Positive aging - Springer Link

POSITIVE AGING: NEW IMAGES FOR A NEW AGE* MARY M. GERGEN AND KENNETH J. GERGEN

The gerontological literature in the social sciences has typically characterized the aging process in terms of decline, degeneration, and decrepitude. Comparatively little attention has been paid to the possibility of growth, generativity, and development in the last decades of life. With the growing population of older people who enjoy increasing social, political and economic power, the willingness to accept the Dark Ages of aging has diminished; a more positive image of the aging person is invited. This paper explores the potential of gerontological inquiry to reconstruct aging in a positive mode. To illustrate the potentials, we show how a variety of research findings suggest that efforts to enhance physical health, emotional well-being, active engagement in life or meaningful relationships all work in a mutually reinforcing manner, with substantial positive consequences for aging people. To emphasize positive practices, we highlight the work being done with an approach called Appreciative Inquiry. Its impact on a large Florida health support system for elders is delineated. In addition, two case descriptions add qualitative weight to the emerging possibilities for positive aging. We conclude with a comparison of successful aging approaches to positive aging, finding common grounds, but also a significant difference in epistemological considerations. Judging from the stereotypes of aging that have dominated the United States in the last half-century, one might conclude that people who are called old, aged, elderly, or senior citizens are marginalized, undesirable, weak, and unimportant people in the late stages of decline, dementia and death. As Richard Margolis (1990) has suggested we have given "into a heavy fatalism that recalls Seneca's dismissal of old age as 'an incurable disease.' We see feebleness, helplessness, and mindlessness everywhere" (p.l12). There is a habit among younger people, as well as those not so young, of assuming that there is a population of "frail elders, locked within their homes, as .... prisoners of their illnesses" (Rubinstein, Kilbride, & Nagy, 1992, x). As Margaret Gullette (1997) proposes, our history is such that we treat longevity as "solely a disaster. (Perhaps men should congratulate themselves on dying younger!)" (p. 186), And as the Gray Panthers' television monitoring task force concluded in the late 1970s, older people are typically depicted as "ugly, toothless, sexless, Ageing International, Vol. 27, No. 1, pp. 3-23.

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incontinent, senile, confused and helpless... ''~ The reputation of being old is so negative that most people refuse to define themselves as such (Friedan,1993). This negative stereotype of the aging population has been intensified by certain dominant values in American culture. First the individualist tradition-in which the integrity of a person depends upon being a free agent, strong, vigorous, capable of making his/her own decisions, and choosing his/her own way of life, is a powerful threat to the desirability of aging (Rubinstein, Kilbride, & Nagy, 1992). It is generally assumed that older people inevitably lose their capacity to function as autonomous individuals. For this reason alone, they are deprecated by the younger members of society. While it is true that most people are dependent upon others when they are near death, for many people this is a very small portion of their long and agentic lives. Today most elderly people prefer to remain as independent as possible, and those who remain healthy and economically self-sufficient usually chose to remain alone, often separated geographically from their family. Not being a burden means preserving one's individuality, and this entails not asking for greater connection to family members. This, in itself, can deprive people of all generations from greater forms of intimacy. At the same time that our culture esteems notions of individuality and independence, it is possible to question these values themselves, in that they assume, quite falsely, that it is possible to get along without the cooperation and support of others. Very few of us are truly self-sufficient in today's complex society. The rejection of the view that we all are interdependent lends itself to a resistance to recognizing the needs of older people and to a reluctance of people to ask others for help. Also contributing to the negative side of aging has been the traditional value of productivity. With deep roots in the Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism, there is a strong tendency to equate personal worth with productive achievement (Hochschild, 1989). Within the American economy, productive achievement is typically associated with the earning of wages and the status associated with one's position in the workplace. Thus as one retires from paid employment, one's human worth becomes questionable. This loss of status occurs despite the possibility that other measures of being a useful citizen could be made (Bengtson, Schaie, & Burton, 1995). One is "sidelined," "put out to pasture," or becomes a "has been." As one retired man advised his friend who had just retired and moved to a new town, "Once you are out of the game, it doesn't matter what you once were, you are now a zero. You have to start all over again." This displacement is especially important to men, for whom career success is directly bound up with one's sense of identity (M. Gergen, 1992). As feminist critics point out, being productive also affects the valuation of the maturing woman (Martin,1997). Because women's "production" is so frequently allied with their capacity to bear children, they are doubly vulnerable to being found wanting. The onset of menopause signals for them a loss of worth. Women thus suffer from the sense of being "barren," "empty," or "without a nest." Within this context of values, women

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face the specter of being "finished at forty" when their biological productivity begins to cease (M. Gergen, 1990). Loss of productivity is also associated with lose of intellectual and bodily strength. Older people are presumed to become less able to think, recall correctly, act decisively, react properly in social situations, and have the physical stamina to manage simple everyday tasks, or to do complex motor activity, such as driving a car or playing sports. Yet, in our view history is not destiny, and we now stand on the threshold of an entirely new range of visions, conceptions and practices that could transform the face of aging. The Dark Ages of aging can give way to a New Age, far more positive in potential. For the past several years the two of us have been deeply engaged in exploring routes to what we call "positive aging," resources that may facilitate the flourishing of the New Age of aging. In the present paper we wish to share several of the most promising means to such a future. We first present some theoretical thinking that invites us into a creative posture toward the future and to ways of bringing about new patterns of living. We turn then to the domain of research. Here we first share a range of demographic findings that lend enormous promise to the possibilities of positive aging. We then explore a pattern of research on human well-being that has profound implications for living well across the lifespan. Our focus then shifts to cultural practices, where we illustrate the positive orientation in action. We complete this exploration into positive aging with several narratives that give concrete life to some of the ideas advanced in this work. Many of our efforts are expressed in a monthly electronic newsletter, Positive Ageing, sponsored by the Novartis Foundation on Ageing 2.

