The `boundaryless' career and career boundaries: Applying an ...

Human Relations http://hum.sagepub.com/

The `boundaryless' career and career boundaries: Applying an institutionalist perspective to ICT workers in the context of Nigeria Afam Ituma and Ruth Simpson Human Relations 2009 62: 727 DOI: 10.1177/0018726709103456 The online version of this article can be found at: http://hum.sagepub.com/content/62/5/727

Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com

On behalf of:

The Tavistock Institute

Additional services and information for Human Relations can be found at: Email Alerts: http://hum.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://hum.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations: http://hum.sagepub.com/content/62/5/727.refs.html

Downloaded from hum.sagepub.com at Tehran University on December 4, 2010

Human Relations DOI: 10.1177/0018726709103456 Volume 62(5): 727–761 Copyright © 2009 The Tavistock Institute ® SAGE Publications Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Singapore and Washington DC http://hum.sagepub.com

The ‘boundaryless’ career and career boundaries: Applying an institutionalist perspective to ICT workers in the context of Nigeria Afam Ituma and Ruth Simpson A B S T R AC T

Drawing from institutional theory, this article explores ‘boundaryless’ careers and the nature of career boundaries in the information and communication technology (ICT) industry in Nigeria. The specific objectives are to explore: 1) whether career mobility in Nigeria reproduces or challenges contemporary projections of the ‘boundaryless’ career (i.e. as characterized by increased inter-firm mobility) and 2) the structural boundaries (barriers) that constrain individuals’ ability to enact the boundaryless career in this context. Findings of the interviews with 50 technical professionals in the Nigerian ICT industry challenge contemporary projections of ‘boundaryless’ careers by providing evidence to support the continuing existence of career boundaries and traditional career patterns (i.e. as characterized by hierarchical and progressive movement within a single organization). Findings also suggest that ethnic allegiance, personal connections, gender discrimination, perceptions of educational qualifications and the nature of work biography constrain individuals’ ability to enact the boundaryless career in the ICT industry. Overall, the article contributes the Nigerian perspective on boundaryless careers and career barriers to the growing consideration of career phenomena in different national contexts.

K E Y WO R D S

barriers boundaryless career career advancement career boundaries career mobility comparative and cross-cultural management 727 Downloaded from hum.sagepub.com at Tehran University on December 4, 2010

728

Human Relations 62(5)

Introduction This article explores boundaryless careers and career boundaries in the information communication and technology (ICT) industry in Nigeria. Over the past few years, there has been a renewed interest among academics and practitioners in the career phenomenon. A development arising from the increasing interest in this area is the move away from the traditional conceptualization of careers as being characterized by hierarchical progression within the confines of one or two large stable organizations (Kram & Hall, 1989; Lyness & Thompson, 2000) to a more nuanced re-conceptualization which acknowledges that careers increasingly transcend organizational boundaries and are characterized by discontinuity and non-linearity (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996). The construct ‘boundaryless career’ has been advanced to make sense of the ‘new’ career thesis. The boundaryless career is defined as ‘a sequence of job opportunities that goes beyond the boundaries of single employment settings’ (DeFillippi & Arthur, 1996: 116). The notion that careers have become boundaryless is contentious (Bagdadli et al., 2003) with some career scholars (e.g. Bagdadli et al., 2003; Guest & Mackenzie Davey, 1996; Gunz et al., 2000) arguing that careers have not become completely boundaryless. To date, however, few studies have explored empirically the claim of the shift from a ‘bounded’ career to a ‘boundaryless’ career (Marler et al., 2002; Peiperl et al., 2000). As such, compared with the body of studies on traditional careers, our knowledge of new forms of careers is somewhat limited (Mayrhofer et al., 2005). Most studies in this area have concentrated on examining evidence of boundaryless careers in Anglo-Saxon economies particularly the US and the UK and have failed to account for the extent of their emergence in non Anglo-Saxon contexts. Major exceptions exist, however, such as Bagdadli et al.’s (2003) study of careers in Italy. This is an important gap in the literature given that the universality of the boundaryless career construct beyond Western contexts has been increasingly questioned (Hirsch & Shanley, 1996; Inkson, 2006). In essence, while the extant studies on the boundaryless career have undoubtedly increased our understanding of the changing nature of careers, we still know relatively little about the extent of ‘boundarylessness’ in countries where the institutional forces are most likely to be different from those that exist in North American and Anglo-Saxon countries. Perhaps, not surprisingly, there has been a growing call from career scholars (e.g. Gunz & Mayrhofer, 2007; Ituma & Simpson, 2005; Tams & Arthur, 2007) for country-specific career studies, in order to provide insight on the generalizability of career models developed primary in the US to other national contexts.


Ituma & Simpson The ‘boundaryless’ career and career boundaries

Drawing from institutional theory, this research responds to the above call by exploring the ‘boundaryless’ career and the nature of career boundaries in the ICT industry in Nigeria. In doing so, this article will specifically explore 1) whether career mobility in Nigeria reproduces or challenges contemporary projections of the ‘boundaryless’ career as evidenced by interfirm mobility and 2) the structural barriers that constrain individuals’ ability to enact a boundaryless career in this context. Empirical exploration of these issues will go some way to deepen our understanding of the socially constructed nature of careers and provide a more comprehensive understanding of the generalizability of the boundaryless career thesis beyond the Western context. Within the Nigerian context, this research focuses on the information communication technology (ICT) industry – the equivalent of the US Silicon Valley. The underlying rationale is that the ICT industry has been one of the paradigmatic industries used to demonstrate the boundaryless nature of careers in the US (Arthur, 1994; Saxenian, 1996). The ICT sector in Nigeria is also currently recognized as one of the fastest growing sectors within the economy (Nigeria National Bureau of Statistics, 2004). This can be set against the diverse cultural heritage of Nigeria, making it an interesting and hitherto neglected site for empirical work. The focus of this study is particularly important given that much of the extant work on boundaryless careers (e.g. Inkson & Arthur, 2001; McDonald et al., 2005; Smith & Sheridan, 2006) overly pays attention to agency thereby obscuring factors that lie beyond the individual realm and making structure a less proclaimed influence (Pringle & Mallon, 2003). The current study departs from such individual centred perspectives and contributes to boundaryless career literature by positioning career dynamics within institutional theory using Scott’s (1995) ‘institutional pillar’ framework. Such a systematic linkage of careers has rarely been achieved in new career studies, particularly in a non-Western context and allows for a more in-depth insight into the socially constructed nature of careers. The current study also contributes to the debate on the changing nature of careers by widening the empirical scope and going beyond a Western context, in which the majority of existing studies are framed, to explore career trajectories in Nigeria and the extent to which current projections of ‘boundaryless’ careers are reproduced or challenged. The article proceeds as follows. The next section draws on broader career literature to discuss boundaryless careers and career barriers. The second section draws from institutional theory to locate the article within the Nigerian context. The third section provides an overview of the research process that was used to address the research question raised in this study. Section four presents and discusses the main findings of this research. The


729

730


final section discusses the contributions of this article and highlights the need to recognize the importance of institutional context in shaping and constraining career development.

Career perspectives The study of careers has received significant research attention, with the career broadly conceptualized as ‘the evolving sequence of a person’s work experience over time’ (Arthur et al., 1989: 8). A common thread running through recent career literature is the notion that the nature of careers is changing – precipitated by globalization, rapid technological advances, industrial restructuring and downsizing (Baruch, 2003). As a result, concepts such as ‘protean career’ (Hall, 1976), ‘zig-zag career’ (Bateson, 1994), ‘boundaryless career’ (Arthur & Rousseau, 1996), ‘intelligent career’ (Arthur et al., 1995), ‘spiral career’ (Brousseau et al., 1996), ‘portfolio career’ (Cohen & Mallon, 1999) and ‘post-corporate career’ (Peiperl & Baruch, 1997) have emerged. The boundaryless career model in particular has gained currency in recent career discourse and has increasingly been used as an umbrella concept for ‘new career’ writing that gives primacy to individual agency in career development (Cohen & Mallon, 1999). Arthur and Rousseau (1996) point out that ‘the boundaryless career does not characterize any single career form, but rather a range of possible forms that defies traditional employment assumptions’ (p. 3). They outlined six key meanings of the boundaryless career as follows: movement across separate employers, external validation of market worth from outside the present employers, connectedness to external networks or information, nonhierarchical reporting relationships, refusal to take employer-offered job changes because of personal circumstances and perception of a boundaryless career prospect despite structural constraints. Although Arthur and Rousseau’s work on boundaryless careers focused on the permeability of the traditional organizational boundaries, Feldman and Ng (2007) note that the use of the term has broadened and ‘the term has commonly been used to convey notions of unbounded, limitless, or infinite possibilities’ (p. 368). However, Arthur (1994) argues that of all the varied meanings of the boundaryless career, the ‘most prominent is when a career, like the stereotypical Silicon Valley career, moves across the boundaries of separate employers’ (p. 296). Along similar lines, Sullivan and Arthur (2006) note that ‘most studies have operationalized boundaryless careers in terms of physical mobility’ (p. 21). In essence, an ideal type boundaryless career is commonly characterized as involving physical movement across the boundaries of



