REDD+ policies in the media - Center for International Forestry ...

WORKING PAPER

REDD+ policies in the media The case of the written press in Democratic Republic of Congo

Félicien Kengoum Félicien M. Kabamba Angelique Mbelu

Working Paper 149

REDD+ policies in the media The case of the written press in Democratic Republic of Congo

Félicien Kengoum CIFOR

Félicien M. Kabamba CODELT

Angelique Mbelu CODELT

Working Paper 149 © 2014 Center for International Forestry Research The contents of this publication is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 licence http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Kengoum, F., Kabamba, F.M. and Mbelu, A 2013. REDD+ policies in the media : The case of the written press in Democratic Republic of Congo Working paper 149 Bogor, Indonesia: CIFOR. Cover photo by Ollivier Girard Workshop group (COBAM project) – Lukolela, Democratic Republic of Congo.

CIFOR Jl. CIFOR, Situ Gede Bogor Barat 16115 Indonesia T +62 (251) 8622-622 F +62 (251) 8622-100 E [email protected]

cifor.org We would like to thank all the donors who supported this research by contributing to the CGIAR Fund. The list of donors is available at: https://www.cgiarfund.org/FundDonors. Any views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of CIFOR, the editorial staff, the authors’ institutions, the financial sponsors or the proof-readers of this publication.

List of tables Abbreviations v Acknowledgments vii Abstract viii 1. Introduction

2. Context and methodology of the study 2.1 Context: The Global Comparative Study on REDD+ (GCS-REDD+) project 2.2 Methodology 2.3 Authors of the articles

1

3 3 3 5

3. The media in a state under reconstruction: Pathway, challenges and stakes 11 3.1 Pathway of the media in the post-colonial DRC 11 3.2 The challenges of communication in the post-conflict context of a vast, poor and landlocked country 13 3.3 The stakes of media/environment relationships 14 4. Results 4.1 Development and framing the REDD+ debate in the press 4.2 Actors, discourse and counter-discourse on REDD+ 4.3 REDD+ results: actors and perspectives

16 16 21 25

5. Discussion 5.1 Media uptake of discourse on REDD+ 5.2 Discourse on causes of deforestation and degradation, and the effectiveness of REDD+ in DRC 5.3 Markedly absent from media discourse: negation of REDD+ or strategic fallback? 5.4 Information effects: REDD+ and transformational change

26 26 27 28 28

6. Conclusion

30

7. Bibliography Official documents

31 32

Annexes 33

List of figures, tables and boxes Figures 1. REDD+ calendar in DRC 2. Breakdown of publications per year and per newspaper 3. Breakdown of frames for REDD+ 4. Scale of frames per year (F1 and F2 included) 5. Scale of frames: breakdown per newspaper (F1 and F2 included) 6. Main themes covered by the media (F1 and F2 included) 7. Type of frames in the articles (F1 and F2 included) 8. The actors and the 3 E+ (F1 and F2 included) 9. REDD+ framing and perspectives (F1 and F2 included) 10. REDD+ actors and perspectives (F1 and F2 included)

2 18 18 19 19 20 21 22 24 24

Tables 1. Articles collected per keyword and per newspaper 2. Articles published in Les Dépêches de Brazzaville 3. Articles published in Le Potentiel 4. Articles published in Le Phare 5. Breakdown of articles per author, newspaper, and year 6. Events presented in the articles 7. Advocates and Adversaries (F1 and F2) 8. State actors mentioned in the articles 9. National NGOs mentioned in the articles 10. International NGOs mentioned in the articles 11. Intergovernmental organizations mentioned in the articles

4 5 6 7 8 17 23 23 23 24 24

Box 1. Legal documents related to the media in DRC

12

Abbreviations 3E+ 4I AJPF AMFN ANEAP AMFN APRD BIC CDM CEDEN CIA CIFOR CNIE CODELT CODHOD COMIFAC CPI/REDD CSAC DRC ECCAS FAO FC FCPF FFJ FIP GCS-REDD+ GGF GHG GIBM GPRS GRET HAM IEC IFASIC JED MCM MECNT MPR MRV NCREDD NGO OMC/OMEC PCA

Effectiveness, efficiency, equity and co-benefits Institutions, interests, ideas and information Association des journalistes de la presse féminine / Association of Journalists in the Women’s Press African Model Forest Network Association nationale des entreprises audiovisuelles privées / Association of Private Audiovisual Companies African Model forest Network Association pour la presse responsable et démocratique Bank information center Clean development mechanisms Cercle pour la défense de l’environnement Central Intelligence Agency Center for International Forestry Research Centre national d’information et d’éducation environnementale Conseil pour la Défense Environnementale par la Légalité et la Traçabilité / Council for Environmental Defense by Legality and Traceability Comité des Droits de l’homme et développement / Human Rights and Development Committee Central African Forest Commission Centre permanent d’information REDD+ / Permanent Information Center REDD+ / Conseil supérieur de l’audiovisuel et de la communication / Higher Council for Broadcasting and Communication Democratic Republic of Congo Economic Community of Central African States Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations Franc congolais / Congolese franc Forest carbon partnership facility Freedom for Journalists Forest Investment Programme Global Comparative Study on REDD+ Global Greengrants funds Greenhouse gases Groupe Inter-bailleurs pour les Médias / Inter-Donor Media Group Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy Document Groupe de recherche technologique / Group For Research and Technology Exchanges Haute autorité des médias / High Authority on Media Information, Education and Communications component of National Coordination REDD+ Institut facultaire des sciences de l’information et de la communication Journalistes en Danger Ministry of communication and media Ministère de l’environnement, de la conservation de la nature et du tourisme / Ministry for Environment, Nature Conservation and Tourism Mouvement populaire de la Révolution Monitoring, Reporting and Verification National Coordination REDD+ Non-governmental Organization Observatoire des médias congolais Permis de coupe artisanale

vi Félicien Kengoum, Félicien M. Kabamba et Angelique Mbelu

RCEN RCWG REDD+ REPALEAC REPAR-RDC R-PP RRN RTGA UN-REDD UNDP UNEP UNFCCC UNPC UPC

Réseau des communicateurs de l’environnement / Network of Environment Communicators REDD+ Climate Working Group Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation and enhancement of forests carbon stocks Réseau des Populations Autochtones et Locales pour la gestion durable des Écosystèmes forestiers d’Afrique Centrale / Network of Indigenous and Local Communities for the Sustainable Management of Forest Ecosystems in Central Africa Réseau des parlementaires pour la gestion durable des écosystèmes forestiers d’Afrique centrale / Network of Parliamentarians for the Sustainable Management of Central African Forest Ecosystems Readiness Preparation Proposal Réseau Ressources Naturelles Radiotélévision Groupe Avenir United Nations – REDD United Nations Development Programme United Nations Environment Programme United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change Union nationale de la presse du Congo / National Union of the Congolese Press Union de la Presse du Congo / Congolese press union

Acknowledgments This paper is part of the REDD+ Global Comparative Study (GCS-REDD+) project to analyze the policies, practices and implementation of the REDD+ mechanism for the purpose of informing the national and international public. We are very grateful to the many people who contributed to this study. Maria Brockhaus and Monica Di Gregorio designed and adapted the methodology we used. Patrick Mutombo and Serge Ngwato helped collect information from press bodies. Many journalists answered our questionnaire. Raphael Tsanga and Guy Patrice Dkamela devoted their time to reviewing this

paper. CIFOR’s Sofi Mardiah and Christine Wairata checked the databases and facilitated the logistics and Erisa was in charge of editing the document. A resounding thanks to all of you. Further, we greatly appreciate the support of the following organizations: the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation, the Australian Agency for International Development, the UK Department for International Development (DFID) and the European Commission.

Abstract Media discourse on the REDD+ policy process in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was studied through the analysis of newspaper articles that were published in a period of singular impoverishment and the media’s struggle to become more professional. Hence the number of publications on the subject throughout the study period was small, only 41 articles in three newspapers over the 4-year period (2008–2011). Second, the articles focused mainly on national REDD+ workshops and on policy processes and politics, civil society and governance. Third, despite the lack of input from ministries other than the Ministry for Environment, Nature Conservation and Tourism (MECNT), the actors were optimistic about the outcome of the process, but felt it required capacity building and consideration of all the stakeholders using a participatory process. Finally, we noticed in the articles that the various actors did not change their views on forest resources management and the role of these resources in socio-economic development. We also noticed that the fight against climate change through REDD+ did not have a major effect on the emerging paradigms.

Going beyond the media discourse on REDD+, information from the various categories of actors points to some major concerns about the implementation of effective, efficient, equitable REDD+. The articles in the study bring out the sharp contrast between the ad hoc nature of government recognition of the importance of the role of forests and the dynamic field activities to install the REDD+ mechanism. The determination of the State, represented here by the MECNT, explains the strong position of the REDD+ process in DRC compared with that of other Congo Basin states. It is clear from the articles in the newspapers we analyzed that coordinating the MECNT with the other ministries is a slow and difficult procedure. Governance is a major concern, and indicates the need for coherent action to bring about transformational change that can contribute to the installation of an effective REDD+ in DRC.

1. Introduction Forests cover close to 30% of the surface of the planet (FAO 2001; Bonan 2008) and during growth they sequester carbon, which is released during deforestation and degradation, thus contributing to global warming (IPCC 2007). Forests are responsible for close to 20% of the total greenhouse gas emissions in the air (Stern Review 2007). Yet, greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions are not included in the 1992 United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, or in its Kyoto Protocol (Angelsen et al. 2010). Covering a land area of close to 2 million hectares (almost 18% of the world’s forestland), the Congo Basin is the second biggest forestland on the planet, second only to the Amazon (Mayaux et al. 1998). On the whole, the deforestation rate in the Congo Basin is limited (Mayaux et al. 2003). The conservation level of the forests in the Congo Basin makes them an asset in the fight against climate change, but nonetheless measures are needed to encourage the countries in this Basin to control the factors that contribute to forest degradation. This explains the numerous discussions at the international level, whose effects at the national level in the forest states are difficult to understand. Despite these uncertainties the Basin countries are committed to REDD+ and are preparing national strategies. The importance of REDD+ in the global effort to reduce emissions is generally accepted, but very few analyzes have been devoted to understanding how the media construct their discourse on the REDD+ mechanism and just how well the policy-makers and the public at large understand it. CIFOR has analyzed the media discourse on REDD+ in 10 countries, seeking to understand how the media reported the policy processes and how the actors’ scoring system defined and influenced the policy debate on REDD+. Studies in Brazil, Cameroon, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, Peru and Vietnam dealt with the following questions: What are the main fields of discussion in the REDD+ political arena? Who are the key actors? What are their positions, and how do the media present them to the public? What can that teach us about the future stakes to the preparation of a strategy to fight climate change? This study aims (a) to understand how the REDD+ processes and policies are framed by the DRC media, and (b) to assess if and how the DRC public

debate and political discourse influence the national REDD+ strategy. The first part, a short summary of the context of REDD+ in DRC, is followed by a section on the methodology and a brief look at the situation of the press in DRC. The results are presented with reference to the analytical level. After studying the variables that describe the events and the nature of the articles connected to REDD+, the contents and construction of the articles are analyzed, with mention of the author.

REDD+ in DRC “One of the critical issues facing the institutional actor is still the shortage of information on REDD+” (Désiré Luhahi Niama, Le Phare, 1 March 2011)

The DRC has the greatest area of forestland in the Congo Basin. Assessments of deforestation levels range from 145 millions hectares (Debroux et al. 2007) to 155.5 millions hectares (de Wasseige et al. 2009). Over the last 20 years, it has been estimated to be around 0.2% (MENCT 2009; FAO 2011). DRC has put climate change on its political agenda and since 2005 has participated, together with other Central African Forest Commission (COMIFAC) countries, in international climate negotiations on the inclusion of forests in the post-Kyoto agreement on fighting climate change. Negotiations have been making headway. In the beginning, they bore on the reduction of emissions from deforestation (RED), then on the reduction of emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD) and finally, as of 2009, on reduction of emissions from deforestation and forest degradation and the enhancement of forest carbon stocks in developing countries (REDD+). The “REDD+” logo, thus, embraces all the policies and measures that may reduce emissions and improve the sequestration of GHG as well as the results of these policies, i.e., emissions reductions and increased GHG sequestration (Angelsen et al. 2010). Mpoyi et al. 2013 have analyzed the REDD+ context in DRC. They show that the DRC launched