The Social Construction of Age Our work on positive aging is importantly guided by a longstanding interest in social constructionist theory. From a constructionist standpoint, our ways of describing and explaining the world are not demanded by the nature of the world itself. Rather, it is through the active negotiation and collaboration of people that such understandings are constructed (K. Gergen, 1999; M. Gergen, 2001). Thus, there is no "one correct way" of describing the world, in science or elsewhere. Many constructions are possible, each with a particular utility for particular groups of people. In this sense we are not bound by existing ways of describing and explaining the world; the creation of new possibilities depends on the character of our present dialogue. And, as we generate new ways of understanding, so do we open the door to new patterns of action. With regard to the concept of aging, constructionist theses are particularly catalytic. They unsettle the widespread tendency within the social and biological sciences to search for the naturalized life course, that is, to chart the innate development and decline of human capacities, tendencies, proclivities and so on over the life-span. This tendency is strong in gerontological sciences, with its proclivity to chart various forms of physical and mental de-

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cline. With its strong emphasis on culturally and historically situated knowledge, social constructionism serves as a challenge to these efforts. There is nothing about changes in the human body that require a concept of aging or of decline. There is no process of aging in itself; the discourse of aging is born of interpersonal relationships within a given culture at a given time (Hazan, 1994). In other cultural conditions alternative interpretations are invited. It is well-known, for example, that in traditional cultures the elders are often viewed as the wisest and the most respected members of the group. For example, as anthropologist, Richard Shweder (1998), has observed among the Gusii people of West Kenya, " Seniority is associated ... with respect, obedience, prestige, and social esteem."(pg, xv) In this same sense, we must also view the scientific literature of later-life decline as culturally constructed. That is, the extensive research demonstrating deterioration of physical and psychological functioning during the latter span of life is not a simple reflection of what is there. Rather, that a given configuration constitutes " d e c l i n e " - - o r indeed, is worth mentioning at a l l - derives from a particular domain of values (such as productivity and individualism), along with various assumptions, vocabularies, measuring instruments, and so on. In effect, to find someone biologically or cognitively impaired constitute what Gubrium, Holstein and Buckholdt (1994) call a collaborative accomplishment. It is an accomplishment of a particular professional group, working with particular assumptions and values, within a supportive culture. And so it is that we must continuously reflect on the w a y in which the sciences construct the life-course, and most particularly accounts that treat decline as a natural fact of growing older. As Dannefer (1988) puts the case, "Naturalization is a highly effective mechanism of social legitimation because it is difficult to oppose that which is seen as natural. When (the rhetoric of naturalization) remains unacknowledged in scientific discourse, science is itself engaged in the legitimation of prevailing social arrangements" (pg. 17). It is also when we avoid tendencies toward naturalizing that we become conscious of contingency; it is then that we begin to appreciate possibilities of cultural transformation. When the taken for granted becomes "one supposition among many," we are alerted to the potentials of reconstructing the course of aging in more positive ways (Hazan, 1994). The American construction of aging has yielded enormous suffering, and it could be otherwise (cf. Gergen, 1996; Kaplan, 1997, Campioni, 1997). We may begin to explore other, more uplifting ways of understanding the latter years of life, and indeed launch discussions from which new visions emerge. We may seek out or initiate research that lends itself to an optimistic view of possibilities. We are invited to share stories and other resources that help us to realize these positive potentials in our own lives. With this constructionist orientation in place, let us consider two challenging wellsprings of research, the first treating demography and the second individual well-being.

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As outlined above, the Dark Ages of aging were tied closely to a particular configuration of social and economic conditions. As these conditions disappear, the way is opened for new images of aging to occur. Let us then glimpse some central changes in societal conditions:

Population: The Elder Explosion Of chief significance is the growth in the population over 60 years of age. With steady increases in health and longevity along with simultaneous decrements in the birthrate, the proportion of the population over 60 has been steadily increasing in the western world. By the year 2030 one in five Americans will be 65 or older, the majority of which will be women. (Hagestad, 1991; Peterson & Somit, 1994). This demographic pattern also means that the potential political power of the aging population is also steadily increasing. Today, approximately 25 percent of the voters in American elections are over 65. Political power may be even greater than the numbers indicate because older voters are increasingly more likely to cast a ballot. This imbalance favoring the participation of older voters over young ones has continued unabated over the past 30 years. According to the U.S. Bureau of the Census Current Population Reports, nearly 70 percent of Americans 65 and older voted in the 1996 national elections, compared with 33 percent of those 18-24 (Dychtwald, 1999). Older voters are also more knowledgeable about candidates and watch over the performances of their elected officials more carefully than younger voters. Older members of the population also have more peers with whom to interact than ever before, and with increasing alacrity are seeking them out. In earlier times the aging were scattered about in most communities, often sequestered in homes with younger relatives (Rose & Peterson, 1965); now in some areas of the country (e.g. in Florida, Arizona, southern California) they are in the majority . With increasing numbers have come forms of self-organized segregation. Communities have been established exclusively for people over a certain age; young adults and children are prohibited as permanent residents. Essentially this means that in negotiating issues of value, self, and aging they may rely on others like themselves as opposed to a younger population for whom aging is an alien and often threatening stage of life.

