Paros in the 20th century

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The history of family and community life through the study of civil registers: Paros in the 20th century Vasilis S. Gavalas

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Department of Geography, University of the Aegean, Mytilene, Greece Published online: 21 Nov 2013.

To cite this article: Vasilis S. Gavalas , The History of the Family (2013): The history of family and community life through the study of civil registers: Paros in the 20th century, The History of the Family, DOI: 10.1080/1081602X.2013.856808 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1081602X.2013.856808

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The History of the Family, 2013 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1081602X.2013.856808

The history of family and community life through the study of civil registers: Paros in the 20th century Vasilis S. Gavalas*

Downloaded by [University of Aegean], [Vasilis Gavalas] at 08:26 26 November 2013

Department of Geography, University of the Aegean, Mytilene, Greece (Received 15 March 2013; accepted 11 July 2013) A plenitude of information can be shed on family history and community life by studying civil registers. The case study here is the island of Paros in the period 1894– 1997. This period of one century saw the transformation of the insular rural society to one dominated by the third-sector economy and the passage from illiteracy to total literacy. These structural socio-economic changes influenced the timing at which people were procreating, marrying and even dying. The labour-intensive hard work in the fields, as well as religious regulations, had shaped a highly seasonal pattern in conceptions and consequently in births, which was in action well into the first half of the twentieth century, but is attenuating as we approach the present day. Marriage remains a seasonal phenomenon in the examined population (although not to the extent it used to be) because the canon rules of the Orthodox Church are still determining the timing of weddings. Mortality was highly seasonal for infants and children up to the 1940s, revealing that certain diseases (mainly diarrhoea and contagious diseases) were striking at certain periods of the year, while adult mortality presents a different seasonal pattern. Causes of death, which are available from civil registers, were used to explain the seasonal variations of deaths. Civil registers are also used to study the famine which struck the island (along with the rest of Greece) in 1941– 42 as a direct effect of the Second World War. Keywords: seasonal pattern; annual working cycle; religious regulations; socioeconomic change

1. Introduction Civil registers can be very informative as far as family and community life are concerned. They can unveil the social and economic structure of a community (through the study of the occupations declared in these registers), they can expose the seasonal pattern of births, marriages and deaths and they can disclose turbulent periods if any kind of vital events (usually deaths and to a lesser extent births) present surges or troughs. In many Mediterranean societies of Europe the seasonal pattern of marriages and partly that of births was dictated by the agricultural working cycle up until the 1960s. Rural populations in Sardinia, Italy, Malta, Spain and France presented a very similar seasonal marriage pattern owing to labour intensive crops which demanded hard work in the fields during summer and autumn and allowed relative leisure during winter and spring. (Enrica Danubio & Amicone, 2001; Grech, Savona-Ventura, Agius-Muscat, & Janulova, 2003; Salvat, Vigo, Macbeth, & Bertranpetit, 1997; Sanna & Danubio, 2008). Religion, in the form of Roman Catholicism for the aforementioned societies, played an equally strong role in delineating certain periods of the year where weddings and procreation are improper, namely the fasting periods of Lent, Advent, the first fortnight of August and

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other shorter periods. However, traditional economic structures1 changed dramatically in southern Europe during the twentieth century. Employers in the primary sector of the economy were shrinking and nowadays (2011) they make up less than 5% of the employed population in Spain, Italy and France (CIA World Factbook, 2011). Moreover, religion has ceased to exert such a strong effect on people’s decision making, owing to a wave of secularization that reached southern Europe with some time-lag, compared to northwestern Europe. These socio-economic changes were reflected in the seasonal pattern of vital events. The seasonality of births and marriages has changed over time, with the most notable change being attenuation in the seasonality of marriages (Grech et al., 2003). In Greece few research works have been published on community life through the study of the seasonality of vital events. The seasonal pattern of births has been studied in the island communities of Mykonos, Thera and Lefkada but all of these studies refer to the period before the 1960s (Hionidou, 1993). In this paper the case study is the Greek island of Paros in the period 1894 – 1997. The study period will allow us to capture all the social and economic changes that took place in the second half of the twentieth century, as Paros was transformed from a traditional rural fishing society to an international tourist destination. The main research questions are: . Could the seasonal pattern of vital events be related to the economic and social structure of Paros as well as to the particular ecology and climate of the island? . Has this pattern changed over the twentieth century? . What are the reasons for this change? Finally, a comparison with similar island and rural communities in and out of Greece is made, so as to trace whether there is a seasonal pattern of vital events which is related to certain socio-economic, geographic and environmental conditions. 2. Data availability and quality The civil registers of two communities of the Greek island of Paros have been used as primary data for the study of the seasonal variation of vital events. The communities, namely Naoussa and Kostos, with a total population of around 3400 in 2001 (National Statistical Service of Greece [NSSG], 2011), constitute 26.5% of the population of Paros. Population size alone may not render the sample representative of the population of Paros. Nevertheless, Table 1 gives evidence that the social and economic structure of the two study communities (Naoussa and Kostos) was similar to that of the whole island, at least at the end of the nineteenth century. Later censuses do not provide the economic structure of the population down to the level of community, but having frequently visited the island Table 1. Employed population of the two communities (Naoussa & Kostos) and of the whole island (Paros) in 1879 by occupational group. Occupational group Farmers/stock breeders/labourers Craftsmen/salesmen Sailors Services Traders/businessmen Others Total

