Social Inclusion Through APEL

Social Inclusion Through APEL: the Learners' Perspective

Comparative Report

Paula Cleary Ruth Whittaker Jim Gallacher Barbara Merrill Leena Jokinen Martine Carette Members of the CREA team (Centre for Social and Educational Research)

January 2002

Acknowledgements The authors of this report would like to acknowledge and offer thanks to all the learners who were interviewed for the project on Social Inclusion and APEL: the Learner's Perspective. Their contributions have enriched the contents of this report and shaped the conclusions and recommendations that we have reached. We would also like to thank the teaching and lecturing staff who helped us make contact with learners for this project.

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Introduction This report draws together the findings of five National Reports produced for a European Commission Socrates-funded project on APEL and social inclusion from the learners' perspective. The National Reports cover issues relating to APEL and social inclusion as they apply in England, Finland, France, Scotland and Spain. The aim of this comparative report is to bring together some of the main findings in the National Reports, to consider some of the main issues that are highlighted by the research and to make recommendations for future work on APEL and social inclusion. The APEL project began in January 2001 when initial planning was carried out. The aim of the project is to explore issues relating to the extent and nature of APEL in each of the partner countries and to assess how these relate to issues of social inclusion. The project will continue until December 2002 when a final report will be submitted to the European Commission. In this comparative report, we want to address a number of issues that have arisen in the context of our research in each of the partner countries. For example, we are interested in who participates in APEL processes, how these processes operate in practice in each of the countries, where APEL processes take place and whether these processes can be linked to strategies for social inclusion. These issues can be linked to broader concerns about the flexibility of APEL processes and the role of experiential learning in hierarchies of knowledge. This report is structured around these issues. In the first section we describe the methodology of the research, then go on to look at some of the findings from that work across the five partner countries. We then consider some of the issues referred to above and try to address the question of how APEL links to processes of social inclusion. Finally, we draw some conclusions about the current agenda for APEL in educational circles and make some recommendations for positive action to move this agenda forward.

Background and methodology The research project on APEL and social inclusion involves five partner countries England, Finland, France, Scotland, and Spain. The primary aim of the research was to interview learners about their experiences of APEL to establish the nature and extent of APEL activity and to establish the extent to which processes of APEL are linked to processes of social inclusion. Patterns of APEL activity are different in each country. For example, France has a national legislative framework for AP(E)L that underpins all APEL activities within universities. In contrast, in Spain, very little APEL activity takes place. These differences affected how the research was conducted in each country. An additional complication was that the French research team was only drawn into the project at a later stage due to the withdrawal of one of the original partners. The research in France was therefore more

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restricted and more tightly constrained by time factors. However, in each country we aimed to identify up to six case study institutions and up to six learners in each of these institutions. Actual figures for the interviews are given in Table 1. Table 1: Number of learners interviewed by country Country England Finland France Scotland Spain

No. of learners interviewed 10 37 13 14 36

Differences in the extent of APEL activity in each country influenced the approach adopted in the research. For example, the lack of APEL activity in Spain meant that it was impossible to identify learners according to their participation in APEL processes. Instead, the research team selected participants who had been through the accreditation process either in schools for adults or in other educational centres. They then devised a set of categories according to age, gender and ethnic background which provided a basis to select learners for interview. In addition, the Spanish research team focused the content of interviews on issues of how an APEL process could help transform informal learning and contribute to processes of social inclusion, rather than on the nature of APEL processes. This approach is deemed entirely appropriate given the different contextual situation. In the other countries, learners were selected for interview according to their participation in processes of APEL within each of the case study institutions. In some cases, there were only one or two learners involved in such processes which meant that the optimum number of interviews (6 in each case) was not reached. Overall, this means that fewer learners than anticipated were interviewed. This in itself suggests that the extent of APEL activity may not be as widespread as is sometimes assumed. Interviews with learners were conducted as life history interviews in which they were asked to give background information about their schooling, their other educational experiences where appropriate and about their experiences of the APEL process. In Spain, the approach was slightly different; life history interviews were conducted that focused on the nature of inclusionary and exclusionary factors and the identification of what are referred to as 'transformative factors' - that is, factors that played a part in facilitating the processes of learning on the part of students. In most cases, the interviews were conducted face-to-face with learners, but in a few instances (and almost all instances in France) interviews were conducted either by E-mail or by telephone. Whenever possible, interviews were recorded and transcribed, then analysed to identify common themes and issues which formed the basis for the content of the National Report for each country.

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What is APEL ? In this section we want to try and define what we understand by the term 'Accreditation of Prior Experiential Learning' (APEL) and to differentiate between APEL and the Accreditation of Prior Learning (APL). In both cases, the term 'accreditation' refers to the process of giving formal recognition to prior learning. This recognition might take the form of awarding credit points that count towards a qualification, or it might refer to the recognition of learning with a view to admitting students onto a programme of study. In this sense, AP(E)L is associated with both 'credit' and 'access' within education. The term APL refers to a broad process in which recognition is given to prior learning of any kind. Usually, however, the term refers to the recognition of prior certificated learning, which we understand as referring to learning that has been assessed, accredited and certificated by an academic institution. In this sense, we can differentiate between APL and APEL, since the latter is most often associated with the recognition of uncertificated, experiential learning. The term 'Accreditation of Prior Experiential Learning' (APEL) describes the process of giving formal recognition to learning that derives from personal experiences often gained in employment or voluntary work situations, but not exclusively so. For example, experiential learning might derive from personal life-changing experiences such as moving house, family break-up, breaking free from addiction problems, working as a carer of others, etc (Lueddeke, 1997). Because of its association with uncertificated learning, the practice of APEL necessarily involves active reflection and analysis of past experiences in order to draw out explicit learning outcomes or achievements (Hamill & Sutherland, 1994). In this sense, APEL is a process of self-evaluation in which experiences are not simply described, but analysed with a view to extracting the learning achieved through them. This learning needs to be made explicit by the learner if assessment is to take place. Evidence of this learning can take the form of portfolios; existing or negotiated 'conventional' assessments; project work; reflective accounts; or a combination of these. As we discovered through our case studies, the practice of APEL can vary considerably in terms of what happens and the level of formality of the process. The issue of formality is an important one for our definition of APEL; in order to identify processes of APEL, there has to be a degree of formality in the sense that the process is recorded in some way which makes it capable of being monitored. Without this recording, it is simply not possible to monitor the fact that APEL is taking place.

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For the purposes of this research, therefore, there are two defining features of APEL firstly, APEL refers to the accreditation of prior experiential learning which is recorded in some way and therefore is given a degree of formality which allows it to be monitored; secondly, APEL refers to the active process of reflection, analysis and self-evaluation that allows learning outcomes or achievements to be identified from personal experience. As well as clarifying our definition of APEL in this research we were concerned to understand how APEL operates in practice and to discover the primary role of APEL in education. For example we wanted to know whether APEL is used most often for the purposes of personal and social development or as part of a career development plan. As indicated above, APEL can be used for the purposes of gaining credit points towards a qualification or for gaining access to a programme of study. But is one of these more common than the other ? And how does this relate to processes of social inclusion ? Both APEL and APL can be seen as mechanisms for facilitating access to education and facilitating progress within education. For example, they have the potential for valuing different types of learning and different forms of knowledge in a way that other educational processes do not. Because of this they might be deemed to be of particular interest to people who have been traditionally excluded from further and higher education and to people who are returning to further or higher education after having been away from the education system for some time. It is this potential for valuing different types of learning and forms of knowledge that makes APEL so important in relation to strategies of social inclusion.

Findings of the research The extent of APEL activity One of the first points worth noting in the research is about the extent of APEL activity in each country. As indicated above, APEL in Spain is virtually non-existent. In contrast, France has legislation specifically devoted to AP(E)L that gives it a certain high profile and status within education. Against this backdrop, French universities have developed fairly centralised systems for dealing with APEL claims and can easily quantify at a national level the number of learners who have benefited from APEL. In the other countries, APEL is viewed as a useful mechanism for bridging the gap between informal, experiential learning and more formal, academic learning. In this sense, it is an institutional tool used at departmental level rather than a nationally-defined educational objective. The processes of APEL are much less centralised than in France and it is more difficult to quantify the number of learners who benefit from the process. In England and Scotland there is considerable rhetoric about the value of AP(E)L. In practice, however, it proved quite difficult to find case studies of APEL activity and to find learners who were engaged in APEL processes. This seems to indicate one of two things - either APEL activity is limited in practice, or APEL activity is taking place at such an informal level that it is almost impossible to monitor it. Given this finding the

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obvious question we must ask is, why is this the case ? What is it about APEL that makes it attractive in theory, but limited in practice ? This is an issue which raises fundamental questions about the nature of APEL and about the types of settings in which APEL is found. Are APEL processes flexible enough to adapt to different situations and different approaches ? These are the central issues that we attempt to address in this report.

