rethinking climate change communication strategies ...

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RETHINKING CLIMATE CHANGE COMMUNICATION STRATEGIES IN AFRICA: THE CASE FOR INDIGENOUS MEDIA Tendai Chari

University of Venda tendai.chari @univen.ac.za

ABSTRACT

The mass media have played a significant role in shaping public opinion and perceptions about climate change. However, the phenomenon is still misunderstood, particularly in Africa where an information lacuna about the science of climate change persists, owing to among other factors, socio-cultural, economic and structural factors. As a consequence, citizen engagement with climate change discourse is very minimal and awareness about its causes and risks remain marginal. Numerous studies have questioned the efficacy and professional ethos of the mass media in communicating climate change, with some scholars accusing the mass media of mis-communicating, mis-reporting, distortions or falsification (Henderson-Sellers 1998; Boykoff and Boykoff 2004; Antilla 2005) of climate change issues, thereby imposing barriers on the audience's ability to understand climate change. This article is a theoretical treatise on the efficacy of big media such as television, radio and newspapers in communicating climate change in the African context. The article contributes to the existing body of knowledge and debates on climate change through an interrogation of the epistemological assumptions embedded in contemporary climate change communication strategies epitomized by the obsession with 'big media' and how such assumptions militate against consensual participation and understanding of the climate change discourse. It advocates the integration of mass media with indigenous media in generating public engagement on climate change issues. The article uses biomass burning as a lens for canvassing the incorporation of indigenous media in existing strategies of communicating climate change. It argues that the communication of climate change science in Africa could be better served by integrating indigenous communication systems that embrace existing local knowledge in order to create more awareness and knowledge about climate change issues in Africa. As a component of indigenous Knowledge Systems (/KS), indigenous communication media have distinct characteristics that resonate with the lived experiences of the majority of African people and therefore more effective in communicating complex issues such as climate change. Keywords: Climate change, climate change communication, communi cation strategies, indigenous media, indigenous knowledge systems.

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INDILINGA - AFRICAN JOURNAL OF INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS Vol 15 (2) 2016

INTRODUCTION All too often, communication campaigns assume that mass media is the most effective way to reach the wide audiences needed for mobilization around climate change. The appeal of reaching large numbers through television, newspapers, and the internet glosses over the fact that information passed through media-ted channels is often 'consumed' without great attention, quickly discarded or ignored. It also tempts us to ignore the structural changes occurring in the media landscape that affect the quality and diversity of news occurring in the media landscape that affect the quality and diversity of news, and social divides (Moser and Dilling 2012, 168). The above statement succinctly captures the crux of the argument advanced in this article, in relation to the limitations of the mass media in communicating climate change science. Although it is acknowledged that the mass media are the main sources of information about climate change science, their effectiveness has been questioned, particularly in Africa where access to the mass media is low and illiteracy rates are high. The role of the mass media in climate change almost echoes the normative prescriptions of the media in other spheres of life and often foregrounds the informational and educational functions whereby the media create public awareness about climate change issues (Sampei and Aoyagi-Usui 2009). Sampei and Aoyagi-Usui (2009) note that media coverage of global warming has an immediate, albeit short-term influence on public awareness and concern about climate change. Research also shows that newspapers arethe most popular source of information about climate change for reporters (Antilla 2005). Further, Mosser and Dilling (2012) contend that mass communication is the most effective way to reach audiences on climate change. There is, however, concern that beneath this veneer of mass media efficacy in communicating climate change the mass media have serious limitations linked to their internal logic, politics, economics and professional considerations (Henderson-Sellers, 1998; Boykoff and Boykoff, 2004; Boykoff and Boykoff 2007; Antilla 2005). As a consequence, some scholars argue that although the mass media are important for agenda-setting, some modes of communication such as indigenous communication systems steeped in interpersonal communication are more effective in communicating climate science (Lee et al, cited in Moser and Dilling 2012, 168). To the extent that indigenous communication systems incorporate interpersonal modes of communication they are better suited to communicate a complex issue like climate change. Moser and Dilling (2012, 168) argue that several aspects of interpersonal communication make it more effective in communicating climate change compared to the mass media. These include the personal touch of interpersonal communication, the use of non-verbal cues as well as the fact that the direct communication allows dialogue to emerge between the communicator and his or her audience. The interactive approach of interpersonal communication


