Roma y las provincias

Roma y las provincias: modelo y difusión Editoras Trinidad Nogales Isabel Rodà

I

Edición del volumen: Trinidad Nogales Isabel Rodà Coordinación editorial: María José Pérez del Castillo Diseño y maquetación: Ceferino López Proyecto PRI06B286 Foros Romanos de Extremadura. Análisis y Difusión del Patrimonio Extremeño. Vicepresidencia Segunda y Consejería de Economía, Comercio e Innovación de la Junta de Extremadura. Proyecto PRI09A140 Arte Romano en Extremadura I. Creación de modelos en el occidente hispano. Vicepresidencia Segunda y Consejería de Economía, Comercio e Innovación de la Junta de Extremadura. Proyecto HAR2009-08727 Programas decorativos en Lusitania romana: origen y evolución. Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación. GRUPO DE ESTUDIOS DEL MUNDO ANTIGUO HUM-016 Proyecto HAR2008-04600 Explotación, uso e intercambio de materias primas inorgánicas en el norte de Hispania y los puertos de Roma. Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación. Proyecto HAR2009-10798 Antiguo o moderno. Encuadre de la escultura de estilo clásico en su periodo correspondiente. Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación.

XI COLOQUIO INTERNACIONAL DE ARTE ROMANO PROVINCIAL Instituciones Organizadoras:

Instituciones Colaboradoras:

Hispania Antigua, collana diretta da Julián González, Universidad de Sevilla - Departamento de Filología Griega y Latina. Roma y las provincias: modelo y difusión. (Hispania Antigua, Serie Arqueológica, 3) ISBN 978-88-8265-602-7 Copyright 2011 © “LÉRMA” di BRETSCHNEIDER Via Cassiodoro, 19 – 00193 Roma http://www.lerma.it Tutti diritti riservati. É vietata la riproduzione di testi e illustrazioni senza il permesso scrittto dellÉditore. Los textos e ilustraciones de este volumen son responsabilidad de sus respectivos autores. Impresión: Artes Gráficas Rejas (Mérida). Fotografía cubierta: Cabeza velada de Augusto. Museo Nacional de Arte Romano. Fotografía: Ceferino López.

Roma y las provincias: modelo y difusión Trinidad Nogales Isabel Rodà Editoras

Vol. I

Índice

VOLUMEN I 17

Presentación

CONFERENCIA DE INAUGURACIÓN 23

Pilar León-Castro Alonso: Arte romano provincial: nuevo enfoque y valoración.

ITALIA, REGIO X 43

Lucrezia Ungaro: Il cantiere del Foro di Augusto, luogo di sperimentazione e modello formale.

63

Antonio Monterroso: Dos imágenes simbólicas. Las estatuas de las puertas regias de los teatros de Marcelo y Arles.

71

Paolo Barresi: La “colonna coclide” di Catania: una testimonianza delle officine marmorarie neoattiche in Sicilia.

79

Daniele Malfitana y Carmela Franco: “Archeologia dell’artigianato” nella provincia Sicilia: Nuove prospettive di indagine dal “Roman Sicily Project: ceramics and trade ”.

93

Paolo Casari: Iuppiter Ammon e Medusa nella decorazione architettonica forense dell’Adriatico nordorientale.

101

Fulvia Ciliberto: Viri togati: forme di auto-rappresentazione delle élites locali ad Aquileia.

111

Erwin Pochmarski: Die girlandentragenden Eroten vom Forum in Aquileia. Reliefs zwischen der stadtrömischen und der provinzialrömischen Kunst.

121

Vesna Girardi Jurkić: Statues of Roman Emperors in Pula, Croatia.

129

Kristina Džin: Architectural Decoration of the Capitoline Temples in the Roman Colony Iulia Pola and the Municipality of Nesactium.

137

Alka Starac: Roman sculpture in Pula: the first results of petrographical analysies.

ORIENS 149

Georgia A. Aristodemou: Sculptured decoration of monumental nymphaea at the eastern provinces of the Roman Empire.

161

Ilona Skupinska-Lovset: The Roman Period Funerary Portraiture in Provincia Syria. A Question of Social Functionality.

169

Filippo Masino y Giorgio Sobrà: A monumental altar from the Hadrianic age at Hierapolis in Phrygia.

183

Emanuele M. Ciampini: Riflessi imperiali in Sudan: i complessi palatini del Gebel Barkal (Napata).

GALLIAE 193

Alain Badie, Jean-Charles Moretti, Emmanuelle Rosso y Dominique Tardy: L’ornementation de la frons scaenae du théâtre d’Orange: L’élévation de la zone centrale.

203

Djamila Fellague y Renaud Robert: La frise ornée sur l’une des arcades du forum de Vienne: des représentations du dieu taurin à l’époque julio-claudienne.

213

Melanie Jonasch: Broterwerb und Weinkonsum. Zur Prominenz des Bechers auf den Grabstelen des römerzeitlichen Burgund.

223

Marianne Tabaczek: Mythologische Themen an Grabdenkmälern der Gallia Belgica.

233

Maria-Pia Darblade-Audoin: Remarques préliminaires à l’étude des sculptures du sanctuaire gallo-romain de Titelberg (Luxembourg).

241

Markus Trunk: Ein neues Relief mit Kampfszenen aus Trier.

251

Hannelore Rose: Typologie und Realität – Zwei Aspekte römischer Kunst, aufgezeigt am Beispiel der Grabreliefs aus Metz.

GERMANIA 263

Titus A.S.M. Panhuysen: The Maastricht gigantomachy capital and its models.

273

Alfred Schäfer: Votivbleche aus Blei, Silber und Gold. Überregionale Verbreitung und lokale Formensprache.

279

Ute Klatt: Barbarendarstellungen im Norden des Römischen Reichs. Ein Motiv zwischen öffentlichem Herrschaftsanspruch und dem Repräsentationsbedürfnis Einzelner.

DALMATIA, NORICVM, PANNONIA, MOESIA, THRACIA 291

Mirjana Sanader: Neue Überlegungen über eine Statue aus Aequum in Dalmatien.

297

Bruna Nardelli: Il modello della capitale e la produzione glittica in Dalmatia.

305

Jasna Jeličić-Radonić: Venus Victrix in the Salona Urbs Orientalis.

313

Manfred Hainzmann: Die norische Grabstele aus Lebing (Steiermark) und ihre chronologische Einordnung.

323

Ante Rendić-Miočević: Marble Altars of Cautes and Cautopates from the surroundings of Čakovec in Northwest Croatia.

337

Mojca Vomer Gojkovič: Shapes of roman architectonic elements from Poetovio.

345

Ivan Žižek: The Roman Ceramic Arts from Poetovio.

351

Marija Buzov: The stone monuments from Siscia.

359

Ivana Popović: Gemma Augustea and Late Antique Marble Relief from Vicinity of Sirmium.

365

Annamária R. Facsády: Statuettes et reliefs de Venus à Aquincum, Budapest.

373

Piotr Dyczek: The “odd adventures” of Maximinus Thrax in Novae.

385

Aleksandra Nikoloska: The iconography of Magna Mater on the monuments from the Republic of Croatia.

395

Consuelo Manetta: Sistemi decorativi delle tombe dipinte di età tardo antica e paleocristiana della Bulgaria: una proposta di classificazione tipologica.

DACIA, DARDANIA, GRAECIA 409

Exhlale Dobruna-Salihu: Coiffure of women on the stone monuments in Dardania.

