Paradigm Uniformity in Luwanga Derived Nouns ∗ Christopher R. Green - Indiana University WOCAL 6, University of Cologne
a. Consider two Luwanga Class 9 nouns with stop-initial stems, [indukusi] ‘ant’ and [itakata] ‘chest’. In these and all others instances, one finds voiced obstruents only after nasals, while voiceless obstruents are found in all other positions. Such a distribution typically implies an allophonic relationship, wherein the voiceless stop would be proposed underlyingly and the voiced allophone emerges only in the permitted post-nasal environment.
August 17-20, 2009
Introduction 1. Luwanga (Oluwanga, Wanga, Oluhanga) is a language of the Luyia cluster classified most recently as JE32a (Maho, 2008, in press). This language and its closest relatives (e.g. Lutsootso, Lukisa, and Lumarama) are spoken in Western Kenya in areas between the Kakamega forest and Lake Victoria. Ethnologue (R. G. Gordon, Jr., 2005) estimates approximately 135,000 Luwanga speakers, according to the 1989 Kenya census. Data for this study were gathered from a male native speaker of Luwanga from Musamba, Kenya over a period of 16 months.
b. If one proposes a Proto-Bantu-like underlying stop inventory (i.e. voiceless stops only), it is impossible to derive the attested forms of these words from identical underlying stops, i.e. /iN-tukusi/ and /iN-takata/, respectively. In one instance, this would require a process of voicing assimilation (/iN-tukusi --> [indukusi]), but in the other, a process of nasal deletion (/iN-takata/ --> [itakata]). c. However, proposing an underlyingly voice contrast, it becomes clear that nasal deletion is permitted, as expected, before underlyingly voiceless stem-initial obstruents but is blocked before underlyingly voiced stem-initial obstruents. These possibilities are outlined in (2c).
a. This study focuses on Luwanga nouns, particularly those in diminutive and augmentative classes (12/13 and 20/4, respectively), derived from Class 9/10. The phonology of Luwanga Class 9/10 nouns is of particular interest given the interaction of their prefixes (augment + class prefix) with the noun stem. Class 9 Class 12 Class 20
imbako axaβako okuβako
‘hoe’ ‘small hoe’ ‘big hoe’
Class 10 Class 13 Class 4
tsimbako oruβako emiβako
d. Nasal Deletion Place Assimilation
‘hoes’ ‘small hoes’ ‘big hoes’
/iN-tukusi/ itukusi ___ *[itukusi]
/iN-dukusi/ ___ indukusi [indukusi]
/iN-dakata/ ___ indakata *[indakata]
/iN-takata/ itakata ___ [itakata]
e. A representative list of Class 9/10 nouns showcasing the robustness of this voice contrast in Luwanga (along with their diminutive and augmentative derivatives) is found in Appendix 1. 1
b. Data collected reveal a previously unreported correlation between dissimilar morphemic constituents of these noun classes. This correlation has led to the proposal that a morphophonemic paradigm exists between particular elements of these classes that is dependent on the structure of the Class 9 nominal base form.
Voiced obstruent-initial stems A μ | i-takata μ | xa-takata
A’ μμ || in-dukusi μ μ | | axa-tukusi
B μ | i-takata μ μ | | *axa-takata
B’
3. The retention vs. deletion of the Class 9/10 prefix nasal (and therefore the nature of the underlying stem-initial segment) becomes an important component for consideration when comparing Class 9/10 nouns and their derived diminutive and augmentative (D/A) counterparts. D/A nouns are created from their non-derived counterparts by the addition of their respective prefixes to the noun stem.
μμ || in-dukusi μ | *xa-tukusi
a. By replacing Class 9/10 prefixes containing a nasal consonant with their respective VCV prefixes of D/A nouns, underlying stem-initial voiced stops lose their [+voice] specification (4a-e).
Class 9/10 Nouns 2. Prefixes of Class 9/10 nouns have two allomorphs whose surface manifestations depend largely on the underlying nature of the stem-initial segment to which they are attached. These allomorphs are, for example, iN- and i- for Class 9 and tsiN- and tsi- for Class 10. The details of these forms and their distribution is illustrated briefly below.