separate employers (Arthur et al., 2005; Bagdadli et al., 2003; Gunz et al., 2000; Inkson, 2006; Pringle & Mallon, 2003; Van Buren, 2003). Although evidence of the extent of boundarylesseness in careers is mixed (Guest & Mackenzie Davey, 1996; Jacoby, 1999), the enactment of boundaryless careers seems to be growing particularly in the UK and US. For instance, in an early study of UK managers’ mobility, Clements (1958) found that 34 percent of managers had worked for a single employer while only 13 percent had worked for four or more employers. By contrast, AlbanMetcalfe and Nicholson’s (1984) later study of a comparable sample of British managers found that only nine percent had worked for a single employer with 43 percent found to have worked for four or more employers. More recently, the average job tenure of US workers (between 1996 and 2006) was found to be four years (US Bureau of Labour Statistics, 2006). Other research that has provided evidence of high incidence of job switching among different employers reflective of the boundaryless career trajectory, includes Saxenian’s (1996) research in Silicon Valley California (SV) and Jones’ (1996) research in the US film industry. These studies suggest that the traditional career model may be gradually fading, particularly in the US and UK. The boundaryless career seems to be suitable for knowledge based industries, particularly the IT industry due to the pressure for companies in the industry to remain competitive by creating and exploiting knowledge, increasingly viewed as a source of competitive advantage (Brown & Hesketh, 2004; Saxenian, 1996). Other factors include an increase in the number of new firms, giving more room for mobility; the portability of more generalizable occupational skills and the desire for marketability through a diverse work experience. As Saxenian (1996) has demonstrated in the context of SV, boundaryless careers evidenced by inter-firm mobility bring in new professional knowledge and may be crucial for innovation and success through movement of skills and knowledge flow. Although the boundaryless career construct has advanced new career thinking, scholars (e.g. Cohen & Mallon, 1999; Guest & Mackenzie Davey, 1996; Jacoby, 1999) argue that its enactment is exaggerated and that conclusive empirical evidence is yet to emerge. The theoretical base of the boundaryless career construct has also been critiqued as being woolly (Feldman & Ng, 2007), seductively simple and misleading (Craig & Kimberly, 2002) and overly paying attention to agency at the expense of structural factors that circumscribe careers (Pringle & Mallon, 2003). In essence, the boundaryless career construct is intuitively appealing, but when subject to critical analysis it lacks theoretical rigour and offers limited empirical evidence. This article addresses some of these concerns by positioning career dynamics within institutional theory, discussed below.


731

732


Moreover, it widens existing empirical scope by going beyond a Western context, in which the majority of existing studies are framed, to explore career trajectories in Nigeria and the extent to which current projections of ‘boundaryless’ careers are reproduced or challenged.

Barriers to career mobility Consistent with the discussion above, one research perspective that needs greater attention is barriers to career mobility. Career barriers have attracted considerable interest of scholars and career counsellors because of their ability to interfere with the process of turning career interests into choice goals and goal-directed behaviour. However, the interest in this area has not been matched with equivalent empirical work. Much of the research has focused on the barriers faced by women (e.g. Farmer, 1976; Fitzgerald & Crites, 1980; Powell, 2000), by ethnic minority groups (Blancero & DelCampo, 2005) and by college students of colour (e.g. McWhirter, 1997). Career barriers can be conceptualized as ‘events or conditions, within the person or in his or her environment, that make career progress difficult’ (Swanson & Woitke, 1997: 434). From a slightly different perspective, Gunz et al. (2000) describe barriers as ‘labour market imperfections driven by the reluctance of selectors to allow certain kinds of people to make given moves’ (p. 50). Common to these views is the notion that a career barrier is any factor that constrains career development. Existing literature on career barriers (e.g. Farmer, 1976; Harmon, 1977; Powell, 2000) suggests that there are two main types: ‘person centred’ that is internal states that make the achievement of career goals difficult (e.g. lack of confidence, low motivation) and ‘situation centred’ that is external states located within the socio-cultural environment that make the achievement of career goals difficult (e.g. lack of access to education, sex stereotype, racial discrimination). The impact of career barriers on career development is supported by Lent et al.’s (1994) social cognitive theory. This suggests that personal, contextual and experiential factors can mediate the relationship between turning career interests into career choice-related behaviour and that ‘people are less likely to translate their career interests into goals, and their goals into actions, when they perceive their efforts to be impeded by adverse environmental factors (e.g., insurmountable barriers or inadequate support systems)’ (Lent et al., 2000: 38). Recent work by Gunz et al. (2002) has provided valuable contributions to our understanding of career boundaries. They argue that career boundaries have a subjective dimension (perceived barriers to career progress) and



objective dimension (real barriers to mobility) and that boundaries can ‘be imposed by specialization, industry, the firm, occupation, educational level, experience, geography, professional qualification, organizational membership and to a lesser degree (although nevertheless real), age, race, ethnicity, sex, and religion’ (p. 62). Similarly, King et al. (2005) argue that ‘careers are bounded by prior career history, occupational identity, and institutional constraints imposed by “gatekeepers” to job opportunities’ (p. 981). In the context of small Italian-based Internet companies, Bagdadli et al. (2003) provided additional empirical evidence of the existence of boundaries in the form of functional background, industry experience and professional network constraints. Other barriers that have been found to limit career mobility and development include: difficulty in finding a mentor (Friedman & Krackhardt, 1997); education attainment (Gomez et al., 2001); lack of social capital (Braddock & McPartland, 1987) and discrimination (Hsieh & Kleiner, 2001). Overall, with some notable exceptions referred to above, the demographic focus of much of this work (i.e. on women and ethnic minority workers) may hamper our understanding of the barriers faced by other occupational groups and individuals in different national contexts – a gap this article sets out to address. Consequently, a further aim of this research is to explore the structural barriers that constrain individuals’ inter-firm career mobility in the ICT industry in Nigeria. The next section draws from institutional theory to locate this research within the Nigerian context.

The institutional approach A major stream of research from which this article draws is institutional theory. This theory is anchored in notions of adaptation, conformity and convergence to institutional environments. The institutional approach has been adopted by different disciplines and the extant literature on institutional theory is too extensive to be adequately summarized here (for a more comprehensive review, see Hodgson, 1994). The theory focuses on ‘the processes by which structures, including schemas, rules, norms and routines, become established as authoritative guideline for social behaviour’ (Scott, 2005: 460). Although institutionalists vary in terms of emphasis, the central theoretical claim is that organizations operating in a similar environment are likely to seek legitimacy and recognition by adopting practices, processes and structure prevalent in their environment (Fogarty, 1996). A particularly useful conceptual framework for understanding how careers are shaped and constrained by institutional setting is Scott’s (1995)


733

734


‘pillars’ of institutional processes. Building on DiMaggio and Powell’s (1983) work, which suggests that organizations seek homogeneity through, for example, laws, regulations and professional norms, Scott (1995) argues that ‘institutions consist of cognitive, normative, and regulative structures and activities that provide stability and meaning to social behaviour’ (p. 33). The first pillar – regulative – refers to the ‘existing laws and rules in a particular national environment, which promote certain types of behaviours and restrict others’ (Kostova, 1997: 180). It involves ‘rule-setting’, ‘monitoring’, and ‘sanctioning’ activities (Scott, 2008: 2). The second pillar – normative – refers to ‘a prescriptive, evaluative, and obligatory dimension into social life’ (Scott, 2008: 54), based on social interactions, social obligations and shared understanding of what is appropriate (Wicks, 2001). The third pillar – cultural cognitive – refers to ‘shared conceptions that constitute the nature of social reality and the frames through which meaning is made’ (Scott, 2008: 57). The content of these pillars may change but the presence of each of the pillars is usually steady (Caronna, 2004). Moreover, from Aguilera et al. (2006), the pillars are not mutually exclusive, that is, they can interact, and the significance of each is likely to be context dependent. The framework therefore provides a relatively stable yet potentially flexible heuristic for highlighting how the institutional environment impacts on firms and individual behaviours. Overall, the implication of institutional theory for career studies is that individual career trajectories and organizational career management practices will mirror and mimic societal conventions embedded in the institutional setting is which careers are enacted. In essence, we should not think of career development as primarily driven by individual free choice, but should take into consideration the wider contextual factors that create opportunities and barriers for individual career development. The next subsection presents an overview of the Nigerian context and draws from Scott’s three institutional pillars to discuss the key factors that shape and constrain careers.

Institutional theory and the Nigerian context As the most populous country in Africa and with an economy overly dependent on crude oil, Nigeria is generally characterized by uncertainty, absence of an established welfare system, low wages, high inflation rate and high unemployment levels in comparison to developed countries (Okonjo-Iweala & Osafo-Kwaako, 2007). The general unemployment figure in 2003 was 11.9 percent (Nigeria National Bureau of Statistics, 2004). Human capital also remains underdeveloped due to the decline in the quality of Nigerian



academic degrees (Turner, 2000); with employers often complaining that university graduates are poorly prepared for the world of work (Ovadje & Ankomah, 2001). In order to address these economic issues, the federal government of Nigeria has embarked on widescale economic reforms with an emphasis on strengthening the macroeconomic environment, returning the economy to a path of sustainable growth, development and poverty reduction as well as fighting corruption (Okonjo-Iweala & Osafo-Kwaako, 2007). These efforts have resulted in the write-off of about $18 billion of Nigeria’s debt representing 60 percent of the foreign debt profile of the country by the Paris Club of Creditors (Okonjo-Iweala, 2008). In terms of socio-cultural context, Nigeria is a very diverse country made up of over 200 ethnic groups that speak about 354 languages (Uzoigwe, 1999). The major ethnic groups are the Hausas in the north, the Yorubas in the southwest, the Ibos in the southeast and minority groups in the middle belt and southern parts of the country. There are usually tensions between the different ethnic groups and this led to a civil war in the country from July 1967 to January 1970 (Uzoigwe, 1999). Ethnic conflicts of different sorts have been a continuing feature, and individuals often treat those from other ethnic groups with suspicion (Uwazie, 1999). The basis of most ethnic/regional conflict concerns claims of marginalization on the part of particular ethnic groups and claims that specific groups enjoy the proceeds from oil revenue more than others (Frynas, 1999; Idemudia & Ite, 2006). This perceived inequality led, in 2007, to the kidnapping of about 150 expatriates working in the oil field by youths in ‘marginalized’ areas in a bid to get the federal government to allocate more resources and provide more jobs (CNN, 4 March 2008). Within the Nigerian context, ICT is seen as one of the fastest growing sectors of the economy – growing an average 37.5 percent between 2002 and 2005 (National Bureau of Statistics, 2006) and reflecting both the general increase in the acquisition and use of IT in many sectors of the economy and the deregulation of the telecommunication sector and granting of licences to companies for Global System for Communication (mobile phone) services. The ICT sector is considered one of the most rewarding and attractive sectors after oil and banking in terms of pay and employment conditions (average graduate salary is about $600 a month compared with average public sector earnings of $190). The industry is largely male dominated with only 25.53 percent of their workers female (National Bureau of Statistics, 2006). The industry consists of about 15 big ‘players’ (with nationwide reach) and a large number of small and medium enterprises (SMEs), mostly less than 10 years old and clustered in a technology region in Lagos, the financial hub of Nigeria. Like Silicon Valley, this geographical concentration is favourable to