Naoussa & Kostos

Paros

65.1 9.2 8.5 3.0 3.7 10.6 100.0

74.4 7.0 6.0 2.3 4.9 5.5 100.0


Paros in the 20th century

3

during the last decades we have formed the opinion that changes to the economic structure of the island that were brought about mainly by tourism affected the whole island equally. Therefore all results and estimates will be referred to the whole island, although they are based on a fraction of its population. Regarding the size of the study population, Naoussa is a small town (3027 inhabitants in 2001) and Kostos is a village (374 inhabitants in 2001) (National Statistical Service of Greece [NSSG], 2011). However, the economic structure of Naoussa up to the 1970s was more pertinent to a rural community, since a large portion of its population was occupied in the first sector of the economy (see section 3). Therefore, both Naoussa and Kostos are often referred to as ‘communities’ in this paper. The following analysis is based on 5202 birth, 1157 marriage and 2439 death certificates compiled from the registration system of the two study communities. They cover the period 1894 –1998. It is worth mentioning that until 1914 Naoussa and Kostos constituted one administrative unit (the municipality of Naoussa) and thus civil registers for both localities were kept in Naoussa up to 1914. With respect to the quality of data, there is one missing year, that of 1898, for which no books of civil registration were traced. Therefore, the year 1898 was excluded from the analysis. Civil registers, i.e. the above-mentioned birth, marriage and death certificates, have also been used in this study to give information on the occupations and the literacy status of the populations of the examined communities. Census returns would be the best way to investigate the occupational structure of the society, but unfortunately census statistics after 1907 and before 1991 do not provide this information at community level. On the other hand, books of civil registration present information on the economic activity of the population for the entire study period 1894 –1998. Birth certificates mention the occupation of the father of the newborn child, while mother’s occupation is mentioned from 1932 onwards. In like manner, marriage certificates over the entire period 1894 – 1998 state the groom’s occupation whereas the bride’s occupation is stated from 1932 onwards. Death certificates mention the occupation of the deceased and that of the person who reports the death. However, the drawback of such certificate-based data is that they do not reflect accurately the economic activity of the population. Birth certificates, for example, tend to over-represent the occupational groups that have higher than average fertility (which in our case is the farmers/stock breeders) and under-represent those who exhibit lower than average fertility. Marriage certificates generate much improved information on the economic activity of the population, although this information is not completely accurate since the proportion of those never married was substantial (around 7– 10% for males in various decades of the examined period). A sensible assumption would be that death certificates can produce a better account of the occupational structure of a society than marriage and birth certificates do, because even if not all of the people get married and even fewer have children, eventually everyone has to die. Unfortunately, the occupation of the deceased reported on death certificates is usually obscure and of little use for our purpose. This is because even in the early years of the examined period (the late nineteenth century), most of the people died either too young (infants and young children) or too old, that is old enough to have been retired from their jobs. From the first decades of the twentieth century, and more so from the 1930s onwards, most of those who died at an ‘old’ age were referred to simply as pensioners. In most cases the insurance office is also mentioned, but this is of little avail since people with different occupations were registered in the same insurance office. Therefore, it was decided not to use death certificates for deducing the economic activity of the population of Naoussa and Kostos. Having already rejected birth certificates as unrepresentative, marriage certificates alone were used to provide information on economic activity.


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In the tables showing occupational groups, the literacy status of these groups is also displayed, so as better to understand the social condition of each group separately and the general level of social development of the whole community over the period 1894 to 1998. Information on literacy status has been drawn from the same marriage certificates from which information on occupation has been extracted. The criterion that has been used for classifying someone as literate or not is whether someone has signed his or her marriage certificate, since both spouses should sign the marriage certificate. However, this is not always as straightforward as it sounds. First of all in very many certificates there is only one signature, usually that of the groom, without that necessarily meaning that the bride was illiterate. When someone is illiterate, in the place of his/her signature ‘illiterate’ is usually written by the registrar. Yet, there are many certificates with no signature of the bride and no statement of her illiteracy. There are also certificates with no signature of the groom and no statement of his illiteracy either, but with a signature of the bride. Lastly, there are (very few) certificates where no one signs and no one is stated to be illiterate. However, because in 82.3% of the certificates there is either a signature of the groom or a statement of his illiteracy, it was decided to use marriage certificates to provide information on the literacy status of the male population of Naoussa and Kostos. The distribution of vital events within a calendar year is studied here with the use of a standardized monthly index. An index of 100 stands for the expected number of events in each month if there was no seasonality. The standardized index has been weighted so as to take into account the different number of days in each month. Therefore, index of seasonality assumes that each month has 30.4375 days, since a year has, on the long run, an average of 365.25 days. Goodness-of-fit tests based on the chi square statistic have been used to test that the observed seasonal variations of vital events have not occurred by random chance alone. The study period has been divided into three sub-periods: 1894 – 1928, 1929 – 1962 and 1963 –1997. The criteria for this division were two: First, the sub-periods should have had equal length and second the number of records in each sub-period should have been large enough to allow for the results to be statistically significant. Therefore, the period 1894 – 1997 was divided in three 34-year sub-periods. Any further division of the study period would have undermined the credibility of the results because the number of records in each sub-period would have been too small. In order to compare the seasonality of different sub-periods an index that summarizes the extent of seasonal variations in each of these sub-periods is used. This index is the average deviation of the monthly indexes from their mean (which is 100). The greater the index, the greater the seasonality exhibited within a calendar year will be. This index would take the value of zero in the case that vital events were evenly spread throughout the 12 months of the year. 3.

Socio-economic structure of Paros

Until the late 1970s Paros retained a typical traditional economy for a Greek insular community. Farmers and stockbreeders, together with seafarers (sailors and fishermen) made up the majority of the economically active population. The tertiary sector of the economy was meagre, consisting mainly of craftsmen/salesmen, which could be attributed both to the second (processing and manufacturing) and to the tertiary sector of the economy (selling of goods) (Gavalas, 2001). However, such a lifestyle was insufficient to provide for the island population, especially in periods where population pressure due to natural increase was high. This population pressure led to high rates of out-migration in the