419

Margherita Bonanno Aravantinos: Trofei di età romana della Beozia: una base da Livadeià.

429

Iphigeneia Leventi: Roman Sculptures from the Sea off the Island of Kythnos, Greece.

AFRICA, AEGYPTVS 439

Matthew M. McCarty: Beyond models and diffusion, centres and peripheries: religious art in Roman Africa.

449

José Ramón Aja Sánchez: Uso político de la religión: estelas de ofrenda del “faraón” Augusto.

463

Myriam Wissa: Embellishing Rome: Imperial consumption of Egypt’s granite Obelisks.

VARIA 473

Annarena Ambrogi: Ricezione in ambito periferico e provinciale dei modelli urbani: il caso dei labra marmorei.

485

Mihai Bărbulescu: Libera dans les provinces romaines. Une divinité et plusieurs models iconographiques.

495

Michael J. Klein: Altares en Roma, en Italia y en las provincias. La decoración figurativa de los pulvinos.

503

Claire K. Lindgren: Meanings and Implications in Changing Depictions of Aphrodite/Venus.

511

Teodora Olteanu: Aportaciones sobre el prototipo de la Victoria de la Curia Iulia.

519

Beatrice Palma Venetucci: Un modello celebre: le Cariatidi dell’Eretteo a Roma tra spazio pubblico e privato, loro diffusione in Spagna.

531

Anna Paule: Some fragments of Roman equestrian bronze statues: an overview about their origin and diffusion.

541

María Isabel Rodríguez López: Iconografía de Océano en el Imperio Romano: el modelo metropolitano y sus interpretaciones provinciales.

551

Alberto Sevilla Conde: Difusión de los modelos clásicos en la iconografía del poder a través de la Historia.

559

Fabrizio Slavazzi: Circolazione di tipi scultorei fra Roma e le province: su alcune copie di opere di età classica e sul loro “monopolio”.

567

Monika Verzár-Bass: Acheloos associato a Juppiter Ammon nell’edilizia pubblica romana.

VOLUMEN II HISPANIAE HISPANIA: BAETICA 595

Ana Ruiz y Desiderio Vaquerizo: Topografía y espacios funerarios en Baetica: matices provinciales.

605

Lourdes Roldán Gómez: Esculturas romanas de Carteia (San Roque, Cádiz). Las excavaciones de Julio Martínez Santa-Olalla en los años cincuenta.

617

Mercedes Oria Segura: Un nuevo taller hispalense de lucernas. Modelos y difusión en ámbito provincial.

627

Isabel López García: Miscelánea de piezas “inéditas” del taller de Vrso (Osuna, Sevilla).

635

Irene Mañas Romero: La creación de la escuela musivaria del Guadalquivir: modelos itálicos e interpretación regional.

HISPANIA: LVSITANIA 645

Pedro Mateos, Antonio Peña, Armin Stylow y Ángel Ventura: Novedades arquitectónicas y epigráficas sobre el recinto de culto imperial provincial de la Lusitania.

653

Trinidad Nogales Basarrate: Plástica romana emeritense en el contexto de Hispania: modelos y difusión.

671

Luís da Silva Fernandes: Placas funerarias decoradas del conuentus Emeritensis. Rutas de difusión de un modelo.

681

Virgílio Hipólito Correia: Metropolitan artistic models in Lusitania: the examples of the domestic architecture of Conimbriga (Portugal).

693

José Esteves y Luís Jorge Gonçalves: The sculptors’ technical mastery: two examples in sculptures of Myrtilis and of Conimbriga.

699

Filomena Limão: Los Capiteles de Beja (Pax Julia) y Mértola (Myrtilis): expresión de la adaptación de modelos romanos en el sur de Lusitania en el contexto romano de la Antigüedad Tardía (siglos III y IV).

707

Lino Tavares Dias: Urbanization and architecture on the outskirts of the Roman Empire.

715

Jesús Acero Pérez y Antonio Pizzo: Puentes Romanos de Lusitania: Arte y Técnica.

727

António Carvalho y Jorge Freire: Cascais y la Ruta del Atlántico. El establecimiento de un puerto de abrigo en la costa de Cascais. Una primera propuesta.

HISPANIA: TARRACONENSIS 739

José María Blázquez Martínez y María Paz García-Gelabert Pérez: Arte hispano romano en el noroeste de la Península Ibérica.

753

José Manuel Costa García: Revisitando los asentamientos militares en la antigua Galicia, ¿centros de producción o de consumo artístico?

763

Aurelia Balseiro García y Mª Ofelia Carnero Vázquez: Muestras escultóricas del arte provincial romano en el Museo Provincial de Lugo.

771

Santiago Martínez Caballero: El Foro romano de Termes (Hispania Citerior). Proceso de municipalización y difusión local de modelos arquitectónicos.

787

Cesáreo Pérez González, Emilio Illarregui Gómez y Pablo Arribas Lobo: Nuevos hallazgos de estatuaria en Tiermes.

797

Olivia V. Reyes Hernando y Cesáreo Pérez González: Cauca: arquitectura monumental tardoantigua.

807

Sebastián Rascón Marqués y Ana Lucía Sánchez Montes: Modelos arquitectónicos de basílicas y edificios administrativos en el interior de España. Reflexiones a partir de la ciudad romana de Complutum.

817

Mª Ángeles Gutierrez Behemerid: La interpretación de los modelos urbanos en la ciudad de Clunia.

829

Carmen Marcks-Jacobs: Zur Ikonographie einer Kitharaspielerin aus Segobriga.

839

Javier Andreu Pintado, María Lasuén Alegre, Irene Mañas Romero y Ángel A. Jordán Lorenzo: Novedades de arte romano provincial en territorio vascón: un mosaico marino inédito procedente de Campo Real/Fillera (Sos del Rey Católico/Sangüesa).

851

Javier Á. Domingo, Ana Garrido y Ricardo Mar: Talleres y modelos decorativos en la arquitectura pública del noreste de la Tarraconense en torno al cambio de era: el caso de Barcino, Tarraco y Auso.

863

Marc Lamuà, David Vivó, Ricardo Mar y Joaquín Ruiz de Arbulo: La fachada oriental de la basílica forense de Tarraco. El monumento de los cautivos y el chalcidicum de culto imperial.

873

Josep Maria Macias Solé, Andreu Muñoz Melgar, Inma Teixell Navarro y Joan Menchon Bes: Nuevos elementos escultóricos del recinto de culto del Concilium Provinciae Hispaniae Citerioris (Tarraco, Hispania Citerior).

887

Jordi López Vilar, Lluís Piñol Masgoret y Víctor Revilla Calvo: Modelos itálicos y artesanado provincial: las lastras Campana de Tarraco y su territorio.

897

Montserrat Claveria: Recepción de modelos y creaciones locales en el relieve funerario del nordeste hispano.

907

Romana Erice Lacabe: Sobre la iconografía de las Musas en Hispania: un pequeño aplique de bronce procedente de Bulbuente (Zaragoza).

917

José Miguel Noguera Celdrán, María José Madrid Balanza y Alicia Fernández Díaz: Nuevas pinturas murales en Carthago Noua (Cartagena. Hispania Citerior): los ciclos antoninianos del Edificio del atrio.