735

736


the enactment of high levels of inter-firm mobility. The industry can be referred to as an employer’s market given the high level of unemployment in the country. The majority of the big companies typically recruit directly by adverting in national newspapers (rather than using employment agencies as is common in the West) with only a few using consulting firms that provide recruitment services. Individuals usually start with a temporary contract which is converted to a permanent full-time job based on satisfactory performance. The big companies often offer a development programme and career structure as well as, unlike SMEs, a pension scheme. SMEs rely mainly on word of mouth, friends and relatives in filling vacancies, providing on the job training and informal mentoring rather than a formal career advancement route. Taken together, the sparse use of employment agencies and the emphasis on informal recruitment practices particularly in the SMEs reflects the relationship orientated nature of Nigerian society, discussed below. In terms of Scott’s (2008) three pillars, the federal character principle represents the most salient regulative element (regulative pillar) that is likely to shape and constrain careers of individuals in Nigeria. The ‘Federal Character’ principle which is contained in section 14(3) of the 1979 constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (Nigerian Congress, 1979) stipulates that: The composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs must be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity also to command loyalty thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few states or from a few ethnic groups or other sectional groups in that government or any of its agencies. This policy was introduced in the public sector as a panacea for reducing ethnic tension and ensuring proportional representation to ‘reflect the linguistic, ethnic, religious, and geographic diversity of the country’ (Adamolekun et al., 1991: 75). Key normative factors in Nigeria that are likely to shape individuals’ career mobility (the normative pillar) include the extended family (kin) system and personal ties. In the case of the extended family system, Nigerians are connected in a network of social relationship based on lineages and genealogical lines (Ituma & Simpson, 2007). Within the kin system there is an emphasis on interdependence, sharing and reciprocal obligations. There is widespread emphasis on personal ties and social exchanges that generate



mutual obligations largely based on trust (Smith, 2001). This network has multifaceted dimensions (e.g. gift giving, financial support, care for children) and is commonly built along ethnic lines. A particular cognitive pillar that can affect career development and mobility in Nigeria is the gender role stereotype that perceives women as the ‘weaker’ sex. Nigeria is a masculine society and there are traditional sexbased differences in role allocation (Udegbe, 2003). Women are primarily defined through child care and domestic responsibility while men are viewed as bread winners and as such their career is generally given more priority (Chovwen, 2006).

Research approach This study is rooted in the phenomenological research approach which emphasizes individuals’ lived experience (Maykut & Morehouse, 1994) and adopted a qualitative method involving semi-structured interviews. The rationale is that this approach provides an appropriate means for an in-depth understanding of hitherto under-researched phenomena (Cresswell, 2003) and leads to the discovery of ‘richly detailed narratives of the lived experiences of individuals’ (Fassinger, 2001: 279). Moreover, Gunz et al. (2000) have called for a more qualitative approach in the study of career issues in order to develop ‘thick’ descriptions and make sense of the changing nature of careers. The semi-structured interviews allowed for a deeper pursuit of emergent topics and themes and is consistent with the approach adopted in some earlier studies of career barriers (e.g. McElwee & Al-Riyami, 2003; Schinnar, 2007).

The interview A total of 50 semi-structured interviews were conducted involving 35 men and 15 women with an age composition ranging from 25 years to 45 years. Participants’ experience in the industry ranged from four years to nine years. The participants were drawn from the membership list of a Nigerian computer society (30 participants) and the researcher’s personal networks (20 participants) through a snowballing process. This involved asking participants to recommend other people within or outside their organization who may have different career experiences (Babbie, 1986). The snowballing approach was considered useful due to the general apathy for research in Nigeria which can limit participation activity. The snowballing approach has been found particularly useful for accessing hard to reach populations


737

738


(Cornelius & Skinner, 2008; Myers & Pringle, 2005) and it is considered acceptable for exploratory studies (Green et al., 1995). The demographic profile of the participants is presented in Appendix 1. Each interview commenced with an introduction of the aims and objectives of the research and establishing issues of confidentiality. The interviews were conducted in-person at various locations, depending on the subject’s choice of venue. The interviews lasted between one hour and two hours 30 minutes. An interview guide was used to explore the structural barriers the participants have experienced in their career mobility and was designed on the principles of work biography drawn from Schein’s (1990) life history template. The participants were asked to trace their career history, noting important transitions. The extent of inter-firm mobility was explored by coding each participant for the number of moves the individual made between employers. The participants were also asked to reflect on the factors that may have impeded their inter-firm mobility. Representatives of the questions asked are: ‘Are there any structural factors in Nigeria that have posed a hindrance for you moving freely from one organization to the other in the industry?’ ‘Are there any factors that you think have made employers reluctant to select you for a job that you feel you have the necessary competence to perform?’. The interview schedule is presented in Appendix 2. The questions were intentionally open-ended with prompts used to expand discussion and to further elicit the views and opinions of the participants (Cresswell, 2003). Participants were encouraged to report ‘critical incidents’ (Flanagan, 1954) which have impeded their career mobility. Probes were developed to clarify and explore key issues in depth, and signalling to the interviewees the expected level of depth. The semi-structured interview was flexible and iterative and interviews continued until ‘theoretical saturation’ was achieved (Flick, 1998). At this stage, it was perceived that an adequate number of interviews had been conducted, and further data collection would reveal no new themes.

Data analysis To facilitate the process of analysis, all interviews were tape-recorded (with the permission of the interviewee) and transcribed verbatim (with the help of a research assistant). After post-interview transcription, interview documents were returned to each participant to enable the individual to review their statements and correct any misrepresentation of their views. Data analysis followed a closely grounded theory approach (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). This involved three key stages. First, open coding involved reading



the transcripts carefully and indexing of the transcripts (i.e. labelling of phenomena found in the transcript). This resulted in the creation of a large number of codes. The units of coding were individual statements made by the participants. Second, axial coding involved the development of categories based on common characteristics between codes. A number of the codes developed in the first stage were seen to be dealing with the same concepts (sharing similar properties) and were amalgamated to form categories. Examples of categories developed include: ethnicity, favouritism, educational qualification, pregnancy, nepotism, sexual prejudice, experience, sponsorship. Third, selective coding involved further refining of the categories by investigating interconnections between them with the aim of integrating and developing core categories. For instance, the following categories (ethnicity, ethnocentrism, tribalism, my state of origin) were linked together to form a core category (ethnic allegiance). From this last process five dominant categories emerged and these were treated as core categories around which other smaller categories were draped. To enhance the validity of these processes, independent coding on a random sample of the transcript was undertaken by two researchers, both familiar with the objectives of this research and with significant past experiences in applying qualitative coding procedures. Data were analysed separately and then corroboration given to emerging themes. Discrepancies in the interpretation of the meanings of the statements were discussed and resolved by third-party mediation involving another researcher with significant coding experience.

Research findings Analysis of the mobility data finds that 30 of the 50 participants (60%) have not changed employer since they started working in the industry, nine of the participants (18%) have changed employer only once, eight of the participants (16%) have changed employer between two and four times while three of the participants (6%) have changed employer up to five times. Women were less mobile than men. Only three out of the 15 female respondents had changed employer and none had made more than two moves. By contrast, 18 out of the 35 male participants (51.4%) have engaged in inter-firm mobility and some of the male participants (8.6%) have changed employers up to five times. There was no consistent pattern of differences based on age, educational level or tenure in the industry. Overall, the result suggests that although there is some evidence of boundaryless career enactment in the industry, it is not on the scale and frequency that has been projected in


739

740


the career literature. Findings also suggest that male ICT workers were more mobile than their female counterparts. A plausible explanation for the somewhat low level of inter-firm mobility among the participants concerns the high level of unemployment, uncertainty, insecurity and the lack of an established social welfare system in Nigeria which may have made individuals risk averse and more committed to organizations that can guarantee job security. This view is consistent with Fujiwara-Greve and Greve’s (2000) observation that the enactment of interfirm mobility is contingent on the availability of jobs in the labour market. Another plausible explanation, is that the collectivist nature of the Nigerian society may mean that career decisions and choices are not principally influenced by individual career anchors (i.e. self-perceived attitudes, values, needs and talents) as theorized by Schein (1990) rather, the burden of obligations to provide support for immediate and extended family members (e.g. distant cousins and their spouses and children) may exert greater influence on mobility decisions. Put together, the low mobility experienced by the participants in this study runs counter to the dominant Anglo-Saxon assumptions of a major shift from ‘bounded career’ to ‘boundaryless career’ and provides empirical evidence to support Guest and Mackenzie Davey’s (1996: 25) claim that the ‘end of organizational careers’ has been overstated. In terms of structural barriers that constrain inter-firm mobility, analyses of the data uncovered five key barriers: ethnic allegiance (24 participants), personal networks (18 participants), gender discrimination (12 participants), perception of educational qualifications (11 participants) and nature of work biography (11 participants) with some individuals experiencing multiple barriers. Demographics of the sample, listing of barriers and number of cases are shown in Appendix 1. Each of the factors uncovered is discussed below.