5

1950s and the 1960s, a trend which was already established in pre-war years (Gavalas, 2001). Yet, since the 1970s there has been a huge transformation in the island economy, turning Paros into an international tourist destination. These structural socio-economic changes are reflected in the occupations and the literacy status of the population of the study communities (Naoussa and Kostos). In the first decades of the twentieth century Paros appears to have been a community of peasants, the majority of whom (64% in Naoussa and Kostos) lived mainly from agriculture and stockbreeding. This percentage (64%) contains proprietors (which in the tables are invisible because they are under the group ‘farmers/stock breeders’), farmers, who can be small landlords or tenant farmers, and labourers, who are mostly agricultural labourers in that period. This tripartite structure was common in rural societies at the beginning of the twentieth century not only in Greece but in Western Europe as well (Reay, 1996). Yet, in our case seafarers formed a significant group, the third in size, thus differentiating Paros from a typical agricultural community and making it a mixed island of farmers and sea-farers. In fact, according to local informants, many of those who stated ‘farmer’ as their main occupation, would have a fishing boat and practice fishing as an additional source of income. In the period 1929– 1962 significant changes took place as far as the occupational structure of Paros is concerned. Labourers were not any more the second biggest group, having shrunk to only a quarter of what they used to be at the beginning of the twentieth century. The explanation for this probably lies in the fact that in the 1930s and – after the interlude of the Second World War – in the 1950s and 1960s a massive out-migration from rural to urban areas took place. Paros lost a substantial part of its population due to this exodus towards Athens (Gavalas, 2001; Moustaka, 1964). Those who migrated were mostly people with no stable job who had little to lose by abandoning the island. That is why proportionately more labourers than any other occupational group left the island, thus changing the occupational structure of the study society. Coming to recent years, in Table 2 one finds that Paros is not any more a community of peasants and seafarers. The tourist development from the 1970s onwards has caused an economic transformation in the island society. The means of subsistence is not any more the land. Over a quarter of the employed population are craftsmen and salesmen, economic activities that usually blossom to an urban environment and are associated with provision of services and transaction of goods. The biggest occupational group is that of seafarers – but whereas in the previous periods this group consisted mainly of sailors, with fishermen Table 2.

Occupation and literacy status of males at the time of their marriage; Paros 1894– 1998. Period I: 1894– 1928

Occupational group Labourers Farmers/stock breeders Seafarers Craftsmen/salesmen Services Traders/businessmen Others Total

Period II: 1929– 1962

Period III: 1963– 1998

%

% illiterate

%

% illiterate

%

% illiterate

37.3 26.6 15.0 10.3 6.4 3.9 0.4 100.0

97.7 80.7 68.6 37.5 0.0 22.2 0.0 73.0

9.3 46.8 22.5 12.7 2.3 3.9 2.5 100.0

36.4 21.7 12.5 6.7 0.0 7.1 0.0 17.5

12.8 13.6 25.8 25.2 10.7 6.7 5.2 100.0

0.0 2.1 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 1.0

Source: elaboration of marriage records from Naoussa and Kostos. Number of records for period I: 233; for period II: 355; for period III: 345.


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V.S. Gavalas

being only a small minority in it (25.7% and 28.8% of its members in the first and second periods respectively were fishermen), in the most recent period fishermen made up 47.2% of this group. This can be explained by the fact that in recent years, due to tourist development, the demand of seafood has increased sharply. Labourers still form a sizeable occupational group (12.8% of the employable male population), but agricultural labourers do not form the majority as they used to do in the pre-tourist era. Nowadays, most of the labourers are employed in the flourishing building industry because tourist development has boosted the construction of roads, harbours, hotels, apartments and bungalows. The services sector has grown considerably from 2% in the period 1929– 1962 to 11% in the period 1963 –1998. This is mainly due to the flourishing of the liberal professions like doctors, lawyers, accountants, auditors, architects, civil engineers, and the expansion of banking activities.

4. 4.1

Seasonality of vital events Seasonality of births

The study of the seasonal variations in births can disclose which factors delineate the reproductive behaviour of the population within a calendar year. A changing seasonal pattern over time could also reveal, for example, cultural or economic changes in local or in a wider national level. Seasonality of births is explored in parallel with that of the corresponding conceptions. For this purpose, the assumption has been made that all conceptions took place nine months before the corresponding births. However, since the period of gestation varies moderately from one woman to another, only two thirds of the conceptions result in a birth nine months later (Bongaarts, 1975) and one should bear this in mind while examining Figure 1. The y-axis of these figures indicates the monthly index (with the average being 100 in each sub-period) and the x-axis indicates months of births and in parentheses months of conceptions. The seasonality pattern of conceptions and births is quite similar for the first two periods (1894 – 1928 and 1929– 1962), while it has changed considerably in the more recent period 140

120

100

80

1894–1928

60

1929–1962 1963–1997 40 (apr) (may) (jun) jan feb mar

(jul) apr

(aug) (sep) (oct) (nov) (dec) (jan) (feb) (mar) may jun jul aug sep oct nov dec

Figure 1. Seasonality of births (and of conceptions), Paros 1894– 1997 (excluding 1898). Source: elaboration of 5021 birth records from Naoussa and Kostos. Note: 1894–1928 n ¼ 2303; 1929– 1962 n ¼ 1719; 1963– 1997 n ¼ 999. 1894– 1928: p , 0.001; 1929– 1962:p , 0.001; 1963 –1997: p , 0.1.



7

(1963 – 1997). The pattern of conceptions for the first two periods suggests a low level of conceptions during the summer and autumn months with the exception of June and a high during the winter and spring with the exception of March. This pattern is in accordance with the one found in pre-war Mykonos by Hionidou (1993) and it has been connected with the particular economic activities of the population. The trough of conceptions during summer can be associated with the increased agricultural work that is required at that time of the year. As it has been shown in the previous section, the main source of income in Paros was agriculture in the first two periods, the main products being grapes and olives. The period from mid-August to mid-September is related with the grape harvest while October and November are linked with the olive-harvest. Both tasks are labour-intensive and usually all the members of a peasant’s family are involved in these jobs. The hard work on the fields or, according to Hionidou (1993), the lack of privacy that resulted from the simplicity of the rural dwellings where many families stayed during those months, probably accounted for a reduction in coital frequency and subsequently in conceptions. Apart from the annual working cycle, another determinant of seasonal variations in conceptions – and consequently in births – was the religious regulations. The case of March, which constitutes an exception with its low level of conceptions amidst the adjacent months at least in two of the three sub-periods, can be associated with the Lent period and the fasting (which includes sexual abstinence) commanded by the Orthodox Church. It is peculiar, however, that in the earliest period (1894 – 1928) the inhabitants of Paros did not seem to observe the March fasting, as the index of 109, (9% more than average conceptions) for the ‘Marches’ of 1894– 1928, implies. The impressive rise that takes place in April corresponds to the Easter festival and the end of the fasting period. It is in that period also, as will be shown further on, that very many marriages take place, while there is a dearth of marriages in March (Figure 2). The general pattern of seasonal conceptions that prevailed until the early 1960s (though more obvious in the first period (1894 –1928)) resulted in many births in the months of January, February and March, while there was a relative dearth of births in the summer months. This pattern changed from the 1960s onwards. The higher than average number of births in April, May and June in the latest period (1963 –1997) and their corresponding months of conception in July, August and September reflect the fact that the

