GeoJournal (2009) 74:227–234 DOI 10.1007/s10708-008-9224-y
The ethnographic spectacle of the ‘other’ Filipinos in early cinema Joseph Palis
Published online: 25 October 2008 Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2008
screen.’’ The spatial hierarchies and spatially situated images in Edison’s short films show how historically configured power relations encrypted oppression to its external ‘‘others’’ through the cinematic apparatus.
Abstract My paper aims to ask what space characterizes the various constructs of orientalism and othering in the early short films of Thomas Edison. Using Lefebvre’s concept that social space ‘‘subsumes things produced, and encompasses their interrelationships in their coexistence and simultaneity’’ in these early shorts, I will look at three Biograph actualities found at the Library of Congress-American Memory page to show how space is manifested and negotiated onscreen. I will examine Edison’s ‘‘Filipinos Retreat From Trenches’’, ‘‘Capture of Trenches at Candaba’’ and ‘‘U.S. Troops and Red Cross in the Trenches Before Caloocan’’ which were all released in 1899. These reenacted short films were shot during the tumultuous years of the Spanish-American War. In the Biograph shorts, the privileged positions of both Spanish and American forces in relation to the annexation of a foreign land in world history books is indicative of the tendency to de-emphasize the contribution of the native population in the war. Manthia Diawara has said that ‘‘space is related to power and powerlessness, insofar as those who occupy the center of the screen are usually more powerful than those in the background or completely absent from the
Introduction
J. Palis (&) Department of Geography, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Campus Box 3220, Saunders Hall, Chapel Hill, NC 27599, USA e-mail:
[email protected]
The purpose of this paper is to examine the early filmic representations of Filipino resistance against foreign aggression in three Edison films made in 1899. These films are available both in the Paper Print Collection of the Library of Congress as well as in the American Memory page of the Library of
Keywords Early cinema Orientalism Philippines War Colonialism Post-colonial identity Perhaps, the most striking feature of the display is its naturalness. There is no attempted artificiality, no straining after effect. Official Guide to the Louisiana Purchase Exposition, St. Louis World’s Fair, 1904 We Filipinos wear this stroke of silence to render us invisible from one another. Yet it is the very thing that makes us recognize each other. We are invisible except to one another. Marlon Fuentes, Bontoc Eulogy, 1995
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Congress online homepage. My intentions are to examine how social space in the film is produced in the 1899 Biograph films of Thomas Alva Edison that portray Filipinos as the ‘‘others’’, and to investigate the ways these re-enacted films can be re-authored to reclaim the erased Filipino identity. I will also discuss how the authenticity of the films and the authenticating ability of the cinematic apparatus can be challenged using the thematics of Marlon Fuentes’ film called Bontoc Eulogy (1995). Bontoc Eulogy will be employed to critique the authenticity of the Biograph films as well as serve as an analytical tool to recuperate issues of Filipino identity through the violation of the cinematic diegesis. What space characterizes the various constructs of othering in the early Edison films? Using Henri Lefebvre’s concept that social space ‘‘subsumes things produced, and encompasses their interrelationships in their coexistence and simultaneity’’ (1991, p. 72) in the Biograph actualities, three short films from the Edison canon will be discussed in relation to how space is manifested and negotiated onscreen. I will look at Filipinos Retreat From Trenches (c. June 5, 1899), Capture of Trenches at Candaba (c. June 10, 1899) and U.S. Troops and Red Cross in the Trenches Before Caloocan, P.I. (c. June 5, 1899) which as the titles suggest, clearly demonstrate a conquered territory. Three other Biograph films surfaced during this period: Advance of Kansas Volunteers at Caloocan (c. June 5, 1899), Rout of the Filipinos (c. June 10, 1899), and Col. Funstan Swimming the Baglag River (sic)/Col. Funston Swimming the Bagbag River (c. September 23, 1899). Film historian Clodualdo del Mundo opines: ‘‘These Edison films unmistakably embody values that one could identify with colonialism … [as each] victorious battle ends with the constant waving of hats, a rousing celebration of adventure and heroism’’ (1998, p. 34). The choice to focus on the first three Biograph films is to contextualize Fuentes’ deployment of the images from these films to Bontoc Eulogy.