Ethnic allegiance Ethnic allegiance in this context refers to preferential treatment in recruitment, promotion and privileges based on ethnic affiliation. As we have seen, Nigerian society is deeply organized along ethnic lines, such that employers are more favourably disposed towards individuals of similar ethnic background. Twenty-four of the participants pointed out that, although this is not as pronounced in the ICT industry (companies in the industry place more emphasis on technical competence) as it is in other sectors of Nigerian economy, it nevertheless exists. The following quotations typify the shared views of the participants:



. . . where a Yoruba, Hausa or Ibo is in charge of recruitment or employment, either of them is likely to fill any openings in their respective organization with a member of their tribe or ethnic region not minding whether there is a more qualified person from another ethnic group who has applied for the same position. (Female, 36, SME, zero inter-firm mobility) . . . the IT department of my company is headed by a Yoruba man. Now what it means is that if you come to my company, the IT department is predominately dominated by the Yorubas, . . . this is because the first three people hired were Yorubas and the Yoruba managers naturally had to hire subordinates. Now the benefit is that they are empowering their people. (Male, 45, SME, four inter-firm mobility) Reflecting a lack of trust between ethnic groups, Nigerian employers often prefer to hire their relatives (or people from the same ethnic groups) that can protect their interest. As the first quote above from one of the respondents indicates, and as Obi (2001) contends, ethnic considerations can outweigh economic rationale resulting in the exclusion of many talented and capable individuals. This is because individuals in senior positions have a strong social responsibility in Nigeria, as in other parts of Africa, to provide jobs for their kith and kin (Nyambegera, 2000). The findings of this study are consistent with previous studies which have found that ethnicity is used for countering social isolation in the workplace (Blunt, 1982) and is often used as a basis of allocating resources (Marger, 1994). Nigerians are generally committed to maintaining the sovereignty of their ethnic affiliation in the workplace and within the wider society – a situation that can limit the movement of highly qualified professionals from exploring different career opportunities. Overall, the accounts provided by the participants suggest that the Federal Character principle which was intended to be only applicable to the public sector (as noted in the context section), has had a ripple effect in the private sector by further heightening the awareness of ethnic identity and widening ethnic cleavages it was designed to resolve. The resultant effect is that individual employment prospects and career advancement are largely dependent on ethnic identity/state of origin.

Personal networks This refers to the connection with influential members of society. This is commonly referred to in Nigerian parlance as ‘man know man’ while in the


741

742


Western career literature, this phenomenon is generally referred to as personal networks (Fernandez & Weinberg, 1997). Nigeria can be referred to as a ‘relationship oriented society’ in that relationships underpin most business transactions as noted in the context section. Eighteen of the participants pointed out that the key recruitment method in the industry (particularly among the SMEs) is word of mouth and referral from friends and relatives and that recruitment decisions tend to be influenced by relationships between the employer and the potential employees (or the referrer) rather than by objective evaluation of the suitability of the applicant. Some of the participants noted that hiring decisions were sometimes made to cement relationships and express gratitude for past and/or anticipated favours. These connections were normally facilitated by the extended family system or other networks and underpinned by an exchange of favours. As they explained, most successful entrepreneurs in Nigeria are members of the aristocratic social class and prefer to recruit from that class (or people who have been referred by them) because they might in the future be able to take advantage of the contacts of these employees – particularly important for sourcing organizational IT contracts with clients. Some of the participants noted that the business opportunities in Nigeria are limited to a few industries (e.g. banking, oil and gas, telecoms) and within these sectors there is stiff competition among companies for survival. Companies therefore tend to prefer to employ individuals with good business contacts. Some of the views expressed by the participants are presented below: In this industry it is a case of big man talk to big man. If you have connection and you are able to get a letter from an influential politician or business magnet that will open the door for you. If not you will really suffer before you get a job. (Male, 30, SME, one inter-firm mobility) There is a pervasive level of godfatherism in this profession. . . . even the appointment of senior managers is often influenced by the son of whom you are . . . I want to move out to a better company but I feel trapped in this company because I don’t have the necessary connection and people from my ethnic group are not in the right positions in the industry. (Male, 31, SME, zero inter-firm mobility) The views expressed above suggest that individuals with restricted networks are less likely to engage in inter-firm mobility. Further, the achievements of senior personnel are normally evaluated by their kindred/respective



community based on their success in helping relatives and other members of their networks. As Lewis (1955) notes, in such a kin system ‘. . . a strong sense of family obligation . . . may cause a man to appoint relatives to jobs for which they are unsuited . . . it may be fear, rather than affection, which drives them to nepotism’ (p. 114). Individuals who excel in this area gain social prestige and are usually regarded as ‘illustrious sons and daughters’ (true representatives of the people), occasionally rewarded with chieftaincy titles (e.g. Agunachemba, the strength of the town). Individuals who fail are usually stigmatized as ineffective and could be socially alienated. Findings suggest the continued relevance of Scott’s normative pillar in terms of the impact of social obligations on career-related decisions. The emphasis in Nigeria on relationship building is consistent with the general African collectivist orientation commonly referred to as ‘Ubuntu’, meaning ‘people are people through other people’ (Browning, 2006). These findings resonate with studies in other contexts which have found that networks affect recruitment of an individual (Petersen et al., 2000) and increase inter-firm mobility (Bagdadli et al., 2003; Granovetter, 1995). However, the nature of personal networks found in this study can be seen to be a strong institutional driver, reflecting their strength and interdependence, the deep emphasis on normative behaviour that confines people to culturally endorsed social obligation and particularism along ethnic lines. This is somewhat different from Whitley et al.’s (1996) observation that network ties in the Anglo-Saxon cultures are characterized by ‘arm’s length’ contractual relationship and low mutual dependence (p. 409). Overall, the research findings reveal that within the ICT industry, firms (particularly SMEs) rely largely on informal mechanisms in recruiting people which makes it difficult for individuals to obtain employment based on merit without having contacts with ‘significant others’ at the application stage.

Gender discrimination Studies of the career development in Nigeria have shown that women experience severe discrimination in terms of job choices and career attainment largely because of societal sex role stereotypes (e.g. Chovwen, 2006; Udegbe, 2003). The findings in this study confirm these earlier works, with some of the participants pointing to the difficulties faced in recruitment and employment as IT professionals. As reported by female interviewees, it is not uncommon for recruitment decisions to be based on family circumstances – on the grounds that childcare responsibilities are seen to signal lack of dedication to the job. Others reported that male colleagues were given preference in developmental assignments while female ICT workers were given the


743

744


routine work. Female ICT workers therefore have comparatively limited opportunity for developing competencies that will enhance their career mobility. The statements below illustrate the effect of gender discrimination. With women it is different. You know we are looked at as ‘weaker sex’ in Nigeria. During my interview they continued asking me are you sure you will be able to work in the cell site. It is so unfair. You know I had four female friends that studied engineering with me in the university and none of them got a job in the industry. After so many trials they decided to take up marketing jobs in the banking sector. (Female, 26, SME, two inter-firm mobility) I have been in this job for six years. I want to move to another company but no way . . . you see my case is complex because apart from being a woman I do not come from the main ethnic group. I am from Edo [a minority ethnic group in Nigeria] and most of these companies are owned by Yorubas. On top of this me no [sic] get connection. I am just waiting on God for breakthrough. (Female, 30, SME, zero inter-firm mobility) All female participants shared the view that traditional stereotypes suggest that women are less committed than men to careers. Women are generally expected to support their husband’s career rather than their own. This notion may be seen to be somewhat different in other national contexts. For instance, Derr (1997) found that 60 percent of male European managers consider their wives’ careers when making a career mobility decision. However, the findings concur with Cannings (1998) and Tharenou et al. (1994), who suggested that the dual role of women in terms of domestic responsibility and professional careers poses a key barrier to career development. Most of the barriers faced by these women reflect Nigerian perceptions of women’s secondary income-earning role. These findings suggest the continued relevance of Scott’s cognitive pillar in terms of the impact of the perception of women as the ‘weaker sex’ on career-related decisions. Overall, the interviews revealed a dominant view that women are not considered to be ‘as good as men’ for most technical jobs. The common idea that femininity can be undermined by energy intensive work prescribes ‘correct’ behaviour and affects women’s career choices and decisions. Such stereotypes are used to deny women access to job opportunities.