RETHINKING CLIMATE CHANGE COMMUNICATION STRATEGIES INAFRICA: THE CASE FOR INDIGENOUS MEDIA

also enables the establishment of rapport between the communicator and the audience through facilitation of a two-way participatory communication process which is the hallmark of indigenous communication systems. The indigenous communication media discussed in this article are components the African IKS with distinct characteristics that resonate with the lived experiences of the majority of African people, meaning that if integrated with the mass media, awareness campaigns on climate change could be more effective than is the case at the moment. Mutasa (2014, 2) notes that IKS is unique to a particular locality, is generated by local people and is passed on from one generation to the next. The article follows Mosser and Dilling's (2012) argument that the selection of an appropriate communication channel is crucial in communicating climate change because for messages to be effective, they should be tailor-made for a specific audience. The complexity of climate science issues dictates that climate change communication strategies should harness indigenous knowledge communication systems which have served the indigenous people of Africa, be they songs or folk theatrical performances which are able to address complex issues in a simpler way. This is because the numerous communication impediments associated with the mass media militate against effective communication of the climate change issue, particularly in situations where illiteracy and access to technology constitute barriers in communication. Some scholars have identified numerous structural and professional factors which limit the mass media's effectiveness in communicating climate science. Some studies found that many people misunderstood the science of climate change and got confused about the science of climate change (Sampei and Aoyagi-Usui 2009, 204). Boykoff and Boykoff (2004 ) who analysed the journalistic norm of balance as it related to the coverage of global warming by four prestigious US newspapers from 1998-2002 and concluded that: Adherence to the norm of balanced reporting leads to informationally biased coverage of global warming. This bias hidden behind the veil of journalistic balance behind the veil of journalistic balance creates both discourses and political spaces for the United States (US) government to shrink responsibility and delay action regarding global warming. Gelbspain, a long time US reporter and editor proposes that the ethic of journalistic balance should be evoked when the story involves opinion but then there is a question of fact that reporters should research the story to discover which claims are factual (cited in Antilla, 2005). Adherence to professional journalistic norms imposes barriers on effective communication of climate change, suggesting that the mass media are ill suited to disseminate information about climate change issues. Boykoff and Boykoff (2004) blame the faithful adherence of mass media to professional journalistic norms such as personalization, dramatization and novelty for the information deficit in the reportage of climate change. Thus the professional ethos and internal logic of the mass media hinder effective understanding of


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climate change due to misrepresentation and marginalisation of key issues in the climate change science. By viewing an episodic frame, the mass media tend to accentuate a micro rather than a macro picture climate change issues, meaning that stories on climate change lack continuity as they are steeped more in events rather than complex policy (Boykoff and Boykoff 2004). Boykoff and Boykoff (2004, 1191) contend that dramatized news eschews a more comprehensive analysis of "the enduring problems in favour of covering the spectacular machinations that sit at the surface of events". Thus, the less tantalizing a story on climate change is, the less it is likely to see the light of day in the mass media. The alarmist stance of the mass media means that for climate change stories to be part of the news agenda they must be alarmist, what Boykoff and Boykoff (2004, 1191) refer to as a form of "climate porn". Thus dramatization intersects with another contemporary journalistic norm (novelty) whereby climate change news must have some ingredients of the bizarre in order to be covered. The fact that the media are anti-chronic social problems means that stories that have already been discussed in the mass media are often overlooked since the media would be interested in 'fresh' stories or angles that might not have been discussed in the media. The media's obsession with episodic frames at the expense of thematic frames means that stories are not situated in a larger thematic context resulting in a shallow understanding of the political and economic dynamics of climate change. Adherence to the journalistic norm of "balance" means that the reporting of climate change issues relies more on expert voices, mainly government sources and think tank experts engaged in a duel. Boykoff and Boykoff argue that: In coverage of climate science balance can be seen as a crutch for reporters when they lack the requisite scientific background or knowledge, or are facing formidable time constraints. The tendency to personalize and the quest for balance leads to dueling between the proponents of climate change and climate change skeptics. The pseudo-balance allows a small clique of climate change skeptics to emerge from the conservative tanks to saturate their denialist view that global warming is not scientifically provable or that it is not a serious issue (Boykoff and Boykoff 2004, 1193). According toHenderson-Sellers (1998), mass media reporting of climate change issues is characterized by miscommunication, misrepresentation, mis-reporting and distortions, overstatements in news headlines, misquotation, misattribution,, inflation, falsification, over-assertion, over-scope, refocus, and addition which ultimately impose communication barriers on the audience's understanding of climate science, leading to the destruction of scientific consensus about climate change science. He notes that the presentation of the events in the newspapers differed in content, length and focus thus demonstrating that media communication of climate science was fraught with inaccuracies and did not use 'everyday language' (Henderson Sellers 1998, 431). Wilson (cited by Antilla, 2005) contends that confusion about climate change issues is exacerbated by reporters who misunderstand the basic