927

Santiago Moreno, Margarita Orfila, Mª Esther Chávez y Miguel Ángel Cau: Las áreas residenciales de Pollentia (Alcudia, Mallorca) y sus materiales figurados en soportes plásticos.

VARIA HISPANICA 939

Zeynep Aktüre: Theatre-construction in the cultural milieu of the Roman provinces of the Iberian Peninsula: precedents and antecedents.

951

Beatrice Cacciotti: Riflessi della metropoli nella diffusione dei culti misterici nella Hispania romana.

963

Luis Baena Hispania.

971

Pilar Fernández Uriel, Marta Bailón García y Teresa Espinosa: Análisis histórico e iconográfico de Fortuna Dea en los lararios provinciales hispanos.

981

Cruces Blázquez Cerrato: Paralelismos y divergencias entre la amonedación hispana provincial y la metropolitana.

del Alcázar:

La tradición clásica en las matronas sedentes de

CONFERENCIA DE CLAUSURA 991

Eugenio La Rocca: Il foro di Augusto e le province dell’Impero.

POSTERS 1013 Javier Andrés Pérez: Roma Aeterna. Concepto, iconografía y difusión en las provincias del Imperio. 1019 Macarena Bustamante Álvarez, Eulalia Gijón Gabriel y Ana María Olmedo Grajera: A new terracotta mould in Augusta Emerita. 1025 Olivia Chávarri Ureta: El culto de Minerva en Hispania: custos urbis de Roma y las provincias. 1031 Esther Checa Gómez: Vidrio romano en Polonia. 1035 Ramon Coll e Isabel Rodà: Ulises en un plato de africana C hallado en Premià de Dalt (Barcelona). 1039 Christine Ertel: Architekturkopien und Imagines clipeatae im Dienste des Kaiserkults. 1047 Francisco Javier Heras Mora y Antonio Peña Jurado: Un taller de reciclado de mármoles en Mérida. Su valoración histórica a través de los “residuos” de talla. 1053 Esperanza Martín Hernández: Nuevas formas cerámicas y talleres militares del noroeste de la Península Ibérica. El caso de León y Lancia. 1061 Pilar Merchán, Santiago Salamanca, Antonio Adán y Trinidad Nogales: 3D digitalization of large sculptural pieces. Restitution of Aeneas Group. 1067 Rui Morais: Dos bronces de entidades tutelares de la ciudad romana de Bracara Augusta. 1075 Angela Palmentieri: La necropoli romana monumentale di Abella. Diffusione del tipo di tomba ‘a Conocchia’ in Campania. 1081 Rebeca Carlota Recio Martín: Deconstruyendo a Diana, una escultura romana en el Museo Cerralbo. 1087 Claudina Romero Mayorga: Iconografía mitraica en Hispania: semejanzas y diferencias con los modelos de la metrópolis. 1091 Ana Lucía Sánchez Montes: Una introducción a la pintura mural romana de la Casa de los Grifos. Complutum. Alcalá de Henares, Madrid. 1095 Begoña Soler Huertas y José Miguel Noguera Celdrán: Urban development and monumentalisation in the roman colony Vrbs Iulia Nova Karthago (Cartagena, Hispania Citerior).

A monumental altar from the Hadrianic age at Hierapolis in Phrygia Filippo Masino, Giorgio Sobrà*

Abstract In 2006 our research group began to study a series of marble blocks traditionally assigned to a porticus in summa gradatione of the Theater in Hierapolis, dating to the Hadrianic age1: the study led to the discovery of an altar dedicated to the Dodekàtheon, whose existence was formerly assumed only by epigraphic evidences. The building is an original interpretation of the U-shaped monumental altar, an architectural type deeply rooted in Asia Minor, developed between the traditional model and the specific needs of the cult of the Emperor associated with the Twelve Gods.

I. The Building The Altar was an isolated building characterized by a U-shaped plan measuring ~11.60x4.75m. A podium supported a hypostyle structure (4.30 m high) with regular intercolumniations; a higher aedicule stood in the center with a double width intercolumniation, surmounted by a pediment; both lateral columnar wings presented six spans, three aligned with the aedicule and three orthogonal (Fig. 1). The podium (Fig. 2) consisted of a squared marble socle2, a base3, monolithic orthostates4, and a cornicestylobate. All the elements were marked with carved letters for assembling. The cornice has an articulated succession of moldings with two bands hosting a later inscription5. The stylobate surmounting the podium hosts the dedicatory inscription of the Hadrianic age6. The blocks are decorated both on the inner and on the rear faces, but the inscription is only carved on the inside. * The authors are grateful to Prof. Francesco D’Andria, Director of the Italian Archaeological Mission at Hierapolis in Phrygia, for the opportunity of being charged to this study and for the continuous support during each phase of the research. 1 The former attribution was given in 1863 by Pierre Trémaux in his Exploration archéologique en Asie Mineure. He drew the blocks, then presented the reconstruction of a bizarre porticus in summa gradatione. Despite this imaginative proposal was based only on the discovery position of the blocks, it was acquired by the scholars and maintained, except for some unavoidable simplifications, in every publication concerning the Theater at Hierapolis, still in the most recent ones; De Bernardi Ferrero 2007, 19-20. For some time, that attribution suggested a Hadrianic chronology for the first phase of the Theater (De Bernardi Ferrero 1974, 241). For an updated chronology Masino, Sobrà 2010.

2 The surviving elements are filed as D3 and D4; the first is well preserved 0.87 m long and 0.46 m deep and is marked with a delta on the left end of the front face; another letter – illegible – was carved on the other end.

3 This group of blocks was catalogued as Z: the average depth of the lower side is 0.50 m.; the upper one circa 0.43 m.; among them, Z2 is marked with a pi on the right end of the scotia; Z4 bears a psi. 4 The surviving orthostates are D1 (0.38 m deep and 1.00 m high), marked with an omicron on the right; D2 (0.34 m deep and 0.78 m. high) with an iota. 5 The two inscribed rows belong to a dedication dating to the age of Constantius II; Ritti 2007, 417 and infra.

6 The Hadrianic dedicatory inscription reads: «To Zeus Olympios and to the ancestral gods and to the Emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus and to the entire family of the Augusti [and to the People] of Hierapolis, Tiberius Jiulius Myndios, having constructed the building [and? the] Dodekàtheon [---] in [his own] name and in name of his wife [Aelia?] Glykonis, [first?] Priestess of the Twelve Gods, [at his own expense? the statue?] and the other sacred things in it, of his own initiative together dedicated»; Ritti 2007, 397-398 (translation from the Italian by the author).

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A monumental altar from the Hadrianic age at Hierapolis in Phrygia

Fig. 1. Graphical reconstruction of the Altar of the Twelve Gods: main prospect, section, plan and 3D view.