Economics: Elder Power A second cultural shift accentuates the effects of the first. Not only are the aging becoming proportionally more numerous, but they are also becoming increasingly powerful economically. Beginning in 1973-1974, with the Democratic Congress massively liberalized the system, Social Security benefits were

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raised by about 35 percent and indexed for inflation. From that point on benefits were automatically adjusted each year to keep pace with the Consumer Price Index. The benefit increases were enormously successful in lifting the nation's old people out of poverty (Morris, 1996). Between 1966 and 1974, the poverty rate among the elderly was cut in half; today American's elderly are less likely than nonelderly to be poor. From 1995 onward, the poverty rate of the those over 65 has hovered around 10 percent according to the U.S. Census Bureau's Current Population Survey. Between 1988 and 1991 senior wealth grew by 20 percent while median wealth for the country as a whole grew by about 2 percent. In 1986 the average 70-year-old had 71 percent of the buying power of a 30-year-old. Just 10 years later, in 1996, the 70-yearold has acquired 18 percent more to spend than the 30-year-old (Morris, 1996). Today, those over 65 control 70 percent of the total wealth, 77 percent of all financial assets, are 66 percent of the stockholders, and are more likely to own their own homes outright than any other group (80% have paid off their mortgages) (Dychwald, 1999). While it is still true that pockets of deep poverty characterize certain groups of the elderly, especially African American women, the general economic gains have been immense. This relative increase in wealth also means that business will increasingly cater to the elderly. Goods and services will be developed to enhance life satisfactions; advertising will depict the elderly in increasingly positive ways, with older women becoming fashion plates, and elderly life-styles defined as the ideal. Further, with increasing funds at their disposal the elderly gain significance in terms of campaign donations and resulting political power. They also become major resources for charitable organizations, and thus influence the direction of voluntary agencies. Retirement ceases to be fraught with dread, and is viewed with positive anticipation. As many would argue, these trends are now well under way. With this emerging picture of elderly-friendly social conditions, let us turn to research on individual life-trajectories.

Individual Well-Being: The Life-Span Diamond As we noted, the vast share of the research literature on aging focuses on various dimensions of decline. Research is variously directed to the m a n y ways in which the brain and body deteriorate over the years, the associated loss in cognitive functions such as memory and problem solving, the loss of social functioning, and the onset of mental illness. Yet, in spite of the rigor of much of this research, there is much to be said against it. At the outset it is highly selective. That is, of the many complex dimensions of aging, researchers select out only those that demonstrate decline. Why, one ponders, is not more attention paid to forms of enhancement? This negative pattern is further intensified by the fact that null-findings seldom reach the pages of the journals. Journals resist publishing manuscripts in which no significant results emerge. Further, patterns of findings do not speak for themselves. Whether a

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pattern manifests decline, and the significance of this decline are matters of interpretation. In our shift toward positive aging we attempt to readjust the balance. We review the literature for research that demonstrates the many ways in which aging people resist decline, and in which their lives are enriched and enhanced. We fasten on research that does not close the door to a good life, but demonstrates ways in which the door may be opened wider. We are encouraged by null-findings, and embrace inquiry that opens new paths to well-being. Let us illustrate the research potentials of positive aging by bringing to light a pattern of findings in which we find enormous potential. Here we have been struck first by numerous studies that seemed to corroborate each other, and second, by an overall pattern of relations to which these studies contribute. We term this pattern "the life-span diamond," not only because it speaks to the generation of well-being throughout the life course but also because its four points of departure nicely invite us to think in terms of life riches. Consider then these four points--each serving as both an origin and an outcome: • • • •

Relational Resources: Supportive family and friends, conversational partners, and mediated companions. Physical Well-Being: Optimal functioning of brain and body. Positive Mental States: The sense of well-being, happiness, and optimism. Engaging Activity: Active participation in mental as well as physical activity.