scientific principles of climate change. Moser and Dilling's contention that the role of communication in climate change is much broader than what is ordinarily assumed in communication campaigns as it goes beyond simply conveying information to, or persuading a passive receiver (Moser and Dilling 2012, 169). ...people in a democratic society are best served by actively engaging with an issue, making their voices and values heard, and contributing to the formulation of societal responses. Imposing a deluge of scientific facts and technocratic solutions on a populace without discussion and awareness of risks and choices is likely to lead to resistance and opposition ...Thus, effective communication serves two-way engagement, which - ultimately enables societal action. Given limited resources and attention spans, climate change communicators should re-examine their strategies in light of the insights from communication research. We must challenge our assumptions about climate change communication and knowledge its most useful modes and roles (Moser and Dilling 2012, 169). In view of the communication impediments imposed on the mass media in communicating climate science there is need to re-examine the communication strategies in climate change science with a view to increase citizen awareness and engagement on climate science issues. The article motivates the integration of indigenous media systems (oramedia) with the mass media in disseminating information on climate change. Indigenous media have the ability to integrate the socio-economic and linguistic milieu of indigenous communities and their historical locus in searching for indigenous solutions to indigenous problems. It has been observed that successful public communication campaigns rarely use the mass media alone, but "coordinate media efforts with a diverse mix of other communication channels, some interpersonal and some community-based, in order to extend the reach and frequency of the campaign's messages and to increase the probability that messages will successfully result in a change" (Chagutah 2009, 120). Chagutah (2009, 120) further notes that "mass and community media, small/ alternative media, cultural/traditional media and other communication contexts are best integrated to achieve the goals of development (support) communication". Although there are numerous types of indigenous media, in this article, only two forms, namely folk music and folk theatre are discussed to illustrate the efficacy of indigenous media in communicating climate change science. This article uses biomass burning a lens for generating insights on strategies of reducing the adverse effects ondegradation of the physical and human environment and climate change in Africa. INDIGENOUS MEDIA AS INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE SYSTEMS: THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS There are different definitions of indigenous media and terms such as "traditional media", "oramedia", "informal media", have been used interchangeably to refer to indigenous communication media (Nyamnjoh 1996; Panford, et al. 2001; Kumar 2006, Sreekumar 2007).