Who takes part in APEL activity ? In our research we wanted to establish the types of learners who were benefiting most from APEL processes. To do this, we set a brief survey questionnaire for all interviewees in which they were asked to give their name, age, marital status, educational qualifications, nationality and employment status. From this information we were able to build up a profile of the type of learners who were participating in APEL processes. Although we did not undertake a comprehensive review of class, we were able to draw conclusions about class background from information given about employment status, area of residence, occupation of parents and educational background. In Finland, the findings show that APEL learners can be drawn equally from either working class or middle class backgrounds. In England, participants described themselves mainly as 'working class', with few or no previous qualifications. However, in France and Scotland, APEL learners were much more likely to be drawn from middle class backgrounds. This finding suggests that APEL is not directly linked with strategies of social inclusion, but that in some circumstances is being used to 'include' learners from working class backgrounds. Another finding was that a significant proportion of APEL learners across the partner countries had already achieved other academic qualifications. For example, in Scotland, 43 % of learners already had degrees, while in Finland, 62 % of learners had vocational diplomas; in France, learners had already achieved the Baccalaureate and were now studying at university. In England, however, many of the participants did not have prior qualifications. Again, there do not seem to be strong links between APEL and strategies of social inclusion. We also looked at the profile of learners in terms of gender and nationality. In England, Scotland and France, we found that APEL processes attracted equal numbers of men and women. However, in Finland, more women than men were interviewed. The explanation for this is at least partly to do with the types of programmes on which learners were enrolled in Finland. In particular, there was a nursing programme which used APEL and which had attracted more women learners than men. In terms of nationality, our findings show that APEL learners are likely to be nationals of the country in which they live. APEL processes do not appear to be attracting people from minority ethnic groups or other nationalities.

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Finally, we considered the issue of age. From our findings we can conclude that the majority of APEL learners are in their 20s or 30s. In general, these findings again seem to confirm that, in practice, APEL is not linked closely to processes of social inclusion. However, it is nevertheless possible to identify specific instances of APEL activity which do appear to link to processes of social inclusion. This is true, for example, of two of the case studies in Finland and one of the case studies in Scotland and arguably for at least two case studies in England. In these examples, the profile of learners is such that they are clearly drawn from marginalised groups such as the working class, unemployed, the disabled and former drug users. We would emphasise, however, that such examples of APEL appear to be limited.

Where does APEL take place ? The nature of our research shows the variety of settings in which APEL processes operate - community-based settings, universities, further education colleges, institutes of vocational education, adult education centres, etc. In this respect, APEL activity is not restricted in terms of institutional boundaries. However, there are certain patterns to the spread of APEL across institutions. For example, in France, England and Scotland, APEL activity appears to be more common in higher education (universities) than in other types of educational institutions (for example, further education). In a previous study on APEL involving most of the partners for this project (1996-99; Socrates Project Number 25019CP-2-97-1-BE-ADULT EDUCATION), a survey carried out then showed that in England, there was a lot of APEL activity taking place in further education settings. However, this activity appears to have declined and APEL activity is now more concentrated in higher education settings. In Scotland, for the current study, it proved quite difficult to find examples of APEL in either further education colleges or community-based settings. In Finland, APEL activity is often associated with institutes of vocational education. In France and Scotland, there is also a clear link between APEL activity and postgraduate programmes of study - for example, those in social work, nursing, engineering, management and health studies. This is perhaps unsurprising since experiential learning often relates more easily to the specialist knowledge or application of skills required at postgraduate level than to the broader-based knowledge associated with the earliest stages of undergraduate study. The link between APEL and vocational subjects is also found in Finland and again is due partly to the nature of experiential learning itself, particularly if work-based. In this respect, APEL acts as a bridge between informal, experiential learning and formal, academic learning through its reflective nature and the fact that outcomes and achievements are made more explicit through such reflection. Interestingly, APEL processes appear to take place more often in traditional educational institutions rather than in community-based settings. Again, this seems to suggest that APEL processes are being used in traditional contexts with traditional types of learners rather than being associated with processes aimed at enhancing the social inclusion of excluded groups.

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How does APEL work in each of the countries ? Our research shows that APEL processes work in different ways in different settings using different approaches to assessment. For example, in France, Scotland and England the use of a portfolio to support claims of APEL is quite common. This approach involves the learner in gathering evidence in the form of documentation - for example, minutes of meetings, letters, essays, etc. - which demonstrate the nature and extent of the learning gained through their personal experiences. The portfolio is then submitted for formal assessment and the learner can then be credited with a number of points, or granted admission to a particular programme of study. In France, this process of submission for assessment can be quite a centralised one - for example, there may be a central committee within a university which considers all claims for APEL. In the other countries, the nature of the process may be less centralised and APEL claims may be considered and assessed at a departmental level rather than university level. One of the fundamental differences between APEL processes in France and the UK is that the latter places greater emphasis on establishing equivalence between the outcomes of experiential learning and the required outcomes of the element of academic programme against which the learner is seeking credit. In France, the emphasis is on the learner's ability to engage in problem-solving and critical thinking. APEL is still used as a bridging mechanism between informal and formal learning, but there is an implicit recognition that just as the processes of experiential learning differ, so do the outcomes of these processes. This difficulty has been widely recognised by APEL practitioners, including Peters, Pokorney, Sheibani (1999); Harris (2000); and Davies & Feutrie (2001). The move to modularization within universities was designed to increase the learner-centredness and accessibility of education. However, learning outcomes tend to be knowledge-based and frequently do not reflect the breadth and depth of learning covered in the module. The difficulty of relating learning gained through experience to the recognised outcomes of academic study can often be perceived by the learner (and indeed by the academic institution) as insurmountable. The use of a portfolio is not the only approach that can be used and in Finland, the portfolio is less well used generally. Instead, learners in Finland are often asked to make claims for APEL on the basis of a Personal Development Plan that forms a regular part of their educational assessment. This Personal Development Plan contains personal information about the individual's progress through study and employment and provides evidence of achievements. In the UK, APEL may also be undertaken through 'assessment on demand' (existing or negotiated conventional assignments) or through project work. Another approach that was used in Scotland was to ask learners a set of questions that allowed them to reflect on their personal experiences and identify explicit learning outcomes or achievements. For example, a learner might be asked to describe their experience of combating their addiction to drugs and, through reflection, to identify the abilities and skills they developed in dealing with such a situation. The learner thus

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demonstrates that he or she has gained certain skills, for example, information-gathering skills, interpersonal skills and problem-solving skills of a particular kind. Through recognising that such skills also underpin successful study within formal educational contexts, the learner's self-confidence is considerably increased. In this sense, APEL can not only act as a transformative process, a bridge between informal experiential learning and more formal academic learning, but also as a tool of empowerment.

Learner perceptions of the APEL process In our research, learner perceptions of the APEL process are very important. We wanted to establish how learners view the process they are involved in, what they think about how it works, how their initial perceptions compared to later understanding of the process and in particular how they perceived the element of assessment. By interviewing learners we hoped to establish more information about the nature of APEL and, if possible, identify not only potential benefits, but also the difficulties in implementing these processes. Given some of the difficulties in identifying APEL learners, fewer interviews were conducted than we anticipated. This was particularly true in England and Scotland. This fact, in itself, indicated that APEL activity was more limited than we expected, but in other respects does not affect the validity of our findings about learner perceptions. In France, the centralised university systems of AP(E)L provide a reasonably clear framework of procedures for learners. The decrees of 1985, 1993 and 2001 clearly set out the parameters for AP(E)L in terms of how learners are initially received, how claims for APEL are made and processed, and how claims are finally assessed. In this respect, the experience of APEL in France may be quite different to that in the other countries. Unlike the other countries, there appears to be a political commitment to AP(E)L at national levels that ascribes it a much stronger position and higher status within the higher education system. In Finland, England and Scotland, some similarities in learner perceptions were found. For example, some learners were unclear at the start of the APEL process about how the process would work, what was involved, what they were expected to produce and how processes of assessment would work. In this sense, initial guidance and information is crucial, especially since for most learners APEL represents a very new and different learning experience. This finding suggests that initial information about the process needs to be provided and perhaps in more detail than is currently the case. Learners in England and Scotland were often unfamiliar with the term 'APEL' itself but were still aware that they were about to engage in a very different form of learning to that they were used to. Once again, this raises issues about the nature of knowledge and learning - the process of APEL focuses in informal, experiential types of learning and on transforming this into more formal, academic types of knowledge. In this sense, APEL serves to validate the experientially derived knowledge through transforming it into academic knowledge that can be recognised within formal educational structures. In so doing, the APEL process arguably both values and devalues experiential learning (Bryant and Usher, 1997).

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The level of uncertainty about the process of APEL amongst learners was sometimes quite acute; some of them complained about being confused in the early stages of the process and feeling that they lacked a sense of direction for their study. Learners in this case seemed not to understand the purpose of APEL and how it could benefit them. These perceptions were characteristic of learner views at the very start of the APEL process. At the end of the process, however, very different perceptions were noted. Learners were often enthusiastic about the experience of APEL, enjoyed being given the opportunity to reflect and analyse their personal experiences and felt a sense of satisfaction at having those experiences valued. Overall, learners seemed to feel that the experience of reflection and analysis was a very positive one and that it had helped in building their self-confidence. The issue of confidence-building is an important one, especially when considering links to processes of social inclusion. Many people from traditionally excluded social groups - for example, early school leavers, the unemployed, drug users, the disabled, ethnic minorities, older adults, etc. - often lack confidence in themselves in a traditional learning context. It seems that engaging in the process of APEL can boost confidence to higher levels and this therefore reinforces positive patterns of learning. This is an important point to consider in relation to a political agenda in Europe that is promoting lifelong learning. Another issue that our research highlighted was the question of whether women as learners found the process of APEL easier than men. In England and Finland, there was some evidence from the interviews that women perceived the process of reflection and self-evaluation easy, while male learners were slightly less confident about it. This is an interesting finding which perhaps suggests differences in the way that men and women engage with the learning process and the way in which they acquire a specific learner identity. It is also perhaps indicative of different cultures between men and women - for example, women arguably engage more often in the exchange of personal information and discussions that involve expressing their feelings about certain situations. In contrast, men are likely to engage in different types of discourses that less often involve these types of exchanges. On the basis of our interviews it is clear that learners often felt a lack of ownership of the APEL process. In this sense, they expressed views that suggested that they would have liked more information at the start of the process about what it would involve, what types of work they had to produce and how assessment would be carried out. For the most part, in the early stages of the process learners felt that they were responding to instructions or guidance given by tutors rather than taking initiatives on their own and to some extent this prompted a feeling of lack of control over the process and lack of responsibility for their own learning. As their experience of APEL developed, however, confidence increased and learners typically felt more positive about their own involvement in the process. It is clear from these findings that a careful balance needs to be maintained between the needs of learners and the needs of the institutions engaged in APEL activities.