1 While this contrast is not opaque in terms of rule application, the machinery necessary to account for these surface forms in an optimality theoretic framework (Green, 2008) is that used to account for underapplication opacity (e.g. local constraint conjunction). Drawing upon this earlier analysis, Farris-Trimble (2008) utilized Harmonic Grammar (Smolensky & Legendre, 2006) to analyze this phenomenon (a cumulative faithfulness effect) in Luwanga.
∗
Many thanks to Stuart Davis, Michael Marlo, Daniel Dinnsen, Robert Botne, Ashley FarrisTrimble, Seunghun Lee, Jonathan Anderson, Amanda Lowry, and Samuel Obeng for their helpful comments on portions of this study. This research is supported in part by grants to Indiana University from the National Institutes of Health (DC001694 & DC00012).
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4. a. b. c. d. e.
Class 9 imbako imbooŋgo inda indukusi iŋgato
Class 10 tsimbako tsimbooŋgo tsinda tsindukusi tsiŋgato
Class 12 axaβako axaβooŋgo axata axatukusi axakato
Class 13 oruβako oruβooŋgo oruta orutukusi orukato
Class 20 okuβako okuβooŋgo okuta okutukusi okukato
Gloss ‘hoe’ ‘bongo’ ‘belly’ ‘ant’ ‘sandal’
8. In order to establish the presence of a moraic paradigm in Luwanga noun prefixes, we first motivate the moraic constituents of these structures. Vowels are uncontroversially moraic (with the exception of reduced systems with short-central light vowels, e.g. Javanese (M. Gordon, 2002)), and thus typical VCV- noun prefixes (augment + class prefix) in Luwanga are bimoraic. Class 9/10 prefixes, iNand tsiN-, respectively, require further discussion in order to motivate the moraicity of their nasals.
Voiceless obstruent-initial stems a. While Luwanga is similar to other Bantu languages (Hyman, 2003; Meeussen, 1979) in its failure to exhibit contrastive vowel length before NC sequences, contrastive vowel length is widespread in other environments.
5. Analogous derivation of Class 9/10 nouns containing underlying stem-initial voiceless stops, however, reveals an unexpected outcome. Such nouns (6a-e) in which the Class 9/10 prefix nasal is deleted, have a corresponding deletion of the augment (pre-prefix) vowel in the derived D/A forms. Forms retaining the augment are unattested and unacceptable in Luwanga. Deletion is unexpected given that the full prefix is attested in all other noun classes, with few exceptions, and in all other D/A derivatives. 6. Class 9 a. ikwaaya *inkwaaya b. ikweena c. itakata d. italani e. iβaka
Class 10 tsikwaaya *tsinkwaaya tsikweena tsitaka tsitalani tsiβaka
Class 12 xakwaaya *axakwaaya xakweena xatakata xatalani xaβaka
Class 13 rukwaaya *orukwaaya rukweena rutakata rutalani ruβaka
Class 20 kukwaaya *okukwaaya kukweena kutakata kutalani kuβaka
b. Pre-NC Long Vowels eʃiliindwa ‘tomb’ imbuundu ‘lump of flour’ indeeŋga ‘fear’ induumbu ‘calf’ isiimbi ‘cowrie shell’ isiindu ‘quail’
Gloss ‘armpit’ ‘crocodile’ ‘chest’ ‘lion’ ‘python’
oβusaaŋgafo oβutuunduri omusuumba oxulaaŋga oxulooŋga oxusiiŋga
b. Vowel Length Contrast Minimal Pairs amaβeere ‘milk’ amaβere emiro ‘vegetables’ emiiro omuβatsi ‘liar’ omuβaatsi omukulo ‘playmate’ omukuulo oxuβera ‘to clear’ oxuβeera oxuβola ‘to rot’ oxuβoola oxuβula ‘to lack’ oxuβuula oxufuβa ‘to spoil’ oxufuuβa oxulira ‘to cry’ oxuliira oxukula ‘to purchase’ oxukuula oxuxula ‘to grow’ oxuxuula
Paradigm Uniformity 7. While the correlation between nasal consonant deletion in Class 9/10 and the deletion of a vocalic segment in the D/A is clear from the data in (4) and (6), the process driving this deletion (specifically that of the augment in D/A nouns) requires explanation. The current study proposes that this correlation is the manifestation of a morpho-phonemic paradigm in the moraic structure of noun class prefixes in Luwanga.