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Ansu-Kyeremeh (cited by Panford et al. 2001, 1560) defines indigenous media as "any form of endogenous communication system which, by virtue of its origin from, and integration into a specific culture, serves as a channel for messages in a way and manner that requires the utilization of the values, symbols, institutions, and ethos of the host culture through its unique qualities and attributes". Such media includes a repertoire of traditional modes of communication that evolve from the everyday interactions such as puppet shows, proverbs, song, dance, drama, street theatre and others. Because these modes of communication are embedded in the social, cultural and psychological fabric of the common man they resonate with the everyday experiences of the ordinary people in Africa. Uguboajah (cited by Nyamnjoh 1996, 10) characterizes indigenous media (he calls it oramedia) as "... grounded on indigenous culture", (sic) "... visible cultural features, often strictly conventioned, by which social relationships and a worldview are maintained and defined" and "rich in symbolism". They can be used to communicate serious issues, albeit in a light-hearted manner, thus indigenous media can be effective ways of disseminating information about developmental issues in an entertaining way. The perceived advantages of indigenous media have led development communication scholars to motivate for the deployment of indigenous media in mobilizing communities towards developmental goals. Kumar (2006) argues that the development witnessed in rural India was partly due to the use of indigenous media to complement the mass media since India has got a high level of illiteracy. He argues that: Traditional media are close to the hearts and minds of the people, so there (sic) appeal is personal, intimate level. Further, familiar format and content, as also colloquial dialects used (sic). Make (sic) the clarity in the communication cross-cultural hurdles are not encountered here. The numerous groups and different forms available for specific homogenous groups and for specific purposes can be exploited to cater to people of different region. Rapport is immediate and dialects (sic) the barriers to communication non-existent (Kumar 2006, 95). Thus immediacy, impersonality and diversity are some of the prized attributes that make indigenous media more appropriate for disseminating climate change issues, particularly in regions characterized by high levels of illiteracy and linguistic diversity as is the case in many Sub-Saharan countries. Panford et al. (2001) demonstrate how the integration of indigenous media with broadcast media in HIV and Aids programmes holds the promise for reducing the risk of HIV and Aids infection in Africa. They argue that the power of indigenous media on health education has been neglected in Western literature because they are often regarded as "folktales, myths, and other fantasies that are individual representations of social events and occurrences and therefore have no or limited educational value". Their argument that folktales are collective constructions of the mind that "figuratively explain aspects of rural folk ways and



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at the same time delight their recipients" (Panford et al. 2001, 1560) suggests that indigenous media are more appropriate for addressing communities because they are able to do so in a language and idiom that the audience are familiar with. The strengths of indigenous media in addressing practical developmental issues witnessed in health communication can be replicated in climate change since the basic underlying philosophy is that performers in oramedia act as role models from whom the their audience learn (Panford, 2001). The potential of indigenous media in influencing individual and social change has been acknowledged by McBride (cited by Kumar 2006, 97), who point out that traditional forms of communication can be effective in dispelling the superstitious, archaic and unscientific perceptions that may act as obstacles to development. There is more to be gained if indigenous media are given equal recognition as modern mass media in order to promote indigenous cultures and consciousness raising as advocated by Freire (cited by Srampickal 2006, 3) since they are effective vehicles for participatory development and information-sharing. INDIGENOUS MEDIA AS VEHICLES FOR COMMUNICATING CLIMATE SCIENCE Critics of the modernization paradigm of development posit that many developmental initiatives in Africa have failed because of their prescription of linear developmental communication models that alienate traditional African communication practices and norms (see Melkote 1991; Servaes 1999; Melkote and Steeves 2001; Mefalopulos 2003; Servaes 2003; Mefalopulos and Kamulongera 2005; Srampickal 2006; Tufte and Mefalopulos, 2009). Dependency theorists accentuate the importance of the link between communication and culture. Inspired by the dependency approach and building on the work of Paulo Freire, some development communication scholars have advocated for a participatory communication paradigm, which, according to some scholars, entails "...the mobilization of people to eliminate unjust hierarchies of knowledge, power, and economic distribution" (Tufte and Mefelopulos, 2009, 4). Some critics argue that the modernization model of development and communication is "ethnocentric, linear, acontextual, and hierarchical" (Wilkins 2008, 1) while the participatory model emphasizes direct participation by beneficiaries of development and the use of "small media" for awareness raising and conscietization. Unlike the modernization paradigm, the participation communication model conceives communication as dialogical rather than a monologue, thereby enabling beneficiaries of development "...to define who they are, what they need and how to get what they need in order to improve their own lives" (Tufte and Mefalopulos 2009, 2). Citizens are actively involved in the identification of problems, the development of solutions and implementation of strategies to address their problems. Thus, citizens are active agents rather than passive agents of change. The dialogical approach of indigenous media is more suited to communicating climate science


