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Oct 10, 2018 - sex differences in leadership styles, published between 1987 and ...... King David can be regarded as an autocratic, strategic, facilitative,.
THE LEADERSHIP OF KING DAVID

Bible stories: the biography of King David. Catholic Teacher Resources.

Medical Research in Biblical Times Examination of Passages from the Bible, Exactly as Written

Liubov Ben-Nun

NOT FOR SALE

The concept of leadership is an important public issue and is one of the most important themes in the social sciences, permeating all aspects of human social affairs. Leadership requires equal parts of vision and humility, with the ability to confront hard truths and to coach and mentor. The present research evaluates King David's leadership characteristics, decision making ability, his family dynamics, and interactions with the external environment, his military achievements, the management of the country, and coping with stressful situations.

Author & Editor: Liubov Ben-Nun, Professor Emeritus Ben Gurion University of the Negev Faculty of Health Sciences, Dept. of Family Medicine Beer-Sheva, Israel. B. N. Publication House. Israel. 2018. E-Mail: [email protected] The Author gains no financial or other benefits. Technical Assistance: Ilana Siskal.

NOT FOR SALE

CONTENTS INTRODUCTION

4

THE BIBLICAL STORY

6

FATHER-SON RELATIONSHIP

18

DECEPTION

24

DISHONESTY

29

SEXUAL BEHAVIOR ASSAULT INFIDELITY RISKY PRACTICES

37

REFLECTIONS OF LEADERSHIP

51

LEADERSHIP PROGRAMS

56

TYPES

58

LEADERSHIP SKILLS

75

EFFECTIVE INEFFECTIVE CHARISMATIC POLITICAL LEADERS' CHARACTERISTICS OTHER DIMENSIONS WHAT MAKES A LEADER? QUALITIES TRANSFORMATION

92

LEADERSHIP STYLES

108

CONCLUSION

112

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INTRODUCTION Humphrey & al. (1) noticed that a closer merging of the literature on emotions with the research on leadership may prove advantageous to both fields. Leadership researchers will benefit by incorporating the research on emotional labor, emotional regulation, and happiness. Emotions researchers will be able to more fully consider how leadership demands influence emotional processes. In particular, researchers can better understand how the workplace context and leadership demands influence affective events. The leadership literature on charisma, transformational leadership, leader-member exchange, and other theories have the potential to shed light on how rhetorical techniques and other leadership techniques influence emotional labor, emotional contagion, moods, and overall morale. Conversely, the literature on emotional labor and emotional contagion stands to provide insights into what makes leaders charismatic, transformational, or capable of developing high quality leader-follower relationships. This review examines emotions and leadership at five levels: within person, between persons, interpersonal, groups and teams, and organizational wide and integrates research on emotions, emotional contagion, and leadership to identify opportunities for future research for both emotions researchers and leadership researchers (1). Christmas (2) revealed that leadership has morphed into a cult of personality, with charisma or a dynamic profile often substituting for skills. True leadership requires equal parts vision and humility, with the ability to confront hard truths and to coach and mentor. In the nursing profession, as in many disciplines, leaders have evolved from an old school approach of control and command to a much more participatory style which includes individualized mentoring. Let's make 2009 the beginning of a transformation of nursing leadership styles that are celebratory, visionary, and inclusive. Let's come to agreement among chief nursing officers, nurse educators, and those working shifts to transform nursing (2). Klingborg & al. (3) mentioned that the demand for more effective leadership is heard throughout the health professions. Modern concepts of leadership differ from the traditional definition of a charismatic individual leader. Historically, leadership has been vested in positions, while today leadership is seen as a role one

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moves continuously into and out of, depending on the circumstance. Leadership ideas have evolved so that newer characteristics of leaders include being a team builder; possessing creative and strategic thinking skills; demonstrating honesty and integrity; and having the ability to motivate others to action. This article discusses some of the history of leadership, current thoughts on attributes of effective leaders, and the differences and similarities between leaders and managers; identifies selected teachable leadership tools; and describes various styles and purposes of existing leadership programs (3). van Engen & Willemsen (4) mentioned that empirical research on sex differences in leadership styles, published between 1987 and 2000 in peer-reviewed journals, is reviewed by means of a metaanalysis. The leadership styles examined: Interpersonal, taskoriented, democratic versus autocratic, and transformational and transactional leadership. Analysis showed that evidence for sex differences in leadership behavior is mixed, demonstrating that women tend to use more democratic and transformational leadership styles than men do, whereas no sex differences are found on the other leadership styles. Sex differences in leadership styles are contingent upon the context in which male and female leaders work, as both the type of organization in which the leader works and the setting of the study turn out to be moderators of sex differences in leadership styles (4). The concept of leadership is an important public issue and is one of the most important themes in the social sciences, permeating all aspects of human social affairs. Leadership requires equal parts vision and humility, with the ability to confront hard truths and to coach and mentor. The present research evaluates King David's leadership characteristics, decision making ability, his family dynamics, interactions with the external environment, his military achievements, the management of the country, and coping with stressful situations. References 1. Humphrey RH, Burch GF, Adams LL . The benefits of merging leadership research and emotions research. Front Psychol. 2016;7:1022.

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2. Christmas K. 2009: the year of positive leadership. Nurs Econ. 2009;27(2):128-9, 133. 3. Klingborg DJ, Moore DA, Varea-Hammond S. What is leadership? J Vet Med Educ. 2006;33(2):280-3. 4. van Engen ML, Willemsen TM. Sex and leadership styles: a metaanalysis of research published in the 1990s. Psychol Rep. 2004; 94(1):3-18.

THE BIBLICAL STORY The youngest son of Jesse, David was born in 907 BCE in BetLehem-Judah. He grew up in a family of eight sons. As a youth, David was ruddy and good-looking (1 Samuel 17:42). King David is one of the most important figures in Jewish history. The second and greatest of Israel’s Kings, he reigns as King of Judah and Israel for 40 years, dying at age 70 in 837 BCE.