As we find, there is a steadily expanding body of research in which investigators trace relationships existing between one of these points and another. For example, they bring to light ways in which relational resources are positively related to physical well-being, or positive mental states are tied to engaging activity. In each case we are invited to see the possibility of bi-directional cause. For example, positive mental states may bring about physical well-being, and physical well-being can simultaneously contribute to positive mental states. The model of positive functioning suggested by these patterns is that of the diamond featured in Figure 1. We shall not review all the many findings and arguments that contribute to this challenging pattern. However, its significance can be appreciated more fully by a brief scan of the supportive reasoning and research connecting the various points: Relational Resources < -

> Physical Well-Being

Family and friends often call attention to one's bodily condition (e.g. weight gain or loss, changes in energy level, pale or ruddy complexion, shortness of breath). They provide opinions and information that invite one to deliberate and, perhaps, to seek professional advice. Others' positive feelings also encourage one to value one's health and appearance. ("You're looking

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Ageing International/Winter 2001-2002 Figure 1 The Lifespan Diamond Relational Resources

Positive Mental States

Physical Well-Being

Engaging Activity

great today!) At the same time, when the body is functioning well, and people feel physically fine, they are more likely to seek others' company and to contribute to caring relationships. Numerous studies provide support for this vision of a two-way linkage between relational resources and physical wellbeing. For example, we find that the availability of social support is associated with better health in general (Stroebe & Stroebe, 1996), and as well to the speed with which one recovers from injury (Kempen, et al., 2001). And, when social support is available, one is less likely to sink into alcoholism (Pierce, et al., 2000). People who have strong emotional attachments to others recover from loss (e.g. the death of an intimate, the loss of money or property) more rapidly (Abbey & Andrews, 1985). Finally, people who are married enjoy far more years of life than those who never married, or are separated or divorced (Coombs, 1991). Relational Resources
Positive Mental States

At the outset, positive relations with others can bolster one's self confidence, provide a sense of personal worth, lift one's spirits, help one generate meaningful goals, and provide many pleasures. At the same time, when people are feeling good about themselves and life, they will often approach others in a positive way, evidencing more empathy, love, nurturance or forgiveness.

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Their positive states of mind will enhance their relationships. Again, there is much research to support this connection. For example, research indicates that people high in social contact are more likely to feel supported and cared for; they are less likely to become depressed (Pierce et al., 2000). One of the strongest predictors of happiness is marriage (Myer, 1993). People who live alone, never marry or are widowed, divorced or separated are far lower in general feelings of happiness (Argyle, 1999) It should be noted, however, that an unhappy marriage can nullify these effects (Myers, 1993). Positive Mental States
Engaging Activity

Again we find good reason for bi-directional influence. Positive mental states provide, for example, a sense of purpose, confidence, and optimism, all of which favor engaging in various mental and physical activities. At the same time, engaging activity can often yield good memories, joy, excitation, adventure and a sense of a full life. A particular sense of accomplishment or satisfaction can be achieved by helping others. Engaging activity can also increase the sense of internal control. In this case, relevant research indicates that life satisfaction is positively related to engaging in the future planning of activity (Prenda and Lachman, 2001). Couples engaging in arousing activities together have more positive feelings toward each other and are happier (Aron et al., 2000). Greater variability in daily life engagements are positively related to feelings of joy. Participating in leisure activities with friends, doing volunteer work, dancing, sports, sexual activity, and being outside, are all positively related to feelings of happiness (Argyle, 1999). Greater involvement in religion is positively related to life satisfaction (Larson, D.B., Sherrill, K.A, and Lyons, S.S., 1999). Positive Mental States Physical Well-Being

One of the most theoretically interesting connections is that holding between positive mental states and physical well-being. On the one hand, it is not surprising that feeling good is related to physical well-being. After all, if one is in good bodily condition feeling good about life is favored. And too, feeling good about oneself should favor taking good bodily care of oneself. With depression, one may even seek out ways of damaging the body. The intrigue with this connection lies in another realm: specifically, investigators increasingly believe that positive mental states may bolster the immune system. Again science approaches the challenge of solving the mind/body problem. In any case, many research findings are congenial with this reasoning. For example, research indicates that people who exhibit greater positive affect are at a reduced risk of stroke (Oster, et al., 2001). People who are disposed to positive feelings during their early years have better longevity than those who are negative and pessimistic (Maruta, et al, 2000; Harker, & Keltner,

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2001). And, having a positive sense of purpose is positively related to physical health (Ryff, & Singer, 1989). Physical Well-Being
Engaging Activity

It comes as little surprise that physical health enhances one's capability to engage in a wider range of activities. Conversely, engaging physical in activity keeps one fit. However, the question of whether mental activity contributes to physical well-being remains open. In any case, numerous research findings support the link. Some of them are quite interesting. For example, we find that engaging in altruistic activities (e.g. helping others in need) is positively related to physical health (Krause, et al, 2000). The same is true of engaging in religious activities, such as attending church, and participating in church activities (Larson, Sherrill, & Lyons, 1999). Engaging in a wide range of activities, from reading, playing cards, or devoting time to community services, is positively related to rapid recovery from losses of various kinds (BarTur, Levy-Shift, and Burns, 2000). Relational Resources
Engaging Activity

Relationships with others invite engagement, both mental and physical. Often one is invited into new realms of activity, thus broadening the spectrum of interests, curiosity, and potential. And of course, engaging activity often functions as a form of social participation (e.g. reading, playing bridge, sexual intercourse.) But activity can also enhance one's ability to relate to others (providing topics of conversation, information to relate, etc.) Activity can also yield social rewards (appreciation and love of others through helping neighbors, children). Perhaps because these relationships are so obvious, we have found no research contributing to this connection. The Critical Fulcrum: Relational Resources

As our diamond model suggests, positive aging has at least four important points of entry. Time spent in developing family and friends, maintaining a good health regimen, engaging in mental and physical activity, and maintaining a positive attitude toward self are all important in themselves. However, their major contribution is to an interlocking system of reverberating effects. To engage in physical activity is not simply enjoyable in itself; it constitutes a potential lift to one's health, personal relationships, and sense of well-being. And with each of these effects, there may be further reverberations, which may ultimately yield increased interest in one's activities. Once set in motion, the inter-related system m a y - - u p to a point--be self-sustaining. Further, it is never too late to enter the s y s t e m - - t o develop a friendship, take on an activity, or improve one's diet. The system may wax or wane over a lifetime, depending on one's choices.