250 1894–1928 1929–1962

200

1963–1997

150

100

50

0 jan

feb

mar

apr

may

jun

jul

aug

sep

oct

nov

dec

Figure 2. Seasonality of marriages, Paros 1894– 1997 (excluding 1898). Source: elaboration of 1148 marriage records from Naoussa and Kostos. Note: 1894– 1928 N ¼ 406; 1929 –1962 n ¼ 404; 1963– 1997 n ¼ 343 1894– 1928:p , 0.001; 1929– 1962:p , 0.001; 1963 –1997:p , 0.001.


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society is not dominated by a rural economy anymore and that work conditions that used to impede sexual activity during the summer months have changed. In order to compare the seasonality of different sub-periods an index that summarizes the extent of seasonal variations in each of these periods has been calculated, as it was described in section 2. In the case of births, this index was 16 in the period 1894–1928, it was reduced to 12 in the period 1929–1962 and it was further reduced to 11 in the last period (1963–1997). It is obvious that the variability in the seasonal variations of births has declined over time. This could mean that the two main factors that determine the seasonality of these vital events – that is, the religious regulations and the annual working cycle – exert less influence in the family and childbearing decision-making in recent years than was the case in the past. 4.2 Seasonality of marriages Figure 2 reveals that seasonal variations in marriages were clearly determined by two factors: religious regulations and the annual working cycle. The canon rules of the Orthodox Church regard as inappropriate for weddings the periods of Lent and Advent because of the fasting (which includes sexual abstinence and a more general soul-searching) which takes place in these periods. From 1894 to 1997 there are almost no marriages in March, which is the month that corresponds to the Lent period. The impressive rise in marriages that takes place in April is associated with the Easter festival and the end of the fasting period, while the peak in December – January follows the Advent period immediately after Christmas. In fact, the peaks in December are misleading since December consists of marriages that in their overwhelming majority (85.5%) took place after (or on) the 25 December. However, a differentiation has appeared over time. While in the first sub-period (1894 – 1928) the peak was in January and February, in the following sub-periods this peak has moved to January and December. A possible explanation for this is that January and February in a rural society are the least demanding months of the year, as far as fieldwork is concerned, and consequently marriages were concentrated on those two months. This pattern started to change over time as the society shifted to other activities and ceased to be predominantly agricultural, although the after Christmas peak has remained mainly due to tradition. The extent of seasonality was measured with the average deviation of the monthly indexes from their mean (which is 100) and it was found that the examined population demonstrated greater seasonality in the early years of the study period (with an average deviation of 42 for the period 1894 –1928), while over time marriages tend to be more evenly distributed within calendar years (the average deviation was 37 in the period 1929 – 1962 and 34 in the most recent period). This may signify a change in the traditional working cycle as the society ceased to be predominantly agricultural and came to base its subsistence on tourism, as was seen in section 3. However, although seasonal variations in marriages are less sharp in the most recent period (1963 – 1997), these variations still exist and the pattern of seasonality remains almost intact in all three periods as can be seen in Figure 2. An explanation for this might be that the annual working cycle in an agricultural society coincides with that of a society that lives on tourism. Summer months are the busiest in both societies and thus they have fewer marriages than average. The dearth of marriages in March even in the most recent period attests that people are still observing religious rules. 4.2.1 The effect of weddings on the seasonality of conceptions It is reasonable to assume that the seasonality of marriages affects the seasonality of conceptions of the first-born. However, even in a natural fertility population where no


9

1894 –1928 160 1st 140

2nd+

120 100 80


60 40 (apr) (may) (jun) jan feb mar

(jul) apr

(aug) (sep) (oct) (nov) (dec) (jan) may jun jul aug sep oct

(feb) (mar) nov dec

Figure 3. Seasonality of first and higher order births (and corresponding conceptions), Paros 1894– 1928 (excluding 1898). Source: family reconstitution from Naoussa and Kostos civil registers. Note: number of first order births 607.Number of higher order births 1664.

1929–1962 160 1st 2nd+

140 120 100 80 60 40 (apr) (may) (jun) jan feb mar

(jul) apr


(feb) (mar) nov dec

Figure 4. Seasonality of first and higher order births (and corresponding conceptions), Paros 1929– 1962. Source: family reconstitution from Naoussa and Kostos civil registers. Note: number of first order births 422. Number of higher order births 1287.

1963–1997

160

1st 2nd+

140 120 100 80 60 40 (apr) (may) (jun) jan feb mar

(jul) apr


(feb) (mar) nov dec

Figure 5. Seasonality of first and higher order births (and corresponding conceptions), Paros 1963– 1997. Source: family reconstitution from Naoussa and Kostos civil registers. Note: number of first order births 517. Number of higher order births 460.


