their degree of rehance on collecting NTFPs (chi-square = 4.521; df = 2; 0.25 >p> 0.10). However, the percentage of households that consider forest resources as their primary source of income is higher i n Muriyakadawala (30%) than in Kiriyagaswewa (17%), which is close to a statistically significant difference (chi-square = 3.472; df = 1; 0.10 >p > 0.05). As regards farming, while all households have their own homegardens, there are some within-village differences in the distribution of paddy and chena lands. Chena is used for growing vegetables and legumes, for both ^The need to record yearly cycles has been emphasized (Godoy and Lubowski, 1992), although most studies are carried out during the peak gathering season. It is rare to find multiannual comparisons (see Vickers, 1991; Anderson and loris, 1992).


500 100

raMuriyakadawala QKiriyagaswewa

80

60

40

20

1000

2000

3000

4000

5000

6000

7000

8000

Monthly Income Fig. 2. Distribution of income in both villages.

subsistence and cash income. A l l households i n Kiriyagaswewa's sample and aU but one i n Muriyakadawala own chena plots. Paddy is the source of the main staple food, rice. Part of the crop is periodically sold for cash. Four households i n Kiriyagaswewa (17% of the sample) and five i n M u r i yakadawala ( 2 1 % of the sample) do not own paddy fields. Comparison between the two villages does not show any statistically significant difference between the area of the various land use types by household (chi-square = 1.026; df = 2; 0.75 >p > 0.50). These data support the original assumption that farming practices are similar i n both communities. Despite this similarity, there is a strong difference i n total income between the two villages, as can be seen i n Fig. 2 (chi-square = 32.213; df= 7;p < 0.001). This difference could be due to varying size of farm plots, percentages of crops sold, and intensity of use of the forest.^ Responses to the detailed questionnaire, with a sample of 24 households per village, help to explain the underlying reasons. ^The declared income may actually have been underreported due to lack of formal accounts kept by households and some possible reluctance to offer precise figures. We assume that this phenomenon, if it has happened, will have a linear response along the full range of incomes affecting in a similar way all households interviewed.


501

Table I I . Average Size .of Chena, Paddy, and Livestock, witli Percentage of Crops Sold" Muriyakadawala Crop/ livestock Paddy Chena Cattle Goats

Kiriyagaswewa

i-test

ha or animals

(%) sold

ha or animals

(%) sold

ha or animals

(%) sold

0.64 0.45 1 0.5

64.7 32.2 _ —

0.50 0.43 1.4 0

18.8 7.1 _ —

1.53* 0.69* 0.50* —

5.68** 2.81** —

"Household sample. *p > 0.05, difference not signiflcant. **p < 0.001, difference highly significant. Variance equal on all cases except in the % of chena sold.

Information about the size of the paddy and chena plots, the number of various kinds of animals, as well as the percentage of crops sold was obtained for the 24 households interviews in each village (see Table I I ) . The average size of the chena and paddy plots do not show statistically significant differences between the two villages. This confirms a similar pattern in farming practices in the two villages. A few households i n each village have livestock. A n important difference between the two communities is the degree of market orientation of their farming activities. Market orientation is substantially higher in Muriyakadawala, since it is located on the main road to the regional market of DambuUa. The neighboring Muslim villages have a strong trading tradition and this influences the market orientation of Muriyakadawala. This suggests that the differences in size of income may be linked to a more commercially-based lifestyle of the villagers. This market orientation may also affect the way the forest is being used. The remainder of the paper analyzes the relationship of the communities with the forests in greater detail.

USE OF THE FOREST A l l the households included in the sample were engaged in forest product gathering activities during the study period (see Table I I I ) . A total of 16 households in Muriyakadawala and 15 in Kiriyagaswewa gathered one or more products to sell in the market. The most important commercial products were the fruit gal-siyambala and honey. As has been mentioned, the leaves of the medicinal plant bin-kohomba, for which collection begins

502

Wickramasinghe, Ruiz Perez, and Blockhus Table U I . Main NTFPs Gathered from August to October 1994" Muriyakadawala Product

Gal-siyambala Honey Fuelwood Neem Mee Hunting

Kiriyagaswewa

No. hh.

Total kg

(%) sold

No. hh.