The upper face of the stylobate shows many traces of the superior hypostyle structure. The entablature of the inner prospect was supported by small columns, whereas the outer one by rectangular pillars; slabs probably made of marble stood between the pillars, as testified by regular and continuous hollows7. Many holes for pivots and levers indicate the presence of superimposed elements in the center of the spans. No elements belonging to the columns were found, while we have elements of the pillars, which allow to define them as Corinthian. The shafts belong to two different models: the ordinary ones have a rectangular plan with four blank faces (Fig. 3e); the terminal ones indeed are decorated with a molded frame in one of the larger faces8. In both models they present a continuous trace for the insertion of the slabs: these created the effect of pilasters leaning against a marble wall, both on the outer and in the inner prospect. The four preserved Corinthian capitals9 have a rectangular plan and show a deep lateral hollow for the slabs (Fig. 3c); their decoration is well defined, in spite of the small dimensions10. 7 An interesting comparison for the closing elements comes from the Mausoleum at Mylasa (dating to the Hadrianic age), whose intercolumniation was filled with marble slabs or grills; Vandeput 1997, 38. In Hierapolis, similar elements can be found in the tomb of Tiberius Claudius Talamus; De Bernardi Ferrero 1965, 401-403, figg. 21-22. 8 The entire P1 blank shaft, found in 1970, was reused as a doorstep in the summa cavea; infra. Its upper face is marked with an eta. The other one is preserved in two complementary fragments: P5 (found amongst the elements of the scaenae frons of the Theater) and P8 (recently found in the storerooms of the Pamukkale-Denizli Museum). One of the large faces of this shaft is framed with a cyma reversa, whilst the lower face has two pivot holes: this feature assures that it belongs to a terminal pillar; supra. 9 Capital C1 was found in the southern rooms supporting the cavea, C2 in the Church above the Theater, C3 and C4 in the collapse of several later structures built in the backstage of the Theater.

10 �� Two different rows of acanthus spinosus type leaves are carved; volutes and helices spread outward from them with stylized caules buds; the stem of the fleuron is almost completely hidden by the central leaf of the upper row. This is compatible with a Hadrianic chronology: the capitals of the first decades of the 2nd century are frequently characterized by a well separated lower row and by the atrophy of the caules; Vandeput 1997, 170-173. A close comparison comes with the Corinthian capitals from the pillars of the Temple of Hadrian in Ephesus; Outshar 1999, Pl. 88.3.

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Filippo Masino, Giorgio Sobrà

The covering of the wings was made with monolithic elements corresponding to each span (Fig. 3d). The architraves of the outer entablatures have a double thickness, in accordance with the shape of the pilasters below; they are also characterized by two parallel soffits that stand on each side of the marble slabs. Each span has a pair of rectangular coffers with a floral element. The decoration of the entablatures is completely different in the two sides: the inner one is perfectly carved with all the details, whereas the outer entablature is only defined by moldings. In the inner prospect, the architrave is decorated with two fasciae; the top molding has bead-and-reel, ionic kyma, anthemion. The frieze is carved with acanthus scroll patterns originating from a bush in the center of each side of the wings and ending at the corners11. The cornice is endowed neither with dentils nor with modillions, the lower molding being a cyma recta, decorated with anthemion. The central aedicule breaks the monotony of the hypostyle wings12. The entablature of the central element was not monolithic, like in the wings: it was composed of architrave-frieze blocks and cornice blocks (both horizontal and sloping), surmounted by slabs as roof pitches13.

Fig. 2. Podium: upper face of a block of the stylobate (up); succession of socle, base, orthostates and cornice-stylobate (down).

Three elements of the architrave frieze survive: two shorter for the depth of the aedicule; and one corresponding to the central double intercolumniation. These elements are only decorated by moldings therefore the frontal architrave-frieze of the aedicule is missing. Both the blocks of the lateral horizontal cornice are preserved; they are decorated with simple moldings and rough lion-head waterspouts. The cornice of the inner pediment is decorated similarly to the one of the wings, but is endowed with flat modillions (Fig. 3b). Acroteria stood at the sides of the paired pediments, as testified by the presence of lateral marble bases with

11 The use of the drill is evident: the closest model is that of the scroll-patterned frieze in Hadrian’s Bath at Aphrodisias; Vandeput 1997, 156, Pl. 74.4.

12 Most of the pediment blocks were found in the storerooms of the local Museum; the confirmation that these elements belong to the Altar had come from the analysis of the photographs filed in the Mission Archives in Turin, where they appear to be mixed with those of the Theater soon after their discovery.

13 The hollows for the placement of these slabs are perfectly preserved on the upper face of the cornice, both in the horizontal elements and in the pitched ones.

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Fig. 3. Hypostyle structure: (a) central aedicule tympanum - blocks T8+T9; (b) central aedicule pediment - block T3; (c) wings Corinthian capital - block C3; (d) wings covering monolithic element - block A13; (e) wings pillar shaft - block P1; (f) central aedicule pillar and connection to the lateral wing - block P4.

small pivot holes: a suitable honeysuckle acroterion was found in 2003, during the excavation of the northern analemma of the Theater14. The tympanum of the inner pediment is almost perfectly preserved and is decorated with a relief, depicting a bust of Helios-Sol (Fig. 3a)15. 14 Polito 2007, 158-159, Fig.4.

15 �� Other small tympana with busts of deities in Hierapolis belong to later aedicular façades: the scaenae frons of the Theater (Ritti 2005, 162; Sobrà 2007, 213; Masino, Sobrà 2010), the Temple Nymphaion and the Nymphaion of the Tritons (De Bernardi Ferrero 1999, 698, Pl.178.3; Ritti 2005, 163-164, Pl.1-4; D’Andria 2003, 134, Pl.116; D’Andria 2007, 19, Fig. 24), all dating to the Severan age.

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II. Chronology The construction phase occurred during Hadrian’s reign (117-138 AD), as reported by the first dedicatory inscription. It is very difficult, however, to determine whether the Altar was built soon after Hadrian’s accession or just before a visit by the Emperor to Hierapolis in 129 (which is believed to have taken place during his stay in nearby Laodikeia) or at some point thereafter16. A marble head of Hadrian found in the Theater dates to the decade 120-130; if this is connected to the Altar17, it seems reasonable to date the construction phase just before the visit in 12918. The second inscription reports some restoration work to the «pteromata»19, which occurred between 354 and 358: the building was therefore still standing and maintained during the second half of the 4th century, despite the Christianization of the city20. The destruction of the Altar probably occurred between the 5th and the 7th centuries, and could have been determined by a demolition activity or by natural events21. The marble elements were reused in the construction of rough buildings over the ruins of the Theater and in the nearby area, as testified by the locations in which many blocks were found, by the discovery of a pillar shaft reused as a doorstep in the wall surrounding the summa cavea and marked with a late inscription22, and by blocks showing traces of the insertion of wooden wedges to divide them23. Despite its small size, this building is therefore representative of the main chronological phases that, from the apex of the Middle Imperial age until the invasions of the 7th century, transformed the flourishing city of Hierapolis into a landscape of ruins. G. S.

16 �� T. Ritti recently confirmed the extreme difficulty in precisely dating the dedication, suggesting a chronology next to the very likely Imperial visit in the city; Ritti 2007, 398. The series of inscribed slabs connected to Hadrian and Myndios (infra) could confirm this hypothesis. 17 �Infra.

18 The portrait head belongs to the Vaticano Chiaramonti 392 type (Gualandi 1977; Bejor 1991, 28, Pl. 18-19; Evers 1994). This model has been dated to the period 120-130; it is therefore not connected with the first years of Hadrian’s reign and it is difficult to assume its employment after 129, when it should have been considered an old-fashioned portrait type. Particular thanks go to David Ojeda Nogales for the suggestions on this subject.