territories and foreign cultures. The camera became the technological tool that recorded and documented these people and places. The recording ability of the cinematographic apparatus lent an indexical credibility to early film projects and also provided a visual evidence of the existence of the ‘‘others’’ and their ‘‘actually existing otherness’’ (Shohat & Stam 1994, p. 106). It is no surprise that when the capabilities of cinema were realized early on, it also intervened in the narration of history. Its complicity with the ideological trends and logic of the time assisted ‘‘in the process [of] indoctrinating or glorifying a cause’’ (del Mundo 1998, p. 30). This is particularly apparent in Edison’s series of films (i.e. newsreels and Biograph actualities) that were made in 1899 or at the conclusion of the SpanishAmerican War. As cited in history books, the SpanishAmerican War marked the time the Philippines as a colony was freed from the 300-year Spanish colonization under the 1898 Treaty of Paris.1 However, Edison’s Biograph films which clock less than a minute each, portrayed events during the period known as the Philippine-American War (1899– 1902)2—a war never regarded as a proper war and often not accorded a place in an historical timeline to de-legitimize its significance. Known merely as ‘‘Filipino insurrection’’, the skirmishes between Filipinos and American soldiers resulted in more than 500,000 casualties (Constantino 1975). This ‘‘insurrection’’ which marked the resistance of the ‘‘newly-freed’’ Filipino natives against their American ‘‘liberators’’, has been preserved in Edison’s Biograph films that, despite being staged and re-enacted, nevertheless enjoyed immense popularity among the American public when these films were shown in the United States. Filipino filmmaker and film historian Nick Deocampo argues that these short films made in the Edison studio has produced profits for Edison which emboldened him to create more war pictures. Edison’s projecting machine, called a Kinetograph, became later known as ‘‘Wargraph’’ to drumbeat the
The ‘other’ function of film
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The highly visual tendencies and inclinations of Western ethnographic discourse have paved the way for the insatiable thirst for cinematographic representation in mapping out the terra incognita of other
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Or as Filipino historian Jose D. Fermin succinctly words it: ‘‘The United States annexed the Philippines, paying Spain $20 million’’ (2004, p. 25). 2 Some historians, like Renato Constantino, claim that the Philippine-American War continued until 1913 because clashes were reported between the American Army and various Filipino resistance groups in the countryside after 1902.
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intersectional importance of war, imperialism and the cinematic apparatus that records and documents it. The camera was utilized ‘‘as an instrument of surveillance and display, and imaged the Filipinos as racially and technologically inferior’’ (Vergara 1995, p. 4). A large number of these films are ‘‘faked’’ or reenactments of war events. Most of these are shot in the highly vegetated areas of the West Orange County in New Jersey to substitute for the tropics where these events are supposed to take place. Charles Musser notes that ‘‘[reenactments] avoided the expense of sending a cameraman to the Far East and allowed White3 to show the heroic actions of American soldiers—something unlikely to be filmed in the midst of a guerilla war’’ (Musser 1991, p. 146). Despite the attention to get the physical landscape right, the cinematic Filipinos were seen carrying rifles rather than the native weaponry of bolos and machetes (Deocampo 1999). History, as encoded in these films, shows how cinema has aided in the encryption of these contested historical narratives to be ‘‘subsumed into filmic fantasies’’ for entertainment and enjoyment among its intended spectators (Deocampo 1999, p. 10). Most of the cinematic portrayals of Filipinos, especially when the issue of constructing American colonial outposts is concerned, continue to reduce Filipinos as rebels and terrorists even in the era of Hollywood, ranging from Samuel Goldwyn’s The Real Glory (1939) to John Dahl’s The Great Raid (2005). The common and recurring visual trope of these Biograph films shows Filipinos as enemies who had to be driven out of the frame of the film screen to show and highlight their defeat and signal the triumph of the American troops. The left-to-right filmic obliteration of ‘‘Filipino enemies’’ that tells the story of American Manifest Destiny, helps justify the emerging American imperialist ideology to the Philippine archipelago. The double absence occurs; first by the denial of a territorial space for Filipinos in the film screen that invalidated their presence, and second, the refusal to let Filipinos claim the onscreen loss and defeat as theirs when one realizes that the cinematic Filipinos were actually portrayed by African-American soldiers belonging to the New Jersey National Guard (del Mundo 1998; Deocampo 1999; Feng 2002). 3
James White works for Thomas Edison’s Kinetograph Department.