Perception of educational qualifications The positive role of education for career development is widely acknowledged (e.g. Baruch, 2003; Tharenou, 2001). Research on the impact of Downloaded from hum.sagepub.com at Tehran University on December 4, 2010


education shows that the quality of the educational institution affects career success by increasing individuals’ human capital (Judge et al., 1995; Swinyard et al., 1980). Similar results emerged from the current study. Eleven of the participants pointed out that employers place a high premium on individuals’ quality of education. They further explained that there is a general perception that polytechnic graduates are inferior and of lower social status to university degree holders. This can be attributed partly to the nature of the course contents and the lower entry requirements set by polytechnics. Perceptions of lower academic performance affect the career prospects and career mobility of individuals who attend polytechnics. From a slightly different perspective, some of the participants noted that it is easier for individuals with technical degrees and certificates obtained overseas to get good jobs and advance into managerial positions than their counterparts with locally obtained degrees. This can be attributed to the decline in the standards of education in the country (Turner, 2000). Some of the participants pointed out as follows: . . . If you have a degree from a university you already have an edge over an individual with a polytechnic degree. I did a HND programme in Oko Polytechnic and I couldn’t get a graduate job. After trying for two years I went back to the University of Lagos to do a degree. I think that helped me too much [sic] in getting the job I am doing here. (Male, 38, big enterprise, two inter-firm mobility) The truth is that these big companies don’t trust the quality of our certificate and you know Nigerians believe in foreign things. That was why I travelled to London and did a masters degree in Information Systems. I got this job from London when I finished my course. The process was just automatic . . . some of my secondary school mates that went to university in Nigeria are still working for the small companies and they can’t get my kind of job even with their experience. (Male, 38, big enterprise, five inter-firm mobility) In sum, the institutionalized downgrading of polytechnic education and its products in Nigeria and the societal perception of international certificates as superior to the locally obtained certificates shape and constrain the career mobility opportunities available to individuals in the ICT industry.

Work biography A number of the participants shared the view that work biography can constrain inter-firm mobility. They conceptualized work biography in terms Downloaded from hum.sagepub.com at Tehran University on December 4, 2010

745

746


of the number of years spent in the industry, number of employers worked for, the nature of companies worked for (local or international), the kind of projects worked on, changes in work roles, hierarchical levels attained, key achievements and years of full-time work experience. Some of the participants pointed out that part-time work experience is generally not viewed in a positive light and that part-time workers are often seen as lacking commitment to their careers. They further pointed out that SMEs are more flexible in offering individuals with limited experience the opportunity of employment. This is partly because the salary package is lower than what can be obtained in the big companies. As such, individuals tend to work for the SMEs for an extended period to gain experience before moving on. A number of the participants expressed frustration with consistent reference to work history. Some of the views expressed by the participants are presented below: Because most of the roles within IT are hands on, there is normally a requirement that one obtains the requisite experience if you are looking to take up roles in strategic levels within organizations. The big companies do not like taking chances and will not give you a job. (Male, 35, SME, five inter-firm mobility) You see in this industry, the big companies look for already made human materials and the small companies cut and sew their own human materials. The big companies pay good money and are not ready to mess about and you need to have significant experience to get in there. Before getting a job here, I had 5 years’ experience working in a small IT training centre, if not I couldn’t have got this job. (Male, 38, big enterprise, three inter-firm mobility) The findings of this study that work biography typified by career mobility and work experience enhances career success and employment opportunities confirm results from previous research studies (e.g. Cawsey et al., 1985; Hambrick & Mason, 1984; Vardi, 1991). However, it is in contrast to King et al.’s (2005) UK study which found that prior career mobility and longterm experience in the labour market reduces IT professionals’ chances of gaining permanent employment. Similarly, the findings of the current study somewhat conflict with the assumptions of some human capital theorists (see Munasinghe & Sigman, 2004) that inter-firm mobility is detrimental to career success and earning due to the limited opportunity it confers on individuals to accumulate firm-specific expertise that is rewarded with high wages over time. In the Nigerian ICT industry, skill sets seem to be largely



standardized and portable. This enhances individuals’ career capital and positive career outcome. This view is consistent with the broader literature (e.g. Bruderl et al., 1991; Rosenbaum, 1979) that recognizes that career history affects individual career development. In sum, the views expressed by the participants suggest that due to the sensitive nature of IT roles, particularly at senior levels (i.e. the sensitivity of data handled, the high cost of the infrastructure), companies generally require that prospective candidates for such roles demonstrate a reasonable level of competence and proficiency usually conceptualized in terms of extensive work history and the amassing of human capital.

Discussion This study set out to explore the boundaryless career and the nature of career boundaries in the ICT industry in Nigeria. This marks one of the first systematic studies exploring boundaryless careers in the non-Western context of Nigeria. We found that despite the companies in the ICT industry in Nigeria being largely clustered in a defined geographical space and consisting of a large number of small firms (akin to Silicon Valley), which is posited by Gunz et al. (2000) as enhancing inter-firm mobility, a significant number (60%) of the participants in the current study were unable to engage in interfirm mobility within the industry. Findings also suggest that there are some gender differences in inter-firm mobility with men being more mobile than their female counterparts. This is surprising given that women have been theorized to have ‘feminine’ traits that can equip them to enact boundaryless careers more than men (Fondas, 1996). Thus, the current findings are in contrast to those of many extant studies in Western developed economies (e.g. Brett & Stroh, 1997; Schneer & Reitman, 1995) which have found women to engage in more inter-firm mobility than men. The low level of mobility can be partly explained by the cognitive institutional pressures embedded in the Nigerian context which support the view of women as the ‘weaker sex’ and as oriented towards domesticity. Further, the findings provide evidence for the continued significance of the traditional career rather than reflecting the fluidity of careers in the US (particularly Silicon Valley), thereby rendering problematic the widespread claim of a shift to a ‘free actor career model’ (Dany, 2003). This model may fit an individualistic, Western-based liberal democratic context (e.g. UK and US) with relatively stable economic conditions (Ituma & Simpson, 2007) as opposed to a developing economy such as Nigeria characterized by high levels of unemployment and a more ‘collective’ orientation. This highlights


747

748


the need to go beyond the individual and consider the socially constructed nature of careers. This research represents one of the few empirical studies that have explored the barriers to inter-firm mobility in a non-Western national context (Nigeria). This research found that ethnic allegiance, personal networks, gender discrimination, perceptions of educational qualifications and the nature of work biography constrain individuals’ ability to enact an ideal type boundaryless career in the industry. These findings further substantiate the claims by scholars (e.g. Bagdadli et al., 2003; DeFillippi & Arthur, 1996; Gunz et al., 2000) that careers have not become completely boundaryless. Although some of the barriers found in the current study seem to be consistent with the broad dimensions of career barriers that have been found by Bagdadli et al. (2003) in Italy, King et al. (2005) in the UK and Hsieh and Kleiner (2001) in the US, the manifestation (the way it plays out/specificities), the scale (pervasiveness/intensity) and the contextual underpinning of the barriers in Nigeria provide a distinct empirical contribution. Ethnic allegiance, for instance, was found to be the most prominent barrier. This may not be so in other national contexts such as the US where the implementation of affirmative action and the prohibition of discrimination based on race, ethnicity and colour seem to be moving the country towards an ‘egalitarian’ society. The barriers found in the current study could be argued to be largely subjective ‘constructed in the head of those people experiencing it’ (Gunz et al., 2007: 478) and not necessarily ‘objective reality’ (real barrier to mobility). However, they can still affect individual career-related decisions (e.g. job mobility, low aspiration) and career-related outcomes (e.g. dissatisfaction, intention to quit). The frequency by which some of these barriers were mentioned by the participant (e.g. ethnic allegiance, 24 participants) suggests that some of these barriers are being ‘hooked up’ (to Abbott’s (1995) term) in the sense that they are being ‘widely shared’. This implies the likelihood that these barriers are becoming objective boundaries which Gunz et al. (2007) theorize ‘appears when a critical mass of people agree that it exists’ (p. 481). In essence, the barriers found in this study are not a result of irrational thoughts of the gatekeepers held only at the individual level or aberrations but rather they are ingrained in the Nigerian psyche and are largely the outcomes of the institutional framework embedded in the Nigerian context. While most studies have identified barriers as independent control factors (e.g. Gunz et al., 2000; Powell, 2000), the findings of this study suggest that individuals can experience multiple barriers simultaneously. A significant number of the participants (40%) in this study pointed out that they could not pin down a single factor that constrained their career mobility Downloaded from hum.sagepub.com at Tehran University on December 4, 2010


in all situations. Rather, they could experience multiple career barriers. Some of the participants noted, for instance, that gender discrimination interacted with the lack of connection and ethnic allegiance in constraining their interfirm mobility suggesting that barriers can be interwoven, can function in multiple dimensions and can interact in complex ways. This calls for a more nuanced conceptualization of career boundaries that acknowledges its dynamics and multifaceted nature. Despite the importance of the institutional context in shaping career experiences of individuals, institutional theory remains underdeveloped within career studies. This is not to suggest that the institutional perspective has been totally ignored. Economic, political, social and environmental factors have all been highlighted as significant in shaping careers (Tams & Arthur, 2007), but career dynamics have rarely been connected directly to the institutional processes that shape them particularly in a non-Western context. This concern has been expressed by Gunz and Mayrhofer (2007) in an earlier article on ‘particular’ careers. This study carefully achieves this by drawing on Scott’s (1995) three institutional pillars to demonstrate the significance of the regulative pillar (e.g. through federal character policy), the normative pillar (e.g. through the role of family obligations) and the cognitive pillar (e.g. perception of gender role) in circumscribing the careers of individuals in Nigeria. Our analysis has also allowed us to compare our findings to those obtained in other national contexts (e.g. the US) and to hypothesize on possible explanations for the divergences in career experience by using the institutionalisms as an explanatory lens. The findings of this study have several implications for management policy. Organizations that employ ICT professionals should be aware of and subsequently address the barriers to mobility that individuals face in the industry. The intervention may involve the implementation and monitoring of equal employment opportunity (EEO) policies and procedures for those companies interested in enhancing their technological innovation and getting the best qualified candidates for each of their jobs. This view is in line with Sen’s (1992) capability theory, which advocates a focus on individual capability in normative evaluation and the creation of opportunities for individuals to fully function. However, beyond the moral imperative of such an approach lies the business case. The implementation of EEO policies will help provide organizations with the best available workforce and by so doing enhance their competitive advantage (Barney, 1991) and the ‘regional advantage’ of the firms in the industry (Porter, 1990). Contributions notwithstanding, this study has some limitations which also provide promising new directions for further research. First, due to the institutional theoretical approach informing this study, the findings give the impression that individuals have little or no agency. However, that was not Downloaded from hum.sagepub.com at Tehran University on December 4, 2010