‘happiness’ ‘bone marrow’ ‘bachelor’ ‘to call’ ‘to make pottery’ ‘to wash’
‘millet’ ‘feathers’ ‘carpenter’ ‘pole’ ‘to forgive’ ‘to say’ ‘to give information’ ‘to throw’ ‘to eat with’ ‘to smooth’ ‘to uproot’
c. Citing examples from both nouns and verbs, we propose that certain nasal consonants in Luwanga (e.g. the 1st person singular object pronoun and the Class 9/10 prefix nasal) are moraic given their ability to trigger compensatory lengthening of vowels preceding them, given the appropriate context. In word-internal positions before voiced stops and affricates, the aforementioned nasal consonants readily trigger compensatory lengthening reminiscent of that described classically by Hayes (1989).
a. This analysis proposes that the mora count between base and derived noun class prefixes must correspond and that this correspondence is built upon the mora count of the base. Specifically, in Luwanga, we motivate the moraicity of the Class 9/10 prefix nasal and illustrate that its deletion (that of a mora) drives the deletion of a corresponding moraic element (the augment) in D/A nouns. Furthermore, this analysis proposes that constraints on syllable contact drive the deletion of the augment, rather that the vowel of the class prefix.
d. Canonical Compensatory Lengthening alamuβeka ‘he will shave him’ (near fut.) yaxamuβetʃe ‘he will shave him’ (remote fut.) yaxamwiiβetʃere ‘he will shave himself’ (remote fut.) mumuriaŋgo ‘on the door’ xumuriaŋgo ‘in the door’
b. Although the notion of phonological and morphological analogies and paradigms have been explored elsewhere in the literature (e.g. Benua, 1997; Downing, 2005; Flack, 2007; Hall, 2005; McCarthy, 1998, 2005; Smith, 1998; Steriade, 2001), no published work exists exploring paradigmatic correspondences between Bantu nouns and their derivatives. This study, therefore, establishes parallels to these earlier studies and reports on a previously undescribed phenomenon in a Bantu language.
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alaambeka yaxaambetʃe yaxaanziβetʃere muunzu xuunzu
‘he will shave me’ (near fut.) ‘he will shave me’ (remote fut.) ‘he will shave himself for me’ (remote fut.) ‘on the house’ ‘inside the house’
For example, Class 9 Class 10 imbako tsimbako
e. Similar to what has been described for Luganda (Hyman, 2003) and Cilungu (Bickmore, 2007), Luwanga has an active neutralization process that shortens long vowels in onsetless syllables, such that one never finds compensatorily lengthened vowels word-initially (e.g. in Class 9 nouns (iN-), verbs containing the 1st person singular subject pronoun (eN-), and Class 16 locatives (a-) derived from Class 9 nouns). f.
imbulu indeeŋga inzu ɛndola ɛndʒendaaŋga
‘water monitor’ ‘fear’ ‘house’ ‘I see’ ‘I am walking’
indaama iŋgaβo anzu ɛnzitsaaŋga ɛndi
Class 12 axaβako
Class 13 oruβako
Class 20 okuβako
Gloss ‘hoe’
b. For Class 9/10 voiceless obstruent-initial nouns, nasal deletion is phonologically-driven, as evidenced from the absence of the underlying prefix nasal phonetically in these words (as in 6a-e). Upon deletion, the remaining word-initial vowel is of equivalent duration (av. 72 ms , n=35) to that found for other steminternal vowels (av. 72 ms, n=92). These vowels, therefore, do not fill the vacated nasal mora, and thus the mora is removed by stray erasure. These words have derived D/A counterparts in which the augment has also been deleted. The surface Class 9/10 prefix is monomoraic, which corresponds to a monomoraic (CV-) D/A noun prefix.