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V.S. Gavalas

family planning and birth control is practised, the conceptions of the first-born would not always take place in the same month as the wedding. This is because, for biological reasons, a woman is fecund for only a short fraction of a month. Therefore, it would be meaningless to compare the frequency polygon of marriages with that of conception and try to see if the seasonality of conceptions is the same with that of marriages. To answer the question whether there was an effect of the seasonality of marriages on the seasonality of conceptions, we have disentangled first order births from higher order births (and the estimated month of their conception). Figures 3– 5 present the seasonality of first and higher order births (and conceptions) for each of the three sub-periods under study. In the first sub-period (1894 –1928) the seasonality of first order births was almost identical with that of higher order births with the exception of March (conceptions of June) where the number of first order births was well below average. In the second sub-period (1929 – 1962) the seasonality of the two categories of births (first and higher order) is quite different and in the third sub-period (1963 –1997) it is totally different. This is evidence that in the beginning of the twentieth century the timing of marriage did not play a major role in the seasonality of the conceptions. As we approach the present the seasonality of first order births becomes noticeably different from that of higher order births, suggesting that the timing of marriage plays a role in the seasonality of conceptions as the society ceases to be a traditional community of farmers-stockbreeders and fishermen. 4.3 Seasonality of deaths After experimenting with the data, it was confirmed what has been showed in other studies of historical demography (Knodel, 1988; Wrigley, Davies, Oeppen, & Schofield, 1997) as well: that the seasonal pattern of mortality differed by age. Thus, an age breakdown was adopted so as to demarcate the distinct seasonal mortality exhibited by different age groups. A division in three age groups has been implemented, after realizing that a further graduation of those groups provides little difference in the seasonality of their sub-groups. The first age group contains the infant deaths, i.e. those who died before completing the first year of life. The second group comprises the age band 1 –14, and the third group everyone who died after his/her fifteenth birthday (15þ ). The studied era is divided in two periods: 1894 –1947 and 1948 –1997. From the first period the year 1942 has been subtracted, as it was a year of famine (the crude death rate of Naoussa bounced to 41.8 per thousand from around 10 per thousand in the previous years) and its seasonal pattern of mortality is different from that of a normal year (see Figure 9 for the crude death rates of both Naoussa and Kostos). The seasonality of infant and childhood deaths is examined only for the first period 1894 –1947, because the number of deaths in the second period (1948 –1997) is too small to give a credible seasonality pattern (only 24 infant deaths, 14 of which are concentrated in the decade 1948 – 1957, and 17 childhood deaths). A general problem with monthly variations in infant deaths is that they are affected by monthly variations in births, therefore obscuring interpretation. However, the seasonality of births is not so acute as that of infant deaths, as one can observe by comparing Figures 1 and 6. Therefore, there must be something genuine in the peaks and troughs of infant deaths, especially when these fluctuations deviate more than 40 units from the average (which is 100), since the deviation in birth seasonality never reached 40 units. The prolonged peak in June and July reflects deaths from diarrhoeal diseases, which were a major killer of infants and young children (1 –4 years old) in pre-war Greece in seasons that the climate was hot and humid – that is, from mid-May to mid-September (Soutzoglou-Kottaridi, 1991). Especially in the


11

160 1894–1947

140 120 100


80 60 40 jan

feb

mar

apr may

jun

jul

aug sep

oct

nov

dec

Figure 6. Seasonality of infant deaths, Paros 1894– 1947 (excluding 1898 and 1942). Source: elaboration of 363 death records from Naoussa and Kostos. Note: 1894– 1947: p , 0.001.

island environment, diarrhoea is mentioned as a cause of death (in the death certificates of the examined communities) in every single month of the year, but it was taking endemic form in the summer months of June and July. As death certificates of Naoussa and Kostos reveal, diarrhoeal diseases continued to constitute a cause of death for infants until well into the 1950s, while the last registered infant death related to an intestinal disease (acute gastroenteritis) is recorded in 1981. Unfortunately, it is not possible to extract trustworthy percentages of those who died from diarrhoeal diseases because in the period before 1932 the cause of death is registered very irregularly in the death certificates (a cause of death is referred to in only 25.2% of infant deaths occurring prior to 1932). The sudden fall of the seasonal index of deaths in August and September is difficult to explain since diarrhoeal diseases were supposed to be extremely lethal in those months as well. This fall may be associated with a drop in the number of births earlier in the calendar year. The peak in October (and to a lesser extent in November) might have to do with working practices of mothers during the olive harvest. Because this kind of rural work was labourintensive, all the members of a rural family were employed in the harvest. Even if it is not more than an educated guess, it would not be irrational to assume that mothers who were nursing their children chose to wean them during that period so as to facilitate their work on the field. The early cessation of breast-feeding would have negative effects on the infants’ survival. Although there is no hard evidence to prove this assumption, the practice of early weaning as a response to demanding agricultural activities has been found in rural communities in German villages (Knodel, 1988) and particularly for olive-harvesting in rural Italy (Bell, 1979). Seasonal mortality of children aged 1 –14 years exhibits a different pattern from that of infants. The peak here is no longer in summer months, but in March and September. One would expect the higher than average mortality in early spring (in March and to a lesser extent in February) to be associated with ailments of the respiratory system. Bronchitis, pneumonia, and ‘colds’ are all mentioned occasionally as causes of death during February and March in the death certificates, but there are more records of diphtheria – a disease that not only in those two months but all over the year inflicted death on children and infants up to the mid-1930s. Another infectious disease recorded as a cause of death particularly in March for children was malaria, although the last record of it in the examined death certificates was in 1903. There are no particular afflictions, however, to explain the major peak in September. The pattern in the second period

12

V.S. Gavalas 180 160 140 120 100


80 60 40 jan

1894– 1947

feb

mar

apr may

jun

jul

aug sep

oct

nov

dec

Figure 7. Seasonality of childhood mortality (age 1 – 14), Paros 1894– 1997 (excluding 1898 and 1942). Source: elaboration of 251 death records from Naoussa and Kostos. Note: 1894 –1947: p , 0.01.