749

750


exactly the case. Some of the participants have developed resilience and confronted some of these barriers successfully. While an exploration of such strategies was beyond the scope of this article, we recognize that future research may explore the interplay between agency and structure in the enactment of boundaryless careers and so provide a more complete picture of the career experiences of individuals. Second, the participants were asked to provide retrospective accounts of their career experiences and we cannot completely eliminate the possibility that some participants may have better (or more selective) memories than others. Although, the interviews were carefully designed to facilitate memory recall, there is scope for further research that takes a longitudinal approach in exploring this phenomenon over time. Third, the extent to which the findings of this research can be generalized may be constrained by the selected context of the research. Future research may replicate our study in different national contexts, using different occupation groups and both qualitative and quantitative approaches to gauge the generalizability. Finally, the nature of the research design, which was based on self-reporting, precludes definitive causal claims. Further studies could extend our exploratory finding by adopting a quantitative approach to examine the relationship between human capital (e.g. educational qualification, work experience) and career mobility in the ICT industry. Further extension of this study could also examine the correlation between the barriers found in this study and personality characteristics (e.g. self-esteem, self-efficacy and locus of control). These limitations not withstanding, the article provides a sound base on which to explore the nature and interaction of career barriers and implications for career mobility in different institutional contexts.

Conclusion The aim of this study was to explore the ‘boundaryless’ career (i.e. as characterized by increased inter-firm mobility) and the nature of career boundaries in Nigeria, a neglected context in the career literature. Findings suggest that a traditional career pattern (i.e. as characterized by hierarchical and progressive movement within a single organization) is still dominant in a non-Western context (Nigeria). The study contributes to the larger debate on the emergence of ‘boundaryless’ careers by suggesting that this form of career has been overstated and that it may reflect an Anglo-Saxon Westernbased model. Although there is some evidence of boundaryless career enactment in the ICT industry in Nigeria, it is not on the scale and frequency that has been projected in the new career literature (e.g. Arthur & Rousseau,



1996; Saxenian, 1996). In this respect, we argue that career boundaries still exist even in a context which has previously been thought to be fluid and characterized by career mobility (i.e. the ICT industry) and that these boundaries are largely context dependent. Therefore, rather than conceptualizing careers as personal property (Inkson & Arthur, 2001) they must also be seen as socially constructed. In so doing, we have demonstrated the importance of institutional theory, largely underdeveloped in career studies, for highlighting how careers are inextricably embedded in national institutional frameworks and how they follow particular institutional logics rather than universal patterns. This points to the need to advance beyond the decontextualized models advanced by the majority of mainstream career studies to develop a more complex interpretation, which acknowledges the interaction between individual careers and the wider institutional contexts in which they are embedded.

Acknowledgement The authors are grateful to the editor and to the four anonymous reviewers for their invaluable comments and suggestions. We are also grateful to Hugh Gunz (University of Toronto), Yaw Debrah (Swansea University) and Ken Amaeshi (Cranfield University) for useful comments on an earlier draft of this article.

References Abbott, A. Things of boundaries. Social Research, 1995, 62, 857–82. Adamolekun, L., Erero, J. & Oshionebo, B. Federal character and management of the federal civil service and the military. The Journal of Federalism, 1991, 21, 75–88. Aguilera, R.V., Dencker, J.C. & Yalabik, Z.Y. Institutions and organizational socialization, integrating employees in cross-border mergers and acquisitions. University of Illinois Working Paper, 2006. Available online at: [http://ssrn.com/abstract=726584], accessed 28 July 2008. Alban-Metcalfe, B. & Nicholson, N. The career development of British managers. British Institute of Management Foundation, Management Survey Report, 1984. Arthur, M.B. The boundaryless career, a new perspective for organizational inquiry. Journal of Organizational Behaviour, 1994, 15, 295–306. Arthur, M.B. & Rousseau, D.M. The boundaryless career: A new employment principle for a new organizational era. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. Arthur, M.B., Claman, P.H. & DeFellippi, R.J. Intelligent enterprise, intelligent career. Academy of Management Executive, 1995, 9, 1–15. Arthur, M.B., Hall, D. & Lawrence, B. Handbook of career theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Arthur, M.B., Khapova, S.N. & Wilderom, C.P.M. Career success in a boundaryless career world. Journal of Organizational Behaviour, 2005, 26, 177–202. Babbie, E. The practice of social research. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1986.


751

752


Bagdadli, S., Solari, L., Usai, A. & Grandori, A. The emergence of career boundaries in unbounded industries, career odysseys in the Italian new economy. International Journal of Human Resource Management, 2003, 14, 788–808. Barney, J. Firm resources and sustained competitive advantage. Journal of Management, 1991, 17, 99–120. Baruch, Y. Career systems in transition, a normative model for career practices. Personnel Review, 2003, 32, 231–51. Bateson, M. Peripheral vision: Learning all the way. New York: HarperCollins, 1994. Blancero, D.M. & DelCampo, R. Hispanics in the workplace, Experiences with mentoring and networking. Employment Relations Today, 2005, 32, 31–8. Blunt, P. Worker alienation and adaptation in sub-Saharan Africa: Some evidence from Kenya. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 1982, 2, 59–79. Braddock, J.H. & McPartland, J.M. How minorities continue to be excluded from equal employment opportunities: Research on labour market and institutional barriers. Journal of Social Issues, 1987, 43, 5–39. Brett, J.M. & Stroh, L.K. Jumping ship: Who benefits from an external labour market career strategy? Journal of Applied Psychology, 1997, 82, 331–41. Brousseau, K.R., Driver, M.J., Eneroth, K. & Larsson, R. Career pandemonium: Realigning organizations and individuals. Academy of Management Executive, 1996, 10, 52–66. Brown, P. & Hesketh, A. The mismanagement of talent: Employability and jobs in the knowledge economy. Oxford: Oxford University, 2004. Browning, V. The relationship between HRM practices and service behaviour in South African service organizations. The International Journal of Human Resource Management, 2006, 17, 1321–38. Bruderl, J., Diekmann, A. & Preisendorfer, P. Patterns of intraorganizational mobility: Tournament models, path dependency, and early promotion effects. Social Science Research, 1991, 20, 197–216. Cannings, K. Managerial promotion: The effects of socialization, specialization, and gender. Industrial and Labour Relations Review, 1998, 42, 77–88. Caronna, C. The misalignment of institutional ‘pillars’: Consequences for the U.S. health care field. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 2004, 45, 45–58. Cawsey, T.F., Nicholson, N. & Alban-Metcalfe, B. Who’s on the fast track? The relationship between career mobility, individual and task characteristics. Academy of Management Proceedings, 1985, pp. 51–5. Chovwen, C. Barriers to acceptance, satisfaction and career growth: Implications for career development and retention of women in selected male occupations in Nigeria. Women in Management Review, 2006, 22, 68–78. Clements, R.V. Managers: A study of their careers in industry. London: George Allen and Unwin, 1958. CNN. Police, foreign worker kidnapped in Nigeria. 4 March 2008. Available online at: [http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/africa/03/04/nigeria.kidnapping.ap/index.html], accessed 1 April 2008. Cohen, L. & Mallon, M. The transition from managerial career to portfolio career, perceptions of boundarylessness. Work, Employment and Society, 1999, 13, 329–52. Cornelius, N. & Skinner, D. The careers of senior men and women – A capabilities theory perspective. British Journal of Management, 2008, 19, 141–9. Craig, E. & Kimberly, J. Bounding the ‘boundaryless’ career. Paper presented at the Career Evolution Conference of the Harvard Business School, London, 2002. Cresswell, J.W. Research design: Qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2003. Dany, F. ‘Free actors’ and organizations: Critical remarks about the new career literature, based on French insights. International Human Resources Journal, 2003, 14, 821–38. DeFillippi, R.J. & Arthur, M.B. Boundaryless contexts and careers: A competency-based