‘cheek’ ‘shield’ ‘near the house’ ‘I am going’ ‘I am’
g. While a tonal analysis of Luwanga nouns is forthcoming, the observation of compensatory lengthening of vowels preceding the Class 9/10 prefix nasal (and elsewhere in the language) provide compelling preliminary evidence for the moraicity of this morpheme.
For example, Class 9 Class 10 ikwaaya tsikwaaya
Class 12 xakwaaya
Class 13 rukwaaya
Class 20 kukwaaya
Gloss ‘armpit’
c. We posit, therefore, that a morphophonemic paradigm exists in Luwanga noun prefixes in which the mora count in the prefix (augment + class prefix) of D/A nouns matches that of the prefix of the base noun from which it is derived.
9. Having provided evidence of Class 9/10 prefix nasal moraicity, we offer that Luwanga noun prefixes for every class are bimoraic, as shown below in (9a). a.
d. Paradigms A and A’ are attested in Luwanga, while B and B’ are unattested. Noun Class 1
12
9
Augment + Prefix μ μ | | omuμ μ | | axaμμ || iN-
Noun Class 4
14
10
Augment + Prefix μ μ | | emiμ μ | | oβuμμ || tsiN-
A μ | i-takata μ | xa-takata
A’ μμ || in-dukusi μ μ | | axa-tukusi
B μ | i-takata μ μ | | *axa-takata
B’ μμ || in-dukusi μ | *xa-tukusi
e. This paradigm has been analyzed in an optimality-theoretic framework in terms of output-to-output correspondence to moraic faithfulness (Green, 2008).
10. With this observation in place, we can discuss the various instantiations of a morphophonemic paradigm between base and derived nouns in Luwanga that we propose is tied to the mora count of noun prefixes.
11. The behavior of Class 10 (tsiN-) nouns is peculiar in Luwanga. Rather than permitting compensatory lengthening in all instances, as one would expect in other non-vowel-initial instances, Class 10 nouns behave identically to their Class 9 counterparts in failing to permit lengthening of their augment vowel (see 10a-b).
a. In Luwanga Class 9/10 voiced obstruent-initial nouns, nasal deletion does not apply, as evidenced from the retention of the underlying prefix nasal phonetically in these words (as in 4a-e). Given that compensatory lengthening is blocked word-initially, we find no evidence that the prefix nasal has vacated its mora in these instances. These prefixes therefore retain their bimoraicity on the surface. These same words have derived D/A counterparts retaining their augment. The D/A noun prefix for these words (VCV-) is therefore also bimoraic.
a. Durational measurements of the Class 10 prefix vowel are nearly identical in both deletion (av. 65 ms, n=14) and non-deletion (av. 67 ms, n=10) instances. The duration of an intervocalic short vowel is 72 ms. It appears, therefore, that Class 10 nouns are constructed by analogy to their Class 9 counterparts. b. These observations lead to the proposition that both plural and D/A Luwanga nouns are modeled after the singular form.
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Class 11/10a Nouns 12. Class 11 nouns have plural counterparts with the same prefixal material as Class 10 (tsiN-). We observe that the Class 11 plural is more appropriately Class 10a given that it behaves slightly different in comparison to the plural of Class 9.
Fricative-initial stems 14. Class 9/10 fricative-initial stems are more peculiar in their behavior, though as proposed below, their composition, historically, provides motivation for two observed possibilities in Luwanga.
a. Class 11 (olu-) and Class 10a (tsiN-) prefixes follow the expected bimoraic requirement illustrated elsewhere in Luwanga. Given the VCV shape of the Class 11 prefix and its lack of a prefix nasal, it is never subject to demorification. While Class 10a behaves similarly to Class 10 in manifesting a phonologically-motivated nasal deletion before voiceless obstruents, its corresponding D/A nouns are in stark contrast to those found in Class 10.
a. As before, with other stems beginning with voiceless segments, we find one subset of Luwanga voiceless fricative-initial stems that follow the predicted pattern of nasal consonant deletion. These nouns have D/A derivations lacking an augment.