Phase 1

Phase 0 2009

2010

Initialisation

2011

Phase 3

Phase 2 2012

Readiness

2014

2013

Investment

2015

2016

Implementation

Figure 1. REDD+ calendar in DRC Source: RPP of the DRC

its national REDD+ process on climate change mitigation, and more specifically on REDD+ in January 2009 during a joint mission led by the Minister of Environment, Nature Conservation and Tourism with the participation of the UN agencies working on UN-REDD (UNDP, FAO, UNEP), the World Bank [Forest Carbon Partnership Facility programme (FCPF)] and various stakeholders. Since the start of the process, the country has introduced REDD+ process governance structures, in particular the REDD+ National Committee (the decision-making body that manages the process), the interministerial committee in charge of implementing the national REDD+ strategy and REDD+ National Coordination, which is responsible for the daily management of the process. Last, the REDD+ Readiness Preparation Proposal (R-PP) was approved by the UN-REDD Policy Board of the FCPF. The DRC’s R-PP has three main objectives: define a national REDD+ strategy, create an implementation framework and establish a Monitoring, Reporting and Verification (MRV) system (R-PP 2010). To reach these objectives, the country undertook studies, started REDD+ pilot projects, drew up an implementation framework, developed a REDD+ register and a certification procedure for REDD+ projects, and created an integrated forests observation system and a financial mechanism, among others. The country is completing its preparatory phase (phase 1) and starting the investment phase (phase 2) following the provisional calendar below (see Figure 1). The DRC REDD+ national framework strategy has defined a seven-pillar program that includes agriculture, energy, sustainable management and conservation of stocks of natural resources, governance, demography, etc. This leads to the question of their relevance and whether they fit in with the objective of reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation at lowest cost without neglecting the preoccupations and interests of all the stakeholders, and without jeopardizing the

sustainability of national development (Mpoyi et al. 2013). REDD+ presents a major challenge as a lever which the country, with its immense forest potential, can use to make progress in reaching its poverty reduction goal, as defined in the Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy paper (GPRS 2011).1 The official discourse on the REDD+ process and related discussions float through the corridors of government offices and national and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in DRC. Two preoccupations linger. The first is to find out what processes are used to reach decisions about REDD+ in DRC. The second is to understand the conditions that can lead to a consensus on policy options for the mechanism. Interest is also shown in responsibility for climate change issues, especially the reduction of emissions from deforestation and forest degradation in the context of African countries. The idea that the State is responsible for handling the climate change issue is now accepted, not only because of the breadth of the decisions in this field but also because the global character of the problem makes the State the leading partner in international negotiations. The outstanding question is the role played by information framing in getting the process accepted. This study focuses on how the media, especially the written press, contribute to putting REDD+ on the DRC agenda. The main issue that the study seeks to elucidate is the coherence between media discourse and visible REDD+ policy development in DRC, and the role of the media in such development. Preliminary requirements include: identification and orientation of the themes treated in the media, knowledge of who conveys the discourse, power relationships that grow out of such discourse and the interests underlying the choices of the various actors. 1 GPRSP 1, also called GPRSP first generation, does not include climate change and REDD. It was criticized for being weak. GPRSP 2 or GPRSD second generation includes the fourth pillar which is devoted to sustainable development, climate change and REDD.

2. Context and methodology of the study 2.1 Context: The Global Comparative Study on REDD+ (GCS-REDD+) project This analysis of the REDD+ media discourse falls under the more general framework of module 1 of a Global Comparative Study (GCS-REDD+) that CIFOR has been involved in since 2009.This module relates to the REDD+ policy processes at the national level in certain countries in the world’s three biggest tropical forest basins. Case studies have already been carried out in Cameroon, Tanzania, Bolivia, Brazil, Indonesia, Vietnam, Peru, Mozambique and Papua New Guinea. This media analysis is a followthrough to earlier studies that described the context of REDD+ in DRC (Mpoyi et al. 2013) and will be followed by other studies that were designed to collect useful information for the policy-makers about the opportunities and risks of establishing the mechanism in the countries studied, and their importance for a REDD+ program that meets the 3E+ (efficient, effective and equitable) criteria at the global level by comparing results from a variety of countries. To guarantee the comparability of the results, the following methodology was developed and harmonized using variables that generated results in the study countries despite the differences observed in the national contexts of these countries. However, discussions of results obtained in the countries studied make allowances for the national context covered in the preliminary chapter. To grasp the specific characteristics of these situations requires an analysis of the institutions and the actors’ interest and ideas as well as other information (4I).

2.2 Methodology Because of the ecosystemic services they provide, and their role in climate change mitigation, forest resources have been recognized as natural common-pool resources which must be managed with due respect for the complexity of the resources themselves and the governance system at the local, regional, national and global levels (Nagendra and Ostrom 2012). The numerous discussions on forest rights explain the importance of forest management in the establishment of REDD+, but the forest management institutions

are predicated on decisions taken in past times (David 1985; North 1991). An analysis of the media discourse illustrates this state of dependence in the decisionmaking process and shows that the development and dissemination of common social and political interpretations require investment and apprenticeship (Palier 2006) and that this can impact the REDD+ effectiveness, efficiency and equitability. REDD+ is part of a context that has norms, rules, formal and informal institutional arrangements stemming from a historical process that, in one way or the other, favors deforestation and forest degradation (Brockhaus and Angelsen 2012). This is the REDD+ context observed in DRC (Mpoyi et al. 2013). Analyzing the forest management institutions in this country brings out a certain number of issues that resonate in the media, sometimes in a manner that clashes with the reality. With this in mind, we will make the following stepwise analysis of the media discourse on REDD+: •• Selection of newspapers and articles •• Encoding of selected articles •• Discussions with journalists •• Analysis of results.

2.2.1 Selecting newspapers and articles The methodology specifies that the study should be limited to three newspapers. They have been selected on the basis of four criteria of which three are compulsory and one, optional: 1. Age of the press organization: This criterion made it possible to select press organizations that have been publishing regularly for the last 5 years at least. The study covers the following years: 2008, 2009, 2010 and 2011. 2. The level of the audience or the public’s access to newspapers, according to documents and data from institutions that are officially responsible for the media. This criterion should facilitate the identification of newspapers with a high readership level, compared to other newspapers. 3. The stated editorial line should consider its distance from the policy process (close to, far away from or neutral) applied by the government and other actors. The editorial perspectives have affected the newspaper selection process; the aim was to diversify the way the phenomenon under study was presented.

4 Félicien Kengoum, Félicien M. Kabamba et Angelique Mbelu

4. The existence of a column on environmental issues in the newspaper impacted the choice of newspapers. The following were selected: •• Les Dépêches de Brazzaville •• Le Potentiel •• Le Phare These three newspapers are not specialized in environmental issues. Their editorials mainly focus on current political news and their political orientations seem to be inspired by the desire to increase the number of readers by writing on subjects that attract the most public comments. The only newspaper in Kinshasa that specializes in environmental issues is Info-environnement, but it was not selected because of low readership numbers and its irregular publication. We used the following keywords in selecting the articles: •• REDD+ •• Reduction of emissions from deforestation and forest degradation •• Avoided deforestation •• Forest degradation •• Climate change. We selected the articles after consulting digital copies of the selected newspaper on the newspaper’s website. The copies obtained from this source were compared with the printed versions in the newspaper’s archives to check the match between, on the one hand, the date of publication and the contents in the printed copy and, on the other, the date and publication of the copy posted on the newspaper’s website. Keywords were used to select articles on each page of each newspaper.

During the period of study, the number of articles published on REDD+ in the three newspapers differed. Out of 41 articles, Le Potentiel published 22 (54%), Les Dépêches de Brazzaville published 15 (37%) and Le Phare published 4 (10%). The four articles published in 2008 do not mention the concept of REDD in the title or in the body of the article. Until this year, the concept was virtually excluded from the media lexicon, and reference to deforestation did not necessarily reflect an intention to consider the REDD policy process, which was the topic under discussion. A look at the publications by day and by year (Figure 2) gives an overall idea of the coverage between 2008 and 2011: 4 in 2008, 5 in 2009, 15 in 2010 and 17 in 2011. Through the years, the number of articles on REDD+ increased with the greatest increase being noted in Le Potentiel. Les Dépêches de Brazzaville This French-language newspaper is published in Brazzaville (print: 4000 copies a day) but is one of the most popular dailies in Kinshasa. It was created in November 2008 for the Kinshasa public and has the highest readership in the city thanks to its editorial slant and its relatively low price (200FC, about US $0.18). Le Potentiel Le Potentiel, created in 1982, is among the oldest and the most widely read in DRC. It is considered to be close to the opposition, has a daily circulation of 2500–5000 and is sold by street vendors. These figures do not include deliveries to subscribers such as government offices. It is sold in Kinshasa, and in the Bandundu and Bas-Congo provinces. It is published in French, like Les Dépêches de Brazzaville and many other newspapers.

Table 1. Articles collected per keyword and per newspaper Keywords REDD

Newspaper Le Potentiel 22

Les Dépêches de Brazzaville 12

Le Phare 4

Total per keyword 38

Reduction of emissions from deforestation and degradation Avoided deforestation

2

2

Emissions from deforestation

1

1

Total

22

15

4

41

REDD+ policies in the media 5

Table 2. Articles published in Les Dépêches de Brazzaville Date of publication

Title of article

Author

Les Dépêches de Brazzaville 30-July-08

Six African countries will benefit from the World Bank Fund to protect the forests

Noël NDONG

22-Nov-08

Sub-regional strategies for forest protection

Laurent ESSOLOMWA IFAYEMBA

04-Dec-08

Charcoal trade threatens wealth of Virunga Park

Lucien DIANZENZA

16-Sept-09

Global warming: ECCAS countries opt for united stand at Copenhagen

Jules TAMBWE ITAGALI

10-Nov-09

Congolese parliamentarians support REDD strategic plan

Lucien DIANZENZA

26-Nov-09

Peoples’ rights: representatives of the DRC indigenous peoples meet to focus their aspirations

Lucien DIANZENZA

24-Feb-11

Congo Basin: DRC experts informed and trained on REDD+ approach

Laurent ESSOLOMWA

26-Feb-11

REDD+ process and model forests: government ready to support indigenous persons’ access to funding

Laurent ESSOLOMWA

14-Apr-11

DRC forests: shortcomings highlights in McKinsey study

Lucien DIANZENZA

21-Apr-11

Environment: Congolese NGOs prepared to participate in CoP17

Lucien DIANZENZA

09-May-11

Forest Investment Programme: the civil society studies recommendations for provincial workshops

Lucien DIANZENZA

11- May -11

Forest Investment Programme: the civil society submits a summary of recommendations to government

Lucien DIANZENZA

07-June-11

World Environment Day 2011: DRC and its forests in the limelight

Lucien DIANZENZA

11- June-11

Environment: Kinshasa to host national workshop on “REDD, rights and resources”

Lucien DIANZENZA

25-July-11

Deforestation: production of national standards well on its way Laurent ESSOLOMWA

Le Phare In Kinshasa, Le Phare an opposition paper created in 19832 is well known for its criticism of the government and the political system. In 2006 and 2007 it was able to continue selling thanks to technical support from GRET’s3 courier service. Besides the subscriptions taken out by large accounts, the newspapers are sold at newspaper stands

2 Information obtained from Mr Jacques Kimpozo, Chief Editor of the newspaper Le Phare at an interview on 25 January 2012. 3 GRET = technological research group.

throughout t Kinshasa, but most sales are made by the street vendors. For cities such as Mbuji-Mayi, Lubumbashi, Kisangani and Goma in the other provinces, newspapers are flown in and sold by local representatives in the chief-towns.

2.3 Authors of the articles The authors of the articles we compiled are journalists who work for the three newspapers in our study. They are all members of the network of environment communicators (RCEN). There was not much difference among the three newspapers. According


Table 3. Articles published in Le Potentiel Date of publication

Title of article

Author

14-Oct-08

The RRN advocates capitalisation of sequestration of 60% of carbon

Bienvenue-Marie BAKUMANYA et Olivier KAFORO

22-May-09

Forest blocs think about next datelines in REDD process

Olivier KAFORO et Bienvenue‑Marie BAKUMANYA

09-Nov-09

Parliamentarian attend workshop to sharpen awareness of REDD process

Olivier DIOSSO

19-Feb-10

DRC finalises REDD process preparation proposal

Olivier DIOSSO

20-Feb-10

REDD+ process in DRC validated by stakeholders

Olivier DIOSSO

27-May-10

Inokal launches project on increasing awareness of REDD process

F1.NL-NS

31- May -10

Sustainable management of forest ecosystems: indigenous people want road map

Alain NGULUNGU

06-July-10

First REDD Climate Working Group advocacy roundtable

Raymonde SENGA KOSI

26-July-10

Léon Nkanu (National REDD Coordinator)

Pie Roger ILOKO

03-Aug-10

FERN-Océan project on local community participation in REDD Olivier DIOSSO process launched

19-Aug-10

REDD summer university in progress

Olivier DIOSSO

28-Aug-10

REDD/DRC Cimate Working Group shares experiences with civil society from Congo/Brazzaville.

Olivier DIOSSO

30-Aug-10

Closing of REDD summer university

Olivier DIOSSO

21-Oct-10

Five questions to René NGONGO (Greenpeace officer in DRC in charge of the forest policy)

Le potentiel

25-Nov-10

Protection of ancient forests: Greenpeace pleads for international funding

Ludi CARDOSO

26-Nov-10

Deforestation and forest degradation: DRC lagging behind with process

Ludi CARDOSO

11-Dec-10

REDD process: DRC calls for tangible decisions in support of development

Olivier DIOSSO

16-Dec-10

National REDD Coordination liaises with media leaders

Albert TSHIAMBI

18-Jan-11

Environment communicators attend workshop on REDD mechanisms

Olivier DIOSSO

22- Jan -11

REDD Climate Working Group gets permanent information center

Olivier DIOSSO

24-Feb-11

Regional workshop focuses on information and exchanges on model forests and local implementation of REDD+

Olivier DIOSSO

11-May-11

DRC prepares for REDD: opinions and recommendations from the civil society for the government

Olivier DIOSSO

Le Potentiel


Table 4. Articles published in Le Phare Date of publication

Title of article

Author

15-Sept09

Information on protecting the Congolese forests: Bandundu, Equateur andProvince Orientale priority targets

Jean René BOMPOLONGA

01-Mar-11

Congo Basin: a regional workshop on model forests

Michel LUKA

15-Apr-11

Protection of DRC forests: Greenpeace goes to war against McKinsey company


07-June-11

Forests of the Congo Basin: DRC weak in politics and diplomacy


Le Phare

to a breakdown of the articles published per author, per newspaper and per year, 54% of the articles were published by Le Potentiel and one of its reporters wrote 12 articles out of the total 41, i.e., 29% of the total number of articles published on REDD+ in the three newspapers we studied.