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Henri Lefebvre points out that the form of social space is ‘‘encounter, assembly, simultaneity… social space implies actual or potential assembly at a single point, or around that point’’ (1991, p. 101). Lefebvre’s social space has an affinity with Gilles Deleuze’s ‘‘assemblage’’ or the broader notion of the ‘‘event scene’’ (in Marston 2000). This social space consists of a network of relations. In particular reference to the images in the Edison films of Filipino soldiers in battle, Lefebvrian social space includes trenches and forests as battlegrounds where these otherings occur to encourage and ‘‘bolster the American public’s confidence in winning the war’’ (Deocampo 1999, p. 14) as well as ‘‘rouse the patriotic enthusiasm of the American viewers’’ (del Mundo 1998, p. 32). These Lefebvrian social spaces also give material form to Edward Said’s assertion that ‘‘the sovereign … Western handling turned the Orient from alien into colonial space’’ (Said 1979, p. 211). Yet ironically, these geographical spaces of encounter that produced this filmic ‘othering’, took place in the lushly vegetated region of New Jersey to represent conquered lands, and ‘peopled’ by African Americans. These re-territorialized colonial spaces nevertheless embodied the Philippines as an Orient ‘‘as if framed by the classroom, the criminal court, the prison, the illustrated manual’’ (Said 1979, p. 41).
Spaces of identity and ethnicity in Edison’s cinema: the view from the trenches Filipinos Retreat From Trenches shows Filipino soldiers firing from guns and eventually disappearing from the frame signifying escape, the subject (Filipino soldiers retreating from the advancing American soldiers) experiences and lives in the space in which it is entangled; that is, the subject is produced along and in relation to its lived space. The spatially situated image of them escaping creates an ordering that makes them out as the ‘other’ that had to be driven out of the frame, hence, out of sight. Their absence from the frame that clearly indicated their defeat is further complicated by the fact that this ‘moment of history’ was taken from the pages of a forgotten war that remains unacknowledged and not given a historical legitimacy. This double absence indicates the erasure of the lived space of Filipinos given that African-Americans substituted as Filipinos
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in this war sequence. Deocampo notes that this recurring visual trope sets up ‘‘film space as metaphor for a contested territorial space’’ (Deocampo 1999, p. 14).