b. Class 9 ixafuka ixokoro isuundo isurusi
b. D/A nouns derived from Class 11/10a never yield deletion of their augment, even in instances where the nasal of the Class 10a prefix has been deleted. Furthermore, the prefix vowel of the Class 10a prefix is subject to compensatory lengthening, whereas this was not the case for Class 10. A representative list of nouns from these classes, along with their D/A derivations is found in Appendix 2. For example, Class 11 Class 10a oluβafu tsiimbafu olukano tsiiŋgano oluteende tsiiteende
Class 12 xaxafuka xaxokoro xasuundo xasurusi
Class 13 ruxafuka ruxokoro rusuundo rusurusi
Class 20 kuxafuka kuxokoro kusuundo kusurusi
Gloss ‘type of pot’ ‘gourd scraper’ ‘wart’ ‘bull’
c. A second subset of voiceless fricative-initial stems, however, surface in Class 9/10 with no prefix nasal, but retain their D/A augments. Class 12 axaβafu axakano axateende
Class 13 oruβafu orukano oruteende
Class 20 okuβafu okukano okuteende
Gloss ‘rib’ ‘story’ ‘marsh’
d. Class 9 ifisi ifuula ifuxo isaako isalu
c. This observation illustrates that paradigm uniformity is not restricted to one noun class in the language and provides further support for the observation that these paradigms are constructed upon analogy to the singular form of the noun.
13. The behavior of other Class 9/10 Luwanga nouns follows closely to that described for nouns with stem-initial stops and affricates. Nasal-initial stems in Luwanga Class 9/10 (both underlying and resulting from Meinhof’s Law) surface with geminate nasals. This is evidenced from the durational properties of these nasals, as well as the way in which these nouns participate in the D/A paradigm described above.
Class 12 axamaamba axamwoo axanuuni axaɲaama axaɲuundo axaŋaani axaŋoma
Class 13 orumaamba orumwoo orunuuni oruɲaama oruɲuundo oruŋaani oruŋoma
Class 20 okumaamba okumwoo okunuuni okuɲaama okuɲuundo okuŋaani okuŋoma
Class 12 axafisi axafuula axafuxo axasaako axasalu
Class 13 orufisi orufuula orufuxo orusaako orusalu
Class 20 okufisi okufuula okufuxo okusaako okusalu
Gloss ‘hyena’ ‘rain’ ‘mole’ ‘crook’ ‘cyst’
f. Meinhof (1932) also discusses the development of modern Bantu fricatives and suggests processes in which [f] has developed from n+ʋ. Likewise, some instances of modern [s] have developed from n+z. Given these propositions and the behavior of Luwanga nouns and their derivatives constructed from Class 9/10, the proposed analysis in this study is that the historical forms still exhibit an influence on the underlying representation of these nouns. If one considers that the derivation of D/A nouns is an older process and that the development of [f] and [s] is a more recent sound change, the structure of the observed Luwanga derived nouns is motivated.
a. Resultant geminate nasals in Luwanga are approximately one-third longer in duration than stem-internal nasals (99 ms and 69ms, respectively). D/A nouns derived from these nasal stems also retain their augment.
Class 10 tsimmaamba tsimmwoo tsinnuuni tsiɲɲaama tsiɲɲuundo tsiŋŋaani tsiŋŋoma
Class 10 tsifisi tsifuula tsifuxo tsisaako tsisalu
e. It has been proposed (Meinhof, 1932) that the [x] sound in many Bantu languages developed from an underlying */k/, whereas the [s] sound developed from an underlying */c/, it is tenable that these sounds, as derived from other voiceless consonants that would have triggered prefix nasal deletion, would support this process in modern Luwanga. These nouns (14b), with historically true stem-initial voiceless consonants, obey the Luwanga phonological processes proposed above in.
Nasal-initial Stems
b. Class 9 immaamba immwoo innuuni iɲɲaama iɲɲuundo iŋŋaani iŋŋoma
Class 10 tsixafuka tsixokoro tsisuundo tsisurusi
Gloss ‘bicep’ ‘maize seed’ ‘simsim’ ‘meat’ ‘hammer’ ‘open grave’ ‘drum’
15. Class 9/10 is the repository for a large number of borrowings into Luwanga from Swahili, English, etc.. While we do not discuss them in detail here, we propose that these nouns form a separate lexical class in Luwanga, given their internally consistent but divergent behavior as compared to other Luwanga nouns.