Total kg

(%) sold

15 12 24 18 6 4

7,758 1,338* 21,393 640" 210" 580"*

100 100 0 — — 0

8 14 24 2 8 5

2,809 948* 19,965 40" 260" 870'^

100 100 0 — — 0

"Household sample. *In pints; there is a negligible amount of honey kept for home consumption. ''Neem (Azadirachta indica) and mee seeds (Madhuca longifolia) are for both subsistence use and sold to the market. Insufficient information was gathered on these two products, which have low market values (only 4-6 rupees/kg). As data on their income-generating potential were not gathered, these products are hot included in the income analysis. *rwo sambur {Rusa unicolor) and two deer (Axis axis ceylonensis) in Muriyakadawala; three sambur and three deer in Kiriyagaswewa; estimated weight.

in late November-early December, and the fruit of the mora, characterized by irregular fruiting, are also important sources of cash income. Of the products gathered for home consumption, fuelwood was by far the most important. Hunting was observed i n both viUages, though being an illegal activity, some hunting may have gone unrecorded. No market seems to exist for game, which is shared and consumed secretly. There are important differences between the two communities i n relation to the number of households involved i n collection of NTFPs, as weU as the total quantity coUected and the amount of income derived. The factors that could a priori be expected to explain household usage patterns could be divided into those related to subsistence use (tradition and culture, considered to be similar i n both viUages due to a common ethnic origin) and those related to income generating activities. Three main factors can be considered in the latter group, associated respectively with: (1) the costs of coUection (natural abundance and distance to the forest), (2) returns from coUection (market channels and prices), and (3) alternative income generating options (labor allocation as a response to the other two factors). East-west asymmetries mentioned above, notably the higher water stress i n the eastern slopes (on the Kiriyagaswewa side) may explain differences i n natural abundance of various forest products. The abundance may also be influenced by differing conservation status, as weU as by traditional management practices (such as enrichment planting with species of economic interest). A detaUed inventory of the resources available would be needed to clarify these issues. The information provided by the respondents was contradictory because while Kiriyagaswev/a households stated


503

that the western side was better endowed with trees of economic interest, groups from both villages actually frequently reached the opposite side of the forest in their gathering trips. The inference gained from discussions with villagers is that they do not seem to recognize any territorial limits f o r their collection activities and that all people from the surrounding communities have unrestricted access, to all parts of Ritigala forest. Consequently, the possible differences in resource usage between the two villages could ultimately be related to the distance to the collection areas. I n fact, the distance to the forest is probably one of the main factors uifluencing the intensity of forest collection. While Muriyakadawala dwellers live within a few hundred meters of the edge of the forest, Kiriyagaswewa inhabitants have to walk between 1.5 and 2 km, through degraded land and secondary forest before reaching the edge of the core forest area. Figure 3 shows the average distance walked for each of the three main activities recorded (gal-siyambala, honey, and fuelwood collection). The difference between the average distance for each village is consistent with the longer distance (2.5-3 k m i n a return trip) to the forest i n the case of Kiriyagaswewa. Fuelwood, a more commonly found resource near the edge of the forest, shows both the shortest average distance and the smallest difference between both villages. This indicates that collection of the more prevalent, potentially ecologically damaging, and lower value product, f u elwood, is occurring closer to the villages.

t-test

significance

Gal-siyambala

19.32

P < 0.001

Bee honey

12.51

P < 0.001

Fuelwood

18.02

P < 0.001

10

e

Q

E3Muriyakadawala E3 Kiriyagaswewa

Gal-siyambala

Bee honey

Fuelwood

Fig. 3. Clustered bar chart for distance for the three products.

504

Wickramasinghe, Ruiz Perez, and Bloclchus Table IV. Average Hours per Trip and Gathering Days During the Study Period" Muriyakadawala Product

Gal-siyambala Honey Fuelwood

Hours/trip

Days

7.3 7.5 5.6

20.0 15.0 29.9

f-test

Kiriyagaswewa Hours/trip 8.3 ^ 11.0 9.3

Days

Hours/trip

Days

14.6 12.0 27.8

8.18* 9.29* 23.68*

6.38* 4.40* 4.17*

"Household sample. *p < 0.01. Variance equal in all cases except in honey collection days.