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In the interviews learners were asked specifically whether they felt there were any negative aspects or disadvantages to the process of APEL. For the most part, learners were positive and made few criticisms of the process. However, there were some comments from a few learners that suggested that the process of APEL can become too bureaucratic, too time-consuming and involve too much paperwork. These criticisms were reinforced by anecdotal evidence from some of the tutors who complained that APEL processes could be too resource-intensive. The nature of the APEL process is very different from traditional learning approaches. For example, it is true that APEL can often involve intensive one-to-one contact between tutors and learners as work progresses on the APEL claim. It is also true that the process may involve considerable amounts of paperwork as evidence to support an APEL claim is collected. In some cases, too, the APEL process can take many months of hard work and some learners have commented that they were constantly thinking and reflecting on how their experiences might be disaggregated in to measurable learning outcomes or achievements. In this respect, the process is very demanding of learners at a personal level. These negative perceptions of the process may hold the key to why APEL activity is apparently so limited in practice.

Issues of assessment In addition to feeling uncertain and unclear about the process of APEL, our research found that learners had particular concerns about the process of assessment. In some cases, learners were simply unsure of the nature of the assessment process and in other cases they expressed concern about the kind of criteria that might be used for assessment purposes. Some learners felt that they did not know what objective criteria would be used for assessing their work and suggested that they thought assessment would be based on their tutor's judgement alone. These concerns again show that the type of information that is given to learners about the APEL process needs to be clear and detailed. The feelings of uncertainty about assessment effectively undermine learner confidence in themselves and in the process of APEL. Generally these concerns about assessment were expressed at the start of the APEL process and were alleviated as learners became more familiar with how the process worked. Our research shows that a variety of approaches to assessment are used in processes of APEL. In some instances, no formal assessment is made of the learner's work. This occurs, for example, in cases where APEL forms a small part of a wider programme of access to higher education. In this kind of example assessment processes apply to the learner's performance in the programme as a whole, rather than the APEL element of the process. In most cases of APEL, however, a formal process of assessment operates. In normal circumstances this involves the learner's work being submitted either to an individual tutor or to a central committee to be judged against set criteria of performance.

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Our research also shows that a variety of assessment tools can be used in APEL processes. The use of a portfolio was common in England, Scotland and France, for example, but not in Finland. Instead, Finnish systems of APEL often rely on compiling a Personal Development Plan that describes a learner's history of achievements through both study and employment. In general, evidence for APEL claims can take the form of essays, project work, portfolios, personal development plans, logbooks and documentation such as letters and minutes of meetings. In this respect, we conclude that there is the potential for APEL assessment methods to be quite flexible and adaptable to specific circumstances. In England and Scotland, however, there is often a tendency to assume that a portfolio must be used. This assumption is part of the APEL mythology that has grown up around the process. There is an issue, however, about how well informal, experiential learning can be assessed in the context of more formal structures of accreditation. In this sense, there may be difficulties in accommodating informal learning and knowledge into institutional systems and structures associated with more traditional forms of knowledge and learning.

Levels of support and guidance for learners An important issue for learners is the level of support and guidance they receive in the context of APEL. As indicated above, initial guidance about the nature of the APEL process and related assessment can be quite significant for learners. It is important, for example, that learners feel confident about the process of learning they are embarking on - this is especially true when the learners are adult returners or other types of learners who lack self-confidence generally. In France, the framework for APEL guidance and support is clearly set out by the decrees passed in 1985, 1993 and 2001. This framework outlines stages of the process from the initial reception of the learner, through stages of framing requests for APEL claims, to a final decision being taken on the outcome of the request. A clear and formal system of procedure and guidance appears to operate. In other countries, the process is less centralised and appears less formal and therefore more difficult to monitor in some respects. In England, learners expressed a strong need for very clear guidelines about the APEL process and about the need for a more structured framework. For example, some of them expressed the view that it would be useful to see several examples of the work produced by previous students so that they could fully anticipate the nature and extent of what they were being asked to do. Other learners said that any written guidance issued at the start of the process needed to be quite prescriptive in content to give as clear a view as possible about what was required of them.

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In most of the case study countries, institutional support for learners at the start of the process involved holding an initial meeting between the tutor and the learners at which the process of APEL would be explained. However, in some cases there was no initial meeting (for example, in two cases in Scotland) and learners' first communication about the APEL process was through written guidance. Whatever the approach adopted, however, it is clear in the research that learners sometimes feel that they need to be given a much clearer idea of the process at the start to avoid feelings of confusion and uncertainty. The types of support offered to learners during the APEL process varied considerably between and within each country. In some cases, after an initial input (either from a tutor or from written guidance) the learner was left very much on their own to work through the APEL process - for example, by gathering material for a portfolio. In these instances, contact with a tutor was minimal and usually initiated by the learner if he/she felt the need for specific help or guidance. In Finland, for example, learners expressed the view that the tutor's role was not very significant during the process. In other examples of APEL, regular meetings with a tutor were organised and this provided a definite structure for learners and tutors to follow. Meetings could be on a one-to-one basis or might involve groups of learners meeting together with a tutor to discuss common issues. There is little evidence to indicate which approach is 'best' for the learner. However, those who were left to work independently did sometimes feel isolated in their activities. The importance of peer support during the APEL process cannot be underestimated. In some instances, contact between different learners was minimal and some learners remarked on feelings of isolation. However, in other cases, learners established support networks with fellow learners by telephone and/or E-mail, as well as sometimes through the meetings with tutors. Because of the personal nature of some of the experiences that provide the focus for reflection on the part of the learner it is sometimes assumed that the practice of reflection and analysis is a very solitary activity. However, in theory, there is no reason why the practice of reflection cannot be carried out with others in a group setting. The advisability of this approach has to be considered carefully by tutors and may depend on the types of learners involved. Ideally, the learners themselves should be offered a choice of approach. Again, perhaps the most important issue in relation to support and guidance is that of structure. If a clear structure of support and guidance is in place the learners will be much clearer about how the process works in general.

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Key Issues In this part of the report we explore some of the main issues that have arisen from the research and evaluate the importance of links between APEL and social inclusion strategies. The limited extent of APEL activity Our findings have shown that the extent of APEL activity in the selected European countries is limited. In Spain, there is almost no APEL activity, which has meant that for the purposes of this study the researchers have had to adopt a slightly different methodological approach. In France and Finland it was easier to identify APEL learners. France has a system of AP(E)L that is recognised at a national level and which operates in a highly centralised way in universities. However, there is little evidence of APEL taking place in other settings. In England and Scotland, it was difficult to find case study institutions and APEL learners and we conclude that this is either because there is little APEL activity taking place or that where APEL activity is taking place it is operating at such an informal level that it is almost impossible to monitor. It is also likely that APEL activity is limited because of associated costs and resourcing in a climate where further education colleges are tightening budgets. In all countries, we found that there is little APEL activity taking place in more informal community-based settings. Instead, APEL operates within clear formal institutional boundaries in further and higher education. One of the main questions we have to ask is why is APEL activity so limited ? Part of the answer may lie in the findings of our research. Some learners in our study indicated quite clearly that they thought that APEL processes could be very resource intensive and bureaucratic. Anecdotal evidence from tutors reinforces this perspective. In a climate in which educational institutions are very conscious of their expenditure, this aspect of the process may act as a deterrent to implementation. There is, however, another aspect to the problem which has been insufficiently considered. It relates to what we term 'hierarchies of knowledge and learning'.

Hierarchies of knowledge and learning In the course of our research it has become clear that there is an issue about what we term 'hierarchies of knowledge and learning'. Our findings show that APEL activity in the selected European countries is fairly limited and we need to consider why this might be the case. One of the factors we consider here is that discussions about APEL raise important and fundamental questions about different types of knowledge and learning in western societies. When we consider the nature and status of experiential learning in our society we must conclude that as a type of learning it is virtually ignored and excluded from traditional processes of assessment and accreditation. For example, little credence is given to the potential impact of experiential learning in terms of an individual's capabilities for academic learning. In this respect, the role and status of experiential

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learning is undervalued. For this reason, we suggest that an ideological hierarchy of knowledge and learning exists in which experiential learning is regarded as a 'lower' form and academic learning is regarded as a 'higher' form of knowledge. The low status of experiential learning in this hierarchy has a number of implications. Firstly, experiential learning plays little part in traditional processes of learning and teaching. The main reason for this is the supposed difficulty of accommodating informal, experiential learning into more formal, academic learning contexts. Secondly, where experiential learning does play a part, it is associated most strongly with specific types of knowledge and learning - that is, with vocational areas of learning - and often with a higher education learning environment. In this sense, experiential learning at present has a limited role within educational structures.