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Smith, J. L. (1998). Noun Faithfulness and Word Stress in Tuyuca. Paper presented at the ESCOL 97. Smolensky, P., & Legendre, G. (2006). The Harmonic Mind: From Neural Computation to Optimality-Theoretic Grammar. Cambridge: MIT Press. Steriade, D. (2001). The Phonology of Perceptibility Effects: the P-map and its consequences for constraint organziation.Unpublished manuscript, UCLA.
Conclusion 16. What we have done in this paper is to characterize and propose an analysis for a previously undocumented correlation between base nouns and their derived diminutive and augmentative counterparts in Luwanga. By first motivating the moraicity of the Luwanga Class 9/10 nasal prefix, the presence of a morphophonemic paradigm in noun prefixes based upon mora count has been proposed. Data presented has illustrated the close correlation between retention of the Class 9/10 prefix nasal and the presence of an augment (pre-prefix) in D/A nouns. When this prefix nasal is deleted, the otherwise obligatory augment is also deleted. The presence of this unique phenomenon in Luwanga necessitates further cross-linguistic exploration of other closely related languages in the Luyia cluster and beyond.
Appendix 1 - Class 9/10 Nouns Stem -baa -baala -baalo -bako -bale -βaka -βakuuli -βirika -daba -dabuʃi -dalo -fisi -fubu -fusi -fuuko -fuula -fuxo -gabo -gara -gasi -gato -geke -gwa -dʒiira -dʒiiri -dʒuugu -kanzu -keeŋgere -koofya -kwaaya -kweena -maamba -meere -meesa -mooni -mwo -ndiiumu -ndo -ŋgamiya -ŋgano -raanda
References Benua, L. (1997). Transderivational Identity: Phonological Relationships Between Words. Unpublished Dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Bickmore, L. (2007). Cilungu Phonology. Stanford: CSLI Publications. Downing, L. J. (2005). Jita Causative Doubling Provides Optimal Paradigms. In T. A. Hall, L. J. Downing & R. Raffelsiefen (Eds.), Paradigms in Phonological Theory (pp. 122144). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Farris-Trimble, A. W. (2008). Cumulative Faithfulness Effects in Phonology. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Indiana University, Bloomington. Flack, K. (2007). Templatic Morphology and indexed markedness constraints. Linguistic Inquiry, 38, 749-758. Gordon, M. (2002). A phonetically driven account of syllable weight. Language, 78(1), 51-80. Gordon, R. G., Jr. (2005). Ethnologue: Languages of the World. from http://www.ethnologue.com Green, C. R. (2008). Nasal Deletion in Class 9/10 and its Effect on Augment Use. Paper presented at the 39th Annual Conference on African Linguistics, Athens, GA. April 17-20, 2008. Hall, T. A. (2005). Paradigm Uniformity Effects in German Phonology. Journal of Germanic Linguistics, 17(4), 225-264. Hayes, B. (1989). Compensatory Lengthening in Moraic Phonology. In J. A. Goldsmith (Ed.), Phonological Theory: The Essential Readings (pp. 351-364). Malden: Blackwell. Hyman, L. (2003). Segmental Phonology. In D. Nurse & G. Philipson (Eds.), The Bantu Languages (pp. 42-58). London: Routledge. Hyman, L. (2008). Directional asymmetries in the morphology and phonology of words, with special reference to Bantu. Linguistics, 46(2), 309-349. Maho, J. F. (2008). NUGL Online: New Updated Guthrie List: a referential classification of the Bantu languages [Electronic Version], from http://goto.glocalnet.net/maho/papers.html Maho, J. F. (in press). The new updated Guthrie list (NUGL): a referential classification of the Bantu languages. Frankfurt-am-Main: Peter Lang. McCarthy, J. J. (1998). Morpheme Structure Constraints and Paradigm Occultation. In M. C. Gruber, D. Higgins, K. Olson & T. Wysocki (Eds.), CLS 32, Part 2: The Panels (pp. 123-150). Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. McCarthy, J. J. (2005). Optimal Paradigms. In L. J. Downing, T. A. Hall & R. Renate (Eds.), Paradigms in Phonological Theory (pp. 170-210). Oxford: Oxford University Press. Meeussen, A. E. (1979). Vowel Length in Proto-Bantu. Journal of African Languages and Linguistics, 1, 1-7. Meinhof, C. (1932). Introduction to the Phonology of the Bantu Languages (N. J. v. Warmelo, Trans.). Berlin: Dietrich Reimer and Ernst Vohsen.