This difference in distance to the core collection sites has effects on labor allocation and the profitability of the NTFP gathering activities in both communities. Table I V shows the average number of,hours per trip and days of harvesting for each of the main products. This suggests that people f r o m Kiriyagaswewa mvest significantly longer hours per trip, particularly i n the case of honey and fuelwood collection, while devoting fewer days to these activities than people from Muriyakadawala. A n important distinguishing factor i n labor allocation is related to the risk of elephants, which is very low in Muriyakadawala and high in Kiriyagaswewa during the months of October to March, when each household needs to have an adult available to stay in a watch hut (typically a male, and often at night) to chase the animals away. The ease of access to the regional market, DambuUa, constitutes the final major differentiatmg factor. Muriyakadawala is located 25 k m away on the main paved road that Imks DambuUa with the north. Daily bus services (with an interval of less than one hour) offer the option to local merchants to transport their goods. Generally, the express bus f r o m Muriyakadawala takes just under 90 minutes. Kiriyagaswewa is nearly the same distance f r o m DambuUa, but a third of it is on a very poor road (see map i n Fig. 1) which makes access difficult, particularly during the rainy season. With only three buses per day from Kiriyagaswewa (traveUing time is usually 2 and 1/2 hours), it is complicated to guarantee a return journey in the same day. The higher market risks associated with difficult and uncertain transport have repercussions on the prices, and therefore on total income derived, representing a disincentive for gatherers.

HOUSEHOLD I N C O M E F R O M T H E FOREST Gal-siyambala and honey are the two main products, gathered for commercial purposes during the time of the study, whereas fuelwood is the


505

main product f o r domestic consumption. Both of the commercial products are seasonal and enjoy a constant demand that brings immediate sales when transported to DambuUa market. However, price behavior for these products is different due to their physical attributes of perishability and maturity. Thus, whereas honey offers simUar quality throughout the collection season and is durable (such that it can be sold at any time after harvesting), galsiyambala's quality varies from unripe fruits early in the season to much appreciated, fully mature fruits later in the season. A further consideration is that gal-siyambala cannot be stored for a long period, requiring it to be sold within a few days of harvest. Consequently, price variability is low for honey—between 100 rupees per pint during the harvesting season and 120 rupees during the off-season. Despite the 20% increase in price i n the off-season (in both viUages), aU households interviewed sold it within a few days of coUection due to the need for cash at that point i n the year. Gal-siyambala shows a wider price variabiUty, from the unripe fruits at the beginning of the season to the mature fruits toward the end of collection. Most of the fruit, however, was sold at the average price of 20 rupees/kg i n Muriyakadawala and 18 rupees/kg i n Kiriyagaswewa during the field data coUection period. Gal-siyambala was typically sold within 24 hours of harvesting. The differences in price are a reflection of the transport-related bottlenecks (inflexibihty and difficulty) experienced i n Kiriyagaswewa. In the case of fuelwood, no formal market exists in the viUage as every family collects for its own needs. A reference price for fuelwood would be 0.50 rupees/kg, the price in DambuUa where there is a market for it. However, i n order to convert this into a shadow price in a hypothetical viUage market, we need to adjust for transport costs. I n the case of fuelwood, the only feasible way to transport it to DambuUa would be by a smaU truck specificaUy used for that purpose, since public buses would not accept the bulky loads that are involved. The estimated transport costs are 0.14 rupees/kg i n Muriyakadawala and 0.16 rupees/kg i n Kiriyagaswewa, making a shadow price of 0.36 rupees/kg and 0.34 rupees/kg, respectively. The costs of NTFP coUection are related to the opportunity cost of labor, since harvesting of these products does not require specific tools or implements. The labor costs for the household economic analysis were based on the prevaUing labor wages in the region (12 rupees/hour and 8 hours/working day). Table V shows the basic household economic data related to harvesting NTFPs. It is evident that there are important differences in the average amount coUected by household between the two viUages, particularly for gal-siyambala and honey. The two factors determining the total amount of products collected are the number of days and amount


506

Table V . Average Household Collection, Income, Labor Costs, and Gross and Net Values per Hour and Day for Each Product and Village During the Study Period"

Product and village

Average collection (kg or pint)

Gross income (rupees)