THE BATTLE WITH GOLIATH War comes between Israel and the Philistines, and the giant Goliath challenges the Israelites to send out a champion to face him in a single combat (1 Samuel 17:1–11). David, sent by his father to bring provisions to his brothers serving in Saul's army, declares that he can defeat Goliath ( 17:17–37). During the battle with Goliath ".. David hastened, and ran toward the army to meet Philistine. And David put his hand in his bag, and took thence a stone, and slung it, and smote the Philistine in his forehead, that the stone sunk into his forehead; and he fell upon his face to the earth" (17:48,49).

David slings the stone. James J. Tissot. 1896-1902.

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Thus, refusing the king's offer of the royal armour (17:38–39) he kills Goliath with his sling (17:49–50). Goliath did not pass away after the stone hit his forehead: "Therefore David ran, and stood upon the Philistine, and took his sword, and drew it out of the sheath thereof, and slew him, and cut off his head" (17:51).

This was a thrilling battle, in which a cunning adolescent defeated a frightening, clumsy giant from Gat. This victory showed that the young David was very smart and skillful.

DAVID AND KING SAUL'S FAMILY KING SAUL. King Saul, the first King of Israel, ruled the country about 3007 years ago. The son of Kish, he was a tall and handsome child (1 Samuel 9:2). When Saul grew up, he was chosen to be the King since. When Saul became King, he participated in endless wars (14:47). However, later in his life signs of mental distress due to manic depressive disorder appeared (1). Consequently, Saul’s servants summoned David to play his harp. On hearing the music, the symptoms of Saul’s mental distress disappeared (16:23). Did King David play on a psaltery, dulcimer, harp, or lyre? David was a shepherd who tended cattle in the fields. Since the strings on a dulcimer are beaten with small hammers, it seems unlikely that David, who played with his hand (fingers) “...David took a harp and played with his hand" played on dulcimer. It is obvious that David did not play the violin, which was introduced only in the 15th century. Thus, we are left with three musical instruments: psaltery, harp, and lyre (1).

Saul and David. Rembrandt.

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We have insufficient data to the specific nature of the musical instrument played by David: psaltery, harp, or lyre. Or did he play another musical instrument, unknown to us? (1). David fought the Philistines and defeated them in another battle. King Saul pursued David throughout his life in order to kill him. In the end, David had an opportunity to kill Saul, but he did not do it. Therefore, King Saul appointed David to succeed him as King. Reference 1. Ben-Nun L. Music Therapy in the Bible. B.N. Publication House. Israel 2013. Available: Liubov Ben-Noun (Nun) at researchgate.net/.

JONATHAN. David developed a friendship with Jonathan, King Saul’s son. David and Jonathan remained friends all their lives. It was a true partnership and alliance between friends. They loved each other, without limitation. As an expression of this love, Jonathan gave David his garments, his sword, and even his girdle. Subsequently, when King Saul began to hate David, Jonathan did not abandon their friendship. Even after Jonathan's death, their friendship continued; David, already the King found Jonathan's son, Mefivoshet, and cared for this child as his own. This is an example of genuine friendship, which has lasted forever. In this situation, we see the respectful and noble characteristics of David, who was a reliable partner, paying Jonathan back for his special unconditional love (1 Samuel 18:1-4).

DAVID'S FAMILY DAVID, MERAB, AND MICHAL. King Saul decided to give his elder daughter Merab in marriage to David. However, when “...Merab Saul’s daughter should have been given to David,....she was given to Adriel the Meholathite to wife” (1 Samuel 18:19). Meanwhile, the younger daughter Michal fell in love with David. Subsequently, “..Saul gave him Michal his daughter to wife” (18:27).

These passages do not indicate that David was in love with Merab or with Michal. We learn that only Michal loved David. With young David's marriage, a new family was born. The family began its own

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life cycle; as a married man, David the head and the leader of the family was responsible for the well-being of his family. A NEW FAMILY. Subsequently, David met Abigail (1 Samuel 25:3). However, her husband “...Nabal was hardhearted and evil in his doing” (25:3). When Nabal died, David took Abigail to be his wife. Later: “David also took Ahinoam of Jezreel...” (25:43). Now David had three wives, but the family size was reduced when Michal was taken from David “Saul had given Michal his daughter, David’s wife, to Phalti the son of Laish...” (25:44). Abigail was an attractive woman, and although she was a widow David took her to be his wife. Abigail's remarriage was a coping mechanism with the adverse life consequence - the death of her husband. We see that remarriage after the death of a spouse was an acceptable behavior in Biblical times.

KING OF JUDAH After dwelling in Hebron “...the men of Judah came, and there they anointed David king over the house of Judah” (2 Samuel 2:4). At this time, David became the King, and his family entered a new phase of its life. Now, David was the honored ruler over Judah. His social position changed, from a simple man he became the new Leader. His social position had an effect on the dynamics of his family system. Everybody had been obedient to the King, whether they were within his family or outside the family system. In Hebron, the King took four additional women to be his wives, so his family once again expanded and included seven members: the husband - the King and his six wives (3:2-5).

POLYGAMOUS FAMILY. In Hebron, six sons were born to King David: “And his firstborn was Amnon of Ahinoam the Jezreelitess; And his second Chileab, of Abigail..., and the third, Absalom the son of Maacah the daughter of Talmai king of Geshur; And the fourth Adonijah the son of Haggith, and the fifth, Shephatiah, the son of Abital, and the sixth, Ithream, by Eglah David’s wife” (2 Samuel 3:2-5).

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KING OF ISRAEL With the death of Saul's son, the elders of Israel come to Hebron and David is anointed king over all of Israel (2 Samuel 5:1–3). David’s role expanded, and each time his family entered a new phase in its life cycle.

King David playing the harp, with music-making and dancing angels. Unknown Painter. 17th century. Pinterest.

THE AFFAIR OF BATHSHEBA. From the roof of his house, King David saw a beautiful woman, Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah the Hittite, as she was taking a bath. Therefore, the King sent messengers, took the woman, and had sexual relations with her. As a result, Bathsheba conceived.

Bathsheba Sebastiano Ricci.