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Class 9 imbaa imbaala imbaalo imbako imbale iβaka iβakuuli iβirika
Class 10 tsimbaa tsimbaala tsimbaalo tsimbako tsimbale tsiβaka tsiβakuuli tsiβirika
Class 12 axaβaa axaβaala axaβaalo axaβako axaβale xaβaka xaβakuuli xaβirika
Class 13 oruβaa oruβaala oruβaalo orubako oruβale ruβaka ruβakuuli ruβirika
indaβa indaβuʃi indalo ifisi ifuβu ifusi ifuuko ifuula ifuxo iŋgaβo iŋgara iŋgasi iŋgato iŋgeke iŋgwa
tsindaβa tsindaβuʃi tsindalo tsifisi tsifuβu tsifusi tsifuuko tsifuula tsifuxo tsiŋgaβo tsiŋgara tsiŋgasi tsiŋgato tsiŋgeke tsiŋgwa
axataβa axataβuʃi axatalo axafisi axafuβu axafusi axafuuko axafuula axafuxo axakaβo axakara axakasi axakato axakete axakwa
orutaβa orutaβuʃi orutalo orufisi orufuβu orufusi orufuuko orufuula orufuxo orukaβo orukara orukasi orukato orukete orukwa
indʒiira indʒiiri indʒuugu ikanzu ikeeŋgere ikoofya ikwaaya ikweena immaamba imeere imeesa
tsindʒiira tsindʒiiri tsindʒuugu tsikanzu tsikeeŋgere tsikoofya tsikwaaya tsikweena tsimmaamba tsimeere tsimeesa
axatʃiira axatʃiiri axatʃuugu xakanzu xakeeŋgere xakoofya xakwaaya xakweena axamaamba xameere xameesa
orutʃiira orutʃiiri orutʃuugu rukanzu rukeeŋgere rukoofya rukwaaya rukweena orumaamba rumeere rumeesa
immooni immwo indiiumu indo iŋgamiya iŋgano iraanda
tsimmooni tsimmwo tsindiimu tsindo tsiŋgamiya tsiŋgano tsiraanda
axamooni axamwo xandiimu xando xaŋgamiya xaŋgano xaraanda
orumooni orumwo rundiimu rundo ruŋgamiya ruŋgano ruraanda
Class 20 okuβaa okuβaala okuβaalo okuβako okuβale kuβaka kuβakuuli kuβirika
Gloss ‘clod of earth’ ‘head wound’ ‘knife’ ‘hoe’ ‘pebble’ ‘python’ ‘bowl’ ‘kettle’ ‘belly’ ‘louse’ okutaβa ‘tobacco’ okutaβuʃi ‘walking stick’ okutalo ‘garden’ okufisi ‘hyena’ okufuβu ‘hippo’ okufusi ‘fist’ okufuuko ‘kidney’ okufuula ‘rain’ okufuxo ‘mole’ okukaβo ‘shield’ okukara ‘headpad’ okukasi ‘ladder’ okukato ‘sandal’ okukete ‘tilapia’ okukwa ‘tick’ ‘ash’ ‘leopard’ okutʃiira ‘path’ okutʃiiri ‘warthog’ okutʃuugu ‘groundnut’ kukanzu ‘robe’ kukeeŋgere ‘bell’ kukoofya ‘hat’ kukwaaya ‘armpit’ kukweena ‘crocodile’ okumaamba ‘bicep’ kumeere ‘grain’ kumeessa ‘table’ ‘fat belly’ ‘ocelot’ okumooni ‘eye’ okumwo ‘maize seed’ kundiimu ‘lemon’ kundo ‘bucket’ kuŋgamiya ‘camel’ kuŋgano ‘wheat’ kuraanda ‘plane’
-rotso -saa -saala -saako -siʃiiri -soko -soolo -takata -talani -unwa -xafuka -xokoro