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This latter point may seem contentious. After all, isn't it obvious that bodily functions deteriorate over the life-course, and that one's vigor and vitality undergoes inevitable decline? And if the diamond model is valid, wouldn't such declines affect all these other aspects of life? Wouldn't one's activities be curtailed, relationships subverted, and sense of well-being decline? Why isn't the negative view of aging quite accurate after all? There are many counters to this form of negative thinking. We have already mentioned the vital expansion in elder health and longevity, the ways in which traditional research is tilted toward the image of decline, and the many positive developments that are now being realized. However, there is yet another line of reasoning that is relevant here, the implications of which are quite profound. Recall the social constructionist orientation that informs the present effort. As constructionists propose, our understandings of the world are generated and sustained within relationships. From this standpoint, relational resources may constitute the most powerful influences within the diamond. This is easiest to understand in terms of our sense of well-being. If all one's relationships were in turmoil, and all one's past relationships were stormy, how likely is one to sustain a happy disposition? Typically, one's m o o d s throughout the day are intimately tied to one's relationships, either directly or indirectly (e.g. in terms of their ultimate or imagined evaluations of one's actions.) Relational resources may seem a little less important in terms of one's activities. But consider: most of our activities are directly or indirectly social in nature; we typically work and play with others--either directly or vicariously (as in the case of reading or watching television). Further, even those activities that may seem independent--for example, gardening, painting, jogging, or doing the taxes--gain their significance from relationships in which we are now, have been, or will be engaged. The j o y of gardening is not a private pleasure, but derives from a long cultural tradition of which the individual is but an extension. In addition, much of the joy of gardening is prospective, that is in the future fruits of one's labors, which will be shared and admired by many others (Lawton, 1983). But finally, what about the body? Do bodily ills and failings not eventually overtake us regardless of the condition of our relationships? Consider the case of wrinkled skin, what for many seem the early heralds of deterioration. Is wrinkled skin necessarily a deficit, an alienating and distancing feature of the face? In fact, many people find wrinkled skin quite beautiful, a signal of a life well-lived, wisdom, and special insight. Whether a body is beautiful or desirable is not inherent in the body itself, but in the domain of relations that define the body in this way or that. It is in this way that the residents of many retirement communities are successful in shedding the common cultural definitions of beauty and desirability. One survey that asked how attractive one's mate was found that 76-year-olds were more enamoured of their mate's appearance than were the 55-year-olds in the sample. Beauty is in the eye of the beholder (Neugarten, 1980). More telling, these same residents are often ca-

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pable of defining out of existence many of the "ills" commonly experienced in old age. If everyone has difficulty in movement, one scarcely spends the day complaining of such difficulties. Such "difficulties" simply become the background against which other m a t t e r s - - o n e ' s family, news events, or the evening's program - become important. Research with accident victims concluded that after six months, the physical handicap was no longer highly significant in how these people evaluated their emotional states (Brickman, Coates, & Janoff-Bulman, 1978; Silver, 1982). Perhaps the most fascinating developments relevant to relational resources come from studies of pain. As David Morris (1993) demonstrates, what is experienced as painful in one culture is not in another. In effect, our experience of pain is deeply influenced by the cultural relationships in which we are embedded. Or, more locally, the blows experienced by a football player or boxer are not experienced in the same way they would by the ordinary person. In further work, Arthur Frank (1995), shows how one's experiences of physical infirmity are modified by one's understandings. Understanding oneself as a victim, for example, is to live in a much darker world than understanding oneself as a survivor or a witness. We are only now beginning to understand the enormous impact of socially embedded interpretation for the sense of physical well-being. Research findings such as the preceding offer hope and encouragement for the life course. Yet, these findings are only representative of a much larger span of inquiry. The present effort is especially resonant with what is called the "Positive Psychology Movement. ''3 The major message of this movement is that psychology has spent too much time and too many resources focusing on the deficits of people, for example, on categorizing mental illness, and not enough time and resources on the ways in which people thrive, are resilient, or otherwise overcome deficits. A recent H a n d b o o k of Positive Psychology highlights the vast amount of research and theorizing in this domain. 4

Positive Aging in Action: The Appreciative Orientation We now turn from orientations to research invited by a focus on positive aging to practices. There is much to be said here, for example, about initiatives that encourage and facilitate voluntarism, travel, adult education, political involvement, artistic creativity, performance, and so on. All such initiatives enrich the possibilities of aging positively. However, most of these opportunities are now broadly publicized. Let us thus share a less visible practice, but one with powerful implications. For several years now we have worked with organizational development specialists who voice u n b o u n d e d enthusiasm for a practice called Appreciative Inquiry (Cooperrider, et al., 1999; Watkins, & Mohr, 2001; see also www.taosinstitute.org). The practice both inspires and sets in motion new visions of an organization, as well as reduces existing conflicts. It is now used around the globe both in the profit making and nonprofit sector. A movement to create a United Religions, equivalent to the United