APEL as a transformative mechanism In spite of this, it is our belief that processes of APEL can act as an important transformative mechanism within hierarchies of knowledge and learning. APEL is concerned with linking knowledge and understanding gained through informal experiential learning to more formal academic types of knowledge and learning. The reflection and analysis that are essential parts of APEL have the potential to serve as a transformative element within the process that provides a clear link between experiential knowledge and learning which can be recognised in a more formal, academic context. In this respect, APEL appears to have the potential to provide a link between the different forms and levels of knowledge. However, we must not lose sight of the fact that experiential learning - as a type of informal learning - has value in its own right. Processes of APEL are double-edged in their effects - at the same time as giving recognition and value to informal learning, the process acts to transform that knowledge into a ("more valuable" ?) type of formal knowledge, thereby de-valuing the informal learning. We believe that APEL processes have the potential to act as a bridge between informal, experiential types of knowledge and more formal, academic types of learning. The APEL process - through reflection and self-analysis - transforms informal, experiential learning into a more formal, academically-recognised form of learning by identifying specific achievements, learning outcomes or skills. This suggests that APEL has the potential to play a unique role in education and in strategies of social inclusion. However, such a role depends on ensuring that APEL processes are made accessible to learners of all types of background, in settings which do not require prior formal learning or qualifications. There is a strong argument, therefore, for suggesting that in order to facilitate processes of social inclusion, APEL must be made more widely available in community-based settings as well as in more formal academic institutions. In addition, there is an argument for wider national and European recognition of APEL as a factor in processes of social inclusion.

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If the potential of APEL is to be fully realised in processes of social inclusion, the apparent 'barrier' between APEL and academic knowledge has to be broken down and universities have to reconsider ways in which APEL can be used to access or gain credit for undergraduate programmes of study. This requires a cultural shift in which experiential learning comes to be more highly valued than it is currently in western societies. We believe that the social inclusion agenda may provide a means for APEL processes to become more widely recognised and valued as a mechanism of transformation.

APEL and social inclusion The limited extent of APEL activity is of particular concern when we consider processes of social inclusion. The potential for acting as a transformative mechanism in education between informal experiential learning and more formal academically recognised learning means that APEL has considerable potential value in processes of social inclusion. Learners with no formal qualifications can - through APEL - gain recognition and status in the academic world in a way which they otherwise could not. In other words, APEL has the potential to act as an important mechanism of social inclusion in education. Our research indicates that the links between APEL processes and social inclusion are not as clear as might be expected. Our study of learner profiles suggests that many learners are drawn from social groups that are not traditionally excluded. APEL learners are often drawn instead from traditional groups who are young, often middle class, from the majority ethnic population, who already have a good education. This is less true in England, where more participants described themselves as working class and were in the age range of 35-50. In this sense, APEL is currently contributing in only a relatively small way to processes of social inclusion in the five countries. Given the potential of APEL as a transformative mechanism, this finding is perhaps surprising. In theory, APEL processes have the potential to offer anyone with either positive or negative life experiences an opportunity to gain access or credit within the formal education system. This is because of the potentially transformative nature of the APEL process through which exclusionary factors (for example, being working class, being old, being divorced, being a drug user) are valued in themselves as providing forms of learning and knowledge. Peters, Pokorney and Sheibani (1999) claim that " students from very diverse backgrounds and a broad age range have found the process of APEL useful in enabling them to position themselves within the higher education environment and developing a continuity between their previous selves and themselves as students." We believe that the potential for using APEL in strategies of social inclusion is significant. The process of APEL is potentially a useful tool for socially marginalised groups such as the unemployed, the disabled, ethnic minorities, older adults and those seeking help for problems of addiction who traditionally have few or no formal

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qualifications. People in these categories undoubtedly have a breadth of personal experiences that would prove to be a valuable source of experiential knowledge and learning which could form the basis for successful claims for APEL. At present, however, this is simply not happening to any great extent and the obvious question is, why not ? In the first instance, in order for learners to gain from APEL processes, these processes have to be made accessible. From our research, however, access to APEL processes is limited. Traditionally, APEL processes are associated with formal academic institutions and in some cases (France and Scotland, particularly) are associated specifically with higher education institutions and postgraduate programmes of study. In this sense, learners must already have formal qualifications to access processes of APEL operating in higher education institutions. Instead, if APEL is to be closely linked to processes of social inclusion it needs to be operating at a level which is more easily accessible to people with few or no formal qualifications. This is an argument for saying that more APEL activity is needed in community-based settings that are more likely to attract non-traditional learners at a level that does not require formal qualifications. Alternatively, higher education institutions need to review and revise their strategies for widening access and look at ways of using APEL at levels other than postgraduate programmes. In this sense, experiential learning - as a type of informal learning - has value in its own right and its value should not be judged simply in association with processes of formal accreditation. Processes of accreditation - and processes of APEL in particular - may in fact act a barrier to social inclusion. In this respect, APEL is a double-edged phenomena in one sense it serves to give recognition to informal types of learning (personal experiential learning) and in other respects, because of its formality it can act as a deterrent to processes of social inclusion. Finally, there are issues relating to social inclusion and lifelong learning that APEL might help to address. For example, our research shows that APEL learners at present are predominantly drawn from certain age groups - people in their 20s and 30s. However, APEL processes appear to be ideal for adults from older age groups. The whole notion of experiential learning lends itself to people with considerable years of personal experience behind them and it seems that APEL should therefore be attracting older adults. At present, this is not the case.

APEL and the issue of flexibility These issues raise the question of whether APEL processes are flexible enough to be adapted to different levels of access and different types of institutional setting. At present, it would seem that the answer to this question is 'no'. APEL activity is restricted predominantly to non community-based settings and applied at the upper end of a hierarchy of knowledge and learning. The question that needs to be answered is, why is this the case ?

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Part of the answer lies in the history of the development of APEL in each of the five countries. In Spain, there has been very little development at all and the impact of APEL in processes of social inclusion is therefore negligible. In France, processes of APEL are accommodated into a national framework that provides a backdrop for highly centralised systems and procedures operated by universities. In this sense, APEL is restricted to a certain type of setting in which prior qualifications are essential. In contrast, in Finland, Scotland and England, processes of APEL have developed at a more localised, institutional level without a strong national profile or status and has been largely promoted by vocational institutes and universities. In this sense, there has been little development at a community-based level. From our research it is clear that APEL processes can operate in different settings and at different levels of education, but at present this is happening only in a very limited way. APEL activity is concentrated at certain levels of education and in certain types of setting. We believe, however, that APEL processes have the potential to operate in a wider variety of settings and at various levels of knowledge and learning than is currently the case. This belief is based on our findings that approaches to APEL can vary considerably not only between settings, but also between programmes of study and between different levels of learning. In this sense, APEL processes can be adapted to suit different types of learners, different settings, different types of study programme and different levels of operation. Where there is a lack of flexibility this often derives from institutional constraints relating to quality assurance and administration within an organisation. With careful planning and preparation, however, it should be possible to accommodate processes of APEL in most situations. Davies & Feutrie (1999) argue that universities should become the place to structure, organise and formalise knowledge acquired in a more unorganised way. The approach to APEL in France where learners are not required to demonstrate identical knowledge, but rather to demonstrate they possess the intellectual and problem-solving capacities the programme aims to develop avoids the problems caused by the rigidity of the UK system (Davies & Feutrie, 2001). The issue of whether APEL processes can operate at different levels of learning is also important. As indicated previously, there are strong associations in all of the countries between APEL and vocationally-oriented programmes such as engineering, social work, management and health-related occupations. In addition, in Scotland and France APEL is associated strongly with postgraduate programmes. The question arises as to whether APEL can also be used in the context of non-vocational, 'academic' undergraduate and access programmes. Again, there is evidence to suggest that APEL has the potential to be flexible enough to be used in these situations - one of the case studies in Scotland was an example of APEL being used on an access to social sciences programme. This suggests that it is possible to use APEL in such contexts but at present it is not often happening.

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Conclusions From our research it is clear that the opinions and perspectives offered by learners in the APEL process are extremely valuable in allowing us to understand such processes more clearly. Their contributions have shaped the content of this report and the conclusions and recommendations made here. Their responses show that APEL processes can be of benefit both academically and at a more personal level in terms of building selfconfidence and self-esteem and this indicates that engaging in the process of APEL is itself of value. APEL processes can provide an important bridge between more formal knowledge and less formal types of knowledge and in doing so, APEL acts as a transformative process for the learner in which his or her aspirations, needs and aims become central. Through processes of APEL learners become aware of their own learning potential and this in itself strengthens their motivation and confidence in ways which are very important for understanding processes of lifelong learning. From our research it is clear that APEL processes can be shaped by tutors and institutions in such a way as to create a more positive and favourable learning experience for the learner. This can be done, for example, by providing better information about the APEL process, giving clear guidance about assessment criteria and providing clear mechanisms of support throughout the process. One of the most important aspects of APEL is the fact that through processes of reflection and analysis the learner comes to appreciate the value of learning and their potential for learning. In this way, APEL lends recognition to all types of learning processes, not simply the most formal or academic modes of learning. In addition, the APEL process provides a basis for promoting self-knowledge in a way which encourages personal development and prepares learners not only for further study, but also for the job market. Our research has highlighted a number of significant issues about the way in which APEL works in practice and about the potential for APEL to be used more widely. We believe that the current situation regarding APEL is unsatisfactory - the use of APEL processes is very limited and restricted mainly to specific settings and particular types of study programme. The potential for wider use of APEL is not being realised at present. Given this, the question remains as to why APEL processes are limited in practice and why links between APEL and processes of social inclusion are so weak. The answer to this lies most likely in the history of the development of APEL in each country and particularly, the lack in most of the countries of a national framework for APEL development. In countries other than France, the development of APEL has been characterised by localised and institutionally-based policies and strategies rather than a recognised national or European approach. In turn, this has meant that APEL processes have not had a high profile in education and that as a result the funding of APEL initiatives has been neglected.