2.3.1 Coding the articles In the coding exercise, we took data from the articles we had collected and entered them into an Access database. Prior to coding we produced a book of codes to assign specific content to each of the indicators that would be used as the basis for identifying and extracting specific information from the articles. The first level of coding only captured descriptive variables such as title, date, keywords, etc. before assigning a code to the article. The selection was fine-tuned by adding keywords. The information generated in this manner indicates whether or not the article is worth coding. The second level of coding is used on a “set of variables that analyzes the perceptions of two frames [main “frame 1” (F1) and secondary “frame 2” (F2)] derived from the articles. At this level, an evaluation is made of the manner in which the question is broached (diagnostic, symptomatic, etc.), the scale (national, international, local, etc.), the major themes (ecology, economics and markets, politics and policies, etc.) and the subthemes (Di Gregorio, 2012). Last, the third coding level focuses on the main actors of REDD+ and their discourse (REDD+ advocate or adversary). Their opinions are assessed using 3E+. This part also includes the political events and the main REDD+ actors mentioned in the articles.

The terminology used in the frame for the variables coded in the articles by Di Gregorio (2012) need to be explained. Media framing The analysis of media discourse is based on the postulate that the media are conveyors of discourse which, depending on the context, can influence the decision-making process. Journalists can decide to cover an event to be published from one angle or another. Media studies talk about framing (Burger 2010; Latham 2013). Framing in media discourse is a “broad organizing theme for selecting, emphasizing, and linking the elements of a story such as the scenes, the characters, their actions, and supporting documentation” that constitute the framework of the story (Bennet 2002 cited in Boykoff 2008). The aim is to relegate what is less important to the background and to focus on the essential.

In this study, we make a distinction between two frames, F1 and F2. In the databases, variables encoded F1 refer to the analysis of the main frame (Frame 1) while F2 refers to the analysis of the secondary frame (Frame 2). If there is no secondary frame (F2) in an article, the reference “no F2” is used, or else “Presence F2 = No”. In this case the remaining variables in the section have to be encoded “999” for “Not Applicable”, e.g., F2TYPE=999. Last, in articles that simply mentioned REDD+ without expanding on it, the code “Passing” is used which means that a keyword has been used but the subject of the article is not REDD+. Using this system, we started by identifying the first frame. It usually contained the elements that were essential to the text. Inside this frame we identified


Table 5. Breakdown of articles per author, newspaper, and year Authors

2008

2009

2010

2011

Total articles published

Le Phare Jean René Bopolonga

1

Michel Luka

2

3

1

1

Dépêches de Brazza Jules Tambwe Itagali

1

Noêl Ndong

1

Laurent Essolomwa Ifayemba

1

Lucien Diazenga

1

2

1

1

1 1 3

4

6

9

Le Potentiel Bienvenue Marie Bakumanya et Olivier Kaforo Olivier Diosso

1

2 7

4

12

F1 NL-NS

1

1

Alain Ngulungu

1

1

Raymonde Senga Kosi

1

1

Pie Roger Iloko

1

1

Le Potentiel

1

1

Ludi Cardoso

2

2

Albert Tshiambi

1

1

Total

the actors who supported the REDD+ perspective in articles, i.e., the “advocates” as opposed to actors with an alternative views who were called the “adversaries” to whom the article often did not give the same level of prominence (Di Gregorio et al. 2012). We completed this first exercise before trying to identify the secondary frame, which often was expected to have a different outlook on the REDD+ mechanism. Scale •• International: is used to frame (F1 and F2) articles that deal with REDD+ at the international level. •• National: is used to frame (F1 and F2) articles that deal with national REDD+ questions in the country being studied. •• Sub-National/Local: is used to frame (F1 and F2) all articles that deal with sub-national or local REDD+ questions in the country being studied (at the state level for federated states, regions, provinces or districts that have a certain level of autonomy in taking decisions).

4

6

15

16

41

Typology •• Diagnostic: the contents of the article identifies who or what is to blame for a problem (related to REDD+), dismissing the reality of the problem altogether. •• Prognostic: involves the articulation of a proposed solution to the problem of REDD+ or at least a plan of attack and the strategies for carrying out the plan. •• Symptomatic: identifies why an issue is a problem, often by discussing the consequences of a problem, e.g., the effects of bad REDD+ policies on emission reduction, ecological systems and the consequences for communities, etc. •• Motivational: the article goes beyond the basic existence of the issue and its causes and consequences, puts forward moral and motivational reasons why the speaker and/or others should be concerned about the problem and take action on it or ignore it. It tries to rally the reader behind a cause related to REDD+. •• Other: the article approaches the REDD+ issue differently from the above choices and should be used only if none of the above applies. Most frames should fit options 1–4.


Actors, advocates and adversaries An actor in this analytical frame is an organization or an individual who defines himself or is perceived by the other actors as being part of the REDD+ policy arena (Di Gregorio 2012). An actor can support (advocate) or be against (adversary) the media frame. The positions of the actors towards REDD+ will be used to determine and analyze the coalitions that support the various approaches to the REDD+ process.

Last, if the article does not refer to any of these variables, the code will be a simple “not applicable”.

2.3.2 Interviews with journalists To complete the study, we interviewed six journalists who were selected on the basis of the articles. Four accepted and participated in the semi-structured interviews. Three of them had written articles on REDD+ and worked for a newspaper selected for the study. The “preferred choice” criterion was the number of articles published. An audiovisual journalist also participated in the discussions. With the approval of the journalists being interviewed, the discussions were recorded and then transcribed in full in a Word file. Questions were asked to find out what the journalists knew and how they viewed the REDD+ mechanism, the date it attracted media interest, sources used to draft the articles published, subjects and broadcasts on environmental issues (See Annex 2 on types of questions asked). 2.3.3 Criteria used to analyze the discourse frame The state of progress in the REDD+ process and the historical background of DRC make it necessary to go beyond the classical analytical grids for media discourse which were used in the preceding analysis and were based on the 3E+ criteria (Angelsen et al. 2010). It is important to include the 4I criteria (Brockhaus et al. 2012). In this analytical frame, the 3E+ will appear as dependent variables while the 4I will frame the independent variables since they have the flexibility to adapt to the context in which they are applied. Crossing these two criteria makes it possible to use media discourse to identify institutions that relate to the actors’ position on the emerging options. The value of these options can be understood from a description of the context and all this together contributes to understanding possible ways to implement a REDD+ that fulfil the 3E+ criteria. Discussions with the journalists were helpful in our analysis of the data used to understand the

context surrounding the preparation of the articles in the study. The 3E+ criteria The 3E+ criteria referred to the effectiveness, efficiency, equity and various co-benefits of REDD+ options. These criteria were used to analyze REDD+ in the countries studied in an effort to evaluate the REDD+ mechanism, because ideally it should allow for the reduction of GHG at the lowest cost and, at the same time, contribute to sustainable development (Angelsen et al. 2010).

Effectiveness refers to emission reduction measured according to criteria based on several pillars. The reductions should be over and above what currently exists and should lead to a way out of the “business as usual” scenario. This can only happen if the reduction occurs in many different forestland-use situations, with several approaches to measuring emissions reduction. It should be verifiable and ensure control of leakage risks since leakages could cause relocation of emissions. For emission reduction to last, the effects of the reduction criteria on other mitigating measures need to be controlled. A good example is the Clean Development Mechanism. Efficiency concerns the question of whether the reduction in emissions has been achieved at the lowest possible cost This includes costs for capacitybuilding, access to technological infrastructure, and forestland protection per se especially through forest laws, land tenure reforms and other policies. Similarly, efficiency is connected to the opportunity costs for the heirs whose efforts to encourage measures to end deforestation and forest degradation must be compensated in whatever plan is selected (Angelsen et al. 2010). Equity refers to a fair apportionment of costs and benefits derived from REDD+ at the country level, especially based on the country’s poverty profile (poor or rich), and the sub-country level, especially among the various levels of government (national vs. local) and also among the various users of the land. The mechanism, moreover, should ensure recognition of traditional rights and community involvement in the REDD+ decision-making process so that emissions reduction efforts have an effect on local communities. The co-benefits affect relations between REDD+ and economic development at both national and the local levels, as well as poverty reduction, biodiversity


conservation, and the enhancement of forest rights and governance. The 4I criteria For REDD+ to fulfil the comparability criterion, the components of the context must be studied at greater depth. This will entail an approach based on the 4I criteria with Institutions and their path dependence, and the actors with their Interests, their Ideas and the Information they have available and how this contributes to making people adopt a line of conduct

that promotes forest sustainability (Brockhaus et al. 2012). Brockhaus and Angelsen (2012) put forth three hypotheses for a political economic approach using the 4Is. First of all, the actors’ institutions, interests, ideas and information need to be identified to understand what inhibits or facilitates change. Thereupon, economic interests and the structures of power are recognized as external factors that encumber change. Last, REDD+ is seen as an opportunity for transformational change thanks to its multisectoral character and its crosscutting stakes.

3. The media in a state under reconstruction: Pathway, challenges and stakes 3.1 Pathway of the media in the postcolonial DRC In 1960, at the dawn of independence, DRC tightened its control over various sectors of the country’s political life. The political and socioeconomic objectives of this newly independent state were more or less clear, despite the omnipresence of vestiges of the colonial past (Kabemba 2005). In this new context, one of the government’s major goals was to demystify the idea of independence by emphasizing that newly independent people were able to handle their own affairs and be freely and autonomously responsible for their own lives (Mpereng Djeri 2004). To achieve these goals required robust instruments and a good communications system. Starting with this situation, we felt a review of the history of the media would contribute to a better understanding of its present state.

3.1.1 Freedom of the press: Establishment, framework and revival Freedom of the press is guaranteed in articles 26 and 27 of the first post-colonial Congolese constitution. The text is unambiguous and states that: “Freedom of the press shall be guaranteed for all Congolese. No publication authorisation shall be required and there shall be no censorship…” The only restriction to this right concerns “protection of public order, public security and morality, and the respect for the rights of other people.” This stance leaves an open stage with pride of place for the media as instruments of communication. The written press enjoyed this position, and the government press coexisted with the private press without major clashes (Mpereng Djeri 2004). During this period, a category of press emerged and served as an instrument for political parties in gaining power. “This situation heightened tribal feelings. All the parties, except Patrice Emery Lumumba’s Mouvement national congolais, were ethnic political associations” (Mpereng Djeri 2004). This state of affairs changed under the Mobutu government. From 1965 to 1990, the press in Congo (renamed Zaire) was gagged with the Union nationale de la presse du Zaïre tightly controlling journalists, who were reduced to voicing propaganda for the country’s single party (Mpereng Djeri 2004). Starting

early in the 1990s, the written and the audio-visual press of DRC, then called the Republic of Zaire, grew by leaps and bounds. Freedom of the press was guaranteed in 2006 in article 23 of the Constitution of the Democratic Republic of Congo which reads that “All persons have the right to freedom of expression.” But Article 73 of Law no. 96-002 on exercising freedom of the press clearly indicates that responsibility for offences committed by the media are set out in the Penal Code. Article 78 of that same law defines such offences as “betrayal” liable to the death sentence. This legal interconnection seriously impedes freedom of the press (Africa Media Barometer 2012) and affects the freedom to express their opinions and convictions, in particular by speech, in print and through pictures, subject to respect “for the law, public order and morality”. Because this is a right guaranteed by the constitution, many documents have been produced to organize the media, with regard to both training and the exercise of the profession (see Box 1).