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Nations, is now facilitated by Appreciative Inquiry practitioners who are bringing together representatives of religions whose animosities span centuries. Personal growth and couples enrichment groups are also being developed as sites for Appreciative Inquiry. The elements of Appreciative Inquiry are simple. Rather than focusing on "the problems" that so often occupy organizational and personal life, participants are charged with exploring stories about positive events, for example, about incidents in which the organization was particularly successful, and/or in which they themselves were inspired. Through the sharing of these stories, visions of positive possibilities are distilled. Participants then begin to develop plans that can realize these possibilities and ways of ensuring their implementation. Professionals working with the elderly have begun to adopt this kind of orientation, and with good effects. They are drawn to an appreciative stance because it represents a complete turn-around from the pervasive tendency to see aging a vast sea of problems to be confronted. Seldom is aging understood in terms of the openings and opportunities that are available, and the forms of growth that many people experience as they age. Futher, we don't often stop to consider whether something commonly labeled "a problem" is deserving of this name alone. For example, many authorities speak of period when children leave the home as "the empty nest problem," while the majority of parents describe this period in their lives as rejuvenating. Finally, we seldom consider how events we describe as problematic are not negative; even illness and disability harbor positive potential, as our previous discussion has indicated. We have witnessed the potentials of workshops for health care professionals--who, like all of us, are concerned with their own future well-being. Many begin with a problem-focused approach to living. As one participant revealed, "Life is about problems. Every morning I wake up and list all the problems I must solve that day. That's what my daily life is all about" He also expected the problems to become only more severe with aging. To explore the positive alternatives, participants have joined in an experiential learning task to create positive visions of aging. Typically they fill pages with these visions; not only are the visions hopeful, but essentially inviting. One would scarcely want to miss the adventure! Participants also are confronted with a range of events typically experienced as problems--wrinkled faces and sagging bodies, chronic disease, disability, and the death of intimate others. The challenge is for them to tell stories in which people locate in such events opportunities for significant development, creativity, invigoration, or inspiration. Gradually such stories come forth, and with this sharing the workshop begins to hum with enthusiasm. Appreciative reconstructions are not only possible, they are fully compelling. We are not the only witnesses to the power of the appreciative approach. Theresa M. Bertram, CEO of the Cathedral Foundation, Jacksonville FL, reports the following:

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Ageing International/Winter 2001-2002 For its first thirty-five years, the Cathedral Foundation was a national leader in providing the "answers" for the elderly by offering caretaking services, housing and nursing home care for thousands of seniors day in and day out. For the last five years, using Appreciative Inquiry, we have begun to understand elders in a new way. We now see elders from a position of strength, not of weakness. They are creative, rich with history and filled with ideas for the future. They are robust, often reaching across generations to build a better society--and they are spiritual and take the time to explore fully this dimension of their lives. They are so different from the sick, frail, sexless, weak, disabled, powerless, passive, and unhappy persons portrayed in many segments of our society. An understanding of elders at their best has led to major changes in our organizational practices. We have moved away from the market driven, medical model that responds to the physical and environmental needs of the elderly, while subtly or not so subtly, making nearly all decisions for them. We now understand that we do not sustain our elders--their presence sustains us. Today, we are exploring ways to undergird seniors in their daily living rather than fostering dependency by doing everything for them and making decisions on their behalf. Early results are promising. Our elders are leading advocacy efforts by showing up at town meetings and making their political voices heard--raising funds for projects important to them including $60,000 for a wheelchair accessible bus--and expressing themselves in music and art. One group has organize an African-American choir that performs in the community. Most exciting is the expanding horizon of achievements and further innovations we see deriving from an appreciative collaboration with our eiders. In our view, the practical potentials of an appreciative orientation are enormous. All may share in the creation.

Faces of Positive Aging To bring positive aging into being requires m a n y resources. In the preceding we have treated useful contributions f r o m theory, research, and practice. We complete our discussion with a focus on life stories themselves. Clearly, theory and research are not very experientially relevant. As p e o p l e share stories a b o u t t h e i r lives, i n s i g h t s and u n d e r s t a n d i n g s n o t a v a i l a b l e in m o r e traditional a c a d e m i c f o r m s b e c o m e a c c e s s i b l e . As we listen to stories we are c o n s t a n t l y m a k i n g j u d g m e n t s a b o u t w h a t is p o s s i b l e and d e s i r a b l e . In effect, such narratives can be i n v a l u a b l e r e s o u r c e s in c o n s t r u c t i n g s e l f and the future. W e thus conclude with two brief sketches o f older people who, on m a n y accounts, have succeeded in m a k i n g very positive lives for themselves. These are the kinds o f accounts that can easily be s e c u r e d w i t h i n w o r k s h o p s e t t i n g s ; t h e y can also b e s t i m u l a t e d in i n f o r m a l s e t t i n g s . First, S a r a h ' s s t o r y i n v o l v e s a life o f s t r u g g l e that r e a c h e d a s e c u r e c u l m i n a t i o n in her mid-60's. Jerry's life o f c o m f o r t was shaken by the death o f her husband, but her retirement years have brought her in touch with hundreds o f p e o p l e w h o are blessed by her volunteer activities. Both offer images o f hope and lessons o f promise.