Imputed labor costs

Gross value/ hour

Net value/ hour

Gross value/ day

Net value/ day

Gal-siyambala (kg) Muriyakadawala Kiriyagaswewa Both villages

517.2 351.1 459.4

10,344.0 6,319.1 8,944.0

1,746.8 1,468.1 1,649.9

70.7 51.9 64.1

58.7 39.9 52.1

514.7 432.0 485.9

427.4 331.9 394.1

Honey (pints) Muriyakadawala Kiriyagaswewa Both villages

111.5 67.7 87.9

11,145.8 6,773.2 8,791.4

1,341.0 1,581.4 1,470.5

99.4 52.1 73.9

87.4 1 40.1 61.9

741.7 • 564.3 646.2

651.9 432.3 533.7

Fuelwood (kg) Muriyakadawala Kiriyagaswewa Both villages

891.4 831.9 " 861.6

320.9 282.8 301.9

2,021.8 3,111.0 2,566.4

1.9 1.1 1.5

-10.1 -10.9 -10.5

10.7 10.2 10.5

-57.0 -101.9 -79.5

18,056.9 9,691.9 14,009.3

2,643.4 2,259.0 2,457.0

80.4 51.0 66.2

68.4 39.0 54.2

591.0 520.6 556.9

502.9 396.4 451.4

GS & H Muriyakadawala Kiriyagaswewa Both villages

— —

—

"Household sample. ($1US = 49 rupees in October 1994.)

gathered per day. As has beeai. shown m Table I V people f r o m M u r i yakadawala spend a noticeably greater number of days collecting NTFPs than people f r o m Kiriyagaswewa. The amount gathered per day can be disaggregated into two components: number of hours and resource availability. The longer hours spent by Eariyagaswewa gatherers appear to be related to the greater distance to the forest rather than to a higher amount o f effective gathering time, as has already been discussed. Indeed, the correlation between time and distance shows highly significant values for the three products (0.879 for galsiyambala; 0.884 for honey; 0.894 for fuelwood; all w i t h p < 0.001). Thus, assuming that both communities spend a similar amount of productive gathering time during each trip (discounting the time spent on reaching the forest), the amount gathered per day is an indication of the availability of resources. The t-t&st carried out to show possible differences on mean product yield per day shows nonsignificant differences for galsiyambala (t = 1.57; 0.25 > p > 0.10) and for fuelwood (t = 0.40; 0.75 > p > 0.50). This seems to support the view that there are no major differences in the availability of these two resources between the eastern and western sides of Ritigala forest. However, there are significant differences

Nontimber Gathering in S r i L a n l a

507

in the amount of honey collected (t = 15.80; p < 0.01) which is hkely to be linked to availability o f this resource, seemingly higher i n M u r i yakadawala than in Kiriyagaswewa. On the other hand, Kiriyagaswewa seems to be better endowed with wUdlife resources, with six animals recorded against only four in Muriyakadawala. This is consistent with a more isolated location and less human pressure on the eastern side. The difference i n the amount collected in the two villages translates into differences in income, which are slightly amplified due to the price differentials. Thus, the average income for the two main marketable products (expressed as gross income/household) in the households that collect them is nearly double in Muriyakadawala compared with Kiriyagaswewa, showing a contrast i n the role of forest products between the two villages. This income effect is consistent With the villagers' perception of the role of forest products i n their household economy, particularly for those who consider NTFPs to be their primary source of income (see Table I ) . Therefore, the people of Kiriyagasw;ewa are disadvantaged i n three ways: they seem to have slightly less resource availability, longer walking time to the forest before effective coUecting begins, and lower unit selhng prices for their output because of poorer quaUty roads. The net returns are substantially less than for Muriyakadawala (see Table V ) . These differences are statistically significant for all parameters (see Table V I ) and demonstrate the more favorable position of Muriyakadawala. Several points deserve particular attention. First, the collection of commercial forest products during the study period is very profitable in both villages, with honey yielding higher returns than gal-siyambala. The lowest average gross daily value (432 rupees for gal-siyambala i n Kiriyagaswewa) is 4.5 times greater than the standard 96 rupees per day for hired labor, whereas the highest (honey in Muriyakadawala) is 7.7 times greater. These figures coincide with findings in other regions for a variety of products, including fruits, ornamental plants, and bush meat (Anadu et al., 1988;

Table VI. Mest for Differences of the Average Gross and Net Values of Forest Products Product Gal-siyambala Honey Fuelwood GS & H *0.01 > p > 0.001. **p < 0.001.