3.1.2 Post-1990 media instruments and institutions in DRC Government responsibility for the communications sector at the national level falls under the Ministry of Communication and Media (MCM), which, for some years, was called the “Ministry of Information, Press and National Communications” thus giving a leading role to the press in the country’s media construct. The MCM is backed by the Conseil supérieur de l’audiovisuel et de la communication whose role, according to article 8 of the founding decree, is to “guarantee freedom of the press, information and all other means of mass communication; guarantee the protection of the press; ensure respect for journalists’ code of conduct; and ensure equitable access of political parties, associations and all other persons to the official means of information and communication”. From a legal angle, written publications are subjected to a reporting regime but in practice, an order from the Ministry of Communication can close down press enterprises that do not have a receipt for a payment of US $500 at the time of reporting plus a fee of US $200 every 2 years; this could be


Box 1. Legal documents related to the media in DRC 1. Law of 22 June 1996 establishing the terms and conditions for freedom of the press in DRC 2. Law no. 004-2001 on general provisions applied to non-profit organizations and institutions (établissements d’utilité publique) 3. Law no. 014/2002 establishing the regulatory authority for post and telecommunications 4. Framework law no. 013-2002 on telecommunications in RDC 5. Ministerial order no. 04/MIP/020/96 governing the application of Law no. 96-2002 setting the conditions for freedom of the press for audiovisual communication 6. Ministerial order no. 04/MCP/011/2002 amending and supplementing Ministerial order no. 04/MIP/020/96 7. Circular no. 006 CAB/MIN/INFO.PRES ET COM.NAT/2007 8. Ordinance-law no.81-012 – Statute to govern journalists working in the Republic of Zaire 9. Ministerial order forbidding dangerous discourse and messages in the media 10. Code of deontology and ethics for Congolese journalists 11. Organic law no. 11/001 on the composition, attributions and functioning of the Conseil Supérieur de l’Audiovisuel et de la Communication 12. Ministerial order no. 008 amending and supplementing the Ministerial order establishing the criteria for evaluating advertisement on tobacco and alcoholic beverages as amended to date 13. Ministerial order establishing the rates for duties, taxes and charges for the Ministère des Postes, Téléphones et Télécommunications 14. Ministerial order establishing the rates for duties, taxes and fees to be charged by the Ministère de la Culture et des Arts.

seen as an authorization in disguise. The Ministry of Communication is also responsible for issuing permits for audiovisual firms (Africa Media Barometer 2012).

which it became a sidekick. With the one-party state the MPR had turned UPC into an institution for political propaganda.

The private communications sector seems to have a large number of media firms. An organization map indicates that in 2008 there were 341 radio stations, close to 82 television channels and over 600 registered newspapers, most of which were published irregularly (Frère 2008). The organization of the profession and the defense of its rights were restructured with groups being formed somewhat like the Association nationale des entreprises audiovisuelles privées (ANEAP) that are supported by NGOs such as Journalistes en danger (JED) and Freedom for Journalists (FFJ). There is also an organization for self-regulation of the private media called the Observatoire des Médias Congolais (OMC).

Several trade unions for journalists sprang up when Marshall Mobutu announced greater democracy for the political system, e.g., the Association des journalistes de la presse féminine (AJPF), the Union congolaise des femmes des médias, Médias libre, the Association pour la presse responsable et démocratique (APRD). UPC, previously seen as an umbrella organization for all the press and media, slowly faded away (Mpereng Djeri 2004; Frère 2008).

The Union nationale de la presse congolaise (UNPC) The Union de la presse du Congo (UPC) was the predecessor of the present Union nationale de la presse congolaise (UNPC), an organization of professional media people created in 1971 through a presidential order. It was born during the rule of the Mouvement populaire de la Révolution (MPR), the single party of

In 2004, the UPC Congress analyzed the Congolese media world and pointed to the lack of training, an economic environment that made the Congolese media especially vulnerable, and the dilapidated conditions of the equipment, and management systems totally out of step with the development goals of the media sector. The Congress decided to create a new umbrella organization, the Union nationale de la presse congolaise (UNPC) and an independent body for self-regulation called the Observatoire des médias congolais (OMEC).


From the Haute Autorité des Médias (HAM) to the Conseil supérieur de l’audiovisuel et de la communication (CSAC) The Haute Autorité des Médias (HAM) was created within the framework of a peace agreement concluded among former belligerents in Sun City, South Africa, in a post-conflict era marked by a commitment to reunify the country and establish a multi-party democracy.

HAM was a national institution for media regulation in Democratic Republic of Congo during the postconflict transition period (2003–2006), in compliance with Article 155 of the transition-period constitution. HAM, thus, was born in an increasingly liberal media world and elevated to the rank of “institution” to support democracy. Its mission was to regulate the public and private media, very even-handedly, and to give the government technical advice on the attribution of frequencies. It was to be consulted on legal and regulatory matters concerning the press and the media. HAM was also responsible for checking advertisement contents, goals and plans. To enable the organization to play its role, HAM was authorized to impose administrative sanctions ranging from confiscation of documents and media support to suspension of press bodies and radio/TV channels. Interconnecting the roles and functions of the institutions that coexisted in the media world was a major challenge. First of all, the independence of HAM, as a regulatory body had been queried because of the way in which the members of its executive board were appointed. Second, it was governmentfunded which meant that the government had a certain authority over it (Kabemba 2005). Further, the HAM founding document was not precise enough about its relationship with the government, especially with the Ministry of Communication and Media. Last, it was difficult for HAM to wield authority over the public media, which thus gave the impression that it was created only to control the private media. CSAC rose from the ashes of the HAM after the post-conflict transition period (2003–2006). Organic Law no. 11/001 of 10 January 2011 created CSAC to ensure “freedom of the press, information and all other means of mass communication; protection of the press; respect for the journalists’ code of conduct and equitable access of political parties, associations and all other persons to the official means of information and communication”.

CSAC is composed of 15 members appointed as follows (Article 24 of Law no. 11/001 of 10 January 2011): •• 1 member chosen by the President of the Republic •• 2 members chosen by the National Assembly •• 2 members chosen by the Senate •• 1 member chosen by government •• 1 member chosen by the Conseil supérieur de la magistrature (High Council of the Judiciary) •• 3 members chosen by professional media associations, one for each sector (radio, television and print) •• 1 member representing the advertising sector •• 1 member chosen by the Conseil national de l’ordre des avocats (National Council of Lawyers) •• 1 member chosen by the legally established Parents and Students Association •• 2 members chosen by legally established associations for the protection of media rights. Whether government or private institutions are involved, there are a great number of challenges in the communication sector, especially for the media, for DRC is a very complex country.

3.2 The challenges of communication in the post-conflict context of a vast, poor and landlocked country DRC is a huge country that covers close to 2,345,000 km² including 9000 km of porous borders with nine countries (Republic of Congo, Central African Republic, Sudan, Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Tanzania, Zambia and Angola) (MECNT 2009). Some estimates put the DRC population at close to 70 million in 2010 (CIA 2010) against an estimated 62.6 million in 2007 (AfDB/OECD 2008). In 2008, only 34% lived in urban areas (CIA 2010). Out of close to 153,497 km of existing roads apparently only 2794 km were asphalted (in 2003), hence much of this geographic giant is isolated.

3.2.1 Uneven access to information between urban/rural areas and Kinshasa With much of the country being isolated, government decentralization has developed in an unusual manner, with the capital, Kinshasa, having the status of a province. This has affected communications throughout the country. The map of information flows and access to information is complex. Kinshasa, where most of the media that


could affect the decision-making process are located, is the biggest urban center with a population of close to 10 million (de Saint Moulin 2009). On the other hand, the audiovisual media cover much larger areas, and in some cases, most of the country. The written press has an additional problem: the information newspapers are sold, roads are impassable and the rural people have very low purchasing power (Frère 2008). Furthermore, the very few provincial newspapers that exist are published irregularly (Kabemba 2005). A newspaper costs, on average, 1000 FC (about US $1.10) in Kinshasa. Distributing newspapers in the provinces means additional costs and, thus, higher selling prices. The top newspapers in Kinshasa, like Les Dépêches de Brazzaville, sell 4000 copies a day in a city with a population of 10 million.4 The figures given in a study carried out by International Media Support (2003) on newspapers in the city of Kinshasa ranged between 500 and 2500 copies a day, and we were told that these figures may be too high.

3.2.2 Slow and difficult professionalization of journalism Journalism is a profession governed by a 1981 enactment on the status of the journalist in DRC. It is an organized profession that has filed a code of ethics which oversees the constitutional freedom that has been granted to the journalists in their work. But the Congolese journalists trek a bumpy path in their daily job. Besides strictly structural factors, the journalists also have to cope with economic challenges. The journalist is caught between the obligation to respect the code of ethics and the obligation to meet his or her family’s daily needs. This is especially true for the written press whose journalists often suffer from impoverishment and manipulation (IMS 2003; Mpereng Djeri 2004; Kabemba 2005; Frère 2008). Journalists working for the private press in DRC usually do not have job security or contracts and are often paid only for articles published (Kabemba 2005). There is a system of “coupage” in which journalists “get a cut” in cash or kind for covering an event; it is often used and the way the term is “read” varies between corruption and encouragement for the media. “Coupage” means that the journalists get paid by the sponsor of the publication to give a 4 The circulation figure of 4000 copies for the daily newspaper Les Dépêches de Brazzaville was given by a journalist who wants to remain anonymous.

specific slant to its contents. The “cut” ranges from US $10 to 20 for journalists in the written press (Frère 2008). This has a direct effect on the quality of the articles published and causes confusion between communication and information. In this system, journalism forsakes its natural function (Mpereng Djeri 2004; Frère 2008; Mukeni 2009). The DRC communication market focuses mainly on advertisement and institutional information. Investigative journalism is the backwoods cousin of the press since it involves logistical investment, good structuring and networking, which take time to build up. When journalists do the investigating, the published articles are imprecise in both substance and form. The media in DRC receive financial subsidies and material support and the very small part which is earmarked for the press, is allocated to the press in the large cities such as Kinshasa and Lubumbashi. In an effort to coordinate the actions of the international donors supporting the media, the InterDonor Media Group [Groupe Inter-Bailleurs Médias] (GIBM) was created. Government support is usually granted to events of international bearing and the management of funds allocated to such events is often disputed, e.g., the funds allocated to the media for the last Francophony summit held in Kinshasa in 2012.

3.3 The stakes of media/environment relationships 3.3.1 Milestones in professional journalism The training given to journalists in the DRC context needs to be studied before examining the relationship between the media and the environment. There are five public institutions that offer communication courses: the Institut facultaire des sciences de l’information et de la communication (IFASIC), which is the main school for journalism and communications, the Université de Kinshasa, the Université Pédagogique Nationale, the Université de Lubumbashi and the Université de Kisangani, each of which has a communication department. There are also private institutes such as the Université Catholique du Congo, the Université Technologique Bel Campus and the Université Révérend Kim, each of which has a communication department. And yet, students majoring in journalism still have a problem. The course curricula in these universities schedule


little time for the study of environmental and developmental issues. (These subjects are given more attention, ultimately, in the final dissertations.) It is rather easy to enter the profession, but before becoming an active journalist, the student has to complete an internship that varies in length: 1 year for students who attend journalism schools and 2 years for students from other disciplines. At the end of the internship, the students receive an official press card issued by the Union nationale de la presse du Congo (UNPC) in accordance with Law no. 81/012 of 2 April 1981 on the status of the journalist (African Media Barometer 2012). Encouragement to enter this profession usually comes from foreign development partners who promote capacity-building for journalists, especially for investigative journalism and journalism on emerging topics, e.g., the United Nations Population Fund (UNPF) and the Institut PANOS PARIS (IPP), which contributes training modules and work materials. For further specialization, efforts have been made to form groups of journalists, e.g., in the environment sector through the creation of the Network of Environment Communicators (RCEN).

3.3.2 Communication plans for REDD+ and the media The implementation of REDD+ in DRC is expected to produce changes that motivate State services to interconnect and to influence each other, thus abandoning the old concept that dissociated the forest sector from all the other sectors. It should also have a positive effect on the practices of the forest

operators and communities and on deforestation at the national level and give new importance to the Information, Education and Communication (IEC) program. To rally all the stakeholders and promote the REDD+ approach effectively and efficiently, actions, targeted messages, good practices and welladapted support have been produced to improve the information, education and communication needed to bring about social and behavioral changes (See Annex 1). Everyone at all levels agreed to the need to spread REDD+, but resources are lacking for effective IEC. However, with a boost from the REDD+ National Coordination, which has an IEC component, a consensus has been reached on the contents of an integrated REDD+ communication plan. The IEC component has a very close relationship with the RCEN. Before propagating REDD+ throughout the country, the environmental communicators built up their own capacity with support from the Bank Information Center (BIC) and the Global Greengrants Funds (GGF). Both the governmental and the non-governmental REDD+ actors have media plans which are part of their respective strategies. These actors usually invite the media to ensure that events will be covered or the information intended for the public is properly conveyed. The GTCR has said that it wanted to prepare its own communication plan. It carries out communication and information activities as part of the “REDD+ and the civil society in DRC” project, which is subsidized by the Rainforest Foundation Norway.

4. Results 4.1 Development and framing the REDD+ debate in the press This section looks at the contents of articles considered as analytical variables. For certain articles collected, the topics in the articles are framed for more than one level. In this situation a distinction is made between the main frame of the article (F1) and the secondary frames (F2). In DRC, REDD+ appeared for the first time in the press on 30 July 2008 in an article in Les Dépêches de Brazzaville on an event concerning the funding of forest protection by the World Bank’s Forest Carbon Partnership Facility (FCPF). This news about funding from the West for countries in the three great forest basins launched a debate on what was slated to become an item of discussion in the DRC media. Media coverage seesawed and was rather slow, peaked in 2010 and then slumped in 2011 as shown in Figure 2. It is difficult to explain why the media were so slow in covering REDD+ since DRC joined other COMIFAC countries in the REDD+ process in 2005. The vast majority of the articles we compiled, moreover, were published to relate some REDD+ event. A considerable number of events (24) related to REDD+ were covered by media in DRC throughout the study years (2008–2011). The number steadily rose between 2008 and 2011 with the spotlight on workshops (66% of the articles). Most of the articles clearly depicted the direct relationship between the event covered and REDD+, with a fundamental distinction for some major REDD+ events in DRC such as the launching of the REDD+ process, the adoption of the R-PP, the adoption of the Forest Investment Programme (FIP), etc. There were many such events (Mpoyi et al. 2013), but the media did not cover them adequately. Attention was given mainly to the event as such rather than to the topic of the event. This explained the tendency to write more about the calendar of the events and showed that articles published on the events were usually part of a communication plan prepared by the events organizers.