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However, there are also other reasons. The potential role of accrediting experiential learning has not been fully recognised in relation to processes of social inclusion. In our view, too, APEL also has the potential to serve as a mechanism of social mobility in employment and education across countries within Europe. The nature of experiential learning is such that it opens up possibilities to people who might otherwise be excluded from formal learning opportunities. In this respect, APEL has the potential to bridge the gap between informal and formal types of learning and knowledge. However, to date, there appears to have been difficulties in accommodating experiential learning into more formal and traditional types of learning, particularly at levels other than postgraduate study. In order that the full potential of APEL is realised there needs to be a greater political will to recognise and support its promotion and implementation. We believe that this can be done through national and European agendas of social inclusion and lifelong learning. At an institutional level, effort is required to use APEL in new ways, in new settings and for a wider group of people than is currently the case. We believe that this is possible, particularly in the context of efforts to widen access and promote social inclusion. Finally, it appears at present that apart from in France, APEL development is not progressing or keeping pace with other developments in education. We believe that the agenda for APEL needs to be moved forward to ensure that policies in lifelong learning and social inclusion succeed in making their impact on society. We believe that the contribution to be made by APEL is potentially very significant.

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RECOMMENDATIONS 1. We believe that APEL has an important role to play in European countries under the agendas of both lifelong learning and social inclusion. We would therefore recommend an increase in the promotion of APEL at a European level and would welcome increased policy-making at this level as a means of facilitating widening participation to learning for non-traditional adult students. 2. We would also recommend the creation of a European framework for APEL under the lifelong learning agenda. Such a framework would provide the context and support for national and institutional policies on APEL; it would help in the promotion of APEL generally and help to facilitate student mobility within the EU. 3. We believe that APEL should be promoted more widely across the curriculum at both European and national levels. APEL plays an important part in the recognition and valuing of different forms of knowledge and its increased promotion would help to strengthen the links between informal and formal types of knowledge. 4. At national and institutional levels there is a need to promote APEL in ways which raise general awareness and offer learners more information about APEL prior to starting courses. 5. At European, national and institutional levels there is a need for increased resources to fund APEL initiatives as APEL can be labour-intensive. However, APEL has the potential to widen access and therefore has an important role to play in the social inclusion agenda. 6. At an institutional level, clearer information needs to be provided to learners engaged in APEL processes. There needs to be clearer information on the aims and purposes of APEL processes and on the assessment criteria that will be applied 7. At an institutional level, we recommend improved learner support and guidance in APEL processes. Clear strategies of support and guidance need to be devised that are appropriate to the learners concerned. 8. Also at an institutional level, there is a need to raise awareness of APEL through staff development, particularly as APEL has an important role to play in blurring the boundaries between formal and informal learning. 9. At an institutional level, APEL needs to be used as a means to involve the socially excluded in learning - strategies need to be developed at national and institutional level to facilitate processes of social inclusion and target socially-excluded groups.

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References Ian Bryant & Robin Usher, ‘The personal and the particular: adult educators, postmodernity and the problem of localised knowledge’, (27th Annual SCUTREA Conference proceedings 1997) Pat Davies & Michel Feutrie, ‘The Accreditation of Prior Learning: From Minority Concern to Majority Interest’, Conference paper and workshop presented at the Joensuu conference of EUCEN, December 1999. John Hamill & John Sutherland, Accrediting Prior Learning Part 1: Its Nature and Potential, Education and Training, Vol. 36, No. 4, 1994, pp. 27-30. Judy Harris, ‘Re-visioning the boundaries of learning theory in the assessment of prior experiential learning' ( APEL), (30th Annual SCUTREA conference proceedings, 2000) George Lueddeke, 'The Accreditation of Prior Experiential Learning in Higher Education: A Discourse on Rationales and Assumptions', Higher Education Quarterly, Vol. 51, No. 3, July 1997, pp. 210-224. Veronica McGiveney , 'Fixing or Changing the Pattern?. Reflections on widening adult participation in learning’ ( NIACE ,2001) Helen Peters, Helen Pokorny & Asar Sheibani, ‘ Fitting in : what place is accorded to the experiential learning mature students bring with them to Higher Education’ (29th Annual SCUTREA conference proceedings, 1999.)

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APPENDIX 1 England: Background and case study information The post-compulsory education system in England: a brief overview A range of provision is available at post 16 in England. While the system is similar to that in Scotland, educational policies are determined separately by the English and Scottish parliaments. Post-compulsory refers to people aged 16 and over. Most post-compulsory education takes place within further and higher education but schools are also located within this sector as young people are able to stay on at school from the age of 16 and remain until they are 18. Most schools are state funded but there are some private funded schools. The school qualifications achieved at the age of 18 (A and AS levels) act as entry qualifications for higher education institutions. This provision is also available at further education (FE) colleges. Further education colleges are becoming an increasingly important sector within the lifelong learning agenda following various government reports on social inclusion, widening participation and lifelong learning, for example the Kennedy Report. Colleges vary in size. The larger colleges offer a wide range of academic, vocational and leisure provision either part-time or full-time, although no two colleges are alike in terms of the curriculum as they tend to specialise in certain areas. Over the past ten years colleges have changed tremendously in relation to their role and mission. Adults are now the dominant student group in many colleges. Access courses which prepare adults for entry to higher education (HE) are popular. Most colleges also offer HE programmes in FE such as Foundation Degrees, franchised and 2+2 degrees. It has been argued that there is now a blurring between the FE and HE sectors. Both APL and APEL are used in some colleges. The higher education sector consists of universities, university colleges, a few teacher training institutions, art colleges, agricultural colleges etc. In 1992 the Further and Higher Education Act gave polytechnics university status. They are often referred to as the ‘new’ universities. The policy push to widen participation by widening access routes into universities now means that adults constitute approximately half of the undergraduate population. However, they are not evenly distributed across the system as most are found in the new universities and very few in the traditional elite institutions. At the university of East London, for example, the adult undergraduate population is over 80%. Foundation, part-time and 2+2 degrees have been introduced to attract adults into HE. Universities also provide Continuing Professional Development (CPD) courses for those in employment. Some universities also offer a pre-degree programme such as the Open Studies programme at the University of Warwick. Universities also deliver postgraduate and teacher training studies. Some universities offer APL and APEL. Eighteen year olds entering university have to possess a certain number of points at A/AS levels - these vary by institution. Universities are funded by a central funding body - HEFCE in England.

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Community and adult education also forms part of the post-compulsory sector. Adult education is provided, besides FE college, by organisations such as the Workers Educational Association (WEA). The WEA offers a range of courses such as, return to learn, academic subjects, women’s groups. Community education teams funded by local councils provide adult education courses, often located within outreach and community centres. The case studies Case study institutions were identified through a survey (questionnaire) conducted for a previous SOCRATES adult education project on APEL from the institutional perspective. In total 6 case studies were chosen to reflect a range of adult education provision and institutions. However, there were some problems with a few of the original institutions identified. For example, some of the FE colleges (post-compulsory institutions) identified stated, when approached, that they no longer offer APEL as it is a costly process in terms of resources and time. Other institutions, therefore, had to be contacted. It appears that APEL is not as widespread as a few years ago, particularly within the FE sector. The situation may now be reversed whereby HE now implements APEL more than FE. Interviews with learners were delayed at one FE college as the contact person was off ill for several weeks. As this particular college had several adult learners who had undergone the APEL process it was decided to maintain this institution as a case study. The following provides a contextual outline of the case study institutions: Case Study A Case study A is a traditional ‘old’ university with degree programmes targeted at local adult students as part of its institutional strategy to widen access to its undergraduate provision. APEL is offered at undergraduate level within the part-time degree programme at level 1. The aim of the module is to enable a student to obtain academic credit for learning gained before joining the degree programme. The learning can be related, for example, to work, voluntary work, leisure activity, or the family. The student has to produce a portfolio based on reflective practice in order to gain credit. The APEL module is managed by the Director of Part-time degrees and who also acts as the course tutor. The portfolios are marked by a member of the Department of Continuing Education. Tutorial assistance is available. The prior learning module is normally undertaken over one term and the credit received is equivalent to one level 1 module credit. Case Study B Case study B is a ‘new’ university which has a fairly large adult undergraduate population. APEL is offered to adult students prior to commencing a BA degree in Social Work. This is a part-time degree for social workers in part or full-time wanting to gain a qualification in social work. The degree was developed by the Department of Social

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Work in partnership with the Central Council for Education and Training in Social Work and the Learning From Experience Trust. It is an Employment Learning Contract scheme which enables selected, experienced, but unqualified members of staff in Social Services Departments (three local authorities) to be released on a part-time basis onto the degree course. The staff have to belong to one of three target groups; residential child care workers, ethnic minority employees, or as a level 2 or above residential social worker. Fees are paid under the scheme and employers allow them two days a week for study. APEL is used as claims for part of their credit - up to a maximum of two-thirds of the qualification at levels 1 and 2. The claim is made before the degree course commences. In practice students have to identify modules offered within the BA Social Work degree which they feel they have experience and knowledge of through their work. The experience has to match the content of a specific module. If the student is given a pass with their portfolio they are then exempted from having to take that particular module. They are allowed to present more than one portfolio. Case Study C Case study C is a university college which means that it does not have full university status. It is located in a city surrounded by a rural area. The university college has a large number of adult students. Case Study D Case study D is a further education college situated in a small town.