In order to hide this disgraceful affair, King David orchestrated a plan for Uriah to lie with his wife and in this way, it would appear that Bathsheba conceived by her husband. Therefore, the King summoned Uriah and sent him home, but Uriah did not go to his house. Therefore, the King summoned Uriah for the second time. At this time, Uriah “...did eat and drink before him (King David); and he

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made him drunk...” (2 Samuel 11:13). However, again Uriah did not go

home and did not sleep with his wife.

David gives Uriah a letter for Joab. Pieter Lastman. 1583 – 1633 Amsterdam.

This time, the King sent Uriah to the front in a fierce battle, where he was killed. When Bathsheba heard that Uriah was dead, she mourned for her husband. For King David there were no limits to the deceit he practiced on his own people to achieve his goal. In order to keep his good name and reputation, the King tried to send Uriah home so he would sleep with his wife. However, these efforts failed, so another disgraceful act was planned to destroy Uriah. Uriah was assassinated in order to hide the King’s disgraceful behavior (1). A fundamental condition of survival was to develop skills of adaptation to these rigid rules. When family members conflicted with these rules, their fate was decided, as happened in the case of Uriah. Decisions of life and death lay in the powerful King’s hands. In David’s internal family, there was neither autonomy nor partnership in the decision making process. Independence was not given to any family member. Family members’ survival depended on obedience to the King (1). In this story, we also see Bathsheba's infidelity. Was she obliged to surrender to the King’s will? Or did she fall in love with the King? References 1. Ben-Nun L. The Family Life Cycle of the Great King David.. B.N. Publication House. Israel. 2005. Available: Liubov Ben-Noun (Nun) at researchgate.net/.

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DEATH OF A NEWBORN SON The death of a newborn is a painful situation, causing great suffering to humans. This condition can occur in both developed and developing countries, in rich as well as poor families. Thus, prevention of neonatal deaths is an important task of each society. One way of dealing with this situation is to study ancient texts concerned with the newborn death. Unfortunately, the newborn son was afflicted by incurable disease (1). Was only one condition responsible? Or a combination such as prematurity and intrauterine growth retardation? Were other comorbidities involved? The death of the newborn baby was a very traumatic experience the King's family was faced. Multidimensional factors such as physical, psychological, and social played a role in the negative experiences and the great suffering caused by the sickness and death of the newborn son. Very sad negative exposure such as death of newborn son was the changing experience to which King David's family was exposed. (1) Here even the great leader can be exposed to a severe illness of his newborn child. King David, the leader and the head of the polygamous family was confronted with an extremely stressful family event – the death of his newborn son. Here, a strong character and a strong leadership helped to deal with this situation. Reference 1. Ben-Nun L.. A Disease that Afflicted the Newborn Son of King David. B.N. Publication House. Israel. 2011. Available: Liubov Ben-Noun (Nun) at researchgate.net/.

FAMILY GROWTH After David left Hebron the King’s polygamous family expanded significantly, and now included many wives, concubines and 17 children. King David, the leader and the head of his extended family, was responsible for the survival of his polygamous family, and for the development of his family members.

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THE WARRIOR Throughout his life, David was involved in endless wars against the Philistines. He was a real warrior and fought bravely with the enemy. He won many wars, and many Philistines were taken prisoners. He also conquered Moab, Hadadezer, the son of Rehob, the King of Zobah, and the Syrians of Damascus (2 Samuel 8:2,3,5).

King David. Ignacio de Ries.

David was a strong, brave, clever and a charismatic leader who reigned over the country: “And David reigned over all Israel; and David executed judgment and justice to all his people” (8:15).

DAVID'S SONS THE CHIEF RULERS King David’s family was consolidated and the sons helped their father to rule the country “...David’s sons were chief rulers” (2 Samuel 8:18). We see a powerful enigmatic ruler, who conquered many countries. His potent, authoritative and dominant character indicates a Great Leader. King's special qualities helped to organize the internal family system as well as external surrounding systems. These well-organized systems were in mutual homeostasis, and the King's sons helped to rule the country. The King was a perfect manager who gave the orders to his sons, the chief rulers of the country. All these helped to build a great empire.

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TAMAR AND AMNON Absalom, the son of David had a beautiful sister, Tamar. Another son of David, Amnon, loved Tamar. Jonadab, Amnon’s friend, asked him “Why art thou, being the king’s son, so lean, from day to day?” (2 Samuel 13:4). Amnon told him that he loved Tamar. Following Jonadab’s plan, Amnon pretended he was sick. When the King, his father came to visit him, Amnon asked his permission. With their father’s agreement, Tamar was summoned to Amnon. So she prepared cakes and brought them to Amnon. Meanwhile, Amnon dismissed all the men from his room and demanded “Come lie with me, my sister” (13:11).

Amnon rapes Tamar. Eustache Le Sueur (c. 1640).

After sexual relations, Amnon’s world turned around and he developed feeling of hatred towards Tamar. Therefore, he called his servant who threw her out of his room. "But when king David heard of all these things, he was very angry” (13:20,21). Following this disgusting sexual assault, relations between Absalom and Amnon were destroyed, and they did not speak with each other. An internal family system was disrupted. In this story, Amnon disregarded his father and thus sexually assaulted his beautiful half-sister. Thus, lack of authority and a weak leadership of King David can be identified.

REVENGE Absalom did not forget that Amnon had defiled their sister, and he was eager for revenge. There was no way to achieve a peaceful reconciliation between the two brothers. The painful triangle Tamar, Absalom, and Amnon - could never achieve a peaceful coexistence. Resources were not used to solve this family crisis.

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Even the King did not intervene or make any efforts to reconcile this triangle. After two years, at the first opportunity, Absalom commanded his men to kill Amnon and the mission was performed "..Smite Amnon; then kill him, fear nor.. be courageous, and be valiant.." (2 Samuel 13:28).

With the aid of external forces, Amnon paid with his life for his disgusting behavior. Amnon's death affected profoundly David's family: Eventually Amnon was assassinated for his disgraceful behavior. Here we are dealing with a violent death. Thus, Amnon's behavior demonstrates a failed King David's leadership.