(1948 – 1997) is rather random and unrepresentative because of the small number of childhood deaths it involves. There were only 17 childhood deaths in that period and the relevant curve shown in Figure 7 is based on those deaths adjusted by adding a factor of two in every month’s actual deaths. Seasonal variations in adult mortality (Figure 8) for the earlier period (1894 –1947) conform to a pattern usually found in temperate climates: low in late summer and maximum in late winter. The higher than average level in winter and early spring could not be related to any cause of death particularly. Respiratory infections and tuberculosis were common causes of death all over the year for this period. In the latest period (1948 –1997) the peak has shifted from February to January, while mortality in summer months is not as low as it was in the first period (1894 – 1947) and in August is above average. This rise of mortality in summer months probably reflects the tourist activity that takes place from the 1970s onwards in the island (and in the examined communities as well). Since during summer months there are many more people in the island than during the rest of the year, the number of deaths increases proportionally.

160 1894–1947 1948–1997

140 120 100 80 60 40 jan

feb

mar

apr may

jun

jul

aug sep

oct

nov

dec

Figure 8. Seasonality of adult mortality (ages 15 þ ), Paros 1894– 1997 (excluding 1898 and 1942). Source: elaboration of 1691 death records from Naoussa and Kostos. Note: 1894– 1947 n ¼ 931; 1948– 1997 n ¼ 760 1894– 1947: p , 0.001; 1948– 1997: p , 0.05.



13

5. The effect of the two world wars on the community In the 1910s Greece entered a full decade of continuous war. This started with the Balkan Wars in 1912 –1913, continued with the First World War in 1914– 1918 and ended with the campaign in Asia Minor in 1919– 1922. The last one, which came as an aftermath of the First World War and was an attempt of Entente to totally dismantle the once-powerful Ottoman empire, had the most tremendous effect in the study communities. The Greek defeat in Asia Minor led to an influx of 1.4 million refugees from the Greek-populated areas of Asia Minor that flooded into the country after the exchange of populations between Greece, on the one hand, and Turkey and Bulgaria, on the other, in 1922– 23 (Emke-Poulopoulou, 1986, p. 43). This event, in combination with the return of soldiers from the war, increased crude birth rates (CBRs) in the whole of Greece and in Paros as well. In Paros CBRs were boosted from 35/1000 to 40/1000 in the 1920s (Gavalas, 2001) while in Greece the increase was only marginal (from 31.4/1000 to 32.4) (Valaoras, 1960). In Paros refugees constituted 3.4% of the island’s population and 7.4% of Naoussa’s one, according to the 1928 census (SGG, 1933 (I)). Although refugees from Asia Minor were relatively few in Paros compared to their presence elsewhere in Greece (22% of the population of Greece were refugees in 1928) they brought new cultivations to the island. Hence, crops of tobacco, cotton, potatoes and cereals were planted together with the traditional crops of vine-trees and olive trees. (Sofianou, 1989). 5.1 The mortality crisis of 1942 An event worth mentioning, even in brief, is the famine that struck the island in the winter of 1941 –1942. This famine hit most of Greece and was caused by the tripartite occupation of the country by axis forces (Germans, Italians and Bulgarians) and more specifically by the requisition of all stocks of food ordered by the German authorities immediately after the occupation of Greece in April 1941. For some time 400,000 troops of the German army were fed by Greek resources and in addition to that, large quantities of food were sent to German units in north Africa. The lack of food was inevitable since a naval blockade had been imposed on Greece by the allies because the country had become enemy territory. In autumn of 1941 all stocks of food had been depleted and without the capacity for replenishment the famine broke out in the winter of 1941 – 1942. In mainland Greece the famine-struck areas were mainly Athens, Piraeus and the urban centres that were dependent on food imports; the countryside was affected less. Those who died of starvation during the occupation are estimated to be around 260,000. Most of them died in the trimester December 1941– February 1942. As an indirect effect of the famine, diseases like malaria and tuberculosis presented an unprecedented rise. In 1942 around 200,000 people showed symptoms of tuberculosis. The famine started receding in March 1942, when the allies lifted the naval blockade and foods were sent from Canada and the USA and distributed by the International Red Cross (Roussos, 1975). In Naoussa and Kostos (the study communities in Paros) the lack of food resulted in mortality crisis only in 1942 (Figure 9). In that year Crude Death Rate (CDR) rose to 35/1000 from around 10/1000 in the pre-war years. In the same year (1942) the number of deaths was more than three times greater than the average number of deaths in the eight adjacent years: 65 deaths in 1942 as opposed to an average of 21 deaths in 1938– 1946 excluding 1942. What is more striking however is that 44.6% of deaths in 1942 are directly attributed to ‘starvation’, as the death certificates indicate. Two deaths in 1943 are also attributed to ‘starvation’, the last one happening in June of that year. Most probably the famine caused more deaths than those where the death certificates gave the cause of death


14

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Figure 9. Crude death rate by sex, Naoussa and Kostos, in Paros; 1938– 1946. Source: Deaths have been taken from Naoussa and Kostos civil registers. Population estimates are based on 1928, 1940 and 1951 census returns and civil registers. Any discrepancy between the real increase of the population and the natural increase has been attributed to net migration, which has been incorporated to the population estimates. See Gavalas, 2001 for a description of the methodology.

as ‘starvation’, because famine victims are vulnerable to disease and usually die of a cause other than starvation itself. Another observation is that famine afflicted more males than females. In 1942 for every female death there were 1.7 male deaths, while the average sex ratio at death in the eight adjacent years (1938 –1941 and 1943 –1946) was 1.0. Excess mortality of males during the famine was also found in Athens and Piraeus and in Mykonos as well. According to Valaoras (1946, p. 218) the ratio of male to female deaths in Athens and Piraeus between October 1941 and June 1942 was 1.7, while in Mykonos the excess male mortality was even higher, reaching 2.4 male deaths for every female death between December 1941 and May 1942 (Hionidou, 1993, p. 162). This pattern of a strongly masculine sex ratio at death seems to be usual during famines, since it has been observed in other parts of the world also (see for example Dyson, 1991a, 1991b). Many explanations have been proposed for this, but the most relevant in our case is, most probably, the different physiology of the two sexes and especially the higher level of women’s body fat: the fat in the body of an average woman at the age of 20 –24 accounts for 27% of her weight, while for men this figure is only 15%. Moreover, all other things being equal, men have larger body sizes than women and they need bigger amounts of protein and energy. Men’s requirements in protein and energy are further exacerbated by the fact that they have a higher percentage of metabolically active lean tissue (Hionidou, 2006, p. 174). These differences in the physiology and metabolism of the two sexes award women with a better chance of survival in times of hardship. In order to investigate which age groups were mostly afflicted by the famine Figure 10 compares the proportion of deaths each age group contributed to the total deaths in a ‘normal’ period (that is during a period that the population was not affected by famine) and during the famine. According to Figure 7 the people most afflicted by the famine were those aged 40 years and over and especially the age group 40– 59. It is worth noting that the increase in the