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Sarah: Life as Art

Sarah was a woman in the 1970's who expressed the deep yearning that Betty Friedan had called the "problem without a name" (1963). For Sarah, it was the desire to establish herself as a professional artist. After much soul searching, she separated from her husband and left the suburbs where she had a very comfortable home, as well as two little children, to fend for herself in the city. Her husband, who had some understanding of the depths of his wife's despair at living the closeted life of a faculty wife, took care of the children for many years and helped support her financially in her quest for "self actualization," as she might have described it. Overtime, her husband, from whom she was now divorced, remarried and eliminated her stipend. Her children, in their high school years, came to live with her in her small loft apartment, in which she carved spaces adequate for tiny bedrooms for her daughter, son and herself. She struggled daily to make ends meet, to advance her artistic career and to find some semblance of a personal life despite her many responsibilities. From the time she was 30 until she was in her mid-fifties, she lived a life that was full of creative ingenuity, but without much income. She taught art classes whenever she could get them, sang in various choirs that paid for her highly trained voice, and depended at times on the kindnesses of wealthier friends, often the men with whom she had ultimately unsatisfying relationships, and her widowed mother. Despite some occasional art shows and sales, she could not support herself with her art. Her theme, mostly the female nude expressed in large oil canvases, was too daring for most local collectors, and they did not sell; she felt trapped in an endless quest for financial security. To survive, she began to take work at a temp agency, doing secretarial work for minimal wages. She basically had given up her dream of becoming a fulltime artist. Her financial status improved somewhat when she was hired as a writer for a prominent architectural firm in the city. She continued to paint and draw in every available moment. Eventually she was able to buy a loft in an artist's co-op with her mother's financial support. Driving herself day and night, she built herself a huge studio within the barren loft, created living spaces around the periphery and continued to do her art. As she entered her sixties, she became involved with Tom, a man who was quite the opposite of her former husband, her previous lovers, and herself. He was a retired accountant, widowed, with a large family of children and grandchildren. His major hobby was collecting old machinery, and he did this with a passion. As much as she was creative, sensitive, moody and intellectual, he was solid, stable, and sensible. While she was the charismatic butterfly at the center of attention, he was the quiet one, at the periphery of the crowd. No one of her friends gave this new beau much of a chance among the bohemian crowd in which Sarah was known. Yet, over time, she became very attached to him. He was there to appreciate her work, to help her hang her shows, to fix

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her a cup of hot water and lemon when she had worked herself to the bone. He planned and took care of things when she was overwhelmed. He offered a shoulder to cry on. He went with her to every concert, art opening, theatre production or poetry reading she could arrange. He looked at her adoringly across the crowded room. After all the years of struggle and loneliness, at 64 she finally agreed that it was time to settle down, and she and Tom were married. They held a reception in the loft, and their extended families and friends toasted the new bride and groom. Together they have created a new life for themselves, one now filled with hope and desire and plans for many years to come. It is a beginning of a life for them, not an ending. Jerry: One is Never Too Old to Count

Jerry Ramon is a widow, who retired from teaching at age 65. Her husband died 10 years before, and it was a long process of grieving that was partially relieved when Jerry began to become highly involved in community affairs. Most especially she became an official visitor of prisons as a member of the Prison Society. This status allows Jerry to go into prisons to observe the proceedings and to talk to prisoners. Every month Jerry goes to a prison in the county to talk to various inmates. She often writes letters to officials about the treatment of prisoners, helps them with their medical problems, gives them advice about various complaints, gets involved with lawyers, and has on occasion testified at parole hearings and state hearings on the treatment of prisoners. She also attends conferences related to prison reform and mentors others who wish to continue her work. When she is not doing prison work, she is involved in volunteering at a homeless shelter. She serves food, organizes the kitchen, and brings in spare blankets, clothes, and other items useful to the poor. Recently she has been called back to school to substitute teach. She enjoys the job, but finds it a rather heavy extension of her already full days. She has had to drop back on some of her volunteer work to make time for homework and other preparations at school. Yet, she enjoys the camaraderie and action provided by the staff and the students she works with. She is a stickler for excellent grammar and usage and adheres to some rather old-fashioned ideas of how students should perform. In addition, she describes herself as a Luddite, that is she is totally resistant to technological objects, including computers. She does not own a television, a clothes dryer, or a microwave. She gets her exercise hanging out her clothes, and she picks her own vegetables and fruits from her own gardens. Her only concession to the late 20 th century is an answering machine her son installed when he was looking for a job. She is quite adamant about her preferences for this simple way of life, and she sees it as a part of her Quaker heritage and style of life. Her religious community of Friends, which has been a part of her life since she was a girl, sustains her in unseen ways. Part of her vigor and sense of direction seems to originate in the

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sense of the spirit within her that is fulfilled through her service to the community. Jerry is also an active alumnus of her college, and belongs to a book club sponsored by the school. Part of her pleasure in this membership is that professors from the English department occasionally give lectures to the group. She loves to discuss the books and to create some intellectual ferment at these gatherings. Sometimes she worries that she expresses herself too forcefully and that this habit may annoy some of the other members. She is quite opinionated and knows a great deal of literary history. She is also up to date on movies and the theater. She has a boyfriend, whom she does not wish to marry, given that he is older than she and less physically sound, but they go o f f to many cultural events together. She enjoys the physical closeness of their relationship, but she is definite that she does not want to live with anyone. At times she has to struggle with some feelings of jealousy, especially when a friend of hers spirited her boyfriend off to attend a cultural event with her on a weekend when Jerry would have been free to be with him. She realizes she doesn't own the man, but still he seemed to be a bit too willing to accompany this flirtatious friend. Her love life seems to be less important to her now than other interests and obligations, but she is always looking for a little fun.