MOURNING FOR AMNON King David was aware of Amnon's outrageous behavior. The Biblical text provides no details about any punishment or even dialogue between the father and his son, Amnon, concerning this disgraceful action. The internal family system was disrupted, and a peaceful coexistence was broken.

ABSALOM Two years after Amnon's assassination, Absalom fled. After Absalom's servants set fire to Joab's field (2 Samuel 14:30), he (Absalom) came to the king, and prostrated himself before the king; and the king kissed Absalom" (14:33). After this meeting with his father, the King, "… Absalom prepared him chariots, and horses, and fifty men to run before him" (15:1). Absalom prepared to fight with King David's army. Thus, Absalom behaved like a king, thus ignoring his father. Here we see a failed King David's leadership.

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Absalom' death. Reid A. Peterson.

In spite of Absalom's unacceptable behavior, the King the Father and the Leader ordered that Absalom be kept alive. However, some men close to the King were outraged and killed Absalom. This was not difficult since Absalom was caught in an oak tree. Absalom ignored and deceived his father The King's leadership was incompetent.

MOURNING FOR ABSALOM Following his son’s death, King David was upset and wept bitterly. The Biblical verses (2 Samuel 19:1-3) indicate the great suffering of a human being who has lost his son forever. In spite of Absalom's rebellion, the King the father and the leader was attached to his beloved son. The grief was so painful that the King wished to die instead of his beloved son.

David mourning the death of Absalom. Gustave Doré.

Thus, even the grate leaders can be confronted with severe unbearable suffering occurring in their family.

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THE FATE OF CONCUBINES The fate of concubines indicates a subsequent verse: (2 Samuel 20: 3).

A family is a small social system made up of individuals related to each other because of strong reciprocal affections and loyalties, and compromising a permanent household (or clusters of households) that persists over years and decades. Members enter through birth, adoption, or marriage, and leave only by death (1). The King’s family created its own rules that governed the family as a whole and the individual subsystems within the family. A decisionmaking process, concentrated entirely in the King’s hands, establishing the rules of behavior. The rules were very clear and strict, with the King as the sole authority to administer the rules. The interaction patterns within internal family system and its interactions with the outside world depended on these defined rules. Nobody had a voice to decide or participate in any decision making process. The family system was rigid and inflexible. In the case of ten concubines, the decision of the King was undisputable, harsh, and inhuman. Reference 1. Berman EM. Adult developmental stages and marital interaction. Audio-Digest (Psychiatry). 1978;7:5.

THE OLD SICK LEADER In the end King David was sick suffering from multiple diseases (1): "Now King David was old and stricken in years" (1 Kings 1:1) and “Now the days of David drew near that he should die So “..he died in a good old age, full of days, riches, and honor: and Solomon his son reigned in his stead” (1 Chronicles 29:28).

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King David. Paul Rubens.

Reference 1. Ben-Nun L.. The Family Life Cycle and the Medical Record of King David the Great. B.N. Publication House. Israel. 2015. Available: Liubov Ben-Noun (Nun) at researchgate.net/.

FATHER-SON RELATIONSHIP Sriyasak & al. (1) compared perceived fathers' roles among teenage and adult first-time fathers in Thailand. The design was cross-sectional and comparative, and the sample involved 70 teenage and 70 adult fathers, whose children were 2-6 months old. The fathers were recruited from 32 primary healthcare centers in the western region of Thailand. Three validated, self-reported questionnaires with multiple-choice questions were used for data collection. The results revealed differences between teenage and adult fathers concerning income, educational level, and intention to have a baby. The teenage father group had a lower sense of competence, and scored lower on childrearing behavior and fatherchild relationship than the adult father group. These findings provide healthcare professionals with increased knowledge and understanding of teenage fathers' needs in preparing for parenthood. Given that we now know the importance of positive father roles in children's lives, health authorities should be expected to provide resources to help support these fathers (1). Castillo & al. (2) mentioned that literature and research examining father involvement has focused primarily on outcomes associated with the well-being and development of children. This

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study focuses on the relationship between fathers' residential status, age, race and ethnicity, educational attainment, financial status and father involvement. Results of the regression models indicate that fathers who reside with their children and fathers who are older are more involved with their children. Given these findings, policymakers, practitioners, and researchers have an opportunity to create and enhance policies and programs that may assist and support fathers in their development as parents and their involvement with their children (2). Flouri (3) revealed that studies on fathering and child mental health are increasingly looking for specificity in children's psychological adjustment, indicating whether the impact of fathering is diagnostically specific or non-specific. Data from 435 fathers of secondary school-aged children in Britain were used to explore the association between resident biological fathers', non-resident biological fathers' and stepfathers' involvement and children's total difficulties, prosocial behavior, emotional symptoms, conduct problems, hyperactivity and peer problems (all measured with the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire) in adolescence. After controlling for child-, father- and family-related factors, fathers' involvement was negatively associated with children's total difficulties and hyperactivity, was positively associated with children's prosocial behavior, and was unrelated with children's emotional symptoms, conduct problems and peer problems. There was no nonresident biological father effect. Compared with resident biological fathers, stepfathers reported more total difficulties, conduct problems and hyperactivity in their children even after adjusting for involvement. The data show that whether this reflects stepfathers' low tolerance levels or biological fathers' complacency, as sociobiologists would argue, or whether this is due to pre-existing predispositions of children in families which separate and restructure, to the effects of these multiple family changes or to the high exposure of children in restructured families to parental risk factors, is, given the data available and the study design, unclear. However, this study showed that, compared with their peers in biological father families, adolescents in stepfather families are perceived to be at higher risk of behavior problems, and that father involvement is related to specific aspects of child adjustment (3).