15

proportional number of deaths in old age (60þ ) was smaller than the respective increase in middle age (40 – 59). The proportion of deaths in old age (60þ ) increased by 20% during famine while that of the middle aged by 91%. A similar mortality pattern for these age groups, which indicates that the old aged were afflicted less than the middle ones has been found in Syros and Mykonos as well (Hionidou, 2006, pp. 170 –173; Hionidou, 1993, pp. 166– 167). It could have been the case that the society gave more care to the elderly who have retired from work than to people who are still able to work and are expected to take care of themselves. However, oral interviews taken by Hionidou in the islands of Syros and Hios, showed that the Greek family during famine would favour first the children and then the breadwinner of the household, especially if the latter was a good provider in the ‘normal’ period (Hionidou, 2006, pp. 174 –177). A more plausible explanation as to why the elderly were afflicted less than the middle aged by the famine is that the age group 60þ consisted of females in a greater proportion than the age group 40 – 59, and as was pointed out earlier, females had a mortality advantage in famine compared to males. Unfortunately there are no data on the age structure of Paros for that period (in fact the first census that gives the population of Paros by age and sex is that of 1961). However, an indication that females were more numerous in the age group 60þ is given by the proportion of deaths by sex in a normal period. In the ‘normal’ period 1937– 1940 and 1944– 1947 only 47.3% out of the 93 deceased at the age group 60þ in Naoussa and Kostos were males. In the period of famine this percentage rose to 56.9% due to excess male mortality, although the males were probably fewer than the females in that age group (60þ ). In the age group 40– 59, in the ‘normal’ period 1937 –1940 and 1944 – 1947, the

age groups 60+ 5–19

40–59 1–4

20–39 0

100% 90% 80% 70%

57.1 68.0

60% 50% 40% 30% 20%

9.8 7.4 3.1

18.7

9.8 4.0

10%

2.7

12.9 5.3

0% normal period

1.3

famine

Figure 10. Percentages of deaths by age group during famine (1 July 1941– 30 June 1943) and during a normal period (1937 – 40 and 1944– 47). Paros. Source: elaboration of 238 death certificates from Naoussa and Kostos.


16

V.S. Gavalas

percentage of male deaths were 50% but the number of registered deaths for that age group in the specific period is too small (16) to give any credible inference about the sex specific composition of the examined population. A question arising from the impact of the famine on the mortality of the elderly is whether the latter were receiving any kind of pension or they were going on working for as long as they were able to. The registration to a Social Insurance office for all paid workers became obligatory in Greece in 1935 (General Secretary of Social Insurance (in Greek: Genini Grammateia Koinonikon Asfaliseon) [GGKA], 2013), and therefore during the Second World War very few of the elderly received an occupational pension. In the case of the examined communities, the first death of a pensioner is registered in 1932, a sailor who died at the age of 64. In the period of famine (July 1941– June 1943) 51 elderly (aged 60þ ) died and of them only three were pensioners. Oddly enough, there were three more pensioners who died during famine, but whose age was younger than 60 years (the youngest one being 40 years old). Generally, the proportion of the elderly (60þ ) who died as pensioners was very small in the period 1932 –1962 (4.7%), while it increased spectacularly in the period 1963 –1997 (68.8%). In both periods there were death certificates of pensioners whose age at death was younger than 60 years old. The proportions of deaths contributed by age groups below 40 years of age are smaller than in normal periods, indicating that these age-groups were not affected by famine as much as ages over 40. The infants and those aged 1– 4 seem to have been affected less than any other age-group by the famine since the decrease in the proportional number of deaths during famine in these age groups was greater than in any other group. This contrasts with what happened in Athens and Piraeus, where infants and especially young children were among the age groups mostly affected by the famine (Valaoras, 1946). This is because the famine was not so acute in the island and mothers could still breast-feed their infants and give any available food to young children. In an attempt to find out whether the famine had an impact on fertility and nuptiality in addition to mortality, Figure 11 was drawn. It sets out the annual numbers of deaths, marriages and births occurring in Naoussa and Kostos from 1938– 1949. At first glance there seem to be no major disruptions in the time series of births and marriages. Contrary to expectation the number of births started increasing from 1941 onwards and reached a peak in 1945. After that, when the harshest years for the island were over, births fell back. The explanation for the increase in the number of births must be the return of soldiers to their homes after the occupation of the country in April 1941. Hence, the famine did not cause any fertility decline in Paros. However, the famine probably had some effects, though minor, on nuptiality. With respect to marriages, two major troughs are observed in 1940 and 1948 respectively. These drops in marriages are because both 1940 and 1948 are leap years and people avoid getting married in such years, a characteristic of the Greek marriage pattern (Tsaousis, 1991, p. 46). 1944 was also a leap year but it is the year of liberation as well. Thus, the exhilaration caused by the liberation of the country from the axis powers counterbalanced any superstitious traditions concerning the leap years and the number of marriages in 1944 was similar to that of a non-leap year. Thus, if 1940 and 1948 are disregarded, 1942 is among the years with the fewest marriages. Most probably marriages were postponed that year because of the famine and the general scarcity of goods.

Paros in the 20th century births

marriages

17

deaths

80 70

Number of events

60 50 40 30


20 10 0 1938 1939 1940 1941 1942 1943 1944 1945 1946 1947 1948 1949 Year

Figure 11. Annual number of vital events, Naoussa and Kostos in Paros,1938 – 1949. Source: Naoussa and Kostos civil registers.