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the society constructed by white filmmakers. In Capture of Trenches in Candaba, the initial defense of Filipinos (referred to as ‘‘rebels’’ in the film’s description) is overwhelmed by the ‘‘fierce charge of
U.S. troops and Red Cross in the trenches before Caloocan
Filipinos retreat from trenches
Capture of trenches at Candaba Manthia Diawara argued that ‘‘space is related to power and powerlessness, in so far as those who occupy the center of the screen are usually more powerful than those in the background or completely absent from the screen’’ (Diawara 1993, p. 16). Frank Millet, on the other hand, observed in 1899 that Filipinos ‘‘remained outside the Kodak zone’’ (Millet 1899, pp. 1–2) and indeed, the disappearance and erasure of Filipinos from the screen could be read as a sign of their absence from
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[our] soldiers’’ that led to their surrender. This capitulation is portrayed in the film by the hasty flight of Filipino soldiers away from the screen. Despite the heroic death of the officer in command, in the end only the American soldiers remain in the screen frame to signal victory with an American flag unequivocally indicating their power and might. The instrument of surveillance and display provides and assumes an unmistakable position of an othering technological apparatus as the American soldiers
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take command of the screen space. The placement of the camera takes the point of view of the advancing soldiers while Filipinos were emplaced in the vulnerable center and annihilated by the unblinking cinematic gaze. This gaze likewise invites and encourages the American public who were the intended spectators, to assume this gaze and cheer at the conquest of the territory and fan the ‘‘imperialistic emotions of the hour’’ (Barnouw 1993, p. 30). The camera’s invincibility from gunfire and battleground warfare from these films remains unfazed and apparently unharmed by the carnage. According to Deocampo: ‘‘[t]he powerful gaze cast by the camera proved persuasive in convincing millions of American moviegoers to see the war as supporters of war saw it’’ (Deocampo 1999, p. 15). In her discussion of cinematic time and the instability of the image in the early cinema of Edison, the Lumiere Brothers, Georges Melies and others, Mary Ann Doane laid the conditions by which ‘‘punishment around the concept of a criminality [is] understood in relation to otherness … where the cinematographic evidence enables the subordination of the contingent to the rule of law [and] ultimately imbued with a power over life and death’’ (Doane 2002, p. 152). The disappearance of Filipinos in the frame of Capture of Trenches in Candaba taints the absence as criminal which the technological prowess of the apparatus documents and authenticates. As Doane further notes, ‘‘None of this … guarantees that the image is actually documentary, but certain stylistic traits had already been attached to the on-the-scene actuality, giving it a rudimentary form of recognizability’’ (Doane 2002, p. 152). Despite the initial physical presence of the ‘‘Filipinos’’ in the screen that ultimately had to be driven out of the frame in the course of the film, ultimately it is their absence that legitimizes the criminalization. This straightforward manipulation of spatially situated images provides an important dimension of spatial hierarchy. Some scholars see a direct relation between the geography of the world and the geography of the imagination. Said defines the ‘‘imaginative geography’’ as a typical example of Orientalism or as he famously wrote: ‘‘[t]he orient was almost a European invention, and had been since antiquity a place of romance, exotic beings, haunting memories and landscapes, remarkable
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experiences’’ (Said 1979, p. 43). Despite the American world fairs that started in 1898 and continued until 1916 that displayed Filipinos to promote the ‘‘superiority of the white people over non-white races’’ (Fermin 2004, p. xxii), the exposure of Filipinos who came from the Philippines has been ‘‘outside the Kodak zone’’ for some time (Millet 1899, pp. 1–2). This helps explain the choice of African American soldiers/reenactees to portray Filipinos in the Edison Biograph films. As seen in U.S. Troops and Red Cross in the Trenches Before Caloocan, when the American troops drove the Filipino ‘‘enemies’’ out of the trenches once again, the strategy of psychological and physical distancing was used. This is apparent in the absence of the Filipino soldiers in the frame after they were chased out by the incoming American troops but their return to the screen resulted in the forward rush of the advancing forces that leads to ‘‘a trail of dead and wounded’’ (Edison 1899) resulting in the ideological codification of triumph and defeat. What are produced in the spaces of the film are codified texts that clearly articulate the discourse of the art of winning the war.4 Marlon Fuentes’ Bontoc Eulogy (1995) uses the same Edison films as footage to address his questions relating to identity and ethnicity. Ella Shohat and Robert Stam theorize on the dialectics of absence/ presence of the marginalized communities (in this case, the Filipinos, and the African-Americans who represent them in the film) in relation to submerged ethnicities. Shohat and Stam advocate for the recuperation and reconstruction of both ethnic and nonethnic texts to ‘‘render visible, or at least audible, the repressed multiculturalism’’ (Shohat & Stam 1994, p. 220). In the case of the interethnic relationality between Filipinos and African-Americans, the syncretism produces ‘‘diverse margins’’ that call for a ‘‘polycentric multicultural approach’’ (Shohat & Stam 1994, p. 221). The final scene in Bontoc Eulogy can be read as Fuentes’ total empathy with the African American reenactees who portrayed native Filipino soldiers.