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APPENDIX 2 Finland: Background and case study information The post compulsory education system in Finland In Finland the school system traditionally consists of a first degree, secondary degree and higher education. The levels of education are 1) basic education (peruskoulu ja muu yleissivistävä opetus); 2) vocational education and upper secondary school (lukio ja ammatillinen koulutus); 4) higher education (korkeakoulutus) 5) PhD. education and further education (tutkija- ja jatkokoulutus). There isn’t any level three, because Finnish education consists only of four levels and secondary education is a confirmed term. Figure 1. Education system in Finland

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Adult education in Finland: Introduction The Finnish educational system A nine-year Comprehensive school in Finland is compulsory for everyone under fifteen years of age. Comprehensive school is usually started at the age of seven. Liberal education is provided by upper secondary schools after the comprehensive school. Vocational education is provided by vocational schools. It is possible to finish upper secondary school in 2 to 4 years. At the end of it a matriculation exam is usually taken. Vocational degrees of the upper secondary schools usually take from 2 to 3 years. The structure of vocational education is consecutive, which means that finishing upper secondary school or a vocational degree of a secondary school is required before going on to further vocational education. After upper secondary school or vocational school it is possible to continue studies at a university or a polytechnic. Studying at a polytechnic lasts from 3 to 4 years after finishing upper secondary school or comparable studies. In statistical terms the polytechnic-degrees are ranked at the same level with the lower university -degrees, the Candidate degrees. Taking the Candidate degree (130 credits) at a university takes from 3 to 4 years, and the higher Master’s degree (160-180 credits) from 5 to 6 years. After passing the Master’s degree it is possible for the student to continue as a graduate student at the university doing research studies up to the licentiate or doctorate level. The close connection between research and teaching is a characteristic feature of the Finnish university system. Further universities provide vocational training, Open University courses and continuing education. In addition, there are also music institutions, folk high schools and folk colleges. As an adult student someone can, for example, obtain a vocational diploma, take a degree, take basic education studies or study for a new vocation (depending on the school). Statistics In 1998/99 there were altogether more than 5000 comprehensive schools, upper secondary schools, vocational schools, polytechnics and universities. In these schools there were over a million students. Table 1: Upper secondary schools, vocational schools, polytechnics and universities and the amount of their students in the 1998/99 school year in Finland. Type of institution Upper secondary schools Vocational schools Polytechnics Universities Total

Institutions 430 327 34 20 811

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Students 113 000 137 700 82 200 147 300 480 200

The statistics show quite well the large numbers of students in the adult education field, though music institutions, folk high schools and folk colleges aren’t mentioned here. In adult education there are approximately 2,7 million students every year. The population of Finland is 5 million, so the number of participants in the adult education field is considerably high. Apart from the older generations, almost everyone in Finland has a vocational or a higher education. Comprehensive schools form the bulk of schools among the more than 5000 schools in Finland. In 1998/99 there were 4,203 of them.

History History of the Finnish higher education originates from the 17th century. The first university in Finland was established in Turku in 1640. In 1828 the university was relocated to Helsinki. Later in the 19th century the first adult education institutions were established in Finland. For a long time these institutions were small, separated and concentrated on one field only. Their modes of action were individual as well. During the last decade, vocational education has been prominently co-ordinated and improved. At first in the 1980´s the upper secondary education system was improved. Then there was a need to standardise the structure of vocational education. In the 1990´s the polytechnic system was established. In 1991 a law for experimental polytechnics was passed. At first, these institutions were merely experimental, but later they gained a permanent status. Today there are both experimental and permanent polytechnics. Universities and polytechnics Today there are 20 universities in Finland. Ten of them are traditional with multiple faculties, and ten of them provide specialised education. There are three schools of economics and business administration, an academy of fine arts, a music academy and a theatre academy. In 1999 there were 151,500 students in these universities. 52 % of the students were women. All the universities are state-owned and publicly paid for, enjoying autonomy in respect of their internal affairs. Finnish universities select their students by using admission criteria. Only universities’ own criteria limit the target group. It is not defined by occupational status, social specificity or age. Often this means that getting into a university requires enough earlier studies with good reports. Students usually study basic degrees after upper secondary school. In some cases it is also possible to get in a university after vocational school or polytechnic studies. Depending on the faculty or program there are quotas for students who have not taken matriculation examination. Credit transfer between universities whether domestic or international is usually quite well organised. Students can compensate some of their studies with some foreign exams accepted by universities. There is also another path to the higher education in addition to the traditional academic one. The formation of the non-academic sector was launched in 1991 with legislation on experimental polytechnics. They provide a higher non-academic vocational education. The meaning of the law was to improve vocational training and to simplify Finnish

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education system. At first the government gave permission to operate for 22 experimental polytechnics. Parliament approved legislation making the polytechnic system permanent in 1995. The entire time the organisation has been improving. In 1999 there were 31 polytechnic schools. Polytechnic schools choose their students by school reports and working experience. They may also use suitability tests. Vocational education There are approximately 350 vocational institutes in Finland that provide secondary education. Most of the students begin their studies there right after comprehensive school. In 1997 there were 175 000 students studying in a vocational school. In a vocational school the student can obtain a vocational diploma in some field. After that it may be possible to continue in a polytechnic school. Both theoretical and practical vocational skills are taught in a vocational school. Further education contains a lot of vocational training. In Finland it is possible to obtain vocational diploma elsewhere as well. There are different institutions that provide basic education and basic vocational education, like adult education centres, folk high schools and folk colleges. Usually they don’t have a specific social target groups. In 1996 52 % of the students in vocational diploma studies were women. It is also possible to get other vocational education, which doesn’t give the student a vocational diploma. Such studies are for example further studies for employees. Number of apprenticeship contract education has remained low in Finland, but it has been planned to raise the volume in the future. In such education the student can prove his/her vocational skills with a practical vocational test. Student can participate a test and get a basic vocational, vocational or a special vocational diploma. The test may be participated regardless of where the student has obtained his/her vocational skills; at work, at school or in hobby’s midst.

Maintenance and economics According to the statistics of the year 1997, there were 950 up keepers of the 5000 schools mentioned above. Less than 50 % of them only maintained one school and approximately 200 of the up keepers maintained more than ten schools. The city of Helsinki maintained most schools and institutions. Cities and communes maintained 88,5 % of all schools. Only 6,5 % of schools were maintained privately although the number had even grown from the beginning of the 1990´s. Federation of municipalities was the biggest owner of the vocational schools and polytechnics. All the universities in Finland are state-owned, as mentioned above. In 1997 there were 91 operating folk colleges. More than 90 % of them were privately maintained. The owners were mainly ideological associations, foundations and trusts. At the same year there were 276 operating folk high schools. Communes owned 90 % of them, less than 10 % were privately maintained.

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In 1997 the social expenditure in Finland was 29,4 % of state’s budget, while tax revenue in Finland was 46,5%. Education expenditure at the same year was 7,5%. Research and development expenditure was 2,7%, which proves how research orientated the Finnish educational system is. The Ministry of Education is the third largest ministry by its budget after the Ministry of Social Affairs and Health and the Ministry of Finance. The biggest part of the Finnish adult education is publicly funded from communes’ and state’s resources. An essential basis for funding is, that the organiser of education or the maintainer of school has permission from a state’s authority. The state regulates adult education by funding it. The case studies Kaarina Institute of Social Studies Is a vocational institute owned by the town of Kaarina. Social work and social and health care can be studied there. The adult department arranges several courses for post graduate and further studies for people who already have work experience. Students can also study as private students or through apprenticeship. The education is carried out in close cooperation with working life both national and international level. Basic diploma in social and health care can be taken in 3 years. The program trains Practical nurses. Social and health sciences are the main subjects studied, but students can also develop their skills in Finnish, computing, home economics, music, creative arts and interactions. Various working methods - theory, practise, projects, small groups, excursions, individual studies - are applied and used with different emphasis. The aim is to match the study programmes with one of present and future needs of professional social care and social work. Such needs are e.g. extensive professional education, flexibility and freedom of choice in studies. Turku Vocational Adult Education Centre Consists of five training departments: Metalwork, Service, Construction, Data Processing and Communication, and Entrepreneurship, Business and Administration. Turku Foundation of Adult Education maintains Turku Vocational Adult Education Centre. Further Qualification in Institutional Cleaning is carried out as apprenticeship contract education. The program is carried out non-stop. Student needs to get him/herself a job in the field to be able to participate the education. Objective of training is to take a degree in Institutional Cleaning. It consists of two obligatory parts: providing of cleaning services and carrying out cleaning services at a customer resort, and three facultative parts of degree. Studying is carried out besides student’s job. The time of education is individual and depends on the level of student’s vocational skills. An individual study program is created for each student.

