Participles in the material VVingPP construction(s)

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Jun 22, 2018 - (J.K. Rowling, Harry. Potter and the Goblet of Fire). XP can sometimes be omitted: • The knights came riding, two and two. (Tennyson, Lady of.
50th Annual Meeting of the Societas Linguistica Europaea20-22 June 2018 9th International Conference on Historical Lexicology and Lexicography Santa Margherita Ligure, Italy

Participles in between the material On the relationship V and Ving inVVingPP the English VVing pattern: A historical perspective construction(s) Cristiano Broccias

Enrico Torre

Cristiano Broccias

Synopsis 1. What is the English VVing pattern? 2. The English VVing pattern today

3. VVing in the history of English 4. (Interim) conclusions

1. What is the English VVing pattern?

The English VVing pattern: a definition A family of constructions coupling the form ‘NP V Ving (XP)’ and the meaning ‘integration of two processes unfolding without any time gap.’ e.g. He lay gasping (on the ground). (COCA)

The overarching function The VVing pattern expresses the temporal coextension between the processes expressed by the two verbs. These processes may refer to a single event or two distinct events; there is no time lag between the processes described by V and Ving (see Matsumoto 2016) although the two are not necessarily extended.

XP-argumenthood XP can be an argument of V, Ving, or both verbs. • …the water came roaring down Kavanaugh Street. (COCA) • …Streep went shopping for her seduction dress. (COCA) • [They] came strolling out of the woods. (J.K. Rowling, Harry Potter and the Goblet of Fire) XP can sometimes be omitted:

• The knights came riding, two and two. (Tennyson, Lady of Shalott, ii, in Poems (new ed.), 12, OED: s.v. come, v., I, 4)

Three subtypes 1. Manner: Ving specifies how V takes place – the two verbs depict what is in fact a single event. They came trudging up the stairs. (COCA)

Three subtypes 2. Conflation: V and Ving depict two distinct, though simultaneously occurring, processes. She came singing into the room. (COCA)

Three subtypes 3. Purpose/Activity: Ving codes the goal of V – the two processes describe a single, complex event and stand in a causal relation with each other. I went looking in the archives. (COCA)

2. The English VVing pattern today

Two broad types of V

MOTION type Go

I went walking around the beach

Come

My mom came rushing from the kitchen POSTURE type

Lie

Clark lay moaning on the gurney

Sit

We both sat looking at our dark houses

Stand

Now he stood staring at me

Motion V’s are found with all three subtypes of VVing (Stats based on data from COCA) COME Manner

…came running down the stairs

73%

Conflation

…came screaming out of the woods

8%

Purpose/Activity

…came calling for his film

19%

GO

Manner

…went running up the street

28%

Conflation

…went crying to Mommy

5%

Purpose/Activity

…went snooping through her things

67%

Posture V’s seem to occur with one subtype only (stats based on data from COCA) LIE Conflation

…lay sleeping in a child-pen

100%

SIT Conflation

…sat staring at the numbers

100%

STAND Conflation

…stood gazing at the strange coat

100%

Although not attested in our data, some cases may have a ‘purpose/activity’ reading, e.g. sit begging for bread.

3. VVing in the history of English

Forms:

Functions:

• V (bare) V

• manner

• V Vnde/Ving (‘participle’)

• conflation (e.g. sound)

• V P Ving (‘gerund’)

• activity/purpose

Verbs: motion: come, go posture: lie, sit, stand

Motion verb 1: Come bare V coding ‘manner’ (from OE to EModE) OED, s.v. come I, 4, a Þā

cōm þǣrtō

rīdan

sum

Crīsten

man sōna.

then came there-to ride (inf.) some Christian man soon

‘Then, at once, there come riding some Christian man.’ (OE ÆLFRIC Lives of Saints (Julius) (1900) II. 164)

Motion verb 1: Come

bare V coding ‘manner’ (from OE to EModE) Long before sixe, our two young Gentlemen come ride into the field. (1622 J. REYNOLDS Triumphs Gods Revenge: 2nd Bk. x. 209)

NB Bare V can also have a ‘purpose’ meaning (other options: V and V, V (for) to-V) Cōmon Sodomware .. corðrum miclum cūman ācsian. came Sodomites bands many came demand ‘The Sodomites … came in a great throng to demand …’ (OE Genesis A (1931) 2455) These cases are ignored here.

Motion verb 1: Come Ving coding ‘manner’ (from OE) OED, s.v. come I, 4, b Eft

ðā

cōmon flēogende of

Afterwards then came flying

ðǣre heofenlican dīgelnysse englas.

from the

heavenly

recess

‘Afterwards angels came flying from the heavenly recess.’ (OE ÆLFRIC Catholic Homilies: 2nd Ser. (Cambr. Gg.3.28) xx. 195)

angels

Motion verb 1: Come Ving coding ‘manner’ (from OE) First occurrence with –ing: I wol... waite ȝif any weiȝh comes wending alone. ‘I want to … wait if any man comes wending (i.e. on foot) alone.’ (a1375 William of Palerne (1867) l. 1821)