19 �� The architectural structures that underwent this restoration are called «�� περίβολος�� [�� τ�� ]�� ών�� πτερυγωμάτων�� » in the dedicatory inscription. The term pteroma – like the Latin word ala – is the colonnade or portico; (Vitruvius III.1.69; Gros 1997). The Altar itself was endowed with pteromata, although not practicable: these restorations could have therefore concerned the Altar itself, or also a porticoed temenos surrounding the sacred building. However, the entire inscription translation has not yet been published; Ritti 2005, 124-126; Ritti 2007, 415-417. 20 �� Restorations to buildings connected with the traditional cults are known to have taken place in the second half of the 4th century: an example is the restoration, dated 367-368, to the Porticus Deorum Consentium in Rome – a western version of a sanctuary to the Twelve Gods (Long 1987, 305-306); in its dedicatory inscription, however, the Emperor is not mentioned.

21 �� Demolition activities are attested during the same period to the Temple of Apollo (D’Andria �� 2007, 19; Semeraro 2007, 177-179, 183, 191) and to the Northern Agora (Rossignani, Sacchi 2007, 360). A natural cause, could be the great earthquake of the 7th century. 22 � Supra. The pillar, re-used as a doorstep, was marked with the name Epifanios. The presence of names carved on the spolia during the Byzantine period was noted on several marble elements of the Northern Agora: they were probably used as possession marks; D’Andria 2003, 107-108. 23 �� In particular on block B8. The well known technique is the same used, for example, in the destruction of the Forum Traiani in Rome; Milella 1994, 21.

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III. Patron As reported by the dedication, the Altar was dedicated to Zeus Olympios and to the Emperor Hadrian by Tiberius Julius Myndios24, member of the Hierapolis aristocracy and, in 117 AD, head of the embassy sent by the city to pay homage to the new Emperor25. He was also priest of Zeus, while his wife Glykonis was the priestess of the cult of the Twelve Gods. A series of marble slabs host epigraphical texts related to Hadrian and Myndios; in particular, the letter from the Emperor to the city after the embassy in 117 AD26; a honorary decree for Myndios, containing the calendar of the cult of Zeus27; another letter by the Emperor28; a decree of the koinón of the Greek cities of Asia in honor of Hadrian29. This corpus, traditionally attributed to the wall of the diazoma of the Theatre, could be in fact part of the podium of the Altar30. IV. Localization The Altar foundations have not yet been found, so its ancient position is still unknown31 and the dedication does not specify whether it was an independent monument, or connected to a temple or to a holy precinct32. The sources link Myndios to a cult site dedicated to Zeus: it could be the Altar itself, but the complementary roles covered by Myndios and Glykonis could testify an area dedicated to Zeus, where the Altar of the Twelve Gods should be located. Moreover, the fact that the Altar blocks were discovered amongst those of the Theater is not unambiguous proof of an ancient relationship between the two buildings: they could have been moved there to be reused, as in many other cases at Hierapolis33. V. Architectural Type The U-shaped Monumental Altar at Hierapolis is an expression of a deep-seated architectural tradition of Asia Minor, evidenced since the Archaic period34 (Fig. 4a-d). The base model consists of a raised platform for the offering table, with a stairway on one side and surrounded by a parapet on the other sides35. 24 On Tiberius Julius Myndios: Ritti 2001.

25 �� The episode is known thanks to a letter sent by Hadrian, that confirms the maintenance of the privileges of the city, giving evidence to the success of the embassy; Ritti 2001, 492-493; infra. 26 Ritti 2005b, 302-331; Ritti, Miranda, Guizzi 2007, 589. 27 Ritti 2001.

28 Ritti, Miranda, Guizzi 2007, 589.

29 Ritti 2001, 492; Ritti 2005b, 300.

30 �� The slabs were found collapsed near the northern wall of the diazoma: they had been therefore interpreted as a means of the public exposition of documents in the main city monument. Nevertheless, the most recent studies on the construction phases of the Theater clarified that the use of the marble in the cavea is connected with the restoration of the Severan age; Masino 2007, 176-177; Masino, Sobrà 2010. The reference to Hadrian, to Myndios, and to the cult of Zeus, along with the precise clause, included in the honorary decree for Myndios, of being copied “near Zeus” (Ritti 2001, 505) show a close relationship with the Altar, as more sustainable than one with the Theater. Moreover, the height of the slabs preserved is exactly the same as that of the podium orthostates.

31 �� In 2006 the Italian Mission started an archaeological survey of the area behind the back wall of the cavea, in order to search for the traces of the building foundations: the excavations have not yet given any clear evidence. 32 See Note 6.

33 �� The idea of a place for the cult of the Dodekàtheon near the �� Theater�� derives from the traditional attribution of the inscription to the porticus in summa gradatione (supra). Someone has indicated the current site of the Church above the Theater, presuming a Theater-Temple system; De Bernardi Ferrero 1974, 30; Gullino 2002, 213-214; Ritti 2007, 399. Actually, the façade of the church is aligned with the central axis of the cavea, although its orientation doesn’t follow that of the Theater, and the steepness of the cavea itself could hardly permit visibility from the Theater. Furthermore, even if the blocks were mainly found in the Theater, we could not ignore that, at Hierapolis, many buildings were dismantled during the Byzantine period and their blocks moved a great distance: supra.

34 �� On the type of the Altar-Building; Yavis 1949; Lauter 1999. The sub-type Stepped Monumental Altars is evidenced since the first half of the 8th century BC, and in Hellenistic Age it becomes the most diffused model for the altars in front of the temples. Yavis 1949, 115-118. On the term Colossal Altar: Yavis 1949, 54-56, 196. 35 �� Yavis 1949, 116. Some examples are the altars of the Temple of Apollo in Cirene, of the Heraion at Samos, of the Artemision in Sardis, of the Temple of Poseidon in Tino.

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Fig. 4. Plans and façades of Monumental Altars in Asia Minor: (a) Artemision Altar at Ephesus - Hellenistic phase (from Bammer 2001); (b) Altar of Zeus Soter at Pergamon - circa 165 BC (from Queyrel 2005); (c) Altar of Artemis Leukophryene at Magnesia on the Meandrum - first half of the 2nd century BC (from Çetin 2006); (d) Athenaion Altar at Priene – 3rd/2nd century BC (from Coleman Carter 1984); (e) Ara Augusti at Miletus - beginning of the 1st century AD (from Tuchelt 1975); (f) Altar of the Temple of the Sebastoi at Ephesus – end of the 1st century AD (from Bammer 1972-75); (g) Altar of the Twelve Gods at Hierapolis - Hadrianic age; (h) Antonine Monument in Ephesus – mid 2nd century AD (from Obertleitner 1978).

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In the great Ionian sanctuaries this model is applied in a colossal scale, transforming the simple parapet in a high podium surmounted by a portico: the main example is the Altar of the Artemision in Ephesus (4th c. BC)36. In the Hellenistic age the type undergoes the most radical refinement. The apex is the well-known Great Altar of Zeus Soter in Pergamon (first half 2nd c. BC)37, that integrates the U-shape for the entrance side with the altar-court type. It is the clearest example of the typical decoration of these buildings, with freestanding statues and reliefs both in the podium and between the columns of the façades38. A similar plan on a smaller scale is used in the Altar of the Sanctuary of Artemis Leukophryene at Magnesia on the Meander39 (early 2nd c. BC), that perhaps served as a prototype for Pergamon. Other Hellenistic examples are the Altar of the Athenaion at Priene40 (early 2nd c. BC) and that of the Asklepieion in Kos41 (mid 2nd c. BC), both characterized by the U-shape plan and by the portico surmounting a podium. The tradition of the Monumental Altars continues in the Imperial age42 (Fig. 4e-h), developing a strict relationship with the Imperial Cult: the evocative capabilities make it the perfect architectural type to celebrate the ideology of the dynastic glory, while its small scale and the absence of large structural bounds make its design more suitable to updates and experimentations than that of the large temples. The Ara Augusti in the court of the Bouleuterion in Miletus (early 1st c. AD) shares many common features with the Ara Pacis, such as the plan and the size, but the external façades are adorned with a podium supporting a portico43. The Altar of the Temple of the Sebastoi in Ephesus (end of 1st c. AD) has a squared plan: the celebration of the Emperor is developed in the podium frieze with trophies44. The Antonine Monument in Ephesus (2nd c. AD) is still under debate about its reconstruction, date, and position45, but is anyway clear its traditional U-shaped plan.