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Yogman & al. (4) mentioned that fathers' involvement and influence on the health and development of their children have increased in a myriad of ways in the past 10 years and have been widely studied. The role of pediatricians in working with fathers has correspondingly increased in importance. This report reviews new studies of the epidemiology of father involvement, including nonresidential as well as residential fathers. The effects of father involvement on child outcomes are discussed within each phase of a child's development. Particular emphasis is placed on 1] fathers' involvement across childhood ages and 2] the influence of fathers' physical and mental health on their children. Implications and advice for all child health providers to encourage and support father involvement are outlined (4). Klann & al. (5) asked: how do men develop sexist attitudes, gender role conflict, and subjective masculinity stress? These questions have been given little attention in the literature. Given the strong relationships between these variables and men's poorer mental health, it is essential to understand their antecedents. This study seeks to elucidate the manner in which perceptions of fathers may influence sons' gender attitudes and experiences. Using a sample of 170 undergraduate men, the authors proposed a model in which perceived paternal modeling of masculine norms and perceived paternal sexist communication mediate the relationship between perceived paternal authoritarianism and three outcome variables: sons' sexism, gender role conflict, and subjective masculinity stress. They also hypothesized that the father-son relationship quality would moderate these mediating relations. Results were consistent with a model in which both perceived paternal modeling of masculine norms and perceived paternal sexist communication mediated the relationship between perceived paternal authoritarianism and sons' sexism. However, only the indirect effects from perceived paternal authoritarianism to gender role conflict and subjective masculinity stress through perceived paternal sexist communication were significant. Two significant moderated mediation findings underscore the complexities of the father-son relationship-the quality of this relationship was a risk factor for sons' sexism but a protective factor for sons' subjective masculinity stress. These results suggest an intricate portrait of the perceived influence of fathers on their sons' gender development

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and stress. Practical implications for counseling psychologists as they relate to both counseling and prevention are discussed (5). Noller & Bagi (6) noticed that this project involved the development of a questionnaire for measuring parent-adolescent communication on both process and content dimensions. The six process dimensions, chosen on the basis of available literature, were: frequency, initiation, recognition, self-disclosure, domination and satisfaction. Six-point scales with clearly defined scale points were designed for each dimension. Fourteen content areas were also chosen and these were selected to include areas representative of two dimensions: general principles vs. specific issues, and external social reference vs. intrafamily references. First-year university students rated their interactions with their mothers, fathers and both parents together on each of the six process dimensions for each of the fourteen content areas. Parents were asked to rate the same items in the way they thought their adolescent son or daughter would rate them. Results were analyzed separately for each process dimension using discriminant analysis, with sex of parent and sex of adolescent as independent variables. Overall, adolescents of both sexes tended to communicate more with mothers than with fathers over a wide range of areas. In fact, politics was the only area on which subjects talked more with fathers than mothers. Also, more self-disclosure occurred to mothers than to fathers, with daughters disclosing more to mothers than did sons. Mothers were also more accurate than fathers at predicting adolescents' responses. The usefulness of the questionnaire for exploring this important area of parent-adolescent communication will be discussed (6). DeVet (7) noticed that physical discipline occurs within the context of the parent-child relationship, yet it is often not examined within this important context. The current study examined whether negative effects of physical discipline on older adolescent adjustment are mediated by the overall parent-child relationship. The sample consisted of 253, mostly Caucasian, middle-class, adolescent participants (mean age = 18.4, 67% female). Physical punishment history, parent-adolescent relationships, and adjustment were assessed with self-report instruments. For females, relationships with parents partially mediated the association between physical punishment and adjustment. Physical punishment was negatively associated with both adjustment and parent-adolescent

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relationships. For males, physical punishment was not related to adjustment. Parent-adolescent relationships were positively associated with adjustment for both females and males. Physical punishment by fathers was negatively associated with father-son relationships. The results suggest the importance of exploring links between physical punishment and adjustment within the context of parent-child relationship, as well as examining males, females, mothers, and fathers separately (7). Grotevant & Cooper (8) developed a model of individuation in family relationships that focuses on communication processes, and to assess the links between them and adolescent identity exploration. Expressions of the 4 dimensions of the model - self-assertion, separateness, permeability, and mutuality - were predicted to be positively associated with identity exploration in adolescents. A sample of 84 Caucasian, middle-classes, 2-parent families, each including an adolescent and 1 or 2 siblings, was observed in a Family Interaction Task designed to elicit the expression and coordination of a variety of points of view. Multiple regression analyses revealed differentiated results concerning father-son, father-daughter, mother-son, mother-daughter, and marital relationships as well as both positive and negative contributions of communication variables to identity exploration when verbal ability and sociability were controlled (8). Grossman & al. (9) mentioned those parents' conversations with teens about sex and relationships can play a critical role in improving teenage reproductive health by reducing teens' risky sexual behavior. However, little is known about how teen-parent communication changes from early to middle adolescence and how parents can tailor their communication to address their teens' changing development and experiences during these periods. In this longitudinal qualitative study, U.S. parents (n=23) participated in interviews when their teens were in early adolescence, then again when the teens were in middle adolescence. Participants were largely mothers and were from diverse racial/ethnic and educational backgrounds. Thematic analysis was used to assess continuity and change in parents' perceptions of teen-parent communication. Findings showed that many parents adapted their conversations with their teens about sex and relationships as teens developed. Once teens had entered high school, more parents described feeling comfortable with their

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conversations. However, parents also more often reported that their teens responded negatively to the communication in high school than they had in middle school. These findings may help parents to anticipate their own as well as their teens' responses to family conversations about sex at different developmental time points and to strategize how to effectively talk with their teens about sex and relationships to improve their teens' overall reproductive health (9). TO SUM UP: this chapter (1-9) shows the importance of positive father roles in children's lives. Relationships and communication between the father and his sons are crucial in the maintenance a normal family life. Fathers who reside with their children and fathers who are older are more involved with their children. Father- and family-related factors, fathers' involvement is negatively associated with children's total difficulties and hyperactivity, is positively associated with children's prosocial behavior, and is unrelated with children's emotional symptoms, conduct problems and peer problems. Adolescents of both sexes communicate more with mothers than with fathers over a wide range of areas. More self-disclosure occur to mothers than to fathers, with daughters disclosing more to mothers than do sons. Physical punishment by fathers is negatively associated with father-son relationships. Parents' conversations with teens about sex and relationships can play a critical role in improving teenage reproductive health by reducing teens' risky sexual behavior. In the Bible, the communication between the King, the leader, and his sons was inadequate. His son Amnon lied by pretending that he was ill in order to get permission for Tamar his beautiful half-sister to visit him. But during Tamar's visit he defiled her and forced her in to sexual relations. The second account refers to the relationship and communication between King David and Absalom, his second son, who wished to depose his father and become the King. Thus, even in the leader's family unreliable sons can be encountered.