Motion verb 1: Come ‘conflation’ Ving (from LOE/EME) OED, s.v. come I, 4, b Hit cumeþ weopinde. ‘It comes weeping.’ (c1225 (▸?OE) Soul's Addr. to Body (Worcester) (Fragm. A) l. 10)

Motion verb 1: Come ‘conflation’ Ving (from LOE/EME) First occurrence with –ing:

Ypotames comen flyngynge, Oute of roches, loude nayinge ‘Hippopotamuses come flinging out of rocks neighing loudly.’ (c1400 (▸?a1300) Kyng Alisaunder (Laud) (1952) l. 5157)

Motion verb 1: Come ‘conflation’ Ving (from LOE/EME) First –ing examples without coordination: I must lackey and come lugging greyhound and hound. (1568 Newe Comedie Iacob & Esau ii. iii. sig. C. iv)

There shall a Lion from the sea-bord wood Of Neustria come roring. (1590 SPENSER Faerie Queene iii.iii. sig. Ee5)

Motion verb 1: Come ‘conflation’ Ving (from LOE/EME) First ‘crashing’ example: The whole weight of the Atlantic comes crashing against the granite juts and buttresses. (1921 S. COLVIN Memories & Notes xvii. 295)

Motion verb 1: Come Ving coding ‘activity/purpose’ (from EME) MED, s.v. come 1, c, (a) Manie & mikle cume ðer secande. ‘Many came there seeking’ (a1300(a1250) Bestiary (Arun 292) 536)

Motion verb 1: Come P Ving coding ‘manner’ (from OE) Visser §981 (after Dal 1952): com on ridinge (as variant of com ridende)

P Ving coding ‘conflation’ No occurrences in dictionaries/sources consulted.

Motion verb 1: Come P Ving coding ‘activity/purpose’ (from EModE) (P options: on, in, upon, a) They come a beggyng, To the housse of a povre man. (1528 Rede me & be nott Wrothe sig. fij)

Motion verb 1: Come Summary:

manner > conflation > activity/purpose

Motion verb 2: Go bare V No occurrences in dictionaries/sources consulted.

Motion verb 2: Go Ving coding ‘manner’ OED, s.v. go 2, a, (c) Bet him wel..Þat his teþ al to-breste; Or on þe hed ponne hard, Þat he go wryȝinge þenneward. ‘Beat him well … so that all his teeth may burst out; Or then on the head so that he may go writhing away.’ (c1390 in C. HORSTMANN Minor Poems Vernon MS (1892) i. 338)

Motion verb 2: Go Ving coding ‘manner’ Boistows j am, and haltinge, and wronge. To the birly j go hippinge. ‘I am rough and lame and deformed. I go limping to the man who pours out the drinks.’ (c1430 PILGR. LYF MANHODE (1869) III. xxx. 152)

Motion verb 2: Go Ving coding ‘conflation’ (from OE) OED, s.v. go 2, a, (c) Þā

ēodon hī

then went

sprecende ymbe þæs hǣlendes þrōwunge him betwynan.

they speaking

about the Saviour’s passion

them between

‘Then they went (while) speaking about the Saviour’s passion among themselves.’ (OE ÆLFRIC Catholic Homilies: 2nd Ser. (Cambr. Gg.3.28) xvi. 161)

Motion verb 2: Go Ving coding ‘activity/purpose’ (from OE) OED, s.v. go 2, a, (c) Þā welegan

wǣdledon and ēodonbiddende, and hī

the rich-people were-poor and went begging

and they were-hungry

‘The rich were poor and went begging and they were hungry.’

(OE King Ælfred tr. Psalms (Paris) (2001) xxxiii. 10)

hingrode.

Motion verb 2: Go

P Ving coding ‘manner’ or ‘conflation’ No occurrences in dictionaries/sources consulted.

P Ving coding ‘activity/purpose’ (from ME?) OED, s.v. on, 23 Þis child scholde wende An hontingue. ‘This child should go a-hunting.’

(c1300 St. Kenelm (Laud) 148 in C. Horstmann Early S.-Eng. Legendary (1887) 349 (MED))

Motion verbs Summary

come: manner > conflation > activity/purpose go: (manner), conflation, activity/purpose

Posture verb 1: Lie (posture verb examples from Visser 1969)

‘conflation’ and ‘activity/purpose’ se cyning læg wæccende lange on forannihte ‘The king lay keeping watch for a long time in the early part of the night.’

(Esther 89, 208, ed. ASSMANN)

Some hii founde ligge slepe.