36 Bammer, Muss 2001; a new version of the plan is in Bammer 2005, Fig. 8.

37 The bibliography on the Great Altar of Pergamon is very rich. In part. Kunze, Kästner 1990; Queyrel 2005. 38 On the sculptural decoration in part. Webb 1996, 61-71; Webb 1998, 246-250.

39 �� Many different graphical reconstructions of the Altar in Magnesia have been made by scholars. The most famous is in Von �� Gerkan 1929, �� similar to a smaller-scale reproduction of the Pergamene model. In 1976 Linfert gives a new version of the plan, while years later Özgan increases the height of the podium to host a series of reliefs. In 1989 Hoepfer refuses the previous interpretations, drafting a simple Altar-court. This version is not accepted by many scholars. Linfert 1995, 132-134; Webb 1996, 94-95. After the excavation carried out in 1993-2000, a new reconstruction has been drafted, confirming a plan similar to the one by Linfert. Çetin 2003; Bingöl 2007, 77-79. 40 Von Gerkan’s proposal for the Altar in Priene consists of a U-shaped plan with a high podium decorated with reliefs and an upper wall with Ionic engaged columns; between them, seated and standing figures in high relief are arranged on a parapet. Von Gerkan 1924. J. Coleman Carter, focusing its analysis on the sculptures, simplifies this drawing removing the podium and putting the wall directly on a two-step crepidoma, as was initially proposed by Schrader in 1904; Coleman Carter 1992; Webb 1996, 99-101.

41 �� Herzog 1932, 25-31, Fig. 22. According to Herzog’s reconstruction, the rectangular building has a portico on three sides that also turns into the façade with two columns, suggesting two alae: an external stairway leads to the inner platform for the cult, while statues are arranged between the columns. 42 Marcattili 2005.

43 Tuchelt 1975; Köster 1987.

44 Alzinger 1972, 46; Vetters 1975. In 1930 part of the foundations and some slabs of the reliefs are discovered. Since the scarceness of evidence and the same length of the sides, the debate on the right orientation of the altar has not yet been concluded. About the imperial cult in Ephesus: Price 1987, 255; Friesen 1993, 59.

45 Eichler 1971; Ganshow 1986; Liverani 1997; Obertleitner 1999. The discovery of foundations near the Celsus Library led to different interpretations of the plan, which were previously derived only from the analysis of the reliefs. Liverani dates the building to the early reign of Antoninus Pius (140 AD); Liverani 1997, 168.

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VI. Critical Analysis The design of the Altar at Hierapolis is clearly influenced both by the famous Classical and Hellenistic examples, and by the comparison with the coeval realizations in Ephesus and Miletus, which are very similar also in size46. Nevertheless, it presents interesting innovations. The central aedicule follows the logic of a small façade rather than that of an isolated monument, while the completion of the sole inner entablature suggests a privileged point of view.

Fig. 5. Graphical reconstruction of the hypothetical arrangement of statues of the Twelve Gods (1-12) in the wings spans, with the statue of Hadrian in the central aedicule (A).

Altough the worship of the Twelve Gods is very ancient in Asia Minor, a proper architectural type is not known and the cult was generally performed in holy precincts or around simple arae47.

The representation of the Twelve arranged around a central main figure in a naiskos is an iconographical motif that is often attested48: this figure could be Cybele or Helios/Sol Invictus, but sometimes it corresponds to the ruler49: and this last one, in particular, could be the scheme used in Hierapolis. The twelve spans between the columns were probably dedicated to the members of the Dodekàtheon50: pivot holes in the upper surface of the stylobate confirm the presence of statues51, while the rougher surface in the central aedicule is maybe due to a larger statue. In 1965 the marble head of Hadrian was found in front of the Theater52: it must belong to a life-size statue, which could correctly fit the space of the central aedicule of the Altar (Fig. 5). 46 Among the examples considered here, only the Antonine Monument in Ephesus, which follows chronologically, has a significant larger scale.

47 Long 1987. The most famous one is the Sanctuary of the Twelve Gods, built in 522/1 BC in the middle of the Athenian Agorà, which served perhaps as a prototype for others: it was reconstructed as a holy precinct (9x9m) enclosed by a low decorated parapet, with an offering table at the center. Gadbery 1992. Recent studies on the Hellenistic Altars of Pergamon (La Rocca 1998) and Magnesia (Bingöl 2007) have proposed the additional usage as places of cult of the Twelve Gods. 48 �� Some votive slabs with the representation of the Dodekàtheon in the Museum of Antalya present the same arrangement: a central naiskos with a main figure, flanked by the Twelve Gods divided into two groups of six; Long 1987, 18, Pl. XXXII, 59. In a golden diadem coming from Nablus, of Antonine-Severan Age, the deities are divided by a naiskos with Cybele-Astarte (front) and with Helios (nape), represented on a larger scale; Long 1987, 26, Pl. XXXVI, 65,66. A similar layout is visible in another golden crown from Laodikeia in Syria, dedicated to the cult of the Sun and dating to Aurelianius: here, in the center of the series of the Twelve, a pediment hosts a large bust of Helios. Long 1987, 23, Pl. XXXII, 60. 49 Long 1987, 284, 320, 310-317.

50 �� The discussion on the possible members of the Dodekàtheon of Hierapolis is in Ritti 2005.

51 �Supra. They could be the “holy things” donated by the patron along with the Altar. Ritti 2001, 496-7; Ritti 2007, 399. 52 Gualandi 1977; Bejor 1991, 27-29, Pl.18, 19.

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The presence of Hadrian among the Twelve Gods is not surprising at all. He is the promoter in the eastern provinces of the cult of Zeus as the supreme deity of the Hellenic Pantheon53, and orders the construction of several Olympieia, the most famous of which is the one in Cyzicus (by 124 AD), seat of the koinòn of the Asian cities, which was inaugurated in 131 AD as Hadrianeum54. According to the sources, the pediment of the Temple in Cyzicus displayed the bust of Hadrian in the center, flanked by the Twelve Gods divided into two groups of six55. The association between the Emperor and the Dodekàtheon is still witnessed in the 4th century by the collocation of the slab of the Twelve Gods in the pronaos of the Hadrianeum in Ephesos56. VII. Conclusion The Altar reflects the intention of the Patron to leave a building of a high symbolic significance to the city, serving both as seat of the cult of the Twelve Gods and as a celebrative homage to Hadrian and to his religious policy57. The design of the monument is an eclectic synthesis between an existing architectural type - the Monumental Altar - and the specific iconographic motif related to the cult58. The local interpretation of this model, in fact, meets the requirements of the figurative program, presenting Hadrian as Zeus Olympios in the very center, under the solar deity59, flanked by the Twelve Gods symmetrically arranged around him. Therefore the Altar of the Twelve Gods at Hierapolis reflects not only an architectural type, but also that concept of the Imperial Cult which was so deeply rooted in Asia Minor. F. M. Bibliography Alzinger, W. (1972): Die Ruinen von Ephesos. Berlin-Wien. Bammer, A., Muss, U. (2001): Der Altar des Artemisions von Ephesos (Forschungen in Ephesos, XII 2). Wien. Bammer, A. (2005): “Zu den kleinasiatischen Monumentalaltären”, in Şahin, M., Mert, H. (eds.), Festschrift für Ramazan Özgan. Istanbul, 15-27. Bejor, G. (1991): Le statue (Hierapolis. Scavi e ricerche, III). Roma. Bingöl, O. (2007): “The Altar of Artemis”, in Magnesia On The Meander. An archaeological guide. Istanbul, 77-79.