In Conclusion The movement toward positive aging is in its fledgling state, and many questions remain untreated. In concluding we shall briefly address two of these. At the outset, what is there to distinguish positive aging from the longstanding literature of successful aging? Although there are many variations, common to most conceptions of successful aging is the capacity of the individual to live a long, healthy, and satisfying life (see Baltes and Baltes, 1990; Lawton, 1983). For example, the MacArthur community study of successful aging focused on both physical well-being and cognitive capacity (Rowe and Kahn, 1998), whereas the Duke Longitudinal Study of Aging (Palmore, et al, 1985) was concerned with survival and happiness. Many of the findings we relate above to the life-span diamond could indeed be viewed as contributions to the successful aging literature. What then is to distinguish these efforts from the positive aging initiative? The key difference is that the successful aging movement is wedded to an empiricist view of science, while positive aging is constructionist in its orientation. The successful aging researcher is primarily concerned to get the facts straight regarding correlates or predictors of selected criteria of "success." From our standpoint, these findings represent the particular ways in which the research teams chose to construct the world. Other interpretations or construals are possible, and indeed there are important cultural biases lurking in the selected criteria of "success." As constructionists we do not reject this view of success and the way its correlates are described. Rather, we view these studies as potential resources that people

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might (or might not) wish to employ in building a vision of a positive future. For many people these resources may be invaluable; however for those suffering from chronic disease, or who are crippled or impoverished, these findings could be oppressive. Other resources will be required. The point of positive aging is not to fix "the truth" about aging, but to generate an array of "possible worlds" from which people can draw as their lives unfold. Finally, however, one may be concerned with the seeming optimism of our approach and its failure to take account of the existing hardships. Certainly, we have placed our emphasis on new and promising developments in the conception and practices of aging. As survey research in 1998 by the Drexel University Center for Employment Futures indicated, approximately 90% of the people over 65 feels satisfied with their lives, feel they have contributed positively to society, and claim to be in good health. However, our focus is nevertheless selective; not all sectors of the aging population are equally satisfied, There is enormous heterogeneity within the aging population (Dannefer, 1987), and there remain significant sectors of the population in which abject poverty, loneliness, and ill health prevail (Angel & Angel 1997; Margolis, 1990). We do not wish to invite neglect for the afflicted. However, so vast has been the attention devoted to the problems of the aging population, that the image has expanded to color an entire phase of life. In certain respects this emphasis on decline may reflect the needs of those professions--scientific, medical, social service--that depend on aging as a problem to remain viable. To emphasize the positive would be to lose their raison d'etre. Again, in no way do we wish to suppress support for those who need it. Rather, our purpose here has been to keep the specter of deficit appropriately in check, to reflect appreciatively on opportunities for new forms of aging, and to hasten the expansion of more promising possibilities of self-construction.

Biographical Notes

Corresponding author: Mary Gergen, Department of Psychology, Penn State Delaware County, 25 Yearsley Mill Road, Media, PA 19063; email: [email protected]. Kenneth J. Gergen, Department of Psychology, Swarthmore College, 500 College Avenue, Swarthmore, PA 19081 ; email: kgergen [email protected] Mary Gergen is a professor of Psychologyand Women'sStudies at Penn StateDelawareCounty.She s the author of several articles related to aging, and of Feminist Reconstructions in Psychology: Narrative, Gender & Performance (Sage, 2001). She is also co-creator, with KennethJ. Gergen, of the positive agingnewsletter,a monthlyelectronicpublication,which emphasizesresearch into the positive side of aging. She is a member of the Board of the Taos Institute. Kenneth J. Gergen is the MustinProfessorof Psychologyand InterpretationTheory at Swarthmore College. He is highly recognized for his work on social constructiontheory,and is the author of several articlesrelated to aging. His most recent bookis An Invitation to Social Construction. He is the Director of the Taos Institute,a nonprofiteducationalorganizationthat spans the gap between theory and socialpractices.

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1. See http://www.progway.org/BGEhtml 2. One can subscribe to the newsletter with an email request to Mary Gergen at [email protected]. Past issues of the Newsletter and additional materials are cached at the website: http:// www.healthandage.comlhtmllres/gergenlcontenu/newsletter.htm 3. See the American Psychologist, January, 2000, Vol. 55, No. 1, which is a special issue on happiness, excellence, and optimal human functioning. 4. A website: http://psych.upenn.edu/seligman/pospsy.htm contains a large variety of materials related to the topic, including articles, teaching materials, scholarships, meetings, awards, and future activities.

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