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References 1. Sriyasak A, Almqvist AL, Sridawruang C, Häggström-Nordin E. Father role: A comparison between teenage and adult first-time fathers in Thailand. Nurs Health Sci. 2015;17(3):377-86. 2. Castillo J, Welch G, Sarver C. Fathering: the relationship between fathers' residence, fathers' sociodemographic characteristics, and father involvement. Matern Child Health J. 2011;15(8):1342-9. 3. Flouri E. Fathering and adolescents' psychological adjustment: the role of fathers' involvement, residence and biology status. Child Care Health Dev. 2008;34(2):152-61. 4. Yogman M, Garfield CF; Committee on psychological aspects of child and family helath. Fathers' roles in the care and development of their children: the role of pediatricians. Pediatrics. 2016;138(1). pii: e20161128. 5. Klann EM, Wong YJ, Rydell RJ . Firm father figures: a moderated mediation model of perceived authoritarianism and the intergenerational transmission of gender messages from fathers to sons. J Couns Psychol. 2018;65(4):500-511. 6. Noller P, Bagi S. Parent-adolescent communication. J Adolesc. 1985;8(2):125-44. 7. DeVet KA. Parent-adolescent relationships, physical disciplinary history, and adjustment in adolescents. Fam Process. 1997;36(3): 311-22. 8. Grotevant HD, Cooper CR. Patterns of interaction in family relationships and the development of identity exploration in adolescence. Child Dev. 1985;56(2):415-28. 9. Grossman JM, Jenkins LJ, Richer AM. Parents' perspectives on family sexuality communication from middle school to high school. Int J Environ Res Public Health. 2018;15(1). pii: E107.

DECEPTION Wright & al. (1) revealed that both the ability to deceive others, and the ability to detect deception, has long been proposed to confer an evolutionary advantage. Deception detection has been studied extensively, and the finding that typical individuals fare little better than chance in detecting deception is one of the more robust in the behavioral sciences. Surprisingly, little research has examined individual differences in lie production ability. As a consequence, as far as we are aware, no previous study has investigated whether there exists an association between the ability to lie successfully and the ability to detect lies. Only a minority of studies have examined

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deception as it naturally occurs; in a social, interactive setting. The present study, therefore, explored the relationship between these two facets of deceptive behavior by employing a novel competitive interactive deception task (DeceIT). For the first time, signal detection theory (SDT) was used to measure performance in both the detection and production of deception. A significant relationship was found between the deception-related abilities; those who could accurately detect a lie were able to produce statements that others found difficult to classify as deceptive or truthful. Neither ability was related to measures of intelligence or emotional ability. Therefore, it has been suggest the existence of an underlying deception-general ability that varies across individuals (1). Wright & al. (2) also mentioned that this focused review expands upon the authors' original paper (1). In that paper the authors introduced a new socially interactive, laboratory-based task, the DeceIT, and used it to measure individuals' ability to lie, their ability to detect the lies of others, and potential individual difference measures contributing to these abilities. The two skills were correlated; better liars made better lie detectors (a "deception general" ability) and this ability seemed to be independent of cognitive (IQ) and emotional (EQ) intelligence. Here, following the Focused Review format, the method and results of the original paper were outlined and more on the value of lab-based experimental studies were commented of deception, which have attracted criticism in recent years. While acknowledging that experimental paradigms may fail to recreate the full complexity and potential seriousness of real-world deceptive behavior, it has been suggested that lab-based deception paradigms can offer valuable insight into ecologically-valid deceptive behavior. The use of the DeceIT procedure enabled deception to be studied in an interactive setting, with motivated participants, and importantly allowed the study of both the liar and the lie detector within the same deceptive interaction. It is the thesis that by addressing deception more holistically-by bringing the liar into the "spotlight" which is typically trained exclusively on the lie detector-we may further enhance our understanding of deception (2). Wright & al. (3) also noticed that deception is a central component of the personality 'Dark Triad' (Machiavellianism, Psychopathy and Narcissism). However, whether individuals

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exhibiting high scores on Dark Triad measures have a heightened deceptive ability has received little experimental attention. The present study tested whether the ability to lie effectively, and to detect lies told by others, was related to Dark Triad, Lie Acceptability, or Self-Deceptive measures of personality using an interactive groupbased deception task. At a group level, lie detection accuracy was correlated with the ability to deceive others-replicating previous work. No evidence was found to suggest that Dark Triad traits confer any advantage either to deceive others, or to detect deception in others. Participants who considered lying to be more acceptable were more skilled at lying, while self-deceptive individuals were generally less credible and less confident when lying. Results are interpreted within a framework in which repeated practice results in enhanced deceptive ability (3). Newman & al. (4) mentioned that telling lies often requires creating a story about an experience or attitude that does not exist. As a result, false stories may be qualitatively different from true stories. The current project investigated the features of linguistic style that distinguish between true and false stories. In an analysis of five independent samples, a computer-based text analysis program correctly classified liars and truth-tellers at a rate of 67% when the topic was constant and a rate of 61% overall. Compared with truthtellers, liars showed lower cognitive complexity, used fewer selfreferences and other-references, and used more negative emotion (4). DePaulo & al. (5) asked: do people behave differently when they are lying compared with when they are telling the truth? The combined results of 1,338 estimates of 158 cues to deception are reported. Results show that in some ways, liars are less forthcoming than truth tellers, and they tell less compelling tales. They also make a more negative impression and are tenser. Their stories include fewer ordinary imperfections and unusual contents. However, many behaviors showed no discernible links, or only weak links, to deceit. Cues to deception were more pronounced when people were motivated to succeed, especially when the motivations were identity relevant rather than monetary or material. Cues to deception were also stronger when lies were about transgressions (5). Bond & DePaulo (6) analyzed the accuracy of deception judgments, synthesizing research results from documents and judges.