“up to now, the newspaper [Les Dépêches de Brazzaville] only covered the events” (Lucien Dianzenga, Les Dépêches de Brazzaville)

The journalists we met all agreed that overriding importance was given to orders they received to publish articles on REDD+. “It is the organizations that ask us to cover events.” (Lucien Dianzenga, Les Dépêches de Brazzaville) “…environmental actors contact us and sometimes they give us articles to publish with background information to feed into the articles.” (Olivier Diosso, Le Potentiel)

The events covered in these articles have been classified according to level of coverage (national and international). There was generally more interest shown in national events although attentions was also given to international events that took place in Kinshasa with the participation of other countries in central Africa. The events were usually linked to sub-regional organizations like the Central African Forest Commission (COMIFAC), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), the Network of Parliamentarians for the Sustainable Management of Central African Forest Ecosystems in DRC (REPAR/DRC) or the Network of Indigenous and Local Communities for the Sustainable Management of Forest Ecosystems in Central Africa (REPALEAC). The national events that are covered by the media in DRC are often workshops for people connected to REDD+. During the study period, the media did not cover any event connected to REDD+ held outside the country. From discussions with events organizers we met in connection to the articles, we learned that it was common to pay per diems to journalists to cover events, a practice that is interpreted in various ways. It is done almost systematically and is meant to “encourage” journalism. We can understand its significance to REDD+ by looking at the number of events covered in the articles collected (Table 6).

Table 6. Events presented in the articles Date of publication

Purpose of event

14-Oct-08

RRN reporting meeting

22-Nov-08

REPAR-RDC workshop

04-Dec-08

Pre-validation of REDD (R-PP) preparation proposal.

22-May-09

REDD+ (R-PP) preparation process proposal validation workshop

16-Sept-09

Advocacy of civil society’s REDD Climate Working Group

19-Feb-10

Summer university for capacity building on REDD+ for national stakeholders

27-May-10

Closing session of summer university activity on REDD

26-July-10

Workshop to set up thematic coordination groups

28-Aug-10

Training working on REDD process, for communicators

30-Aug-10

Launching of permanent REDD information center (CPI/REDD)

21-Oct-10

Regional information workshop on model forests and local implementation of REDD+ in model forests in Congo Basin

25-Nov-10

Report back workshop on consultations related to investment plan for the Forest Investment Programme (FIP)

18-Jan-11

Launching of REDD+ process awareness building campaign

24-Feb-11

Workshop organized by DRC parliamentarians to call for soonest preparation of REDD Strategic Plan

11-May-11

Workshop on indigenous peoples’ rights to land for lodging and agriculture; clarification of land tenure rights of indigenous populations

24-Feb-11

Workshop to discuss the model forests approach to forest management in DRC

26-Feb-11

Regional workshop on REDD and model forests in DRC

01-Mar-11

Regional workshop on model forests in DRC

14-Apr-11

Press conference on shortcomings in document submitted by the McKinsey Co.

15-Apr-11

Press contact point organized by Greenpeace for reject the McKinsey report ordered by the DRC government

21-Apr-11

Workshop on the REDD process and the preparation of the Durban conference

09-May-11

Workshop organized by CODELT to prepare a single document from the national civil society to the government concerning the FIP

11-May-11

Workshop for submitting summary document of recommendations from the civil society to the government for inclusion in the final version of the FIP

07-June-11

Demonstration to celebrate International Environment Day 2011


15 15 3

5 0 2008

0

Le Phare

1 3 1 2009

2

94 0 0

3

2010

Dépêches de Brazaville

2011 Le Potentiel

Figure 2. Breakdown of publications per year and per newspaper

4.1.1 Level of framing An analysis of the level at which the articles covered REDD+ during the study period indicated that international media framing was of little interest to the Congolese press: 12% of the frames, or 7 articles out of 41 (Figure 3). In 2008, for instance, only two articles took the international vantage point to the issues covered in the articles. This figure remained unchanged in 2009 and 2010, and fell to 1 in 2011 (Figure 4). The reason may well be that discussions at the international level usually focused on the Conference of Parties (CoP) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Most of the newspaper articles adopted the national perspective (84% of the frames). The articles focused on REDD+ events once in 2009, 6 times in 2010 and 3 times in 2011. At the national level, most of the articles that were published in national newspapers appeared in Le Potentiel (16) and Les Dépêches de Brazzaville (11) (Figure 5). Country studies and the analysis of media discourse on REDD+ in Cameroon both Local 4%

International 12%

National 84%

Figure 3. Breakdown of frames for REDD+

indicate that climate change is given the most media coverage during the CoP (Kengoum 2011). But it is difficult to understand the relationship between articles published on REDD+ in DRC and the CoP, an event that does not appear in any of the articles collected. Last, there is little interest in media frames on REDD+ at the local level (4% of the frames).

4.1.2 Main themes covered in the articles Figure 6 shows that there are several major themes that interest the media in our study. The main concern (31%) is for policies processes on these themes. Attention is first turned towards questions related to the connection between the preparation of the national REDD+ strategy and the forest policy reforms, and then, REDD+ preparatory activities with their intersectoral participation and coordination, especially between the MECNT, where REDD+ is housed, and the other ministries whose responsibilities impact the forestlands. This strong interest in the policy process can be linked to the activities scheduled for the REDD+ preparatory phase, the phase during which REDD+ objectives are defined and management institutions and instruments are negotiated. After policies and processes, discussions focus on the civil society (12%). Emphasis is placed on the interests of the actors, especially the local populations and the indigenous peoples. The participation of the latter in the REDD+ process is curtailed by lack of political determination and by lack of capacity, two handicaps that delay the implementation phase. Next in line is governance (10%) which concerns the application of the law and, at a later stage, the management of REDD+ funding. Since public assets management is a very great problem for the DRC government, the process now underway can only be successful if the funds are very reliably managed. From the vantage point of the media, the press is interested in the impact of governance on forest management and, pari passu, the capacity of the State to control elements of deforestation and forest degradation. The articles published mention the moratorium on the expansion of industrial forest operations and the need to leave time for the Congolese government to study mechanisms that can achieve its forests and biodiversity protection objectives.


18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

2008

2009

2010

2011

International

2

2

2

2

National

2

5

17

17

Local

0

0

1

1

No F2

2

5

8

12

Passing

1

0

1

0

Figure 4. Scale of frames per year (F1 and F2 included)

30 25 20 15 10 5 0 International

National

Local

No F2

Le Potentiel

2

24

2

12

1

Le Phare

1

6

0

1

0

Les Dépêches de Brazzaville

3

11

0

14

1

Figure 5. Scale of frames: breakdown per newspaper (F1 and F2 included)

Passing


27

No F2 Other

1

Economy and Markets

1

Ecology

3

Culture

3 8

Context of governance

10

Civil society

25

Politics and political processes 0

5

10

15

20

25

30

Figure 6. Main themes covered by the media (F1 and F2 included)

The interest in cultural and ecological questions only reached 4%, while Economy and Markets, and the other themes, reached 1%.

4.1.3 Frames and typology of the articles The prognostic code can be applied to 82% of the variables with a value above 0, in other words, they involve an articulation of a proposed solution to the problem. The newspaper Le Potentiel gives pride of place to this approach to the REDD+ question, followed by Les Dépêches de Brazzaville. None of the articles fit into the “symptomatic” category, only 8% fit into the “diagnostic” category and 6% into the “motivational” category (all in Le Potentiel) leaving 4% of the articles that do not fit into any category. The fact that most of the articles were prognostic in this case may mean that, on the whole, the newspapers in the study did not focus on the question of the importance of REDD+ but on the best form for the various aspects being presented. The context of the study period, during which the mechanism was established, lent itself to this tendency. But we can analyze this situation differently by considering that the authors of the articles published are members of RCEN or by consideringthe editorial line of the newspapers in the study. Authors who belong to RCEN usually support environmental protection, hence their articles would fit into calculations on selecting the best ways to fight climate change using REDD+. On the other hand, if we consider the newness of the subject and

the fact that the reasons for newspapers to write about it could have an effect on the contents of the publications, it is difficult to establish a link between the editorial lines of the newspapers selected and the more prognostic propensity of the articles.

4.1.4 Framing the 3Es in the articles The articles speak of people who are mainly concerned with the effectiveness of REDD+. Their concerns are generally expressed by bureaucrats and secondarily by NGOs and national NGO coalitions. A look at these articles shows that REDD+ effectiveness, dealt with by bureaucrats and, more specifically by the Minister of Environment, Nature Conservation and Tourism is merely an expression of political optimism related to the procedure used by the COMIFAC countries (with DRC playing a major role), a procedure that, moreover, attracts funding to the country. The discourse on effectiveness is mainly found in the opening speeches of events covered by the articles in the study. The nature of the discourse on the effectiveness is different if presented by international environmental NGOs and bureaucrats; it focuses more on the capacity of REDD+ to actually bring about the expected reduction in emissions. The question of efficiency is also treated by an international environmental NGO, e.g., UNDP and the bureaucrats (in one article for each article in F1). UNDP wonders about the capacity of DRC politicians to carry out the process with the lowest transaction costs. The bureaucrats, on the other hand,


30 25 20 15 10 5 0 Diagnostic Prognostic Symptomatic Motivation

Other

No F2

Passing

Le Potentiel

1

26

0

1

0

12

1

Le Phare

2

4

0

0

1

1

0

Les Dépêches de Brazzaville

1

12

0

0

1

14

1

Figure 7. Type of frames in the articles (F1 and F2 included)

are interested in the African model forest network (AMFN) management mode which is based on model forests and is presented as an opportunity. Equity is a preoccupation for all categories of actors, but less so than effectiveness, especially for government actors at the national level, represented here by MECNT and the REDD+ national coordination. Everyone wants a REDD+ program that accommodates the rights of the various categories of stakeholders, especially the people most sensitive to changes provoked by the mechanism. In the articles, this issue is depicted mainly through the form and content of the communities’ participation in the process of choosing options and the protection of their interests in the national strategy document.

4.2 Actors, discourse and counterdiscourse on REDD+ Four major categories of REDD+ advocates are presented in the articles collected, namely, government actors, international NGOs, national NGOs and intergovernmental organizations. Media

discourse evaluated through an analysis of article content does not indicate the presence of adversaries. Yet the following analysis shows that a global reading of the frames leads to debate that indicates that not all options were unanimously accepted, and actors’ views differ and are sometimes contradictory on certain aspects. The positions of these organizations became clear from the reading of the articles collected and can be divided around two axes. The first axis concerns the approach to be adopted to reach a national REDD+ strategy. Here we are pointing mainly to the important role that must be given to the participation of the civil society and the local populations, to access to information as the backbone of the approach and to the need for capacity building. We are also pointing to the participation of the President of the Republic in REDD+ and the McKinsey Report, which some parties think the government should reject. The second axis relates to the REDD+ options themselves. This includes biodiversity protection, support for the livelihood of forest-dependent populations, and the proposal to maintain the moratorium on the expansion of


Passing No F2 Passing

No Advocate

No F2

Individual

Not applicable

Indigenous organizations

Other

Domestic ENGO or ENGO coalition

Other co-benefits

Domestic NGO or NGO coalition

Equity

National level state andbureucratic actors

Efficiency

Multinational corporation

Effectiveness

International ENGO Intergovernmental Organization 0

5

10

15

20

25

30

Figure 8. The actors and the 3 E+ (F1 and F2 included)

industrial forestry. By regrouping these axes according to category of actors, the options appear different and suggest that coalitions between advocates of different frames may be possible. The second observation in media framing is the total absence of researchers, think tanks and national and international educational institutions among the REDD+ actors in DRC. State actors: Role of forests, capacity building and intersectoral coordination The main actor is the MECNT, supported by REDD+ coordination and Réseau des parlementaires pour la gestion durable des écosystèmes forestiers d’Afrique centrale / Network of Parliamentarians for the Sustainable Management of Central African Forest Ecosystems (REPAR). Government presence in nearly all cases, however, is limited to support for processes and workshops launched by development partners and civil society organizations. Support refers mainly to administrative monitoring and can be interpreted in several ways. The actors support— mainly in speeches marking the occasion—a position that gravitates around three postulates: The first is the recognition of the role of forests in providing ecosystemic services and the opportunity that the REDD+ process provides to improve environmental governance. This recognition, however, is not seen

from the angle of the fight against climate change, which is the missing link in the frames in the articles collected. Despite the emphasis put on REDD+ as the topic, its importance for economic development is omnipresent throughout the articles. The second is the need for ongoing capacity building for all the stakeholders in the process so that they learn to take over the process. The third is the leading role that should be played by the ministries in carrying out the process, especially in the implementation phase discussed in articles in the year 2012. National NGOs: Access to information, process uptake and continuation of the moratorium The constancy of the national NGOs in the media is also a strong indicator of their participation in the process. The Conseil pour la Défense Environnementale par la Légalité et la Traçabilité (CODELT), the Réseau Ressources Naturelles (RRN) and the REDD+ Climate Working Group (RCWP), all based in Kinshasa, are the main NGOs. There is also REPALEAC, the Committee on Human Right and Development (CODHOD), the Cercle pour la défense de l’environnement (CEDEN) and the Réseau des communicateurs de l’environnement (RCEN). The options proposed by this category of actors can be summarized in three points: Decentralization of REDD+ to improve uptake by the civil society, the local populations and the