irotso isaa isaala isaako isiʃiiri isooko isoolo itakata italani iunwa ixafuka ixokoro
tsirotso tsisaa tsisaala tsisaako tsisiʃiiri tsisooko tsisoolo tsitakata tsitalani tsiunwa tsixafuka tsixokoro
xasaa axasaala axasaako xasiʃiiri xasooko xasoolo xatakata xatalani xaunwa xaxafuka xaxokoro
rusaa orusaala orusaako rusiʃiiri rusooko rusoolo rutakata rutalanai ruunwa ruxafuka ruxokoro
kusaa okusaala okusaako kusiʃiiri kusooko kusoolo kutakata kutalani kuunwa kuxafuka kuxokoro
Christopher R. Green Department of Linguistics Program in African Studies Indiana University Memorial Hall 317b Bloomington, IN 47405 USA
[email protected]
‘planting season’ ‘clock’ ‘prayer’ ‘crook’ ‘donkey’ ‘market’ ‘animal’ ‘chest’ ‘lion’ ‘bull’ ‘pot’ ‘scraper’
Appendix 2 - Class 11/10a Nouns Stem -ala -anda -axo -baa -bafu -baka -bakaya -baŋga -tʃembe -tʃenda -tʃina -deeru -fu -fungwo -fwa -iŋgo -imbo -kaka -kata -koŋgo -mwo -ɲaaɲiro -ɲasi -saala -xayiro -xo -xooba
Class 11 Class 10a olwaala tsiinzaala olwaanda tsiiɲaanda olwaaxo tsiinzaaxo oluβaa tsiimbaa oluβafu tsiimbafu oluβaka tsiimbaka oluβakaya tsiimbakaya oluβaaŋga tsiimbaaŋga olutʃeembe tsiindʒeembe olutʃeenda tsiiɲeenda olutʃina tsiindʒina oluteeru tsiindeeru olufu olufuuŋgwo tsiifuuŋgwo olufwa tsiifwa olwiiŋgo tsiiŋgo olwiimbo tsiiɲiimbo olukaka tsiiŋgaka olukata tsiikata olukooŋgo tsiiŋgooŋgo olumwo tsiimwo oluɲaaɲiro tsiiɲaaɲiro oluɲaasi olusaala tsiisaala oluxayiro tsiixayiro oluxoo oluxooβa tsiixooβa
Class 12 axaala axaanda axaaxo axaβaa axaβafu axaβaka axaβakaya axaβaaŋga axatʃeenda axatʃina axateeru axafwa axeembo axakaka axakooŋgo axamwo axasaala axaxayiro axaxooβa
Class 13 oruwaala orwaanda orwaaxo oruβaa oruβafu oruβaka oruβakaya oruβaaŋga orutʃeenda orutʃina oruteeru orufwa orwiimbo orukaka orukooŋgo orumwo orusaala oruxayiro oruxooβa
Class 20 okwaala okwaanda okwaaxo okuβaa okuβafu okuβaka okuβakaya okuβaaŋga okutʃeenda okutʃina okuteeru okufwa okwiimbo okukaka okukooŋgo okumwo okusaala okuxayiro okuxooβa
Gloss ‘finger’ ‘rock’ ‘boundary’ ‘wing’ ‘rib’ ‘age group’ ‘fishbone’ ‘machete’ ‘circumcision knife’ ‘journey’ ‘grindstone’ ‘winnow basket’ ‘dust’ ‘key’ ‘seed’ ‘bow’ ‘song’ ‘hedge’ ‘tobacco pipe’ ‘shore’ ‘razor’ ‘jaw’ ‘blade of grass’ ‘stick’ ‘sickle’ ‘type of game’ ‘strap’
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