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In relevant studies, people attempt to discriminate lies from truths in real time with no special aids or training. In these circumstances, people achieve an average of 54% correct lie-truth judgments, correctly classifying 47% of lies as deceptive and 61% of truths as nondeceptive. Relative to cross-judge differences in accuracy, mean lie-truth discrimination abilities are nontrivial, with a mean accuracy d of roughly .40. This produces an effect that is at roughly the 60th percentile in size, relative to others that have been meta-analyzed by social psychologists. Alternative indexes of lie-truth discrimination accuracy correlate highly with percentage correct, and rates of lie detection vary little from study to study. The meta-analyses reveal that people are more accurate in judging audible than visible lies, that people appear deceptive when motivated to be believed, and that individuals regard their interaction partners as honest. In has been proposed that people judge others' deceptions more harshly than their own and that this double standard in evaluating deceit can explain much of the accumulated literature (6). Paterson & Marino (7) examined the effect of deception of distance end-point on prolonged cycling performance. Twenty one subjects were randomly allocated to three groups (n=7 per group). Each group completed three self-paced time-trials separated by one day. Subjects were told that each trial was a 30-km time-trial and were required to complete the distance in the fastest time possible. Following the initial trial of 30 km, one group completed Trial 2 with a longer distance (long distance group; 36 km), another group with a shorter distance (24 km; short distance group), and the third group as control (30 km; control). Each group then completed a third timetrial of 30 km. At no time was the deception of distance in Trial 2 disclosed to the subjects, and all sources of physiological and mechanical feedback were withheld during the trials. Data from Trials 1 and 3 were analyzed by repeated-measures analysis of covariance. Time to complete Trial 1 was similar among groups (approximately 65 min.). Following the deception in Trial 2 the time to complete the 30 km in Trial 3 was increased for the short distance group, decreased for the long distance group, whilst the time for the control group remained unchanged. The times to complete the 30 km on Trials 1 and 3 were matched by changes in power output throughout the trials. It is concluded that subjects deceived of the actual distance completed will complete the subsequent

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performance trial based on perceived effort rather than on actual distance (7). TO SUM UP: this chapter (1-7) shows that deception is a prevalent human behavior. The existence of an underlying deception-general ability varies across individuals. Lab-based deception paradigms can offer valuable insight into ecologically-valid deceptive behavior. Participants who considered lying to be more acceptable are more skilled at lying, while self-deceptive individuals are less credible and less confident when lying. Liars are less forthcoming than truth tellers, and they tell less compelling tales. In King David's story, the lie and deception can be identified in Amnon's case. Here, Amnon lied to his father that he was ill in order to get permission that his beautiful half-sister will visit him. Another deception can be identified in the case of Absalom's who deceived his father in order to take over the throne. References 1. Wright GR, Berry CJ, Bird G. "You can't kid a kidder": association between production and detection of deception in an interactive deception task. Front Hum Neurosci. 2012;6:87. 2. Wright GR, Berry CJ, Bird G. Deceptively simple … The "deceptiongeneral" ability and the need to put the liar under the spotlight. Front Neurosci. 2013 Aug 29;7:152. 3. Wright GR, Berry CJ, Catmur C, Bird G. Good Liars Are Neither 'Dark' Nor Self-Deceptive. PLoS One. 2015;10(6):e0127315. 4. Newman ML, Pennebaker JW, Berry DS, Richards JM. Lying words: predicting deception from linguistic styles. Pers Soc Psychol Bull. 2003; 29(5):665-75. 5. DePaulo BM, Lindsay JJ, Malone BE, et al. Cues to deception. Psychol Bull. 2003;129(1):74-118. 6. Bond CF Jr, DePaulo BM. Accuracy of deception judgments. Pers Soc Psychol Rev. 2006;10(3):214-34. 7. Paterson S, Marino FE. Effect of deception of distance on prolonged cycling performance. Percept Mot Skills. 2004;98(3 Pt 1):1017-26.

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DISHONESTY de Vries (1) offered an integration of dark leadership styles with dark personality traits. The core of dark leadership consists of Three Nightmare Traits (TNT) leader dishonesty, leader disagreeableness, and leader carelessness that are conceptualized as contextualized personality traits aligned with respectively (low) honesty-humility, (low) agreeableness, and (low) conscientiousness. It is argued that the TNT, when combined with high extraversion and low emotionality, can have serious ("explosive") negative consequences for employees and their organizations. A Situation-Trait-Outcome Activation (STOA) model is presented in which a description is offered of situations that are attractive to TNT leaders (situation activation), situations that activate TNT traits (trait activation), and the kinds of outcomes that may result from TNT behaviors (outcome activation). Subsequently, the TNT and STOA models are combined to offer a description of the organizational actions that may strengthen or weaken the TNT during six career stages: attraction, selection, socialization, production, promotion, and attrition. Except for mainly negative consequences of the TNT, possible positive consequences of TNT leadership are also explored, and an outline of a research program is offered that may provide answers to the most pressing questions in dark leadership research (1). Gino & Wiltermuth (2) proposed that dishonest and creative behavior have something in common: they both involve breaking rules. Because of this shared feature, creativity may lead to dishonesty (as shown in prior work), and dishonesty may lead to creativity (the hypothesis was tested in this research). In five experiments, participants had the opportunity to behave dishonestly by overreporting their performance on various tasks. They then completed one or more tasks designed to measure creativity. Those who cheated were subsequently more creative than noncheaters, even when individual differences were accounted in their creative ability (Experiment 1). Using random assignment, that acting dishonestly leads to greater creativity in subsequent tasks (Experiments 2 and 3). The link between dishonesty and creativity is explained by a heightened feeling of being unconstrained by rules, as indicated by both mediation (Experiment 4) and moderation (Experiment 5) (2).