perspective. In M.B. Arthur & D.M. Rousseau (Eds), The boundaryless career: A new employment principle for a new organizational era. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 116–31. Derr, C.B. Managing high potential in Europe: Some cross-cultural findings. European Management Journal, 1997, 5, 72–80. DiMaggio, P.J. & Powell, W.W. The iron cage revisited: Institutional isomorphism and collective rationality in organizational fields. American Sociological Review, 1983, 48, 147–60. Farmer, H.S. What inhibits achievement and career motivation in women? The Counseling Psychologist, 1976, 6, 12–14. Fassinger, R.E. Diversity at work: Research issues in vocational development. In D. PopeDavis & H. Coleman (Eds), The intersection of race, class and gender in multi-cultural counseling. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE, 2001, pp. 267–88. Feldman, D. & Ng, T. Careers, mobility, embeddedness and success. Journal of Management, 2007, 33, 350–7. Fernandez, R. & Weinberg, N. Sifting and sorting: Personal contacts and hiring in retail banks. American Sociological Review, 1997, 62, 830–902. Fitzgerald, L.F. & Crites, J.O. Towards a career psychology of women: What do we know? What do we need to know? Journal of Counselling Psychology, 1980, 27, 44–62. Flanagan, J.C. The critical incident technique. Psychological Bulletin, 1954, 51, 327–59. Flick, U. An introduction to qualitative research. London: SAGE, 1998. Fogarty, T.J. The imagery and reality of peer review in the US: Insights from institutional theory. Accounting, Organizations and Society, 1996, 21, 243–68. Fondas, N. Feminization at work: Career implications. In M.B. Arthur & D.M. Rousseau (Eds), The boundaryless career: A new employment principle for a new organizational era. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 282–93. Friedman, R. & Krackhardt, D. Social capital and career mobility: A structural theory of lower returns to education for Asian employees. Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 1997, 33, 316–34. Frynas, J.G. Legal change in Africa: Evidence from oil-related litigation in Nigeria. Journal of African Law, 1999, 43, 121–50. Fujiwara-Greve, T. & Greve, H.R. Organizational ecology and job mobility. Social Forces, 2000, 79, 547–68. Gomez, J.J., Fassinger, R.E., Prosser, J., Cooke, K., Mejia, B. & Luna, J. Voces abriendo caminos [Voices forging paths]: A qualitative study of the career development of notable Latinas. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 2001, 48, 286–300. Granovetter, M. Afterword 1994: Reconsiderations and a new agenda. In Getting a job: A study of contacts and careers, 2nd edn. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1995. Green, P.E., Tull, D. & Albbaum, S. Gerald research for marketing decisions, 5th edn. New Delhi: Prentice-Hall, 1995. Guest, D. & Mackenzie Davey, K. Don’t write off the traditional career. People Management, 1996, 22, 22–5. Gunz, H. & Mayrhofer, W. Particular careers-more research needed. Career Development International Year, 2007, 12, special section. Gunz, H., Evans, M.G. & Jalland, R.M. Career boundaries in a boundaryless world. In M. Peiperl, M. Arthur, R. Goffee & T. Morris (Eds), Career frontiers: New conceptions of working lives. New York: Oxford University Press, 2000, 24–54. Gunz, H., Evans, M.G. & Jalland, R.M. Chalk lines, open border, glass walls and frontiers: Careers and creativity. In M.A. Peiperl, M.B. Arthur & N. Anand (Eds), Career creativity: Explorations in the remaking of work. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002, pp. 58–76. Gunz, H., Peiperl, M. & Tzabbar, D. Boundaries in the study of career. In H. Gunz & M. Peiperl (Eds), Handbook of career studies. London: SAGE, 2007, pp. 471–94.


753

754


Hall, D.T. Careers in organizations. Belmont, CA: Pacific Palisades, 1976. Hambrick, D.C. & Mason, P.A. Upper echelons: The organization as a reflection of its top managers. Academy of Management Review, 1984, 9, 193–206. Harmon, L.W. Career counselling for women. In E. Rawlings & D. Carter (Eds), Psychotherapy for women. Springfield, IL: Thomas, 1977, pp. 308–16. Hirsch, P. & Shanley, M. The rhetoric boundaryless – Or, how the newly empowered managerial class bought into its own marginalization. In M.B. Arthur & D.M. Rousseau (Eds), The boundaryless career: A new organizational era. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 218–34. Hodgson, G.M. The return of institutional economies. In N.J. Smelser & R. Swedberg (Eds), Handbook of economics sociology. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press & Russell Sage Foundation, 1994, pp. 58–76. Hsieh, Y. & Kleiner, B.H. New developments concerning discrimination against Hispancics. Equal Opportunities International, 2001, 20, 59–63. Idemudia, U. & Ite, U.E. Corporate–community relations in Nigeria’s oil industry, challenges and imperatives. Corporate Social Responsibility and Environmental Management, 2006, 13, 194–206. Inkson, K. Protean and boundaryless careers as metaphors. Journal of Vocational Behaviour, 2006, 69, 48–63. Inkson, K. & Arthur, M.B. How to be a successful career capitalist. Organizational Dynamics, 2001, 30, 48–61. Ituma, A. & Simpson, R. The chameleon career: An exploratory study of the work biography of information technology workers in Nigeria. Career Development International, 2005, 11, 48–65. Ituma, A. & Simpson, R. Moving beyond Schein’s typology: Career anchors of information technology workers in Nigeria. Personnel Review Journal, 2007, 36, 978–95. Jacoby, S.M. Are career jobs headed for extinction? California Management Review, 1999, 42, 123–45. Jones, C. Careers in project networks: The case of the film industry. In M.B. Arthur & D.M. Rousseau (Eds), The boundaryless career: A new employment principle for a new organizational era. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 58–75. Judge, T.A., Cable, D.M., Boudreau, J.W. & Bretz, R.D. An empirical investigation of the predictors of executive career success. Personnel Psychology, 1995, 48, 485–96. King, Z., Burke, S. & Pemberton, J. The ‘bounded’ career: An empirical study of human capital, career mobility and employment outcomes in a mediated labour market. Human Relations, 2005, 58, 981–1007. Kostova, T. Country institutional profiles: Concept and measurement. Academy of Management, Best Paper Proceedings, 1997, pp. 180–9. Kram, K. & Hall, D. Mentoring as an antidote to stress during trauma. Human Resource Management, 1989, 28, 493–510. Lent, R.W., Brown, S.D. & Hackett, G. Toward a unifying social cognitive theory of career and academic interest, choice, and performance (monograph). Journal of Vocational Behaviour, 1994, 45, 79–122. Lent, R.W., Brown, S.D. & Hackett, G. Contextual supports and barriers to career choice: A social cognitive analysis. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 2000, 47, 36–49. Lewis, W.A. The theory of economic growth. London: George Allen & Unwin, 1955. Lyness, K.S. & Thompson, D.E. Climbing the corporate ladder: Do female and male executives follow the same route? Journal of Applied Psychology, 2000, 85, 86–101. Marger, M.N. Race and ethnic relations: American and global perspectives. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1994. Marler, J.H., Barringer, M.W. & Milkovich, G.T. Boundaryless and traditional contingent employees: Worlds apart. Journal of Organizational Behavior, 2002, 23, 425–53. Maykut, P. & Morehouse, R. Beginning qualitative research: A philosophic and practical guide. London: Falmer Press, 1994.



Mayrhofer, W., Steyrer, J., Strunk, G., Schiffinger, M. & Iellatchitch, A. Graduates’ career aspirations and individual characteristics. Human Resource Management Journal, 2005, 15, 38–56. McDonald, P., Brown, K. & Bradley, L. Have traditional career paths given way to Protean ones? Evidence from senior managers in the Australian public sector. Career Development International, 2005, 10, 109–29. McElwee, G. & Al-Riyami, R. Women entrepreneurs in Oman: Some barriers to success. Career Development International, 2003, 8, 339–46. McWhirter, E.H. Perceived barriers to education and career: Ethnic and gender differences. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 1997, 50, 124–40. Munasinghe, L. & Sigman, K. A hobo syndrome? Mobility, wages and job turnover. Labour Economics, 2004, 11, 191–218. Myers, B. & Pringle, J. Self-initiated foreign experience as accelerated development: Influences of gender. Journal of World Business, 2005, 40, 421–31. National Bureau of Statistics. The Nigerian statistical fact sheets on economic and social development. Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2004. National Bureau of Statistics. The Nigerian statistical fact sheets on economic and social development. Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2006. Nigeria Congress. The constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1979. Available online at: [http://www.nigeriacongress.org/resources/constitution/nig_const_79.pdf], accessed 1 April 2008. Nyambegera, S.M. Ethnicity and human resource management practice in sub-Saharan Africa: The relevance of the managing diversity discourse. International Journal Human Resources Management, 2000, 13, 1077–90. Obi, C.I. Changing forms of identity politics in Nigeria. Goteborg: Elanders Digitaltryck AB, 2001. Okonjo-Iweala, N. Managing natural resources revenue: Lessons from Nigeria’s experience, 2008. Available online at: [http://econ.worldbank.org/], accessed 1 April 2008. Okonjo-Iweala, N. & Osafo-Kwaako, P. Nigeria’s economic reforms: Progress and challenges. Global Working Papers, 6, The Brookings Institution, 2007. Ovadje, F. & Ankomah, A. Human resource management in Nigeria. In P.S. Budhwar & Y.A. Debrah (Eds), Human resource management in developing countries. London: Routledge, 2001, pp. 174–89. Peiperl, M.A. & Baruch, Y. Back to square zero: The post-corporate career. Organizational Dynamics, 1997, 25, 7–22. Peiperl, M.A., Arthur, M.B., Goffee, R. & Morris, T. Career frontiers: New conceptions of working lives. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Petersen, T., Saporta, I. & Seidel, M.L. Offering a job: Meritocracy and social networks. American Journal of Sociology, 2000, 106, 763–816. Porter, M. The competitive advantage of nations. New York: The Free Press, 1990. Powell, G. The glass ceiling, explaining the good and bad news. In M. Davidson & R. Burke (Eds), Women in management: Current research issues. London: SAGE, 2000, pp. 236–49. Pringle, J. & Mallon, M. Challenges to the boundaryless career? International Journal of Human Resource Management, 2003, 14, 839–53. Rosenbaum, J.E. Tournament mobility: Career patterns in a corporation. Administrative Science Quarterly, 1979, 24, 220–41. Saxenian, A. Beyond boundaries: Open labour markets and learning in Silicon Valley. In M.B. Arthur & D.M. Rousseau (Eds), The boundaryless career: A new employment principle for a new organizational era. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996, pp. 23–39. Schein, E.H. Career anchors: Discovering your real values. San Diego, CA: Pfeiffer & Company, 1990. Schinnar, R.S. A qualitative examination of Mexican immigrants’ career development: Perceived barriers and motivators. Journal of Career Development, 2007, 33, 338–75.