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issues because it incorporates local knowledge as opposed to the mass media which alienates it through its linear and patronizing approach. The indigenous people of Africa have harmoniously co-existed with the physical and natural habitat since they regard it as the foundation of life, as it provides them with food, air, medicines, building materials, and minerals to mention only a few (Tsokodayi, 2010). Such harmony is evidenced by the existence of practices enshrined in religion and cultural beliefs and superstitions enforced by taboos that were meant to maintain ecological biodiversity (Ntiamoa-Baidu, 1995). Ntiamoa-Baidu notes how the system of totems among many African clans helped conserve the environment whereby people of a certain clan have a wild animal or plant species as their symbol to guard against extinction of those animals or plant species (Ntiamoa-Baidu 1995, 1). Thus, in Ghana small patches of forest were set aside as sacred lands were protected by customary law as burial sites, or shrines or burial places for royal families (Ntiamoa-Baidu 1995, 1). Although the taboos had no legal force, they were strong enough to deter people from engaging in activities that disturbed ecological balance and biodiversity. This clearly demonstrates that African peoples have always been conscious of the imperative to conserve the environment. Communication strategies on climate science would be more effective if they incorporate the already existing general knowledge and wisdom on climate change rather than assuming that all the knowledge about climate science comes from the mass media. Dialogue, which was defined by Freire as "...the encounter between men in order to name the world ..." (cited in Tufte and Mefalopulos 2009, 10) is the cornerstone of indigenous communication systems. It entails voicing the voiceless so that they are able to define their problems. Unlike modernization models of development which emphasize the role of the big media such as radio, television and newspapers in development the horizontal communication models of participatory communication accentuate traditional media and other media grounded on indigenous cultures of the African continent. The numerous constraints of the big media in communicating climate science discussed above (see also Hornik, Wilkins, Servaes, cited in Srampickal 2006, 4) solidifies the case for re-activating indigenous communication media such as theatre, song, and dance in the communication of climate science. BIOMASS BURNING: A CONUNDRUM FOR SUB-SAHARAN AFRICA Biomass burning is increasingly coming under the spotlight as one of the biggest potential threats to the human and physical environments globally, not least in Sub-Saharan Africa. One of the most visible manifestations of this problem in Sub-Saharan Africa, which is characterized by extensive swathes of savanna grasslands has been high incidences of veld fires. Although Africa's contribution of anthropogenic greenhouse gases is still very small (constituting about 4% of global emissions) (Makundi, 1998) its potential to increase greenhouse gas emissions is huge on account of its extensive savanna grasslands, persistent



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dependence on primary resources for subsistence, dependence on biomass as a primary source of energy and poor land use patterns (Makundi 1998). Chigurah and Jerie (2010, 14) have observed that Sub-Saharan Africa extensive biomass degradation with about 1.7 million square kilometres, which constitutes about 17% of land area burning annually. Xiande et al., (2000, 135) note that the biomass burned and carbon released from savanna fires three times larger than those from rainforests adding that "Savanna is recognized as the primary source of biomass burning, and two thirds of the earth's savannas are in Africa" (Xiande et al. 2000, 135). Conway (2009) concurs, noting that Africa contributes a significant amount of greenhouse gases through biomass burning and wind-borne aerosols. Deforestation, logging activities and temporary conversion of forests to croplands and pastures cause tropical lands to release large quantities of carbon. The actual impact of the aerosols produced through fossil fuel burning and their effect on atmospheric and terrestrial heat budget falls outside the purview of this chapter. Suffice to say that, it has been noted that, in certain circumstances some aerosols reflect incoming radiation, thus cooling the planet, but in other situations they trap heat resulting in the greenhouse effect. Apart from destruction of the infrastructure, biomass burning has serious adverse impacts on the climate. According to meteorological scientists, the range of negative effects of global warming include rising sea levels due to rising sea temperatures, frequent droughts and flooding, and desertification, to mention just a few (Tadesse 2010). Increasing food insecurity in some parts of Africa, resulting in famine is one of the consequences linked to the negative impacts of global warming. For instance, the Sahel drought which severely affected the Darfur region in 1984/5, resulting in the death of 95, 000 people, was a result of climate change (Conway 2009, 15). The catastrophic impacts of the fossil fuel burning on the environment in general, and climate change in particular necessitates a change in strategy so that interventions to mitigate fossil fuel burning become part of the hazard mapping strategies, since prevention is better than cure. Such preventive strategies should include information dissemination strategies that resonate with the lived experiences of the generality of the African populace, i.e. using platforms that have the capacity to "speak to the common man in his language, and idioms, dealing with problems that are directly relevant to his situation" (Uguboaja, cited in Nyamnjoh 1996, 10). COMMUNICATING CLIMATE SCIENCE THROUGH FOLK MUSIC Music has always been an integral component of human existence in Africa. It is used to express happiness or sorrow and is an indispensable element of social and cultural activities. Incorporating music in environmental conservation programmes such as biomass burning could be one way of resuscitating time tested environmental conservation strategies that are embedded in people's everyday experiences and culture. For Sreekumar, the strength of folk music


