Review Author(s): Roger Rouse Review by

Review Author(s): Roger Rouse Review by: Roger Rouse Source: Contemporary Sociology, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Jan., 1994), pp. 57-59 Published by: American Sociological Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2074867 Accessed: 19-03-2016 09:05 UTC

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58 REVIEWS

complex, multifaceted account that moves

although their limited success was principally

from topical studies of migration, domestic

the result of the constraints imposed by

violence, networks, gossip, and pornography,

constant U.S. pressure and conservative

through dialogically structured biographies,

opposition at home, it also reflected problems

to a trio of more analytical chapters that

in their approach. While challenging the

combine theoretical reflection with a system-

prejudice directed at the Atlantic Coast

atic exploration of Nicaraguan racism and

minorities, they left the broader system of

machismo.

colorism intact, and, while moving against

Theoretically, Lancaster blends praxis-

the gendered dimensions of machismo, they

oriented Marxism with the poststructuralism

failed to devote the same energy to contesting

of Barthes, Foucault, and the early Baudril-

those aspects dealing with sexuality. Perhaps

lard. Starting from the proposition that people

most important, even their concerted attack

produce their lives in a manner that is

on gender inequalities was ultimately too

simultaneously material and symbolic, but

limited.

under conditions that they do not freely

choose, he argues that every socioeconomic

formation combines a series of analytically

distinct, but mutually dependent, "systems of

This last criticism leads Lancaster to a

subtle reading of the Sandinistas' electoral

defeat in 1990. Although he attributes the loss

primarily to U.S. influence, he argues that the

power," that each system shapes social

Sandinistas might still have prevailed if their

relations and material possibilities by impos-

approach to gender issues had been more

ing arbitrary and unequal values on different

sensitive. By failing to address the ways in

qualities or positions, and that, in the case of

which the persistence of machismo obliged

gender, sexuality, and race, this is done

women and children to bear a disproportion-

principally through a productive encoding of

ate share of the country's mounting hardships

bodies and their modes of interaction.

and by running a presidential campaign that

In analyzing the codes that currently

dominate Nicaraguan life, Lancaster stresses

both their cultural specificity and their

continued to rely on the symbolic trappings of

assertive masculinity, they made it easy for

the conservative, Violeta Chamorro, to appro-

historical depth. He argues that the racism

priate popular images linking motherhood to

directed by mestizos at the darker skinned

nurture and domestic peacemaking and, in so

groups on the Atlantic Coast is part of a more

doing, to mobilize the growing frustrations

general "colorism" developed in the early

and resistances provoked by economic crisis

stages of Spanish colonization. Privileging

and a divisive war.

whiteness over blackness in any setting, this

There is much to ponder in this complex

system is used as much among mestizos as in

book, and much to debate. I wonder to what

their dealings with others and serves to mark

extent the sharp edges of Lancaster's Marx-

contextually dependent differences rather than

ism are blunted by his attempt to achieve a

fixed and lasting identities. Similarly, Nicara-

full synthesis with poststructuralism. Exploi-

guan machismo, also forged in the crucible of

tation dissolves into oppression, contradiction

conquest, depends on a broad contrast

is reduced to multiplicity and difference, and

between aggressive action and passivity,

agency passes rapidly from people to power

associates proper masculinity solely with the

and its codes, returning to actors only in the

former, and organizes relations not only

diminished form of resistance. At the same

between men and women but also among

time, I am unsure how to reconcile the

men, privileging the active, penetrating ma-

historical proposition that colorism and ma-

chista in a contextually specific manner over

chismo have remained essentially unchanged

the passive, penetrated cocho'n.