Gross value/hour

Gross value/day

Net value/day

8.62* 17.17* 23.98* 10.09*

4.84* 15.80* 3.68* 2.93*

5.73** 18.36** 24.57** 4.87**


508

Padoch, 1988; Anderson and loris, 1992; Falconer, 1992; Reining and Heinzman, 1992). Thus, the villagers f r o m the areas studied make a rational choice, particularly during the months of low agricultural activity, which coincided with the study period. This labor allocation strategy has been reported i n other areas (Haggblade and Hazell, 1989; Falconer, 1990) and is considered to be one of the main driving forces defining the relationship between villagers and the surrounding forests (Arnold, 1995). Second, the very low gross value and negative net value of fuelwood collection explains why there is no fuelwood market. A t current prices, people would make better use of their time for other activities, so fuelwood is mainly collected for household use. Third, the daily amount collected, and gross and net value figures explain why people prefer to sell to local traders rather than take their products to the DambuUa market (see Table V I I ) . Although direct seUing to the regional market is possible, the perishability of gal-siyambala suggests that it has to be sold on a daily basis. The average time spent going to DambuUa, seUing the product, and returning is 6 hours, which renders it a full-day activity. I f each household seUs its own product to local traders (rather than selling i t themselves i n DambuUa market) the daUy income f r o m collection (taking into account the transport costs) would be 2.7 times the amount of cash obtained f r o m NTFP collectors who attempt to seU their own product, in the case of gal-siyambala in Kiriyagaswewa. This figure would be 4.3 times the amount in the case of Muriyakadawala. The option of accumulating honey (in order to seU it in larger quantities) is discouraged by the generally small amount gathered, the low relative mar-

TaBIe VII. Daily Collection and Prices at Local and Regional Markets

Product and village

Average daily coUection

Village price (rup.)

DambuUa Transport Net price costs" increment

Gross value/day

Gal-siyambala (kg) Muriyakaidawala Kiriyagaswewa

25.7 24.0

20 18

25 25

9 10

119.5 158.5

514.7 432.0

Honey (pints) Muriyakadawala Kiriyagaswewa

7.4 5.6

100 100

105 105

9 10

28 18

741.7 564.3

"Fee per passenger in local bus. There are charges of 20 rupees per sack of 60 kg (standard size taken to DambuUa by local traders). If the sack weighs less than 30 kg, it is transported without cost. Thus, we are considering that only the passenger would pay in the case of individual household selling, whereas the local trader has to pay also for the larger loads (four sacks of 60 kg, on average, per marketing trip).


509

gins with which the traders operate and the villagers' pressing need for cash. There is extensive discussion in the literature on the relative roles of traders and collectors of NTFPs. A commonly accepted view is that traders make excessive profits by reaping a large part of the collector's benefit (Ryan, 1991; Clay, 1992; Schwartzman, 1992; Peluso, 1992), particularly under monopsony relations. Attempts have been made to assess the full role of traders and their real net profits (Padoch, 1988; Woon and Lim, 1994; Ndoye, 1995). I t is beyond the scope of this paper to take a position on this issue. We would only like to point out the fact that under the conditions of the present study, the option to sell to the local traders is economically rational under present price structures, although the local trader can obtain a daily income 2.5 times higher than the average gross daily income of the NTFP collectors. This relatively high income results from the fact that the concentration of collectors yields economies of scale in transport, as well as a buyer's market. The options are either to collect or to become a f u l l time trader. I t would not be economically rational to transport and market one's own harvest, although trading appears to be more profitable than gathering. Furthermore, a number of barriers prevent villagers from becoming traders. These barriers are related to "acquired knowledge about markets, cash availabiUty for purchasing, and the fact that the trader can use each trip to DambuUa f o r other business. I n addition, there is an equilibrium in the ratio of traders to collectors, such that an additional trader could raise buying prices i n the vUlage, reduce selling prices, profit margins, and the number of collectors per trader, thus reducing the attractiveness of trading to new entrants. The findings from the analysis of household income are also consistent with what has been reported with regards to gender roles in forest-related activities (Rocheleau, 1988; Molnar and Schreiber, 1989; Karner and D u ryea, 1992; Wickramasinghe, 1995c). This explains why fuelwood coUection is typically a woman's activity. Although males coUect fuelwood i f they have a hght load coming f r o m the forest, in all but one household women are responsible f o r this activity. Women participate in gathering gal-siyambala. I n the household sampling, 22 men and 12 women reported that they were frequent coUectors. Group gathering with both males and females is related to the specialization of tasks within the gathering group. Tree climbing is normally carried out by males, and gathering the fruits from collected branches is a task shared among men and women. Interestingly, the male/female ratio varied between viUages. This ratio was closer in Muriyakadawala (14/8) than i n Kiriyagaswewa (9/3). This variation in ratios is consistent with the observation that in Kiriyagaswewa (which is generaUy