Table 7. Advocates and Adversaries (F1 and F2) Categories of actors

Advocates F1

Advocates F2

Adversaries F1

Adversaries F2

NGO and coalition of national environmental NGOs

10

2

0

0

NGO and coalition of national NGOs

1

0

0

0

Indigenous organizations

1

0

0

0

Individuals

1

0

0

0

Intergovernmental organizations and organisms

2

1

0

0

International environmental NGOs

7

0

0

0

Research centers / think tanks / international education institutions

0

0

0

0

State and National bureaucrats

16

4

Research centers / think tanks / national education institutions

0

0

0

0

Multinational entreprise

0

1

0

0

Table 8. State actors mentioned in the articles Description

Frequency of appearance F1

F2

Table 9. National NGOs mentioned in the articles Description

Frequency of appearance F1

F2

CODELT

1

1 2

Ministry of Environment

6

National REDD+ Coordination

1

2

Natural Resources Network

3

REPAR

2

1

Network of environmental communicators

1

REPALEAC

1

1

CODHOD

1

1

CEDEN

1

REDD Climate Working Group

3

indigenous people; conformity of texts on REDD+ and on REPALEAC, and effective access of main beneficiaries to REDD+ information and funding. Furthermore, a proposal has been made to maintain the moratorium on the expansion for industrial forest exploitation. International NGOs: Governance of sustainable development and renewed optimisation of forests Two international NGOs are mentioned in the articles: Greenpeace and the African Model Forests Network (AMFN). Media coverage of this category of actors includes wording that leads to three proposals: (1) Greenpeace recommends that the DRC government reject the results of the McKinsey study, which, it says, are not directly in the interest of REDD+ in DRC; (2) DRC should strengthen its governance and its environmental diplomacy, and

(3) DRC should raise the position of its forests in its sustainable development strategy. Intergovernmental and bilateral cooperation organizations: Coherence of actions and forest conservation Intergovernmental organizations, in particular, UNDP, the World Bank, ECCAS and Canadian Cooperation structured their discourse around two points: (1) The World Bank agreed with the need to promote the carbon market in order to tip the economic balance in favour of forest


Table 10. International NGOs mentioned in the articles

Table 11. Intergovernmental organizations mentioned in the articles

Frequency of appearance

Description

F1

F2

Greenpeace

4

1

RAFM

2

1

Passing

Frequency of appearance

Description

F1

F2

Canadian cooperation

1

World Bank

1

ECCAS

1

UNDP

2

2

No F2

27

Not applicable

1

No perspective

1

Pessimist

4

Optimist

45 0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

50

Series1

Figure 9. REDD+ framing and perspectives (F1 and F2 included)

30 25 20 15 10

Optimist Pessimist

5

EN

GO s In or di E ge NG no O us co or alit ga io n Na niza s tio tio na ns lN In GO d s En Or ivid g u Na viro an al tio nm iza s ti na l s enta ons ta te l NG an Os d No ac de tor fe s nd e Pa rs ss in g No F2

0

Figure 10. REDD+ actors and perspectives (F1 and F2 included)

No perspective Not applicable


conservation, and (2) the Economic Commission of Central African States (ECCAS) focused on the need for the COMIFAC countries to sketch out a common position to defend in Copenhagen in December 2009.

4.3 REDD+ results: actors and perspectives With regard to media framing, it is important to note the majority’s optimism about the future of REDD+ in DRC (56% of the frames analyzed). Only 5% was concerned about the effectiveness and the efficiency of the mechanism. Furthermore, if we only consider the first analytical frame, the positive trend is even more pronounced: 81% optimism against 10% pessimism; this was because of the very low number of second level frames in the articles. A frame–actors correlation (Figure 10) emphasizes the positivism of the State (national level) and the bureaucratic actors. It leaves not an ounce of pessimism about the capacity of DRC to reach the expected goals of the process underway. This overwhelming optimism substantiates the country’s position as the leader in process fulfilment activities among the countries in the Congo Basin that are working on this process. This position is shared with a certain number of international environmental NGOs. Because of their small number, the optimism expressed in other categories of actors may not be representative since they expressed many reservations about the process for installing the mechanism. All these positions have been recorded but the next steps in the policy process, the choice and the implementation of the related strategic options may lead to some changes.

Offsetting this positive vantage point, the RRN is one of the few national environmental NGOs to be pessimistic. Its position is based on the weak capacity of the local populations and the indigenous people. RRN feels that all categories of actors should be kept informed, with special attention to the indigenous people and the elected officials whose commitment to the REDD+ cause needs to be secured. Following in RRN’s footsteps, Greenpeace and UNDP, environmental organizations of international stature, feel that if efforts are not made and if choices are too risky, REDD+ will be a failure, as was the case with the preliminary strategic plan prepared by MENCT. Talking about the recommendations from the McKinsey Report Greenpeace feels that: “They totally oppose the declared objective of protecting the forests and their inhabitants, since they reckon on the expansion of the industrial forest operations over an additional 10 million hectares of dense, moist forests and hence on the unfragmented or so-called ‘intact’ forests which are the most crucial for biodiversity and climate.” (Le Phare, 15 April 2011)

UNDP’s Fabien Monteil feels that the environmental diplomacy of DRC is still weak and needs to be strengthened so that the country can make its voice heard in international negotiations and, by the same token, improve its capacity to attract funding for environmental protection in general, and more specifically for the fight against climate change. Greenpeace’s main concern is the McKinsey Report whose proposals, it says, should be rejected. Since the report was not prepared in reliable conditions, the ensuing proposals cannot serve the interests of REDD+ in DRC.

5. Discussion This section is divided into the following four subsections: uptake of media discourse on REDD+ in DRC; the relationship between the discourse studied and the effectiveness of REDD+; the significance of the absence of certain categories of actors from the discourse in relation to equity, and perspectives about transformational change based on discourse in the articles studied.

5.1 Media uptake of discourse on REDD+ Media freedom in DRC does not, according to what we observed, contribute to the development of media professionalism and specialization, and hence, to a capacity to convey coherent discourse resulting from investigative journalism. With regard to discourse on REDD+, explanations can be found in both the complexity of the subject and the availability of information, which together may justify the introduction of a national communication strategy on REDD+.

5.1.1 Complexity of REDD+ and journalists’ difficulties with accessing information One reason for the limited media discourse on REDD+ may be that the subject is new and technical. It covers a broad range of subjects, from ecology to politics via legal, economic and sociological issues. One journalist said this: “[F]rom the technical angle, remember that REDD is something new. Even the intellectuals and the top experts do not yet really understand the REDD concepts.” (Dieudonné SIDIA, RTGA) The second explanation may come from history. After several years of war, the country is now in a period of reconstruction. Some writers, when speaking about the liberalization of the press in countries made fragile by war, as is the case in DRC, feel that hasty changes in the countries’ media could heighten political and community pressure, jeopardize government legitimacy and weaken societal reconstruction (Allen and Stremlau 2005; Putzel and Van Der Zwan 2006). From the above, we

see that the media in general, and especially the press in DRC cannot constitute a “fourth power”. Looking at things from this angle is tantamount to preventing the written press in DRC from having enough freedom to criticize a political process in the country. But this factor alone, apparently, does not explain the situation prevailing in the country of study. One opinion was that: “Regarding (REDD+) extension activities we should not work without the media since they provide the channel for conveying the message on the REDD+ process. Unfortunately, the media are not well integrated into the process or, hypocritically the media sector is not given the tools to carry out its policy.”

In DRC, high quality information is seldom available and when it is, the procedure to access it is generally long and costly. The financial difficulties of the Kinshasa press enterprises have a negative effect on investigative journalism, leaving the road wide open for institutional reporting and communication which characterize the great majority of the articles studied. Nonetheless it is difficult to establish that the Congolese press’ information access problems are connected to the desire of the public officials to prevent such access, as is the case in certain circumstances (Stiglitz 2002). This hypothesis, however, can only be ascertained by noting the absence of specific government discourse on the subject of REDD+ in the articles under study. The articles show that the discourse by this category of (government) actors is designed merely to reflect on initiatives by other actors at an event that is covered by the media. Whether by chance or by choice, the existence of tools specific to REDD+ communications lessens the relevance of the idea that government wishes to withhold information on the REDD+ mechanism.

5.1.2 The media and the national communication strategy on REDD+ Is it conceivable that the media’s lack of discussion on REDD+ in DRC has led to the development of a specific national communication strategy on REDD+? As the installation of the process was


progressing, the REDD+ national coordination developed a national communication strategy document entitled “Integrated Communication Plan for the Promotion of REDD+ in DRC” (MECNT 2012). We may ask whether this program, which fits in with the leadership goals in the African Basin, is being implemented to encourage further development of the process and secure the funding for the next phases. The effectiveness of the REDD+, which is backed by the government and is linked to the constant concern for economic development, requires public support for the process. This document, thus, which seeks to respond to issues generated by the national REDD+ framework strategy for DRC, does not seem to give much importance to the media and allow the press to participate in choosing strategic options and orienting them.

of forests in DRC and the need for sustainable management. The discourse against the conclusions of the McKinsey report which, according to some authors (Karsenty 2009; Gregersen et al. 2010; Greenpeace 2013) underestimated certain obstacles to the implementation of REDD+ in DRC, are also part of the barriers to the implementation of an effective REDD+. This is the position expressed by Greenpeace and has been roundly debated especially with regard to the methodology that led to the conclusions of the study (Karsenty 2009; Gregersen et al. 2010). These discussions evidence the difficulties that the various actors have with forest management.

5.2 Discourse on causes of deforestation and degradation, and the effectiveness of REDD+ in DRC

5.2.1 Discourse on maintaining the moratorium: what to target? Articles published on continuing the moratorium on the attribution of new forest concessions date back to before the REDD+ process in DRC. Thanks to REDD+ new arguments on the moratorium were put forth through references to rational management of forest resources contained in the strategy document. The articles that were studied presented the freeze on new logging titles as a necessity for effective REDD+ in DRC. The media discourse on the freeze was a reaction to the announcement by Minister Endundo Bononge, the Minister for Environment, in February 2011 of his intention to end the moratorium on the allocation of new industrial logging titles. The moratorium was imposed through a presidential decree in May 2002 and was extended by decree in October 2005. The aim of this measure (inspired by examples such as the Indonesian moratorium) was to give the Congolese government time to clean up the industrial logging sector, which is rampant with illegal practices. These practices had not ended by the moratorium, however, since the permis de coupe artisanale (artisanal logging permits, PCA), also known as the petits permis, were still being allocated.

The media discourse on the causes of deforestation and forest degradation in the Congolese context was late in coming. It was scheduled in the R-PP, the study on the drivers of deforestation and forest degradation carried out by the Université catholique de Louvain together with the REDD+ Climate Working Group (RCWG). The media first started covering the debate on deforestation in 2011 after the initial results of this study were published. The consensus on the importance of the ecosystemic services rendered by the forest is a sign of progress on the road to collective recognition of the value

Without denying the need to find a solution, literature teaches that industrial logging had little effect on deforestation in DRC compared to other land uses such as agriculture, mining, fuelwood, etc. (Defourny et al. 2011). The fact that media discourse on REDD+ says nothing about the disappearance of the forest cover in relation to other land uses makes it essential to study the collective perception, held by the national actors and more specifically the media, of the impact of these land uses on deforestation and forest degradation in DRC and, hence, on the possibility of controlling these

When reading the document, the press, at least during the preparatory phase, looks like a passive actor in the strategic options-choosing process, and only becomes active and valuable when information, strategically selected and validated by other actors, is being redistributed. This brings up the question of the place of a network such as RCEN in mobilizing the enthusiasm and resources needed to make the media want to cover the REDD+ discourse and the other political processes devoted to the protection of the forest ecosystems in DRC. During the study period, the RCEN worked on building up its members’ REDD+ capacity (La Référence 2011), yet, apparently did not have a strong enough effect on the articles’ authors (all RCEN members) for them to really assimilate the message.


factors before implementing REDD+. Similarly, the emphasis on the moratorium (directed mainly on industrial logging) raises the question of informal logging. Nothing is said about it, yet it accounts for close to four times formal industrial logging in DRC (Lescuyer et al. 2010) and, hence, is one of the causes of deforestation that analysts say will have a major effect on the DRC forests if nothing is done in time.