‘Someone found them lie sleeping.’ (C1300 ROB. OF GLOUC., Chron. (A) (Rolls) 3267)

Posture verb 1: Lie ‘conflation’/’activity/purpose’ Ion lyþ slepyng ‘Ion lies sleeping’ (C1325 tr. Bonaventura’s Meditations, in: Yorks. Wr., Horstmann, 275)

oon of hem, in sleping as he lay, Him mette a wonder dreem. (C1386 CHAUCER, C.T. B. 4267)

Posture verb 2: Sit (‘conflation’/‘activity/purpose’) hī sǣton þā niht embe Crīst sprecende they sat the night about Chris speaking ‘They sat speaking about Christ over the night.’ (ÆLFRIC, Saints’ Lives II 370, 252) þey founde hem sitte in fere Talkinge at her sopere ‘They found them sitting in fair talking while eating.’ (C1350 Libeanus Desconus 1834 ) Sibilla Cumane… Quhair as scho sat rummesing in hir caif ‘Sibilla Cumane … where she sat roaring in her cave.’ (1513 Douglas, Æneid VI, ii, 42)

Posture verb 3: Stand (‘conflation’/‘activity/purpose’)

ðā stōdon þāra sācerda ealdras hine ānrǣdlice wrēgende then stood of-the priests leaders him resolutely accusing ‘The chiest priests were standing, resolutely accusing him.’ (Gosp., Luke 23, 10) he stōd strutigende mid tole ‘He stood struggling with a tool.’ (ÆLFRIC, Saints’ Lives II 328, 208)

Posture verb 3: Stand (‘conflation’/‘activity/purpose’)

Hīe ðā gebrōhton brimes næsse on wǣgðele wigan unslāwne; stodon him ðā on ōfre æfter rēotan. ‘Then they brought the enterprising soldier to a ship at a headland of the ocean; then they stood on the shore weeping after him.’ (Andreas 1712) The salvage Linxes listning stood (1697 DRYDEN, Virg. Past. VIII, 4)

4. (Interim) conclusions: present findings and future research

Findings COME V: manner. COME Ving: manner > conflation > activity/purpose. COME P Ving: manner > activity/purpose. GO V: none. GO Ving: manner, conflation, activity/purpose. GO P Ving: activity/purpose. Posture-V V: conflation. Posture-V (P) Ving: conflation, activity/purpose.

Hypothesis 1: Frequency and history The historical data seem to mirror PDE frequencies. This suggests that PDE frequencies may tell us something about the historical development of the pattern.

COME: manner > conflation > activity/purpose. GO: (manner), conflation, activity/purpose.

Hypothesis 2: Go as a general motion verb? The fact that all uses are attested with go from the beginning is consistent with the fact that go tends to grammaticalize and take on new meanings more easily than come (e.g. Nicolle 2009). Logical argument: verbs with a more general meaning are keener to take on new functions. • Sylvia is going to watch the match (by bus). • Sylvia is going to watch the match (on Saturday). • It’s going to rain.

Hypothesis 2: Go as a general motion verb? Support from typology: it is very common crosslinguistically that come is marked with respect to go, often also morphologically (e.g. Wilkins and Hill 1995; see also Itkonen 2008).

As an example, the Longgu language (Austronesian) only has a lexical form for ‘go’, la. The verb “come” is formed by adding the directional particle mai, ‘hither’ (Wilkins and Hill 1995).

Hypothesis 2: Go as a general motion verb? Go may also represent an unmarked general motion verb. As such, it may be considered as more ‘basic’ than come. A deictic sense would pragmatically emerge with go through systemic opposition to uses of come (see Wilkins and Hill 1995: 215). General motion verb, representing the unmarked option. May assume a sense ‘go thither’ when used in opposition to come.

Adding information on the direction of going, may be paraphrased as ‘go hither’.

Conclusions • Frequency data seem to mirror the history of the pattern. • The different histories of go and come may be related to go being a more general verb than come. • Future: more comprehensive investigation using YCOE (Taylor et al. 2003), PPCME2 (Kroch and Taylor 2000), and PPCEME (Kroch et al. 2004). • Importance of considering constructions on a verb-by-verb basis.

Thank you [email protected] [email protected]

References COCA, Corpus of Contemporary American English, https://corpus.byu.edu/coca. Itkonen, E. (2008). The blind spot of contemporary typological linguistics: The role of zero. Presented at 3° International Conference on Language, Culture, and Mind. Odense, Denmark. Kroch, A., and Taylor, A. (2000). Penn-Helsinki corpus of Middle English, second version (PPCME2). Department of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania. CD-ROM, second edition, version 4.

Kroch, A., Santorini, B., and Delfs, L. (2004). The Penn-Helsinki corpus of early Modern English (PPCEME). Department of Linguistics, University of Pennsylvania. CD-ROM, first edition, version 3. Matsumoto, N. (2016). Multiverb sequences in English: Their classifications and functions. PhD Dissertation, Kobe University. MED, Middle English Dictionary, https://quod.lib.umich.edu/m/med/. Nicolle, S. (2009). Go-and-V, Come-and-V, Go-V and Come-V: A corpus-based account of deictic movement verb constructions. English Text Construction 2 (2): 185-208. OED, Oxford English Dictionary, http://www.oed.com/. Taylor, A., Warner, A., Pintzuk, S., and Beths, F. (2003). The York-Toronto-Helsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose. Electronic texts and manuals available from the Oxford Text Archives: http://www.ota.ahds.ac.uk.

Visser, F. (1969). An historical syntax of the English language, Vol. III, part I: Syntactical units with two verbs. Leiden: Brill. Wilkins, D.P., and Hill, D. (1995). When go means come: Questioning the basicness of basic motion verbs. Cognitive Linguistics 6 (2-3): 209259.