510


less affluent and with fewer options for economic development) men tend to dominate the few commercially-oriented activities. For collection of other forest products, such as honey and game, males are exclusively involved i n both villages. ' The household income data can throw light on the issue of the commercial value extracted per ha. I n order to estimate this value two assumptions are made: (a) that we can extrapolate the sample income data to the whole village; (b) that the distance walked by nonsurveyed households will be similar to that of the households interviewed. Based on these assumptions, the total commercial gathering of both villages during the period of study will amount to $32,135 U.S. and the area of the Ritigala Forest covered for gathering would be 1015 ha. That gives an average value of $32/ha. This value, however, is an underestimate, since i t does not include collection during the rainy season, as already mentioned, and does not include the possible coUection by AlagoUewa residents,'' whose gathering territory would partiaUy overlap with those of the studied viUages. Bearing this in mind, the figure can be compared with the 1961 rupees/ha (some $50/ha) estimated by Abeygunawardena and Wickramasinghe (1992) for Hantana Forest i n Sri Lanka, which also coincides with the average found in the review by Godoy et al. (1993) of 24 cases in different tropical countries.

M O D E L S T O ANALYZE H O U S E H O L D GATHERING ACTIVITIES Regression analysis has commonly been used to model forestry activities. I n this study we try to analyze the relation of commercial gathering (measured by the total cash obtained f r o m forest products) with agricultural land, family size, distance to the forest, total household income, and access to market. These variables represent interviUage differences (access to market and distance to the forest) and interhousehold differences (agricultural land, family size, and household income). Gathering patterns and distances f r o m house to forest vary for each product. I n addition, the trivial, noninformative relation of 0 rupees obtained with 0 k m walked for 35.4% of the households interviewed who do not collect products for the market, would bias the results i f i t was included in the multiple regression analysis. Moreover, the distance measured is the actual distance walked to and from the viUage meeting point in a gathering journey rather than the distance f r o m each individual household to the forest, which is practically the same within each viUage. The inclusion of 'This gathering, however, would be small since AlagoUewa is a CathoHc village recently established and does not have the strong forest related traditions of the other two vUlages.


511

Table V l t l . Regression Values of Income from Gal-siyambala and Honey on Distance Walked" Gal-siyambala Number of households i?-square bl (exponent) bo (factor) F-test

23 0.615 -0.875 37,826.7 33.54*

Honey 26 0.616 -1.391 145,021 38.52*

"Restricted to collectors of each product from the household sample. *p < 0.001.

the latter i n the multiple regression would have a perfect coUinearity with the travelluig time to DambuUa. Consequently, the effects of distance to the forest were analyzed separately as a regression of comniercial value for each product on distance based only on those families who actually collect the products. Different models (linear and nonlinear) were used. The best fitting curve is a power model of the type: y = b^xP'^ or its equivalent logarithmic transformation: log y = log bg + b\ log x (see Table V I I I ) . The negative exponent and high i?-square value for both products suggest a strong negative relation between distance to the forest and income generated f r o m these products. The greater distance to the forest is a strong disincentive for the people of Kiriyagaswewa, who go less frequently to collect forest products. As noted previously, distance can be related to gathering time, so the negative exponent could be used as an indication of a household labor allocation strategy. I n the case of honey, it may also be due to a lower abundance of the resource as has been discussed. The results are consistent with findings in other areas of Sri Lanka (GunatUake, 1994). The relationships with the other variables were analyzed using a multiple regression model. I n this model, the commercial gathering of forest products is assumed to depend on total household income, agricultural production (distinguishing chena'from paddy), family size, and distance to the DambuUa market. Agricultural production was measured both as crop area and a cash index obtained by multiplying the area by the percentage of the crops sold. The area gives higher i?-square and F values than the cash index. Household size was studied using three different variables: total number of adults (18 to 60 years), total workforce (teenagers, adults, and old people) and total family size, including children. Total family size produced the best fit regression. This supports the information coUected during the interviews that all household members are engaged in productive activities during the yearly cycle. The inclusion of a male/female ratio variable

512


Standardized Predicted Value

Iisq=0.356

Fig. 4. Multiple regression of total forest-derived income on five variables. Household sample.