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C. del Mundo observes that all three Edison films end with an officer on horseback which he attributes as the ‘‘supreme image of conquest and subjugation’’ (1998, p. 35).
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Mourning the past in Bontoc Eulogy In 1992, Marlon Fuentes conducted archival research on the Louisiana Purchase Exposition of 1904 (also known as the St. Louis World’s Fair)5 and on the ethnographic footage of Filipino groups, especially the Bontocs. This led him to the creation of Bontoc Eulogy. The vast majority of still photos used in Bontoc Eulogy came from the Library of Congress which housed these collections, but additional photos and film footage were taken from the National Archives, the Human Studies Archives at the Smithsonian, and the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania (Fermin 2004; Feng 2002). Bontoc Eulogy is premised as a search for Fuentes’ ancestors. The narrator in the film (Fuentes) is able to trace his ancestry back to a grandfather who was a Bontoc Igorot named Markod who disappeared soon after being exhibited at the St. Louis World’s Fair in 1904. According to film scholar Peter Feng, the film’s narrator is an unreliable source of information because he tells us in the film what Markod thought thereby blurring the boundaries of fact and fiction and lulling the viewers to believe in the ‘authenticity’ he purports in his voice-overs (spoken and narrated in the English language with a recognizable Tagalog accent that further complicates the ambiguity of his position). At the end of the film, the credits said: ‘‘This story is inspired by actual events. Any similarities to persons living or dead are purely accidental’’ which provided the needed slippage in the structural logic and teleology of the narrative. Feng calls Bontoc Eulogy as ‘‘one man’s personal journey from primary archival and presumably authentic documents to increasingly fanciful stories inspired by them … however it can also be meaningfully viewed and understood as a movement from narratives that establish their accuracy to narratives that increasingly reveal their unreliability’’ (2002, 29–30). Aware that the staged nature of the re-enacted films of Edison are mere symbolic representations of actual clashes and 5
About 1,200 native Filipinos in 1904 were transported to the United States to be exhibited. They represent various Filipino ethnic groups. The exposition also showcased a replica of a Philippine village which occupied 47 acres in the fairground site. The World’s Fair showcased the colonial triumph of the United States and ‘‘represented itself as worthy of imperial status’’ (Vergara 1995, p. 136).
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skirmishes, Fuentes slowly reveals in the course of Bontoc Eulogy that while he knowingly participates in the Edisonian filmic-reenactment-as-true ideology, he perpetuated their cinematic truth and inserted the mythology of Markod and passed them as his own cinematic truth.6 In an interview for the book F is for Phony: Fake Documentaries and Truth’s Undoing in 2006, Fuentes admits that he intentionally did not reveal the fictional nature of his film to give the audience ‘‘a real feel’’ experience. He said: ‘‘I opted for a solution that implicated the viewer more in the bi-directionality of the act of observing. Breaking the ‘ethnographic’ surface by disclosing the fictional device within the film would have dissipated the emotional momentum generated by the historical gravity of the actual story’’ (Fuentes 2006, p. 118). The images that Fuentes employed in Bontoc Eulogy are themselves fascinating narratives that fragment and re-write the notions of real and authentic vis-a`-vis the staged and reenacted. He participates in the creation of newer images based on archival footage which ultimately aims to rupture the diegetic illusions produced in these films. In one of the film’s most revealing moments where a fleeting glimpse of an unidentified boy was looking back at the camera, Fuentes used this as an illustrative example on how these diegetic illusions can be shattered. The boy as ethnographic ‘‘other’’ and who remains an outsider in the film-within-a-film diegesis, violates the illusion by looking back at the camera’s gaze. Feng observes that ‘‘the self-reflexive act of filming a camera operator is trumped by this boy’’ (2002, p. 32) and Fuentes pauses for a moment to make sure the viewers will not miss it. The boy’s re-centered close-up evokes a Deleuzian moment of the affect-image (Deleuze 1983). The ‘faciality’ of the boy returning the gaze of the camera not only breaks the fourth wall by his awareness of the camera’s presence, but Fuentes’ intention of focusing on the boy’s non-expression nevertheless accords this close-up with a potential to transgress the camera’s gaze. This transgression as underscored by Fuentes emphasizes the subtle forms of resistance of the conquered to the cinema’s process of ‘‘othering’’. (Shohat & Stam 1994; Vergara 1995). This is similar 6
Markod was portrayed in Bontoc Eulogy by Filipino performer Enrico Obusan.