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is in the fact that "...it is remembered more faithfully because to the folk singer the whole meaning of the song is emotional rather than logical. The appeal lies in the elemental simplicity of the musical styles that make the people involve in group behavior'' (Sreekumar 2007, 3). From time immemorial music has been used to pass knowledge about environmental conservation strategies from one generation to another. In Zimbabwe, the song "Ndiani apisa motd' {Who has caused a veld fire?) was part and parcel of traditional dances and other social gatherings in some parts of the country {The Herald, 2011). The song is part of Shona folklore meant to conscientize the public about the hazards of veld fires. In the song, a member of the village is asked to climb up a tall tree and alert other people back home to inform local chiefs, Dendera and Nematombo, so that they can organize manpower to put out the raging fire {The Herald, 2011). The persona in the song asks who is responsible for the fire and admonishes someone to go up a hilly place and spread the message about the raging fire. The song shows how serious the issue of veld fires was taken in traditional Shona society. {Shona is the main indigenous language spoken in Zimbabwe followed by Ndebele.) It was taboo to start a veld fire and ancestral spirits would become angry and Chiefs were usually held accountable for such transgressions (The Herald, 2011). In fact, starting a fire was "tantamount to murder" {The Herald, 2011). The same concerns raised about the dangers of lighting fires such as the fear of destroying flora and fauna are the ones which drive initiatives to curb biomass burning in contemporary Africa. This shows that environmental conservation practices were intricately interwoven with traditional African culture. As noted by The Herald (2011), the song was used to create awareness about veld fires as starting a fire was "tantamount to murder during those days". Environmental agencies in many African countries appear to put more premium on the modern mass media and legal methods to ensure compliance with environmental conservation but there is very little headway made because these strategies alienate local communities rather than treating them as stakeholders. For example, while officiating a fire fighting ceremony at a farm in August 2011, the Zimbabwe Minister of Environment and Natural Resources Management, Mr. Francis Nhema, is reported to have urged traditional leaders "to be tough on veld fires and impose heavy fines on those willfully starting veld fires" (The Herald, 2011). Such draconian methods are unlikely to work particularly in small villages and communities whereby people have strong kinship ties and solidarity, meaning that people are unlikely to report one another to the police. But if the same message is communicated in the form of song and dance at a burial society function or club meeting the message will make more impact because of the participatory nature of song and dance. As societies transform aspects of folk music such as the one discussed above can be adapted for the modern mass