Table I X . Multiple Regression of Total Forest-Derived Income for A l l Households in the Sample

Independent variables Chena area Paddy area Family size Total household income Time to DambuUa Constant

i?-square = 0.356 (B) -806.54 -2,200.24 2,189.84 0.04 -1,322.45 37,734.75

Adjusted i?-square = F-test = 4.634 Significance = 0.002 0.279 (Beta) (f-test) -0.08 -0.28 0.38 0.05 -0.39 —

-0.635 -1.353 2.982 0.225 -2.938 2.585

0.529 0.183 0.005 0.823 0.005. 0.013

did not improve the fitness of the regression. Figure 4 and Table I X show the results of the multiple regression model. Family size and traveling time to the regional market of DambuUa are the variables that contribute most to the explanation of variability in the regression, having the lowest significance level. Labor availability (of all ages), as related to family size, seems to be one of the main determining factors for households to gather marketable forest products in Ritigala. This is an interhousehold differentiating factor. The traveling time to DambuUa is an indication of ease of access to market, and it is an interviUage discriminating factor, acting as a dummy


-513

variable. Its vs'eight in the regression model confirms the importance of market differences in shaping the intensity of forest gathering for commercial products. Area of paddy, though having a smaller contribution to the regression, seems to indicate the tendency for smaller landholders to gather more forest products, contingent upon the availabiUty of labor i n the family. A similar contribution, albeit less unportant, can be seen i n the case of the area of chena. Finally, the contribution of total household income to the regression equation is negligible, coirfirming the vievi' that commercial gathering during the forest peak season is independent of relative household wealth. This relation may change in the peak agricultural season (the off-season for the major commercially-important forest products), when very few people would be collecting NTFPs. These few people would most likely tend to be women and children, or men unable to earn cash f r o m farming their own land, tenancy, or off-farm labor activities, and who would concentrate on subsistence activities. A discriminant analysis was carried out in order to confirm the relative importance of each variable and to distinguish the interviUage from the interhousehold differentiation factors. Total family size was once again the best explanatory variable to differentiate between gathering and nongathering households. This variable allows for a correct classification in 72.92% of the cases (canonical correlation 0.411; chi-square = 0.413; p < 0.01). Any other single variable or combination of variables offers a less discriminant performance. Finally, the multiple regression model was applied to the 31 households of the sample in both villages that actually collected commercial products during the study period. Figure 5 and Table X show the results of this model. The comparison of both regressions can be used to check the robustness of the former interpretation as well as to discern possible changes in the commercial gathering group of households. The new regression has a higher i?-square value and greater statistical significance. Time to DambuUa remains the variable that contributes most to the regression, followed by the area of paddy rice, which maintains its negative sign but increases the beta coefficient. Family size loses its importance in the 31 gathering households regression. This is to be expected given this variable's discriminating power to separate the households that gather f r o m those that d o not gather commercial products (which have been removed in the new regression). Both the beta coefficient and significance of total income have higher values. This is again consistent with the expectation that total household income would have more relation with forest cash income in the group of households that actually gather com-


514

-1

0

Rsq=0.556

Standardized Predicted Value

Fig. 5. Multiple regression of total forest-derived income on five variables. 31 commercial gathering households from the sample.

Table X . Multiple Regression of Total Forest-Derived Income for the 31 Commercial Gathering Households in the Sample

Independent variables Chena area Paddy area Family size Total household income Distance to DambuUa Constant

i?-square = 0.556 (B) -275.47 -2,051.56 1,133.71 0.11 -1,664.14 54,413.07

Adjusted i?-square = 0.468 (Beta) -0.04 -0.37 0.23 0.18 -0.66 —

f-test = 6.271 (Mest)

Significance = 0.0007

-0.258 -1.615 1.624 0.759 -4.673 4.631

0.798 0.119 0.117 0.455 0.0001 0.0001

mercial products, behaving more as a dependent variable. Finally, chena area mauitains a very low contribution to the regression model. The regression analysis indicates a situation where intensity o f gathering of forest products is closely related to distance to the forest, available labor (measured by family size), and ease of reaching the market, in the context of open access to the forest by members of the surrounding communities. The size o f agricultural land (especially paddy rice fields) seems to have a small, negative relation to collecting NTFPs for cash income. Economic status, as measured by total family income, does not greatly influence the intensity of collection.