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to having ‘‘the Displayed look back at the Observer’’ (Rony 2003) which forms the locus of Fuentes’ project in Bontoc Eulogy. His act of freezing the frame to re-center the boy is Fuentes’ way of creating a spatial hierarchy by rendering visible the invisible (invisible to the white filmmakers who shot the film). Likewise, Foucault’s notion of heterotopia reminds us of an other space that is near but profoundly detached and different from the space of ordinary and everyday life. The boy’s act of transgression enacts an alternative spatial ordering that organize the social world in a different way. That alternative ordering makes him out as the Other which also allows him to be seen as an example of an alternative way of doing things (Foucault 1967). Fuentes’ use of Filipinos Retreat From Trenches in his own film makes a statement about reclaiming the film space that was denied the Filipinos. The silent eloquence of Fuentes’ final movement towards the right pays homage to the scene in Edison’s film that shows this action, but it also parodies the viewers’ desire to authenticate this scene as real. By participating in this singular action referenced in Edison’s film, Fuentes re-authors this key scene to reclaim the pro-filmic moment of Filipinos (even in defeat) that both legitimized the forgotten war and break the cinematic diegesis by his act of looking back at the cinematic apparatus.
Conclusion The Edison films used in this discussion offer scholars a range of analytical tools to provide insights and apprehend meanings regarding the appearance and movement of the ‘others’ as captured (and staged) in these films. The Biograph films were meant to rouse patriotism among the American public which helps to explain the triumphs of American forces in the films. The control of the conquered territory and the cinematic apparatus becomes apparent. Marlon Fuentes’ Bontoc Eulogy incorporated these Edison films in framing questions about authenticity, his own positions on issues of identity as well as the ways the ‘other’ can challenge the colonizing gaze. It is an important reference to see how the ‘other’ constructs and reclaims one’s space from the footages that detail significant historical moments.
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The spatial hierarchies and spatially situated images in Edison’s short films in 1899 show the imperialist and triumphal stance of Edison to justify the ideology that pushes for the conquest of the Philippine archipelago. Rather the spatial orderings shown in these early films demonstrate power relations and the authentication and perpetuation of the ‘‘others’’. Fuentes’ reclaiming of film space in Bontoc Eulogy that invalidates the reenacted Biograph films not only returns the gaze of the colonizer hiding behind the camera by rupturing the diegetic illusion, but also reclaims a historical past that remembers the historicity of the Philippine-American War as well as the submerged identities of the actual people who actually died in this forgotten war. Special thanks to J. Gaines, C. del Mundo, N. Deocampo, C. Lukinbeal, S. Kirsch, M. Minder, D. Kummer, J. Craine, M. Smith, the Library of Congress-American Memory Page, and the insightful inputs of the anonymous reviewers. Source: Library of Congress, American Memory Page www.loc.org
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