53 On the general theme: Metcalf 1974; Willers 1990; Calandra 1996.

54 �� Mansuelli 1958; Schulz, Winter 1990, 33-82. In �� these kinds of sanctuaries the Imperial Cult is witnessed by small altars and statues of Hadrian. Calandra 1996. Hadrian himself assumes the epithet of Olympios in 129 AD.; Metcalf 1974. Other Olympieia are built in Athens (125-132) and in in Ephesus (130); Willers 1990. 55 �� Long 1987, 278; Schulz, Winter 1990, 33-82. 56 Long 1987, 308-310.

57 The name of Tiberius Julius Myndios in the Hadrianic inscription stands not accidentally in the center of the front, below the Emperor, as a personal signature of the Patron on his personal legacy to the city.

58 The choice of this type probably lies in its traditional use for monuments celebrating also the artistic level of the city, the military achievements, the ruling dynasties and, in Roman age, the Emperor. E.g. the Altar in Pergamon is the core of the urban planning policy of Eumenes II, and represents a victory memorial in the wake of his military triumphs; Webb 1998. 59 The association between Hadrian and Sol Invictus is widely attested in Asia Minor. Halsberghe 1972, 46. E.g., a relief of the Antonine Monument in Ephesus, depicts the portrait of Hadrian as New Sun among the Gods. Liverani 1997, 167.

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Calandra, E. (1996): Oltre la Grecia. Alle origini del filellenismo di Adriano, Napoli. Çetin, C. (2003): Magnesia ad Maeandrum Artemis Tapınağı Altarı Altyapısı ve Çevresiyle İlişkisi, PhD diss. Ankara Üniversitesi. Coleman Carter, J. (1992): “The date of the altar of Athena at Priene and its reliefs”, in Bonacasa, N., Di Vita, A. (eds.) Alessandria e il mondo ellenistico-romano, Vol. III. Roma, 748-764. D’Andria, F. (2003): Hierapolis of Frigia. An archaeological guide. Istanbul. D’Andria, F. (eds.) (2007): “Le attività della Missione Archeologica Italiana a Hierapolis: 2000-2003”, in D’Andria, Caggia 2007, 1-45. D’Andria, F., Caggia, M. P. (2007): Hierapolis di Frigia. I. Le attività delle campagne di scavo e restauro. 2000-2003. Istanbul. De Bernardi Ferrero, D. (1965): “L’architettura monumentale della Porta d’onore e della cosiddetta via colonnata a Hierapolis di Frigia”, ASAtene n.s. XXV-XXVI. 391-407. De Bernardi Ferrero, D. (1974): Teatri classici in Asia Minore, Vol. 4. Roma. De Bernardi Ferrero, D. (1999): “Alcune considerazioni sul ninfeo di Hierapolis antistante il tempio di Apollo”, in Friesinger, Krinzinger 1999, 695-702. De Bernardi Ferrero, D. (eds.) (2002): Saggi in onore di Paolo Verzone (Hierapolis. Scavi e ricerche, IV). Roma. De Bernardi Ferrero, D. (2007): “Il teatro di Hierapolis di Frigia”, in De Bernardi Ferrero, Ciotta, Pensabene 2007, 17-228. De Bernardi Ferrero, D., Ciotta, G., Pensabene, P. (eds.) (2007): Il teatro di Hierapolis di Frigia. Restauro, architettura ed epigrafia. Genova. Eichler, F. (1971): “Zum Partherdenkmal von Ephesos”, ÖJH, 49, Beibl. 2. 102-136. Evers, C. (2004) : Les portraits d’Hadrien. Bruxelles. Friesen, S. J. (1993): Twice Neokoros. Ephesus, Asia and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family. Leiden. Friesinger, H., Krinzinger, F. (eds.) (1999): 100 Jahre österreichische Forschungen in Ephesos. Wien. Gadbery, L. M. (1992): “The Sanctuary of the Twelve Gods in the Athenian Agora: A Revised View”, Hesperia, vol. 61, 4. 447-489. Ganschow, T. (1986): “Überlegungen zum Partherdenkmal von Ephesos”, AA, 101, 2. 209-221. Gualandi, G. (1977): “Una testa di Adriano da Hierapolis (Frigia)”, Riv. Arch. I. 64-88. Gullino, N. (2002): “La basilica sopra il teatro”, in De Bernardi Ferrero 2002, 203-216. Gros, P. (1997): Vitruvio. De Architectura. Torino. Halsberghe, G. H. (1972): The cult of Sol Invictus. Leiden. Herzog, R. (1932): Kos I. Asklepieion. Berlin. — 179 —


Köster, R. (1987): Die Bauornamentik von Milet. Berlin, 15-33. Kunze, M., Kästner, V. (1990): Antikensammlung II. Der Altar von Pergamon. Berlin. La Rocca, E. (1998): “Die Zwölf Götter, Hera und die Verherrlichung der Attaliden am grossen Altar von Pergamon”, JbBerlMus, 40. 7-30. Lauter, H. (1999): L’architettura dell’Ellenismo. Milano. Linfert, A. (1995): “Prunkaltäre”, in Wörrle, M. Zanker, P. (eds.) Stadtbild und Bürgerbild im Hellenismus. München, 131-146. Liverani, P. (1997): “Il monumento antonino di Efeso”, RIASA, s. III, XIX-XX, 1996-1997, 153-174. Long, C. R. (1987): The Twelve Gods of Greece and Rome. Leiden. Mansuelli, G. A. (1958): “Aristainetos”, in EAA. Marcattili, F. (2005): “Altare (romano imperiale)”, in Thesaurus cultus et rituum antiquorum, Vol. 4. Los Angeles, 176-183. Masino, F. (2007): Luoghi antichi di spettacolo. Il teatro di Hierapolis di Frigia nel contesto urbano ambientale, PhD diss. Politecnico di Torino. Masino, F., Sobrà, G. (2010): “La frontescena severiana del Teatro di Hierapolis di Frigia. Architettura, decorazione e maestranze”, in Ramallo Asensio, S. F., Röring N. (eds.), La Scaenae Frons en la arquitectura teatral romana, Procs. Int. Symp., Cartagena 12 - 14 March 2009, Murcia, 373-412. Metcalf, W. E. (1974): “Hadrian, “IOVIS OLYMPIVS””, Mnemosyne, s. 4, 27, 1. 59-66. Milella, M. (1994): “La lavorazione del marmo attraverso i frammenti del Foro di Traiano”, in Ungaro, L., Milella, M., Il restauro dei marmi e dei laterizi nei Fori Imperiali e nei Mercati Traianei. Roma, 18-21. Obertleitner, W. (1999): “Das Partherdenkmal von Ephesos”, in Friesinger, Krinzinger 1999, 619-631. Outshar, U. (1999): “Zur Deutung des Hadrianstempels an der Kuretenstrass”, in Friesinger, Krinzinger 1999, 443-448. Pensabene, P. (2007): “Gli elementi marmorei della scena: classificazione tipologica e inquadramento nella storia degli studi della decorazione architettonica in Asia Minore”, in De Bernardi Ferrero, Ciotta, Pensabene 2007, 229-388. Polito, C. (2007): “Teatro (Regio VIII): campagne di scavo 2003. Rapporto preliminare”, in D’Andria, Caggia 2007, 157-168. Price, S. R. F. (1987): Rituals and power. The Roman imperial cult in Asia Minor. Cambridge. Queyrel, F. (2005): L’Autel de Pergame. Images et pouvoir en Grèce d’Asie. Paris. Ritti, T. (2001): “Un decreto onorario di Hierapolis per Tiberius Julius Myndios”, Mediterraneo antico, IV, 2. 489-555. Ritti, T. (2005a): “I dodici dei di Hierapolis”, in Ronchetta, D. (ed.) Paolo Verzone. 1902-1986. Torino, 158-169. Ritti, T. (2005b): “Documenti adrianei da Hierapolis di Frigia: le epistole di Adriano alla città”, in Follet, — 180 —