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Qualification in Data Consultant is targeted for people with a degree in business and/or technology, with a basic training in computing or an adequate working experience in the branch. The education is carried out spontaneously as daytime and multiform education. Qualification in Massage is carried out as a spontaneous daytime-/multiform education. It is directed to people interested in the work of masseur/masseuse and are of a good physic and psychic health. The aim of the program is to take the vocational qualification in massage and to self-employ oneself. Education lasts ten months. The Diaconia Polytechnic Is a permanent, experimenting and progressing polytechnic for people, society and church. Degree in Sign Language Interpreting is a Polytechnic degree of 140 credits. Depending on individual’s own time, studying takes approximately from 3 to 4 years. Target groups are set with general polytechnic standards. Studying consists of sign language, Finnish, Swedish, English, theory and practise of interpreting and meeting of different groups of clients. Practise periods are carried out during the education among clients using different types of communication, working Sign Language Interpreters and others working in the sign language field. University of Turku, The Centre for Extension Studies Organises adult education geared to the needs of the community. Its’ activities are based on a wide range of multidisciplinary knowledge and research and an extensive cooperation network. Adult Education is one of the basic functions of Turku University. It utilises the skills of professionals from working life in the capacity of experts, teachers and students. The Open University offers all who are interested an opportunity to pursue degree-level studies in any faculty of the University of Turku, whatever the basic education. The studies may also lead to a university degree. Distance studies are flexible and can be individually tailored. Another important part of Open University is to develop new teaching and learning methods suitable for adult education. Professional development means enhancement of expert skills and competencies. This task is carried out in close interaction with the academic community, with specialists in education and with the business world. A large proportion of students have a university degree. Today, education is increasingly based on the concept of multi-professionalism. They offer recent university graduates and those who are unemployed career services and the kind of training that will lead to employment. Professional Development also offers professional development programmes in the fields of education and teaching, social welfare and health services, international operations and information technology. Paasikivi Institute Is a social folk high school. Functioning leans on bourgeois ideology. The Finnish

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National Coalition party is the community in the background of the institute. The owner and maintainer of the institute is the Community of Paasikivi Institute. The two-year program of Communication and Media gives a basic capability to work in the media as a journalist or in different branches of community communication. It also prepares for academic studies, since it is possible to study the basic studies in the institute. The width of the program is 80 credits. There are no previous demands for the students when it comes to their education or working experience. Student has to be at least 18 years old. Liberal education is provided in the program, which consists of distance learning, individual study program, excursions and training. Studying is multiform and full-time. Turku Vocational Institute The Turku Vocational Institute offers both young people and adults basic vocational training at the secondary level in collaboration with the business sector, the retail trade, food industry, technical, and health and welfare sectors. Programmes offer students the possibility of designing their own individual study programme. Turku Vocational School offers a possibility for people who are unemployed, in a threat of becoming unemployed or those who wish to change careers and are interested in cooking, to become a restaurant cook. Education (80 credits) requires no earlier education or work experience of the branch. Studying consists, in addition to vocational skills, of languages, computing, mathematics, training in job seeking and a period of learning at a job. There is a similar training of the same width aiming for a qualification as a waiter or a waitress. It consists of similar studies in addition to vocational skills of service.

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APPENDIX 3 Scotland: Background and case study information An overview of post-compulsory education In Scotland, the post-compulsory education system is similar to that in England and Wales, but is governed by different legislation and is subject to policies defined by a devolved Scottish parliament. In the UK, post-compulsory education refers to education for those aged 16 or older. At that age, a young person can seek full-time employment. There are three sectors in the post-compulsory education system in Scotland. Firstly, schools continue to offer education to learners up to the age of 17 or 18. The school sector is predominantly state-funded and learners can study a range of qualifications including Highers and Advanced Highers in fifth and sixth years. In the higher education sector there are essentially three types of institution - universities, colleges of education and further education colleges. Universities offer both undergraduate and postgraduate courses. At undergraduate level learners can study a general three-year degree or a more specialised four-year Honours degree and increasingly, there is provision for learners to exit with one-year certificates or two-year diplomas if they do not complete their study. In the university sector, funding is regulated by a national funding council according to a variety of criteria relating to teaching and research functions carried out by the institution. The colleges of education are relatively small institutions and are most often associated with teacher training; in some instances these colleges have amalgamated with universities. Further education colleges receive government funding according to a range of factors, including the number of student enrolments and the types of courses offered by the institution. The main role of further education colleges is to provide post-16 vocational education, but learners can study a range of academic and vocational subjects in the form of Highers, Higher National Certificates (HNC) and Higher National Diplomas (HND), all accredited by the Scottish Qualifications Authority (SQA). The HNC and HND qualifications parallel the first and second years of some university provision. Further education colleges offer a range of other provision, for example, full-time Access courses under the auspices of the Scottish Wider Access Programme (SWAP) and National Certificate programmes (pre-higher education). The typical route into higher education is through the study of Highers which are normally taken at age 17 either at school or a further education college. Usually three or four Highers must be passed in order to gain entry to university. Adult learners, too, can access university via the Highers route, often studying at evening classes at school or further education college, or in day classes alongside school pupils. In some cases, adult learners may be accepted for university without achieving the requirements normally asked for.

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The final sector to mention is that of community learning and development. This involves education based in communities including work with adult learners, youth work and community development work. Typically, a community learning centre may be a school, a library or a village hall where classes are run. This sector is often funded through local authorities or through grants received from other sources - for example, the National Lottery or the European Social Fund. In this sector, there are a range of voluntary organisations which also provide learning opportunities - for example, the Workers Educational Association (WEA) which offers programmes such as social studies, women's education, preparation for retirement classes, local history classes, etc.

The case studies In total, we identified six case studies across different learning environments - four were in higher education settings, one was in further education and one was in a communitybased setting. Each case study has its own defining characteristics in terms of how APEL operates and we look at each of these in turn below. Case Study A This case study is based in a community and learning development-based setting in Glasgow and is part of an economic and social development initiative in a geographical area characterised by poverty and social deprivation. The APEL practice was part of a wider access programme in social sciences funded through the European Social Fund, aimed at providing a route of progression into university. In this respect, it is perhaps important to note that this programme was not funded through the mainstream of education but by an external source. Learners on the programme engaged in a variety of activities, but the APEL part involved learners being asked in the form of written questions about their personal and life history, their work experience and various other events and experiences in their lives. They were asked to actively reflect on those experiences and identify significant events from which they described how they handled the events and what they felt they had learned from the experiences. This was then formulated into written responses in relation to specific core skills. No formal assessment of this work was carried out, however, tutors collated the responses and gave feedback to learners and responses were modified accordingly. As part of this case study we were able to interview five learners who had completed or were about to complete the programme of study. Of these, all were from a white, Scottish background; four were male and one was female; and the majority were from a strong working class background. Case Study B This case study comprised two learners from a further education institution in Fife in the east of Scotland. The APEL process in this case study was used in a minimal way to support claims for credit in a larger process of the accreditation of prior learning (APL).

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In each case, the learner was asked to reflect on their current or past work experience and to identify elements of learning which could then be matched to the requirements of a Higher National Diploma (HND) and which would provide credit towards the qualification. The process involved the learner in putting together a range of letters, minutes of meetings and other documentation to provide evidence of experience of certain activities and in writing a piece regarding some of the learning points which had been achieved as part of that experience. In this respect, the process of APEL formed only a small part of the overall process of APL. The two learners interviewed as part of this case study were both white, male, Scottish and from a working class background. Case Study C This case study was based at a higher education institution in Aberdeen in the north east of Scotland. The APEL process in this case study took the form of a module, referred to as the Professional Biography module which was a contributory part of an Masters in Education (M.Ed.) postgraduate programme. The approach adopted in this case study involved each learner putting together a personal portfolio detailing personal and social background, educational history and work experience into a biographical profile. From this, the learners were asked to identify significant learning events or moments and comment on the nature and extent of that learning. For this case study we interviewed one learner who was white, female, Canadian and from a middle class background. This learner had completed the Professional Biography module as a distance learner in Canada. Case Study D This case study was based at a higher education institution in the west of Scotland. The APEL process in this case study involved the learners putting together a portfolio of evidence of their experience, keeping a logbook of practical activities and producing a piece of writing reflecting and exploring their experiences in terms of identifying what they had achieved . Of all the case studies the APEL process adopted here was probably the most complex and detailed, covering a range of approaches and methods. The APEL process in this instance was primarily to gain credit towards a postgraduate programme of study relating to health care. For this case study we interviewed one learner who was white, female, Scottish and from a middle class background. Case Study E This case study was based at another higher education institution in the west of Scotland. The APEL process in this instance involved the learners compiling a portfolio of evidence to show proof of their experience and producing a piece of writing reflecting on and exploring those experiences.