6. Discussion Paros was an agricultural society until the advent of tourism in the late 1970s, although seafaring made up a significant part of the subsistence activities throughout the twentieth century. In the course of that century spectacular socio-economic changes took place. At the beginning of the twentieth century the majority of the population in the examined communities lived on land. This majority was usually divided into proprietors (the big landowners), small landlords or tenant farmers, and labourers, whose hands were their only source of income. The passage from illiteracy to total literacy transformed a rural society to one dominated by the third-sector economy. The strictly delineated tripartite class stratification of the early twentieth century gave way, slowly but steadily, to a quasiurban class structure, where borders are vague and imperceptible. These structural social and economic changes have brought about demographic change and have influenced the distribution of all three kinds of vital events within the calendar year. The seasonal pattern of conceptions (and subsequently births) was dictated mainly by the annual agricultural working cycle until the 1960s and was similar to other Greek islands at the same period. In the Cycladic islands of Paros, Mykonos and Thera, as well as in the Ionian island of Lefkada, the seasonal pattern of births in the pre-1960s era implied fewer conceptions in summer and autumn, a period associated with increased agricultural work, and more conceptions in winter and spring, with the exception of March (Hionidou, 1993). This pattern, as far as Paros is concerned, has changed considerably in the more recent period (1963 –1997), where the peak of births corresponds to more conceptions in summer and early autumn. For the rest of the islands there are no studies referring to the second half of the twentieth century. Regarding Paros, this change might reflect the fact that the society is not dominated by a rural economy anymore and that work conditions that used to impede sexual activity during the summer months have changed. The pattern up to the 1960s bears similarities to that observed in Malta at the same period (Grech et al., 2003) but Malta’s birth seasonality seems to lack the trough in December (fewer conceptions in March), which characterizes that of Paros until nowadays. However, if there is a seasonal pattern that is typical for many agricultural Mediterranean and Christian societies until the 1960s, this is the seasonal pattern of


18

V.S. Gavalas

marriages. Rural populations in Sardinia, Italy, Malta, Spain and France presented a very similar pattern to that found in Paros and in Mykonos (Enrica Danubio & Amicone, 2001; Grech et al., 2003; Hionidou, 1993; Salvat et al., 1997; Sanna & Danubio, 2008). The most notable characteristic of this pattern is a dearth of marriages in March (with exceptions being very rare), reflecting the influence of religion on the seasonality of marriages. The studied populations in Sardinia, Malta, Spain and France are predominantly Roman Catholic, while those of Paros and Mykonos bestow their faith to the Eastern Orthodox Church. However, the directives of the two denominations as far as fasting periods are concerned are quite similar and it seems that they exerted a great influence on rural and insular populations at least until the 1960s. Nevertheless, for the last decades of the twentieth century there are not enough studies to substantiate whether this seasonality pattern has changed or not. In Malta, for example, the marriage seasonality of which has been studied until the 1990s, the dearth of weddings during Lent time (which coincides with March) is no longer a feature of the seasonality of marriages from the 1970s onwards (Grech et al., 2003). In Paros, on the other hand, the March trough was very distinct in the period 1963 – 1997, meaning that the timing of weddings was still dictated by religious regulations at the end of the twentieth century. It should be mentioned, however, that in Greece civil weddings were introduced in 1982 and began to gain some ground only in the 1990s. Therefore, any changes in the seasonality of marriages resulting from deregulation of the wedding timing from the Church’s directives are not really captured by the data used in this study. Seasonal mortality is defined mainly by bio-climatic factors and to a lesser extent by social and economic change. Nevertheless, as far as Paros is concerned, the latter has managed to cause two changes in seasonal mortality of the adult population in the second half of the twentieth century. First, there is an attenuation of the seasonal variations in mortality in the second half compared to the first half of the twentieth century. The index of the extent of seasonality (see section 2 for definition) was 20 in the period 1894 –1947 and it was reduced to 13 in the period 1948– 1997. However, this attenuation does not mean deseasonalization, at least for the time being, since the index of the extent of seasonality is still high and it is statistically significant. Second, there is an increase in the index of seasonal mortality in summer months in the second half of the twentieth century and this fact is due to an increase to accident-related deaths (vehicle-accidents and sea-related accidents), reflecting the tourist activity that takes place from the 1970s onwards in the island. Yet, even with these changes, climate still shapes the basic pattern of seasonal adulthood mortality in Paros, which is characterized by excess mortality in winter and early spring, and lower than average mortality in summer and early autumn (with the exception of August). This is more or less a pattern observed in many countries of the Northern Hemisphere, where excess winter deaths do not characterize only territories like Canada, Russia and the Scandinavian countries but also many Mediterranean countries (Rau & Doblhammer, 2003). More particularly for Greece as a whole in the quinquennium 1990 – 1994 the peak was in January (followed closely by February and December), while the lowest index of seasonal mortality was observed in September (Papadakis & Tsimpos, 2004). The most noteworthy finding may be that seasonality of marriages in Paros was still dictated by religious regulations in the end of the twentieth century. Furthermore, the illegitimacy ratio (i.e. the percentage of illegitimate births among all births) was very low even by Greek standards (only 0,3% of all births were illegitimate in the study communities in the period 1964 –1998, while in Greece at the same period the illegitimacy ratio oscillated between 1% and 2.5% (Gavalas, 2001, p. 198). These facts imply that family ties remained traditional in Paros until recently. Other than that, cultural and


19

economic factors have a greater impact on the seasonal pattern of marriages and conceptions (and consequently that of births), while bio-climatic factors exert greater influence on the timing of deaths.

Note


1.

The economic structure of a society is defined mainly by the participation of the workforce in each of the three major sectors of the economy. The primary sector comprises agriculture, grazing, trapping, forestry, fishing and mining. The secondary sector involves the transformation of raw materials into goods, for example manufacturing steel into cars, or textiles into clothing. Activities in the tertiary sector of the economy include the provision of services and commerce (wholesale and retail trade) (Kenessey, 1987).

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