S. (ed.), L’Hellénisme d’époque romaine: nouveaux documents, nouvelles approches. Paris, 297-340. Ritti, T., Miranda, E., Guizzi, F. (2007): “La ricerca epigrafica: risultati dell’ultimo quadriennio e prospettive future”, in D’Andria, Caggia 2007, 583-618. Ritti, T. (2007): “Iscrizioni pertinenti all’edificio teatrale di Hierapolis”, in De Bernardi Ferrero, Ciotta, Pensabene 2007, 389-440. Rossignani, M. P., Sacchi, F. (2007): “La Stoà-basilica dell’Agorà settentrionale (Regio I)”, in D’Andria, Caggia 2007, 359-412. Schulz, A., Winter, E. (1990): “Zum Hadrianstempel von Kyzikos ”, in Schwertheim, E. (ed.), Mysische Studien (Asia Minor, I). Bonn, 33-82. Semeraro, G. (2007): “Ricerche archeologiche nel Santuario di Apollo (Regio VII)”, in D’Andria, Caggia 2007, 169-210. Sobrà, G. (2007): La restituzione delle scaenae frons: un confronto in ambito microasiatico per lo studio del Teatro di Hierapolis di Frigia, PhD diss. Politecnico di Torino. Tuchelt, K. (1975): “Buleuterion und Ara Augusti. Bemerkungen zur Rathaus anlage von Milet”, IstMitt, 25. 91-140. Vandeput, L. (1997): The Architectural Decoration in Roman Asia Minor. Sagalassos: a Case Study (SEMA, I). Leuven. Vetters, H. (1975): “Domitianterrasse und Domitiangasse”, ÖJH, 50, Beibl. 311-330. Von Gerkan, A. (1924): “Der Altar des Athenatempels in Priene”, BJb 129. 32. Von Gerkan, A. (1929): Der Altar des Artemis-Tempels in Magnesia am Mäander (Studien zur Bauforschung, 1). Berlin. Yavis, C.G. (1949): Greek Altars. Origins and typology. Saint Louis. Webb, P. A. (1996): Hellenistic Architectural Sculpture: Figural Motifs in Western Anatolia and the Aegean Islands. Madison. Webb, P. A. (1998): “The Functions of the Sanctuary of Athena and the Pergamon Altar (the Heroon of Telephos) in the Attalid Building Program”, in Hartswick, K.J., Sturgeon, M. C. (eds.), ΣΤΕΦΑΝΌΣ. Studies in Honor of Brunilde Sismondo Ridgway. Philadelphia, 241-254. Willers, D. (1990): Hadrians panhellenisches Programm. Basel.

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HISPANIA ANTIGUA

Serie Arqueológica

I

HISPANIA ANTIGUA

Editoras: Trinidad Nogales - Isabel Rodà

Collana diretta da Julián González Universidad de Sevilla Serie Histórica 1. Eustaquio Sánchez Salor Historiografía latino-cristiana. Principios, contenido, forma. 2. Julián González Epigrafía Jurídica de la Bética. 3. AA.VV. El Cardenal Margarit i l’Europa quatrecentista. 4. Julián González- Pilar Pavón Torrejón Adriano emperador de Roma. 5. Julián González- Pilar Pavón Torrejón Andalucía romana y visigoda. Ordenación y vertebración del territorio. Serie Arqueológica

2. Trinidad Nogales- José Beltrán Marmora Hispana: explotación y uso de los materiales pétreos en la Hispania Romana. 3. Trinidad Nogales- Isabel Rodà Roma y las provincias: modelo y difusión.

Con el apoyo de:

JUNTA DE EXTREMADURA Vicepresidencia Segunda, Consejería de Economía, Comercio e Innovación

Roma y las provincias: modelo y difusión

1. Trinidad Nogales- Julián González Culto Imperial: Política y Poder.

Roma y las provincias: modelo y difusión Editoras Trinidad Nogales Isabel Rodà

I

En Mayo de 2009 se celebraba en Mérida el XI Coloquio Internacional de Arte Romano Provincial, bajo el lema “Roma y las provincias: modelo y difusión”. Era la primera vez que la Península Ibérica acogía este tipo de Coloquios. Se unieron en el esfuerzo el Departamento de Investigación del Museo Nacional de Arte Romano (MNAR-Ministerio de Cultura) y el Instituto Catalán de Arqueología Clásica (ICACGeneralitat de Catalunya). Hubo una masiva respuesta internacional, y especialmente de los investigadores hispanos, portugueses y españoles. El XI Coloquio discurrió en un agradable y productivo ambiente científico, y las sesiones académicas se completaron con unas actividades complementarias en el marco del Peristilo del Teatro Romano de Augusta Emerita, el Museo Nacional de Arte Romano y varios edificios históricos emeritenses. Tras las sesiones científicas se visitaron dos ejemplos del patrimonio hispano, las ciudades Patrimonio de la Humanidad de Evora (Portugal) e Itálica (Sevilla). Se culmina el objetivo final: lograr que la ciencia quede plasmada en unos volúmenes monográficos que sirvan para el futuro de herramienta imprescindible de estudio. Dos volúmenes que recogen el papel de Roma en los territorios provinciales y viceversa, el notable protagonismo que las provincias jugaron en el concierto del Imperio. Dado el elevado número de participaciones, se han editado dos volúmenes, que responden a las divisiones territoriales; el primero, se ocupa de las provincias no hispanas, dejando el segundo para la Península Ibérica y los trabajos presentados en formato poster. Todos los artículos se han procurado cuidar al máximo, aunque sólo sus autores son responsables de los contenidos de sus textos y de sus imágenes. Agradecemos a todas las entidades y participantes su compromiso, sus ágiles respuestas a los plazos establecidos y su interés en que esta empresa, de todos, llegara a buen final.