5.3 Markedly absent from media discourse: negation of REDD+ or strategic fallback? During the study period, the media covering REDD+ completely overlooked several of the ministries. The fact that only one ministry (the Ministry of Environment) is covered raises the question of how well the government has assimilated the process. Although the Prime Minister was present when the process management bodies were established, there are still many questions about horizontal relations between the Ministry of the Environment, the institution where the process is rooted, and the other ministries whose activities are directly or indirectly connected to REDD+. Lack of interest in the mechanism or the political process may explain the absence of the other ministries. Actually, REDD+ is a process that officially involves nine DRC ministries plus the Ministry of Environment. But the press discourse on REDD+ for the study period does not inform the reader about how well the various ministries’ involved in national coordination have assimilated the process. The only explanation for the ministries’ lack of interest in the REDD+ process, at least during the preparation phase, is their manifold responsibilities and their difficulty in finding compromises. This situation clearly illustrates the level of specialization in the government ministries and within ministerial sections. Since each minister is individually responsible for his/her sector, interministerial collaboration can only be organized if interests converge. We see that the various ministries only become involved in the process when a specific need arises from the REDD+ activities. The Ministry of Finance, for instance, only became involved with the process when the installation of the National REDD+ Fund ran into problems. The same holds true for the Ministry of State Property and Land Affairs, which is waiting for the REDD+ funds, especially for the FIP enabling activities (R-PP 2010), to move ahead with the land reform process. More generally, DRC’s gradual entry into the REDD+

investment phase will create new gateways for cooperation and attract the interest of many of the ministries. It is also interesting to note that media discourse does not include research institutions, e.g., universities and international non-governmental technical partners, which should be contributing information to the media, and then nothing is said about the grey literature that has information on REDD+, as we saw in the case study on Cameroon (Kengoum 2011). The full significance of this omission becomes clear when we consider the limited number of forest research institutions that exist in the country. The explanation may be that these institutions are not very interested in the subject or simply that they prefer using other channels of communication for their work on REDD+ or that they are far away from Kinshasa. Distance is the problem for IFA Yangambi and the University of Kisangani, whose representatives often participate in discussions on the forest and on climate change but which are not mentioned by the media in Kinshasa.

5.4 Information effects: REDD+ and transformational change Finally, regarding REDD+ policies, should we expect DRC media discourse and media to contribute to a transformational change?

5.4.1 Effects of information on REDD+ The “information effect” occurs when certain actors make a special effort to recognize that a situation is problematic or when a situation is given enough attention to provoke a public decision that predicates on the options that led to it (Gerstlé 2006). The media discourse in the study was not sufficient to explain the role of the press in the media coverage of REDD+ or the appearance of REDD+ on the DRC agenda. This may be because the REDD+ process is first and foremost an international process with a national representation stemming from a first level negotiated consensus. REDD+ entered the national politicy agenda on a top-down pathway that, thus, holds the key to understanding the phenomenon. The politization of REDD+ appears clearly in the frames derived from press analysis; by systematically connecting the government, via the Ministry of Environment, to REDD+ events, the actors assert and accept that the State is responsible for


the formulation of national solutions to REDD+ problems and that the State acts on behalf of everyone, but with the participation of non-State actors. Quoting from the press: “The Network of Parliamentarians for the Sustainable Management of Central African Forest Ecosystems (REPAR) recommended that the DRC Head of State become personally involved.” (Le Potentiel, Monday 9 November 2009)

Since the process has not yet generated a final REDD+ national strategy, the media did not yet report on the fact that the REDD+ projects have become mutually exclusive, meaning with responsibilites defined and allocated at different scales to different actors. One of the challenges can be traced to the cognitive bias, which in this case is reflected in the major difference between the levels of knowledge of the subject (REDD+) that may be caused by structural constraints such as regional isolation within the country. These constraints quite clearly cause asymmetric information (Althaus 2003) between different categories of actors, different provinces and different levels of governance in the country.

5.4.2 Transformational change in the REDD+ policy arena Transformational change in this study refers to “a shift in discourse, attitudes, power relations, and deliberate policy and protest action that leads policy formulation and implementation away from business as usual policy approaches that directly or indirectly support deforestation and forest degradation” (Brockhaus et al. 2012). The REDD+ context lends itself well if we consider the important role of private interests in Congolese forest management and the uncomfortable relationship between the revenue generated and the socioeconomic development (Debroux et al. 2007; Mpoyi et al. 2013). Di Gregorio et al. (2012) condition the success of REDD+ to the existence of four conditions. (1) relative autonomy of nation states from key interests that drive deforestation and forest degradation; (2) national ownership of REDD+ policy processes; (3) inclusive REDD+ policy processes; and (4) the presence of coalitions that call for transformational change. According to the discourse analyzed in this study, the problems connected to the main factors of

deforestation in DRC can be traced to the quality of forest sector governance and its impact on controlling these factors. The worries that the national actors, especially the government actors, have in containing the impact of these factors on the forest ecosystems are alarming. Calls for better governance of forestry management in the country also point to questions of illegal and/or informal exploitation, the difficulty in applying the existing legislation and the formulation of additional regulations. The suggestion about maintaining the moratorium on the expansion of industrial forest operations is evidence of the States’ inconclusive desire to control one of the factors of deforestation, since regulatory and governance reforms to the industry could contribute to reducing unsustainable exploitation (Kanninen et al. 2007). But the main factors have not changed and the Congolese State authorities have not yet found a way to master them. Once again we see that, like in other Congo Basin countries such as Cameroon (Kengoum et al. 2012), actors with international standing are dominating the REDD+ establishment scene in DRC, both technically and financially, while the ministries are slow to act (Mpoyi et al. 2013). This is exemplified by Di Gregorio et al. (2012) who emphasize that the formulation and implementation of national REDD+ strategies is more difficult in countries where the policy process is mainly controlled by international actors. Although media discourse shows a similarity in the opinions of certain actors, it is difficult, on the basis of the REDD+ frames, to assert that actors of national repute genuinely agree about REDD+ strategic options, and hence their influence over choices being negotiated is minimal. The relation of media discourse on REDD+ policies to transformational change is difficult to establish. The lack of indicators of changes in the forest resources management model in DRC is a sign of unchanging perceptions of forest resources management, but these perceptions apply to the position of the resources in socio-economic development, not to emerging models. In the DRC context where politics and policy are intertwined in national resources management and where interministerial cooperation is weak (and not mentioned by the media), transformational change should overcome a certain number of barriers, like security issues and the problem of national cohesion in the government agenda (RFI 2012; Mpoyi et al. 2013).

6. Conclusion In sum, this study was programed to analyze media discourse on REDD+ policy process in DRC between 2008 and 2011. The analysis is based on 41 articles that appeared in three newspapers: Le Potentiel, Les Dépêches de Brazzaville, Le Phare.

overriding importance of the actor’s media plans in the publications is a sign of a certain interest in understanding the message that the actors want to convey through the media in general and, more specifically, through the written press.

We saw that the media effects replaced the cognitive effects. The media effects here were created less by the newspapers we studied than by the communication programs of the international and national actors. The articles on REDD+ were focused more on mediatization than on cognition. Since the meaning of REDD+ was not developed in the media discourse, these articles could hardly be expected to have any socio-political effects.

In conclusion, we see that the information effects alone are not strong enough to incentivise or justify transformational change in DRC forest management to the benefit of REDD+. Transformational change needs some control over the other drivers. Neither the press nor even the media alone can trigger such change in the DRC situation. Furthermore, the role that the press has played (which we see in this study) shows the limits to its capacity to bring about changes that affect the implementation of REDD+ at the national level, at least during the first phase. Other political actors must enter the scene so that, going beyond a positive perception of the importance of forests, the process is taken over at the national level (national ownership) and, thanks to better governance, the forest ecosystems of DRC are sustainably managed.

The study explains the incapacity of the articles to create an information effect that could incentivise or justify transformational change in the forest management context that would benefit REDD+. But it at least gives some ideas on the media’s outlook on the REDD+ mechanism and on the orientations that REDD+ offers the political actors. Further, the

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Official documents

Constitution of the Republic of Cameroon dated 18 February 2006. Organic law no. Conseil supérieur de l’audidovisuel et de la communication of 10 January 2011 establishing the High Council for Broadcasting and Communication (CSAC). Law no. 96-002 of 22 June 1996 defining the conditions for the exercise of freedom of the press in DRC.

Expected outcome

National information and awareness campaigns are held once a year

Interactive programs on community radio and on provincial and national TV realized: 36 at national level, 48 at provincial level and 72 at territorial level

Support for key messages to create awareness in selected local communities produced

Panels with messages on REDD placed in 14 large cities, 6 road signs per city

Activities to carry out

During 5 years organize annual national information and awareness campaigns at the national, provincial and territorial levels

On community radio and on provincial and national TV organize interactive programs: 36 at national level, 48 at provincial level and 72 at territorial level

Produce support for key messages to create awareness in selected local communities (photo archives, posters, stickers, folders, cartoons, advice-guide, etc.)

Put the scripto-visual messages on REDD (panels, posters, etc.) in the 14 large DRC cities (6 road signs per city)

Campaign reports List of persons reached ToR of campaigns Testimonies

• Media plan • Multimedia supports (CD, DVD…) • Contract with the media • Broadcasting grid • Support for programs • Broadcasting report

• • • •

Sources of verification

Number of radio and TV • Physical presence of panels stations that broadcast in targeted sites messages at national, provincial • Printing invoices and territorial level

Number of interactive programs • Report on production of broadcast on radio at national, supports provincial and territorial level • Printing invoice

Number of territories and persons affected

Number of information and awareness campaigns per year

Objectively verifiable indicators

• • • •

continued to next page

MECNT/CN-REDD Points focaux provinciaux Société civile/GTCR Médias/TOP RÉSEAU MÉDIAS



• • • •

• • • •


• • • •

Responsible for implementation

Annex 1. Logical framework of interventions for the implementation of the integrated communication plan

Annexes


Study trips and experience sharing on good communication practices and community approach for REDD organized

Mid-term evaluation of Number of midway evaluation integrated communication plan sessions for REDD organized

Organize mid-term evaluation of integrated communication plan for REDD

Organize study visits and experience sharing on good communication practices and community approaches for REDD at national, regional and international level

Existence of operational annual communication plans

Annual operational communication plans for REDD elaborated

Formulate operational communication plans for REDD each year

Number of study trips carried out

• Mission reports • Adjustment plan

• ToR • Evaluation reports

• • • •

• • • •

• • • •

• • • •

• Workshop report • Physical presence of strategy document

Existence of national communication strategy document

National communication strategy to promote REDD is elaborated

Formulate national communication strategy to promote REDD communication section of REDD national strategy

• Workshop report • Physical presence of Annual Communication Plan

• • • •

• Training report • List of participants

Number of facilitators and media leaders trained

Support for the training of facilitators and media leaders on dissemination of main messages








• • • •

• Physical presence of panels in targeted sites • Printing invoices

Provide support for the training of facilitators and media leaders on the dissemination of main messages

Number and type of supports for messages produced Number of mural messages written in the territory; Number of panels with messages placed in large cities

144 mural messages are produced and placed in offices of chief-towns of the countries



Produce and place 144 mural messages in offices of chieftowns of the country


Expected outcome


Annex 1. continued


Training modules on Existence of training modules in • Workshop report communications for social and communication for REDD • Physical presence of behavioural change to promote modules REDD created

Training for community facilitators on the techniques of communications and the dissemination of key REDD messages at the national, provincial and territorial level organized

REDD promotion participation committees organized

Create training modules on communications for social and behavioural change to promote REDD

Organize training for community facilitators on the techniques of communications and the dissemination of key REDD messages at the national, provincial and territorial level.

Organize REDD promotion participation committees

Existence REDD participation committees

• Reports • List of committees and members

• Training report • List of participants • Training program

• ToR • Press clippings

Number of active press points

Press points, advertorials and features on questions specific to REDD are organized

Organize press points, advertorials and features on questions specific to REDD

Number of sessions organized and number of trainers trained

• Reports • List of members

Existence of groups of community facilitators at national, provincial and territorial level

Organize groups of community facilitators to popularise main messages through the country at the provincial and national level

Media plan Contract with the media Broadcasting grid Support for programs Broadcasting report

• Training report • Training program

Groups of community facilitators to popularise main messages through the country at the provincial and national level organized and supported

Assistance rendered to radio and TV stations under contract for the dissemination of messages and the orchestration of broadcasts

Assist radio and TV stations under contract for the dissemination of messages and the orchestration of broadcasts

Number of conferences, workshops and training sessions attended


• • • • •

Participation in conferences, workshops and training seminars on REDD communication and community participation at national, regional and international level

Participate in conferences, workshops and training seminars on REDD communication and community participation at national, regional and international level


Number of radio and TV stations that broadcast at national, provincial and territorial level

Expected outcome


Annex 1. continued




• Reports • List of participating parliamentarians and senators • Conference program • Reports • List of customary/traditional leaders • Advocacy program • Workshop report • Document on implementing the approach • Reports • List of participating parliamentarians and senators • Campaign reports • List of community leaders and traditional chiefs • ToR of campaign

Number of academic sessions on lobbying carried out and number of parliamentarians and senators contacted Number of advocacy actions carried out and number of traditional /customary leaders contacted Effective existence of best communal approach for forest management Existence of a technical group of parliamentarians and senators specialized in REDD questions Number of awareness and information sessions on REDD concepts and projects for community leaders and traditional chiefs

Academic conferences to lobby parliamentarians and senators on the REDD concepts and projects organized

Sessions on REDD and its projects to advocate to traditional and customary leaders organized

The best community approach for forest management is established and supported

A group of parliamentarians and senators specialised in REDD issues is installed and supported