515

Nontimber Gathiering in Sri Lanka

CONCLUSIONS Both communities studied in the Ritigala area maintain a strong relation to the forest. A l l households gather products for subsistence use (especially fuelwood and medicinal plants) and the majority also collect commercially valuable products, to varying degrees. The agrarian structures in both villages are similar. However, there are important differences in forest-derived income as well as in overall income. Muriyakadawala, closer to the forest and located on the main road to the regional market, is wealthier and more commercially oriented than K i r i yagaswewa. The former also shows a more intense commercial collection of NTFPs, with an average for total gross income from the forest at 1.86 times that i n Kiriyagaswewa. Despite these differences, commercial collection of NTFPs represents a good alternative for labor allocation in both villages, particularly when agricultural activity is low. The gross daily income f r o m the forest f o r the peak season studied ranges between 4.5 and 7.7 times the daily wage f o r hired labor. The extrapolation of these findings to all households i n both villages offers an estimated forest commercial production of at least $32/ha. Direct selling by collectors to the main regional market, DambuUa, is possible, although there are transport-related marketing problems f r o m Kiriyagaswewa: These problems result in a reduction of 10% of the viUage price for gal-siyambala, although they do not affect the price of honey. However, under current market structures and prices, the gains of individual direct selling do not compensate for the time spent when compared with returns obtained by seUing to the local trader. ViUagers who use the local trader's services benefit by saving time, which they might use to gather more forest products. Women tend to concentrate on subsistence-related activities and men on commercial gathering of forest products, although women play a significant role i n gathering gal-siyambala. The tradition of group gathering observed i n both vUlages is associated with security concerns inside the forest in general, and labor specialization and economies of scale in the'case of gal-siyambala. There may also be a cultural component derived from the "Vannikaroyo," or traditional hunting-gathering culture to which both villages are related. The group gathering and sharing of profits introduces an equalizing factor to income earnings. The differences between households o f t h e same village with regards to forest-based income are related to the number of gathering days spent and products coUected. These differences are slightly amplified by price differentials in the two viUages.

516


The regression models applied indicate that ease of access to the regional market of DambuUa is the major factor influencing more intensive use of the forest in Muriyakadawala. Distance to the forest is also a clear differentiating factor between the two viUages. Family size is the main factor determining the intensity of coUection by each household and seems to relate the gathering activity with labor avaUability and labor allocation options. The area of agricultural land, especiaUy paddy rice fields, shows a negative relationship to commercial gathering of NTFPs. This indicates a certain dichotomy between having sufficient agricultural land and relying more on the forest. Total household income is not a significant determinant in the model, although forest-related activities do influence the total income i n those households that gather commercial forest products. I n terms of addressing the three propositions (a, c, and d) listed in the Introduction, it was found in the communities studied i n the Ritigala area that gathering NTFPs was a relevant part of their economy. The distance f r o m their home or viUage meeting point to the core NTFP coUection sites did play a role, such that Muriyakadawala coUectors were able to benef i t more than Kiriyagaswewa coUectors, given their proximity to valuable NTFPs. Household income does not seem to be a major factor explaining household differences with regard to commercial forest gathering activities during the peak season for NTFPs. This finding contradicts the conventional wisdom that forest gathering is an activity carried only by the poorest segment of the comnlunity. Instead, it shows that NTFP coUection allows households with less agricultural land to reach comparable levels of income to households with more agricultural land (at least over this period). The confirmation of this finding could have significant effects on the perception of the roles of forest vs. agricultural derived income, as weU as of the ways to alleviate rural poverty. However, the extent to which NTFP collection and agricultural activities represent equally attractive options in the study area, or whether one option is preferred to the other (due to factors such as land tenure security, stabUity of production, etc.), wiU need further research. Similarly, research on forest ecology and in particular the population dynamics of the harvested species wiU be needed to address proposition (b), in order to assess the long term sustainabihty of the present gathering system. Alternative agroforestry practices to encourage planting of the species under more pressure should also be considered important issues for future research. Finally, improving the transport, storage, and market channels seem to be clear options for rural development projects i n the area.

Nontimber .Gathering in Sri Lanka

517,

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We wish to acknowledge the positive discussions and critical comments offered by NeU Byron. We also thank WiUiam Sunderlin, Don Gilmour, and Lini WoUenberg for their valuable comments.

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