Faced with these deeply entrenched sys-

tems of embodied power, how did the

since the early stages of the Spanish conquest,

the theoretical claim that class relations and

other systems of power are inextricably

Sandinistas fare? As Lancaster indicates, they

linked, and the obvious fact that Nicaragua's

tried hard to improve the situation, particu-

class structure has undergone major transfor-

larly regarding gender and race. Yet the

mations over the last four centuries. Finally, I

evidence he garnered during fieldwork sug-

wonder to what extent broader and more

gests that their efforts had little effect on

complex notions of proper masculinity have

popular attitudes and practices. Moreover,

been reduced-in Lancaster's analysis, in the


REVIEWS 59

rhetorical dimensions of contemporary strug-

importance of the issue for sociology and to

gle, or in life itself-to the narrow emphasis

put forth a revised definition of the nation.

on aggression suggested by "machismo," a

Schnapper reviews the two opposing concep-

term that has been taken up only recently in

tions which originated in the eighteenth

Nicaraguan discourse.

Yet doubt and disagreement should not

imply dislike. Lancaster's text is impressive

in a multitude of ways. He moves fluidly

between complex theorizing and compelling

century and competed throughout the nine-

teenth and twentieth centuries. Germany

witnessed the development of an ethnic

definition of the nation based on belonging to

the people (Volk) and on language, culture,

evocations of people's daily lives. He indi-

and shared origins. The French Revolution

cates his commitments and vulnerabilities and

produced a political definition of the nation as

his role in the dialogical production of

the expression of the common will (see

knowledge without ever falling into reflexive

Jean-Jacques Rousseau). The author shows

self-indulgence. His careful attention to the

how these conceptions, at first articulated by

contingent symbols of campaigning provides

philosophers, were then institutionalized in

a timely challenge to those facile narratives

nationality law. Even today, France and

that stamp popular revolutions with the

Germany are still opposed on this issue. The

inevitability of defeat. And, in probing so

principle of jus sanguinis remains the essen-

thoroughly the multiple inequalities that scar

tial foundation of German nationality law,

the Nicaraguan landscape, he strives not only

which places considerable constraints on

to understand what happened under the

foreigners' access to citizenship. France, on

Sandinistas but also to generate models that

the contrary, privileges jus soli. Of 30,000

might make the next attempt at revolutionary

children born in France of foreign parents,

transformation more effective and more

less than 2,000 will not become French;

lasting. This is partisan scholarship at its best.

whereas in Germany, only 1,000 out of

I recommend it highly.

40,000 children born of Turkish parents

eventually become citizens. The argument is

then extended to several other countries,

particularly Great Britain (which differs from

France and Germany in that citizenship is not

primarily dependent on nationality) and the

United States, with both nations assigning

-El much more importance to ethnicity than is the

case in continental Europe.

The book then turns to the study of the La France de l'integration: Sociologie de la

French nation itself. The main institutions nation en 1990, by Dominique Schnapper.

which contribute to social integration are Paris: Editions Gallimard, 1991. 374 pp. NPL

examined: the welfare state, family, religion. paper. ISBN: 2-07-072174-4.

From this the author concludes that national

L'Europe des immigre's, by Dominique integration has increased at certain levels (by

Schnapper. Paris: Frangois Bourin, 1992. 196 reducing social inequality, attenuating re-

pp. NPL paper. ISBN: 2-87686-117-8. gional differences as well as demographic

variations, between the rich and the poor) but

GERARD NOIRIEL

regressed at others. Increasing unemployment

Ecole Normale Supe'rieure

has caused many to lose their social rights and

marginalized them. Schnapper is absolutely

The subtitle, "sociology of the nation," is a

correct in pointing out that, in France, the

more accurate illustration of the book's

problem of the integration of immigrants is

subject than the title, La France de l'integra-

really a reflection of the problems affecting

tion. The author, director of studies at the

French society in general rather than a

Ecole des Hautes Etudes in Paris, starts with

dilemma facing a specific group. If we take as

the observation that until recently sociologists

an example educational performance and

have paid more attention to groups and to

social mobility, immigrants are just as

social classes than to national questions. The

successful as native French citizens of the

object of the book is to underscore the

same social background. Also, the second