Awareness building and information sessions for community leaders and traditional chiefs on REDD concepts and projects are organized

• Report Two national- and international- Existence of two national and level films on REDD and global international films on REDD and • Physical presence of DVD of global warming warming focused on the DRC the films perspective are produced

Organize academic conferences to lobby parliamentarians and senators on the REDD concepts and projects

Organize sessions on REDD and its projects to advocate to traditional and customary leaders

Support the installation of the community approach which is the champion (REDD Prize) in forest management

Back the installation of a group of parliamentarians and senators specialised in REDD issues

Organize awareness building and information sessions for community leaders and traditional chiefs on REDD concepts and projects

Produce two national- and international-level films on REDD and global warming focused on the DRC perspective

Existence of community monitoring guide for forest management

Community monitoring guides on forest management produced

Produce community monitoring guides on forest management

• Report • Physical presence of document


Existence community participation guide for REDD

REDD community participation guide produced

Prepare REDD community participation guide



Expected outcome


Annex 1. continued




Existence of an educational song on REDD and translation in four national languages

Existence of community listening club to enliven activities and reception Number of studies on audience ratings of the impact of programs and messages broadcast Existence of two CAP study reports on the effects of communication for REDD in 20 territories (initial and final study)

Community listening clubs to enliven activities and reception of radio broadcasts organized and supported

Audience rating surveys on impact of programs and messages broadcast carried out

Two CAP studies on the effects of REDD communication in 20 territories (initial and final study) carried out

Number of sessions carried out EPSP and MECNT ministries lobbied to REDD and global Number of authorities reached warming issues in formal school program

Carry out audience rating surveys on impact of programs and messages broadcast

Carry out two CAP studies on the effects of REDD communication in 20 territories (initial and final study)

Lobby EPSP and MECNT ministries to incorporate REDD and global warming issues in formal school program

Existence of environmentoriented radio

Establish environment-oriented National level environmentradio at the national level oriented radio created and operational

Support the Organization of community listening clubs to enliven activities and reception of radio broadcasts

Number of educational video films produced

Produce educational video films Educational video films on on the various REDD fields and the various REDD fields and practices practices produced

An educational song on REDD and its fields of actions and translate it into four national languages is produced

Produce an educational song on REDD and its fields of actions and translate it into four national languages

Objectively verifiable indicators Existence of theatre play on REDD in four national languages

Expected outcome

Produce a theatre play on REDD A theatre play on REDD and and global warming global warming is produced and translated into four national languages


Annex 1. continued

• Reports • List of authorities affected • Advocacy program

• ToR • Reports

• Reports

• Reports • List of listener clubs

• Report • Physical presence of radio station

• Report • Physical presence of DVD of the films

• Report • Physical presence of CD supports for songs






Webmasters of REDD+/DRC and Number of MECNT’s NC -REDD • Reports MECNT are trained webmasters and ministries with • List of participants links to REDD established • Training program • Reports • List of members of TOP MEDIA NETWORK • Contracts • Reports • List of schools, higher institutes and universities • ToR of forums

Existence of TOP MEDIA NETWORK on REDD

Number of video forums on REDD and its field of activity in schools, higher institutes and universities organized

TOP MEDIA NETWORK on REDD established and operational

Organization of video forums on REDD and its scope of intervention in schools, higher institutes and universities made operational

NC-REDD Echo newsletter Existence of NC-REDD’s Echo created and published quarterly newsletter published quarterly

Support establishment of TOP MEDIA NETWORK on REDD

Support the organization of video forums on REDD and its scope of intervention in schools, higher institutes and universities

Create and publish NC-REDD Echo newsletter

• Reports • List of events Number of special events on REDD, global warming, and environmental themes celebrated

Special events on REDD, global warming, and environmental themes celebrated

Support special events on REDD, global warming, and environmental themes celebrated

• Reports

Existence of green line to telephone messages on REDD

Green line to telephone messages on REDD and its fields of intervention created and operationalized

Create green line to telephone messages on REDD and its fields of intervention

• Reports • ToR • Capacity-building program

Technical capacity of CNIE on environmental documentation, publication and information dissemination enhanced

Enhance CNIE technical capacity building sessions on environmental documentation, publication and information dissemination

Number of CNIE technical capacity building sessions

• Reports • Physical presence of Echo newsletter

• Report • Physical presence of web site

Train the REDD+/DRC and MECNT webmasters

Existence of the NC -REDD website in connection with the MECNT website and departments with links with REDD

Website of REDD+/DRC and links in the MECNT website installed and operational


Install REDD+/DRC website and create links with website of MECNT and other ministries that are connected to REDD


Expected outcome


Annex 1. continued




• Report • Physical presence of document • Reports

Existence of tools to collect and manage data on communication activities Number of REDD communication activities supervised, monitored, evaluated and coordinated Number of actors trained

Database and information on REDD communication activities are organized and updated

Tools to collect and manage data on communication activities are produced

Supervision, monitoring, evaluation and coordination of REDD communication activities are ensured

Capacity of actors involved in REDD strengthened

Organization of educational discussions at the community level supported

Produce tools to collect and manage data on communication activities

Support the supervision, monitoring, evaluation and coordination of REDD communication activities

Support capacity building for actors involved in REDD (trainers, teachers, communicators, journalists; community people, civil society)

Support the Organization of educational discussions at the community level

Number of educational discussions organized

Existence of a database and information on REDD communication activities

• • • • •

Reports List of participants. PV Minutes Photos

• Reports • List and types of actors

• Report • Physical presence of database

• Reports • Document on systematisation

Organize a database and information on REDD communication activities

Existence of a REDD communication program

IEC component of NC-REDD transformed and systematised as REDD communication program


Support the consolidation of IEC component at national, provincial and territorial level


Expected outcome


Annex 1. continued Responsible for implementation



Annex 2. Question to the journalists 1. What does the REDD+ process mean for you? 2. What common policy issue related to REDD+ is discussed most? 3. What REDD+ issues are covered most in the media? 4. Who leads the discussions and what are their positions? 5. When and how did the REDD+ concept first appear in the media? 6. What major events did the discussions focus on? 7. What are your main sources of information?

Annex 3. List of primary and secondary frames A) ECOLOGY:

FOREST: 1. Deforestation: related to ecology of deforestation in reference to carbon emissions (e.g. as a consequence of clear felling, fires and conversion to other uses) 2. Degradation: related mainly to ecology of degradation of forests in reference to carbon emissions (e.g. as a consequence of selective logging or fires) 3. Forest conservation: related mainly to ecology of forest conservation in reference to carbon stock enhancement 4. Enhancement of forest carbon stocks: refer to forest restoration and regeneration 5. Sustainable forest management: mainly related to technical issues related to sustainable methods to manage forest as RIL and timber certification 6. Afforestation and reforestation: refers to planting of new forests (includes tree plantations) on lands that historically have not contained forests, and to schemes under this categories currently included in CDM mechanisms AGRICULTURE: 7. Small-scale agricultural management systems: ecological characteristics of small-scale agriculture, agroforestry schemes, limits and opportunities to reduce emissions 8. Large-scale agriculture and livestock management systems: ecological characteristics of large-scale agribusinesses and livestock systems, limits and opportunities to reduce emissions

BIODIVERSITY: 9. Biodiversity conservation: focusing mainly on conservation of biodiversity as co-benefit or as opposed to carbon sequestration 10. Other major ecological concerns: any other major ecological concern not captured above

B) ECONOMICS AND MARKETS 11. Funding: refers to issues related to funding of REDD processes, relations to donors and design and implementation of financial mechanisms 12. Carbon Trading: refers to intermediation and trading of carbon credits from REDD, can include creating REDD projects for carbon trading. Can also relate to business related profit-making activities in carbon trading. 13. Cost-efficiency of REDD: refers to considerations related to reducing or containing costs (including transaction costs). Can refer to preparedness activities as well as REDD schemes. 14. Economics and business: refers to other economic issues as effects on the economy in general, or economic interests of business, or specific companies. C) POLITICS AND POLICYMAKING:

C.1) Elite politics 15. International Organizations and political debates: refers to politics of UNFCCC meetings where REDD issues are discussed, position of different countries or country coalitions aimed to influence public opinion or national policies. 16. State and bureaucratic interests: refers to statements on a government agency agenda, state interests often represented in bureaucracies, struggles between and with state agencies on REDD issues to protect/ expand spheres of influence 17. Business interests: refers to indication of industries opposing or pushing for REDD in order to gain financially (or reduce losses) from REDD schemes. C.2) Policy-making C.2.1) Design of REDD strategy/policies: refers to the policy-making process related to REDD policies, from agenda setting to policy formulation, including design of demonstration activities and MRV processes, and REDD-Plus sectors. 18. REDD Readiness activities (activities for readiness NOT primarily linked to a specific REDD locality, for example institutional changes, capacity building, etc.)


19. Forest policies/ policy reform 20. Agricultural and agrobusiness policies/ policy reform 21. Demonstration activities (activities related to pilot projects in specific localities) 22. MRV policies 23. Infrastructure policies/ policy reform (road building etc.) 24. Energy policy policies/ policy reform 25. Industrial sector policies/ policy reform 26. Decentralization/regional autonomy policies/ policy reform 27. Land tenure policies/ policy reform 28. Indigenous rights policies/ policy reform 29. Carbon tenure policies 30. Policy reforms in other sectors (e.g. elimination of perverse incentives/subsidies) C.2.2) Policy Implementation (refers to implementation of national REDD policy strategy) 31. REDD Readiness activities 32. Forest policies/ policy reform 33. Agricultural and agrobusiness policies/ policy reform 34. Demonstration activities 35. MRV policies 36. Infrastructure policies/ policy reform (road building etc.) 37. Energy policy policies/ policy reform 38. Industrial sector policies/ policy reform 39. Decentralization/regional autonomy 40. Land tenure policies 41. Indigenous rights policies/ policy reform 42. Carbon tenure policies 43. Policy reforms in other sectors (e.g. elimination of perverse incentives/subsidies) C.2.3) Policy coordination and participation: 44. Intermediation and coordination: refers to efforts or concerns about coordination of sectoral government agencies, or coordination across level (national, sub-national, local) 45. Stakeholder consultation: refers specifically to efforts or concerns to assure inclusions and participation of multiple stakeholders in policy discussions C.2.4) Equity and Distributional issues: 46. Benefit-sharing: refers to the policy discussions on rights to carbon and decision on benefit sharing mechanisms across stakeholders for REDD schemes.

D) CIVIL SOCIETY 47. Civil society interests: refers to statements, positions, release of reports of civil society actors 48. Campaigns/protest: refers to expressly politically oriented protest actions and responses of citizens and civil society organizations (e.g. demonstrations, direct action, email campaign) 49. Civil law: involving a civil law claim, and class actions related to issues relevant to REDD-Plus E) GOVERNANCE: 50. Illegal logging: refers to law enforcement issues related to logging activities, international trade, monitoring and verification of certification etc. 51. Governance for effective monitoring, reporting and verification: refers to governance issues related to needed monitoring report and verification of carbon emission reduction of REDD schemes 52. Governance of carbon markets: refers to governance issues related to fraudulent activities and lack of transparency and law enforcement in carbon markets 53. Governance of international funds for REDD: refers to governance of funds provided by the international community at the national and subnational level related to lack of transparency and law enforcement in administration of these funds. 54. Corruption: refers to corrupt and collusive practices (involving illegal activities involving government officials) and related law enforcement issues 55. Other law enforcement: involving the implementation and enforcement of criminal law other than indicated in the above categories F) SCIENCE: 56. Scientific funding and processes 57. New scientific methods, fundamentals, new studies 58. Applied science, new technologies: (e.g. measuring degradation) G) CULTURE: 59. Knowledge and public understandings: knowledge, education, public opinion (poll results, consumer reports). 60. Lifestyle: practices of individual and community living, consumption patterns 61. Official national culture: drawing on ideas and symbols of nation 62. Minority culture: referring to minority cultural groups 63. Popular culture: celebrities, films, books.

CIFOR Working Papers contain preliminary or advance research results significant to tropical forest issues that need to be published in a timely manner. They are produced to inform and promote discussion. Their content has been internally reviewed but has not undergone the lengthier process of external peer review.

CIFOR’s multiyear Global Comparative Study on REDD aims to inform policy-makers, practitioners and donors about what works in reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation, and enhancement of forest carbon stocks in developing countries (REDD+). The project is composed of a multidisciplinary research team of different nationalities, and covers three major forest basins. The REDD+ GCS project is funded by the Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation, the Australian Agency for International Development, the UK Department for International Development and the European Commission.

This research was carried out by CIFOR as part of the CGIAR Research Program on Forests, Trees and Agroforestry (CRP-FTA). This collaborative program aims to enhance the management and use of forests, agroforestry and tree genetic resources across the landscape from forests to farms. CIFOR leads CRP-FTA in partnership with Bioversity International, CATIE, CIRAD, the International Center for Tropical Agriculture and the World Agroforestry Centre.

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Center for International Forestry Research (CIFOR) CIFOR advances human well-being, environmental conservation and equity by conducting research to help shape policies and practices that affect forests in developing countries. CIFOR is a member of the CGIAR Consortium. Our headquarters are in Bogor, Indonesia, with offices in Asia, Africa and Latin America.