755

756


Schneer, J.A. & Reitman, F. The impact of gender as managerial careers unfold. Journal of Vocational Behaviour, 1995, 47, 290–315. Scott, W.R. Institutions and organizations. London: SAGE, 1995. Scott, W.R. Institutional theory: Contributing to a theoretical research programme. In M.A. Hitt & K.G. Smith (Eds), Great minds in management: The process of theory development. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. 460–84. Scott, W.R. Approaching adulthood: The maturing of institutional theory. Dordrecht: Springer Science Business Media B.V., 2008. Sen, A. Inequality re-examined. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992. Smith, D.J. Kinship and corruption in contemporary Nigeria. Ethnos, 2001, 66, 344–64. Smith, T. & Sheridan, A. Organizational careers versus boundaryless careers: Insights from the accounting profession. Journal of Management and Organization, 2006, 12, 223–34. Strauss, A. & Corbin, J. Basics of qualitative research. Newbury Park, CA: SAGE, 1990. Sullivan, S.E. & Arthur, M.B. The evolution of the boundaryless career concept: Examining physical and psychological mobility. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 2006, 69, 19–29. Swanson, J.L. & Woitke, M.B. Theory into practice in career assessment for women: Assessment and interventions regarding perceived career barriers. Journal of Career Assessment, 1997, 5, 431–50. Swinyard, W., Floyd, A. & Bond, A. Who gets prompted? Harvard Business Review, 1980, pp. 6–18. Tams, S. & Arthur, M.B. Studying careers across cultures: Distinguishing international, cross-cultural, and globalization perspectives. Career Development International, 2007, 12, 86–98. Tharenou, P. Going up. Do traits and informal social processes predict advancing in management? Academy of Management Journal, 2001, 44, 1005–17. Tharenou, P., Latimer, S., & Conroy, D. How do you make it to the top? An examination of influences on women’s and men’s managerial advancement. Academy of Management Journal, 1994, 37, 899–931. Turner, M. Education suffers decay and neglect. Financial Times Survey, Nigeria. Financial Times, 30 March 2000. Udegbe, I.B. The realities of Nigerian organizational health policies and practices for female employees. In I.B. Udegbe (Ed.), Transforming health policies for gender equity in Nigerian Organizations. Lagos: Macmillan, 2003, pp. 1–24. US Bureau of Labour Statistics. Employee tenure, 2006. Available online at: [http.//www. bls.gov/news.release/pdf/tenure.pdf], accessed 30 July 2008. Uwazie, E.E. Nigeria’s ethnic and religious relations: Challenges and prospects. In E.E. Uwazie, I.O. Albert & G.N. Uzoigwe (Eds), Inter-ethnic and religious conflict resolution in Nigeria. New York: Lexington Books, 1999, pp. 2–6. Uzoigwe, G.N. Assessing the history of ethnic/religious relations. Inter-ethnic and religious conflict resolution in Nigeria. In E.E. Uwazie, I.O. Albert & G.N. Uzoigwe (Eds), Interethnic and Religious Conflict Resolution in Nigeria. New York: Lexington Books, 1999, pp. 7–18. Van Buren III, H.J. Boundaryless careers and employment obligations. Business Ethics Quarterly, 2003, 13, 131–50. Vardi, Y. Military and field experience as enhancers of managerial promotions in a governmental agency, implications for second careers. Academy of Management Proceedings, 1991, pp. 62–6. Whitley, R., Jeffrey, H., Czaban, L. & Lengyel, G. Trust and contractual relations in an emerging capitalist economy: The changing trading relationships of ten large Hungarian enterprises. Organization Studies, 1996, 17, 397–420. Wicks, D. Institutionalized mindsets of invulnerability: Differentiated institutional fields and the antecedents of organizational crisis. Organization Studies, 2001, 22, 659–92.


Gender

female male female male male female male male male female male female male male male male male female male male female male male female male

Case Id

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

26 35 32 31 30 26 36 38 30 29 32 30 34 38 27 25 30 40 29 45 36 35 37 29 40

Age

BSc BSc BSc HND IT Certificate IT Certificate MSc MSc BSc IT Certificate BSc MSc BSc BSc BSc Diploma BSc MSc BSc MSc BSc BSc BSc IT Certificate MSc


courses

courses

courses courses

Educational qualification

5 7 7 4 5 4 9 8 7 7 8 6 8 7 7 6 8 8 5 8 7 8 6 5 8

Tenure in the industry SME Big enterprise SME SME SME SME SME Big enterprise SME SME SME SME SME Big enterprise SME SME SME SME Big enterprise SME Big enterprise SME Big enterprise SME Big enterprise

Type of organization currently working for

Appendix 1 Demographic of the sample with career mobility and career barrier data

2 1 0 0 0 0 0 3 1 0 4 0 0 2 0 0 0 1 1 4 2 0 2 0 1

Number of employers changed 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Number of forced move-organization closed/employee dismissed 4 1 1 3 2 2 2 1 2 1 1 2 1 3 1 1 1 2 1 2 1 1 1 1 1

No of barriers encountered

Ituma & Simpson The ‘boundaryless’ career and career boundaries 757

26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

Case Id

female male male male male female male female male male female male male male female male male male male male male female male male female

Gender

36 35 37 31 35 26 30 40 38 32 26 42 35 32 29 32 30 34 38 27 25 32 37 30 41

Age

Appendix 1 continued

BSc BSc BSc IT Certificate BSc BSc BSc BSc MSc IT Certificate IT Certificate MSc MSc BSc IT Certificate BSc MSc BSc BSc BSc Diploma BSc MSc BSc MSc

courses

courses courses

courses

Educational qualification

9 7 6 7 8 5 7 7 8 5 4 7 8 7 7 8 6 8 7 7 6 5 8 5 6

Tenure in the industry SME SME SME SME SME SME SME SME Big enterprise SME SME SME Big enterprise Big enterprise SME SME Big enterprise SME SME SME SME SME SME SME Big enterprise

Type of organization currently working for

0 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 1 1 0 1 3 0 1 0 0 0 5 0 2

Number of employers changed 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

Number of forced move-organization closed/employee dismissed 2 2 2 2 1 3 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 3

No of barriers encountered

758 Human Relations 62(5)



Appendix 2 Interview reference number Interview protocol I would like to begin by thanking you for accepting to participate in this research. Your input is very important to me and I am excited about the opportunity to discuss your career experience. The comments derived will only be used for academic purpose and will remain anonymous. Please, permit me to tape record the interview. 1. What areas did you concentrate on in your last period of education, why did you choose those areas and how do you feel now about those choices? 2. What was your first real job after your education? 3. What were you looking for in your first job? Why did you make that choice? 4. What were your ambitions or long range goals when you started your career? 5. How did the first job work out in terms of your goals? (Did it enable you to achieve your goals)? 6. What was your first major change in job or employing organization? 7. How did this come about? Who initiated the change? What were the reasons for the change? 8. How did you feel about the change? How did it relate to your goals? I continued to analyse job/career changes until the present, using the preceding format of questions. 9. Have you ever applied for a job in another enterprise without being successful? 10. If yes, were there any factors that you think have made employers reluctant to select you for a job that you feel you have the necessary competence to perform? (probe) 11. Are there any other structural factors in Nigeria that have posed a hindrance for you moving freely from one organization to the other in the industry? (probe) 12. What does it take to get a job in the industry? Are there any factors you think enhance an individual’s chances of getting a job in the industry? (probe) 13. Considering what you have said so far: if you could create an ideal career for yourself, what characteristics would your ideal career have? Concluding questions 1. Is your career or are your career opportunities turning out any differently than you thought they might earlier in your career? Please explain. [If necessary – ‘why do you think this is true?’]


759

760


2. We’ve asked you a lot of questions today and we have found your perspective very helpful! Do you have any questions for us as we finish the interview? Thank you so much for your willingness to participate in this project. Please complete the biographical information. Biographical information Please, answer the following questions as they relate to you. All responses will be kept confidential. 1. What is your gender? (a) Male

(b) Female

2. What is your age? ................................................................................. 3. What is your highest level of education ................................................ 4. How many years have you worked in the industry ............................... 5. What type of enterprise are you currently working for? (a) SME (less than 50 employees)

(b) Big enterprise (more than 50 employees)

5. IT area of specialization ........................................................................... 6. Current position ...................................................................................... Contact Email (if available): ..........................................................................

Afam Ituma is a lecturer at Brunel Business School, Brunel University. He trained as a journalist in Nigeria and holds a BSc degree in Mass Communication from ESUT University, Nigeria. He obtained his MBA from the University of Leicester and PhD from Brunel University. His current research interests, oriented around international HRM, are characterized by a strong emphasis on the influence of societal institutions in shaping careers and organizational behaviour. Another strand of his research concerns the career benefits of the MBA in different national contexts. He has recent publications in Personnel Review, Career Development International and International Journal of Management Education. He has consulted for Nigerian state governments and for Kent Police in the UK on Race and Diversity Localized Training Project. [E-mail: [email protected]]



Ruth Simpson is Professor in Management at Brunel Business School where she is Director of the Centre for Emotion Work and Employment Studies. Her current research interests include gender and management education, gender and emotions, and career dynamics within gender a-typical occupations. She is author of Men in caring occupations (Palgrave, 2008), co-author of Voice, visibility and the gendering of organizations (Palgrave, 2007) and co-editor of Emotions in organizations (Palgrave, 2007). She has recent publications in Human Relations, Gender Work and Organization and The Academy of Management Learning & Education. [E-mail: [email protected]]


761