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In this example, the portfolio was assessed for the purposes of allocating credit towards a postgraduate MBA programme. For this case study we interviewed one learner who was white, male, Scottish and from a middle class background. Case study F This case study was based at the same higher education institution as Case Study E in the west of Scotland. In this case study, the APEL process involved learners putting together a brief portfolio which comprised evidence of their work experience (in the form of letters) and a written piece of work which drew out the learning outcomes from that experience. As part of the written work the learners were asked to write on a specific topic relating to health and social care (i.e. the concept of disability). In this case study the portfolio was not formally assessed, but formed part of an entry procedure to be accepted onto the course and provided a basis for further work during the programme. For this case study we were able to interview four learners, all of whom were white, female and from middle class backgrounds.

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APPENDIX 4 Spain: Background and case study information A brief description of the fieldwork development in the Spanish state APEL has been structured around six case studies in six different training centers.2 The centers we contacted for the thirty six interviews are the following: Center for Adults from Avila, Center for Adults of Valladolid, Surt, La Verneda School for Adults, Ripollet School for Adults from Catalonia and Galdakao School for Adults from the Basque Country. The six centers that were selected correspond to a profile that meet the following criteria: 1. Apply measures of accreditation for their students to gain access to training programs, 2. To address adult groups with experience (employment and life) and sensitive to peoples capacity and possibility of learning (non-formal and informal) in the workplace 3. Address groups with basic academic 4. Orient and offer training for people who are employed and or unemployed As well as, have access procedures and training based on the participation of individual users by means of communicative interactions grounded in the dialogical methodology. The selections were made through meetings with the head of the centers as well as the participating students. CREA undertook this selection process and case studies in the APEL project.4 Afterwards they selected people who fulfilled the different profiles, which are as follows: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Person man/woman under 25 years old, Woman over 35 years old, Unemployed/retired anticipated or not person (man/woman) over 45 years old, Immigrant or member of an ethnic minority, Employed person or person who is actively searching for work. Person (man/woman) over 25 years old.

Once the interviews are carried out they are transcribed and analysed in order to follow it up with an analysis of the field work. Of the thirty six case studies that were carried out in the different centers there was one profile that proved to be a challenge for us, this was the immigrant group. Since they suffer social exclusion, they are accustomed, on a methodological level, to be the objects of study. Immigrants feel threatened on a social level by the interviewers because they see the interviews as a way of controlling them and a possible means for applying the immigration laws. Once there was an environment of trust established with this group, the results of the interviews were very enriching.

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APPENDIX 5 France: Background and Case Study Information The context The main developments in APEL in France appear after 1980. Through the impetus given by people responsible for the development of training programmes in continuing education at the state level (Ministère de la Formation Professionnelle), starting from the portfolio experience in the United States or in Canada, would be launched innovative experiences trying to take into account experiential learning or learning which has taken place in different places, possibly outside formal learning situations. Two main objectives guide this new commitment: As the majority of the workforce in France has no formal qualifications, they would like to offer to a large number of them the opportunity to have their skills, experience and learning acquired on the job, recognised: The growth of continuing education programmes for the 16-25 years old unemployed people raises the question of their efficiency and the possibility of gaining credits or qualifications for short training courses or experience gained on the job has become a main issue, in order to build coherent routes towards employment. Two main experiences launched in 1985 have a great influence: the “porte-feuille de compétences” directly inspired from the North American portfolios and the decree allowing Higher Education Institutions to accredit personal and professional experiences for access. These decisions from the ministerial departments served as a springboard for the launch initiatives which, despite the criticism and resistance give rise to the idea of recognition of experiential learning. These experiences led the way for a passing of a general law in 1992 which concerns two Ministries: Education (secondary and higher education) and Agriculture, with three decrees in 1993, and in a second step Youth and Sports with a decree in 1999. Health and Social Services concerned by the law has no decree. APEL in Higher Education in France Two texts apply to Higher Education: The 1985 decree allows a Higher Education Institution to award exemption from qualifications normally required for entry to a course. The HE Institution can also exempt the candidate from some assessment requirements of the chosen course. It may require the candidate to undertake some top-up studies either before entry or alongside the chosen course.

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The 1993 decree allows a Higher Education Institution to award units, modules or part of modules of a diploma course. The award of the units through this process of accreditation confers the same rights and opportunity as if you had successfully passed the examination of those units. The maximum which may be awarded through APEL is all the units of a diploma, less one. In order to obtain the full qualification the candidate has to pass the missing units. APEL in French Universities in 1999 In 1999, 11,150 people benefited from Accreditation of Prior Experiential Learning (APEL) in universities or in CNAM which represents an increase of 18.6% compared to 1998. Specially, Accreditation of Prior Learning, as defined by the 1992 law (allowing dispensation from exam to obtain a diploma) represents 12% of APEL in 1999 and has been increasing by 53%; this increase is particularly important for specialised training courses. Three universities out of four are actually practising APEL. Accreditation of Prior Learning has been unevenly developing in higher education. In the context of the 1985 decree – allowing dispensation from diploma to enter a training course – a dozen universities issued less than 10 accreditations whereas seven others issued more than 300. In the context of the 1993 decree – allowing dispensation from some exams to obtain a diploma – the level of development has been modest (1,300 people benefited from APEL in 1999). It continues, however at a rapid pace with a global increase of 53%; three universities out of four issued APEL against two out of three 1998. Four requests out of five were accepted. Accreditations allowing access to training courses (1985 decree) prevail as regards Specialised Higher Education Diplomas (Diplômes d’études supérieures spécialisées – DESS). Compared to 1998, the number of accreditations to obtain a diploma (1993 decree) increased by more that 75% for DEES, by nearly 100% for vocational university institutes (Instituts universitaires professionnalisés – IUP) and by 200% for University Institute of Technology (Instituts universitaires de technologie). In most universities, the Accreditation of Prior Learning develops owing to the implementation of new structures and the improvement of procedures (opening of APEL services); upstream interventions, at reception; of wider information towards the public who would thus have a better knowledge of the opportunities APEL offers. The Criteria used by French Universities The 1985 Decree: For access to a diploma a general overview is taken. A judgement is made about the potential and capacity of the candidate to successfully complete the course of study chosen. In order to do so, the university checks that the level of responsibility and the problems that the candidate has addressed demonstrate the skills and the type and level of knowledge that correspond to the entry qualification normally required.

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Several criteria are taken into account: The length of the professional and work experience; The development of the responsibilities; The current level and scope of responsibility; The complexity of the tasks undertaken and the knowledge used to achieve them; The relationship between the work experience and the course to enter; An equivalence between the level of the experience and the level and type of the course to enter. The 1993 Decree: For the award of units within a diploma, the approach is based on an in-depth analysis of the professional experience. The objective is to clearly identify approximate rather than exact equivalencies. This is achieved through an analysis of: The complexity context: The scale and scope of the projects undertaken; The content and level of tasks; The relationship with superiors and colleagues inside the company and with suppliers or clients outside the company; The type of problems faced and the ways in which they were addressed; The equipment used; The knowledge employed. The university will attempt to confirm not only that the candidate has the knowledge required for the award of the unit but that the candidate has the intellectual skills and problem solving abilities which are usually developed by attending the course. The recent development in French universities The forthcoming “loi de modernisation sociale” opens new perspectives concerning the accreditation of experience. It will allow a learner to obtain a whole diploma by APEL and extends APEL at all qualifications delivered by State. The conference of directors of department of continuing education have decided to set up a working group about APEL. More than 30 universities are working together towards a similar and co-ordinated approach. This approach is formalised in a document which has been sent to every university.

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Case study interviews Learner Profiles Table 1: Gender of the Interviewees Male Female

6 7

Nationalities All French, except one female with a double nationality of French and Spanish. Table 2: Education Background of the Interviewees BAC + 6 BAC + 4 BAC + 3 BAC + 2 BAC

1 2 3 6 1

Table 3: Employment Status of the Learners Full-time Students Working and Studying Unemployed

1 6 6

Table 4: Social Class of the Learners (learners who are working and social class of learners before they have no job) Managerial Staff Middle Class

9 4

Summary of interview analysis The first contact with case study institutions was made by telephone call to a study counsellor. The counsellor decided which programme would be the most suitable for the research.

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It was difficult to have so many learners because we had little time to do the research and all the learners are working now. So most of the interviews were made by phone. To represent the learner who used APEL, we have chosen different types of courses: economy, computer science, administration, management, which are the most require with APEL. 7 learners were employed and 6 were unemployed. In the both cases the two principle reasons to use APEL are to have a professional evolution or to change of sector activity. The four reasons to use APEL for learners: To have a professional evolution: 6/13 To change sector of activity: 4/13 To have a diploma: 4/13 To grow rich in their interest: 2/13 All the interviewees have their diploma at the end of their programme. Except two of them, all have found or changed job just after their qualification (0 at 5 months after). For one, he thinks he finds no job because his degree is too high and for the second, a social evolution will come in one year. To consider their new job, they think it’s because of their past professional and new qualification. To concern their work experience, 9 learners think it was totally recognised to use APEL for access and 4 think it was not totally recognised. In the main, they are in agreement with their qualification. This continuing education was the good way for their social inclusion. Most of the critical comments focus on events. It seems to be to higher especially before the exams. The learners would like too that the programme will be more practical and more near to the firm. In France, having a qualification remains the best way to have a higher social status. So many learners who used APEL are waiting to change work or social status after their qualification. But for some of them, it can be a deception because they stay too much time in the same firm or in the same job and the didn’t prepare their progression. They just think that with a higher degree they can find a better job.

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