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Gino & Ariely (3) mentioned that creativity is a common aspiration for individuals, organizations, and societies. Here, however, we test whether creativity increases dishonesty. It has been proposed that a creative personality and a creative mindset promote individuals' ability to justify their behavior, which, in turn, leads to unethical behavior. In 5 studies, participants with creative personalities tended to cheat more than less creative individuals and that dispositional creativity is a better predictor of unethical behavior than intelligence (Experiment 1). In addition, participants who were primed to think creatively were more likely to behave dishonestly than those in a control condition (Experiment 2) and that greater ability to justify their dishonest behavior explained the link between creativity and increased dishonesty (Experiments 3 and 4). Finally, dispositional creativity moderates the influence of temporarily priming creativity on dishonest behavior (Experiment 5). The results provide evidence for an association between creativity and dishonesty, thus highlighting a dark side of creativity (3). Carter (4) mentioned that lying and deceit are instruments of power, used by social actors in the pursuit of their practices as they seek to maintain social order. All social actors, nurses included, have deceit and dishonesty within their repertoire of practice. Much of this is benign, well intentioned and a function of being sociable and necessary in the pursuit of social order in the healthcare environment. Lying and deceit from a sociological point of view, is a reflection of the different modes of domination that exist within a social space. French philosopher Pierre Bourdieu theorized about the way that symbolic power works within social space. The social structures and the agency of individual actors moving within it are interrelated and interdependent. Bourdieu's ideas will be used to theorize about real clinical experiences where acts of deceit can be identified and a case example will be presented. Nurses are actors in the social space of clinical care, and their world is complex, challenging, and often fraught with the contradictory demands and choices that reflect and influence their behaviors. An exploration of lying and deceit in nursing as an instrument in the modes of domination that persist enables us to challenge some of the assumptions that are made about the motives that cause or tempt nurses to lie as well as to understand the way on which they are sometimes lied to, according to the acts of domination that exist in

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the field. Lying or acting dishonestly is a powerful act that is intent on retaining stability and social order and could be seen to be a justification of lying and deceit. However, we need to pause and consider, in whose interests are we striving to create social order? Is it in the end about the comfort of patients or for the comfort of professionals? (4). LaDuke (5) reviewed the most current published literature on the topics of academic dishonesty, unethical professional practices, and research that studied the correlation between these 2 areas of interest. Literature was retrieved by utilizing key words such as academic dishonesty, cheating, workplace dishonesty, and unethical behavior. Multiple research databases were used and a reference librarian in locating relevant research studies resulting in 16 research articles reviewed and 7 articles referenced within the literature review. Upon completion, it became apparent that nursing educators should be concerned that nursing students found to be academically dishonest today may have a higher incidence of displaying unethical practices as a registered nurse tomorrow. It also became clear that the nursing profession needs to conduct its own research in this field to verify findings discovered by other professions such as engineering, business, and psychology. Recommendations were given on how nursing educators should handle the topic of ethics in nursing programs (5). Henning & al. (6) mentioned that there is ample evidence to suggest that academic dishonesty remains an area of concern and interest for academic and professional bodies. There is also burgeoning research in the area of moral reasoning and its relevance to the teaching of pharmacy and medicine. This study explored the associations between self-reported incidence of academic dishonesty and ethical reasoning in a professional student body. Responses were elicited from 433 pharmacy and medicine students. A questionnaire eliciting responses about academic dishonesty (copying, cheating, and collusion) and their decisions regarding an ethical dilemma was distributed. The findings suggested that copying and collusion may be linked to the way students make ethical decisions. Students more likely to suggest unlawful solutions to the ethical dilemma were more likely to disclose engagement in copying information and colluding with other students. These findings imply that students engaging in academic dishonesty may be using

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different ethical frameworks. Therefore, employing ethical dilemmas would likely create a useful learning framework for identifying students employing dishonest strategies when coping with their studies. Increasing understanding through dialog about engagement in academic honesty will likely construct positive learning outcomes in the university with implications for future practice (6). Aaron & al. (7) investigated differences in radiologic science student and faculty perceptions of academic dishonesty and unprofessional behavior. Radiologic science faculty and students were questioned about their perceptions of academic dishonesty and unprofessional behavior using ethical scenarios in an electronic survey format. Significant differences occurred between faculty and student values regarding the seriousness of cheating and unprofessional behaviors. Faculty viewed cheating and unprofessional behaviors as more serious than students. Faculty and student self-reports of cheating behavior demonstrated no significant differences; however, significant differences existed in self-reported incidences of unprofessional behavior. The data indicate that faculty and students differed in their values and participation related to cheating and unprofessional behaviors. Efforts should be directed toward bridging the gap between faculty and student perceptions (7). Nilstun & al. (8) mentioned that 'Scientific dishonesty' implies the fabrication, falsification or plagiarism in proposing, performing or reviewing research or in reporting research results. A questionnaire was given to postgraduate students at the medical faculties in Sweden who attended a course in research ethics during the academic year 2008/2009 and 58% answered (range 29%-100%). Less than one-third of the respondents wrote that they had heard about scientific dishonesty in the previous 12 months. Pressure, concerning in what order the author should be mentioned, was reported by about 1 in 10 students. It has been suggested that all departments conducting research should have a written policy about acceptable research behavior and that all doctoral students should be informed of the content of this policy. Participants in the research groups concerned should also be required to analyze published articles about scientific dishonesty and critically discuss what could be done about unethical conduct (8). Saana & al. (9) noticed that integrity in academic work is a critical benchmark of every profession. For this reason, special attention

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should be devoted to addressing academic dishonesty (AD) in higher education to prevent the potential transfer of these practices to the workplace. In order to effectively address AD in Africa, further information about correlates of, and barriers to, the effectiveness of existing AD-controlling measures is needed. In Ghana, little is known about AD from the perspective of students. Here, is presented a first report of Ghanaian undergraduate students' self-reported understanding of, and support for, institutional AD regulations, their involvement in specific dishonest behaviors, as well as their motivation factors. Approximately 92% of respondents said they were aware of institutional regulations on AD. However, only 31% rated their understanding as high. Respondents believed that their lecturers had better understanding of, and support for, these regulations than the students (p