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media for wider dissemination of messages. Recorded traditional songs that address environmental conservation issues can be played on television and radio as a way of educating people about biomass burning and its consequences on the physical environment. As integral components of the people's culture, indigenous media, in their various forms have served the indigenous populations of Africa from immemorial. They have been used to express social, ritual, moral and emotional needs of the people and can still be used to address the myriad of developmental challenges confronting the continent today. Yet, many African countries face serious financial resource constraints to spearhead campaigns aimed at mitigating biomass degradation in the bud, particularly in the countryside where the majority of people live. In Zimbabwe, the Environmental Management Act sets the fine for deliberately starting a fire between July 31 and October 31 at USD5000, but the problem of veld fires in the country has been worsening over the years, meaning that attitudes towards veld fires have not changed significantly. As recent as September 2011, a high ranking official of the Forestry Company of Zimbabwe told the government-owned daily newspaper, The Herald that: We have discovered that after all our efforts to educate our people on the dangers of bush-fires, nothing is changing ...We are dealing with hardcore offenders who believe that putting bushes on fire is their way of life. Putting such people in jail is the only possible solution (The Herald, 27 August, 2011).This statement shows that authorities in Zimbabwe are frustrated by the ineffectiveness of existing strategies in combating veld fires, and might be an indication that there is need to look for alternative solutions to combat veld fires. Against this background, it is imperative to harness indigenous media as complementary communication vehicles for creating awareness climate science related issues such as biomass burning. Such indigenous media include music, dance, drama, theatre, proverbs, puppet shows. Biomass burning can only be prevented by integrating strategies that promote and empower, rather than alienate indigenous cultures. THEATRICALJDRAMATIC PERFORMANCES

Dramatic performances such as puppetry, dramas and popular theatre have vast potential to change people's attitudes about the hazards of biomass burning if they are given proper attention. Through dramatic performances, one will be able to communicate serious social issues, albeit in a light hearted manner. Cost effective productions dramatizing the causes, impact and hazards of biomass burning on climate change and the environment can be produced. The participatory nature of dramatic performances means that communities can be involved in all stages of the production - starting from information analysis through the performance stage up to the evaluation stage whereby actors


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brainstorm about solutions to curb biomass burning. Involving local communities also means that there will be a proper diagnosis of the problems as people would be able to express themselves on issues around fossil fuel burning rather than for "experts" from outside to come and pontificate to them about their experiences. Travelling theatre, such as the Marotholi Travelling theatre in Lesotho (Mda 1993) or the Free Travelling theatre in Kenya (Guntenaar 1986) are some of the communication vehicles that can be adapted to educate people about biomass burning. Travelling theatre uses indigenous performance modes with which rural communities are familiar thus enabling the communities to participate in all aspects of the performance (Mda 1993, 65). The advantage of theatre is that communities can be involved in all the five stages of play production, namely information gathering, information analysis, story improvisation, rehearsal and performance (Mda 1993). After the performance of the play, both actors and spectators can engage in discussions on a problem such as biomass burning and can brainstorm on mitigation options to mitigate the effects of greenhouse gases. Plays can be performed to demonstrate the various agricultural and land use activities that can lead to reduced emissions of greenhouse gases. Folk theatre can be adapted into even higher stages of participatory theatre whereby members of the community themselves become the performers rather than outsiders (Mda 1993). That way, there will be no permanent actor or spectator and improvisation takes place throughout the duration of the production. Inthe context of biomass burning awareness campaign this means that members of the community participate in gathering background information about the context, causes, and consequences of biomass burning in their communities so that they have an in-depth understanding of the problem at hand. They are also involved in the analysis of the information, improvisation of a story, doing rehearsals, acting and engage in discussions where solutions to curb biomass burning are suggested by the communities themselves. Boal (cited in Mda 1993, 66) has developed a method of transforming spectators into actors. Through "simultaneous dramaturgy, a catalyst or expert performs a short scene suggested by a local person, pauses the action at a crisis point and asks the audience to suggest solutions. The actors become some kind of puppets who perform the action as ordered by the spectators and the best solution is arrived at through trial and error, discussion, and audience consensus" (Mda 1993, 66). The involvement of local communities means that folk theatre, unlike the glamorous mass media, have adirect, intimate and spontaneous effect. Members of the community engage in self-education through familiar performance modes which resonate with their lived experience. Programmes such as the National Tree Planting Day in Zimbabwe, which is held on the first Saturday in December annually are highly publicized through the



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modern mass media, but very little is known about them in the rural areas where the majority of people live because the media are not quite accessible there and yet it is in the rural areas where much of the biomass burning takes place. In order to enhance their effectiveness, it would be ideal to involve rural people through collective and participatory theatre where people can share information about the benefits of afforestation programmes, substitution of non-renewable with renewable sources of energy, forest protection and conservation and other initiatives that will lead to the use of biomass. Through participation, members of the public are likely to appreciate the necessity of reducing biomass burning than using the big media, which usually treat the National Tree Planting Day as a one-day-event rather than a continuous process. Unlike the big media, which are produced by experts who have very little in common with their target audience, folk theatre does not make a distinction between the producers and consumers of messages. As a result, the artificial "Berlin Wall" which separates the producer and consumer does not exist, meaning that there is more rapport and less suspicion between the communicator and the audience. Apart from an inherent participatory approach folk theatre utilizes language that is familiar to the target audience, unlike the mass media which are formal. Folk theatre sometimes uses local dialects and formats that local communities are familiar with. This enhances the clarity of the messages unlike the mass media which use languages that communities may not be conversant with. The linguistic diversity of the African continent makes it difficult for certain communities to access mass media content. Using folk theatre to tackle issue biomass burning may entail customizing some theatrical productions for particular linguistic communities in in different parts of the country or continent. The fact that folk theatre involves performance (usually accompanied by song, dance and story-telling) further helps to remove communication barriers. Gestures and dramatizations enhance clarity of messages. Because folk theatre is flexible it can be performed anywhere using different actors but having the same effect. A performance can be taken to every part of the country its content can be altered as dictated by the exigencies of time and place. Unlike with the mass media, feedback is immediate when using folk theatre. It is possible to gauge what people think about a particular issue immediately after a theatrical performance than when using newspapers and television or radio. Other considerations like literacy, access to telephones and computers further limit feedback when using the mass media, but through a theatrical performance one is able to gauge attitudes about, say the consequences of biomass burning on climate change or flora and fauna. In the age of multi-media, folk theatrical performances can be adapted for other media, be it radio, television or video thereby making sure that the same


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message is disseminated to a wider audience. Through translation or subtitling in various indigenous languages recorded theatrical performances can be disseminated to a wider audience as well. CONCLUDING REMARKS

This article makes a case for the integration of indigenous communication with modern media for the effective communication of climate change science. Its objective is to trigger debate on the epistemological foundation of current communication strategies of communicating climate change issues in the African context. The article uses biomass burning as a lens for this analysis. The article locates indigenous media in the realm of indigenous knowledge arguing that indigenous media such asfolk music andtheatrical/dramatic performances should be harnessed for the effective communication of climate change issues. The article argues that indigenous media remain relevant in addressing information deficit about environmental sciences issues such as climate change because of their capacity to address issues in an idiom that resonates with African people's culture and cosmology. Although the article does not necessarily advocate the jettisoning of the mass media in communicating climate change issues, it argues that the 'modern' mass media are prone to numerous constraints that impose barriers in the communication of climate science. Such barriers are linked to the internal logics of the mass media, their professional and ethical ethos as well as the high levels of illiteracy on the African continent. Illiteracy and language impediments play havoc with the effective communication of complex issues such as climate change. Integrating indigenous media in climate change public communication campaigns offsets the weaknesses of the mass media which accentuate a top-down approach to message construction. The imperative to tap into the time-tested wisdom embedded in indigenous media should not be misconstrued as another attempt to excavate "African myths and forgotten rituals" (Mda 1993, 47), but rather rests on a pragmatic premise that many elements of indigenous African culture remain relevant in the ever dynamic and globalizing world, and can be adapted and blended with "modern culture" to increase public awareness about climate change, thus bringing to bear hybridized forms of knowledge in addressing contemporary sustainable developmental challenges confronting communities globally.


RETHINKING CLIMATE CHANGE COMMUNICATION STRATEGIESIN AFRICA: THE CASE FOR INDIGENOUS MEDIA

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