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ONE OF THE ROLES OF THE VISUAL ARTS, as in recent sports history, is to challenge ..... light, new forms of advertising, color illustration, and photogravure in ...
SOURCES AND METHODS SOURCES AND METHODS

The Sporting Gaze: Towards a Visual Turn in Sports History– Documenting Art and Sport MIKE HUGGINS† University of Cumbria

In an increasingly visual world, and with “the visual turn” now found across a range of disciplines, there is a need for far more systematic and effective exploitation of visual material by sports historians. The paper begins by analyzing some of the growing interdisciplinary links between visuality approaches and sports history. It briefly surveys some of the emerging literature in this developing field and explores some of the earlier iconographic revolutions that exploited images of sport, in the process providing a substantial and wide-ranging historical archive of different visual sources awaiting exploitation far more thoroughly, systematically, and critically than currently. The second half of the paper reviews some of the current approaches and methodologies that can be applied, including contextual analysis, psychological and gaze theory, iconology, semiology, and deconstruction. Particular attention is paid to notions of “the sporting gaze,” an approach that partially draws on theories of reception, based on how viewers actually respond to visual sources, but also, more importantly, demonstrates how the gaze theories of Jean Lacan, Michel Foucault, and Laura Mulvey can be applied to historical visual sports material. † Correspondence to [email protected]. An earlier version of this paper formed the opening keynote address at the XIIth European Committee for Sports History (CESH) International Congress at the University of South Brittany, Lorient, and benefited from discussion there, and from suggestions from Malcolm McLean, Wray Vamplew, Mike O’Mahony, Martin Johnes, and others.

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NE OF THE ROLES OF THE VISUAL ARTS, as in recent sports history, is to challenge and change perceptions, to encourage the viewer to see familiar things differently. Sport has always been marked by a wealth of imagery and visual symbolism, value-laden interpretations of the sporting world, varying from period to period and place to place, and both reflecting and contributing to the social and cultural context in which they were produced. Yet back in the 1980s historians still noted “the invisibility of the visual,” a widespread reluctance to explore “the deeper levels of experience which images probe,” and a “condescension towards images.”1 There were exceptions. At the start of the 1980s, for example, J.A. Mangan explored the uniforms, sports colors and other visual artifacts of the public school system, treating them as symbolic language systems to be analyzed.2 In the 1990s Richard Cashman still noted that sports historians were “slow to make use of visual sources” and only used them to “enhance and add to written monographs.”3 By contrast art historians have recognized the links between visuality and sports history. When the Fine Art Museum at Mans, in Belgium, presented an Exposition, Art and Sport, in association with the Belgian Olympic Committee, its 300 or more paintings, sculptures, drawings, engravings, posters, and photographs, including work by Picasso, Magritte and Hockney, were a powerful reminder of the representation and analysis of sport. Indeed, the Burlington Magazine, an early critic of the art “establishment,” published an analytical paper on the iconography of sport as early as 1914, two years after the Olympic Arts Festival program was instituted in Stockholm.4 Art galleries regularly present exhibitions focusing on aspects of the history of sport. In 1998, for example, the National Gallery of Art at the Smithsonian Museum, Washington, presented Degas at the Races, featuring more than 120 drawings, paintings, and sculptures dating from the late 1850s to the impressionistic, surrealistic 1890s, demonstrating the chronological development of Degas as an observer of the horse and horse racing. The same year London’s National Portrait Gallery had an exhibition on British Sporting Heroes, covering winners and champions from 1750 to the present, although like the Victoria and Albert Museum’s exhibition of sporting trophies, those visual symbols of sports success, it was actually a commercial failure, as was Australia’s National Gallery of Victoria’s Fair Game: Sport and Art in 2004.5 In an ever-increasingly visual age, sport is encountered largely through visual representation, whether television, still photography or, increasingly, digital media. Far fewer read sports history books or visit specialist museums. As the British Society for Sport History (BSSH) President Martin Johnes recently pointed out, in the last century sport has become “part of the landscape and through depictions in the press, in the newsreels and on television and radio” it has become almost “inescapable.”6 Even actual attendance at sports competitions is increasingly mediated by visual displays of performative physicality, screens, music, and award presentations. Sports museums and heritage sites provide strongly visual interpretative and interactive panels to help explain their artifacts, images, and architecture. In Britain, memorials of past soccer stars are becoming ever more popular, though their signification needs to be “read” in their cultural contexts. The new glut of images of former soccer star George Best, for example, represented on East Belfast murals, have to be set in the context of Irish Catholic and Protestant cultural conflicts, and his representation as a Protestant cultural treasure.

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SOURCES AND METHODS Have the more theoretical aspects of the broader “visual turn” in cultural studies reached sports history? Although the visual is still at times ghettoized on the margins of the field, along with over-concentration on the written text, there are indicative straws in the wind. In 1998, for example, a special issue of the Journal of Sport History explored the future of sports history praxis. Essays by John Bale, Aaron Baker and others showed how important it was to analyze practice in terms of the ways visual evidence could potentially be used. Michael Oriard has stressed that the wider public have always experienced sport through its visual images. His work compared the visual iconographies of sport, the engravings, and lithographs of the National Police Gazette etc. with later film, newsreel, and television.7 In 2007 the XIIth International European Committee for Sports History (CESH) Congress at Lorient, Brittany, had as its theme “Sport and the Arts: Construction and Reality.” Over seventy papers explored the construction and mediation of sport through art and analyzed the relevance of various associated methodological tools. There was a clear recognition that while visual material might attempt to represent reality, such ideas needed to be problematized in the context of the multiple realities that might be represented. Increasing numbers of writers are now seeking to integrate an analysis of the sporting theme within a broad range of visual culture activities and to highlight the value of such images as primary documents that cast further light on a broad range of socio-political and socio-cultural practices. In a recent essay in the Journal of Sport History, Murray G. Phillips, Mark E. O’Neill, and Gary Osmond explored the way sports historians had related to film, photographs and monuments, and how such use could be extended and the complex relationships between the sporting past and the present articulated.8 There are growing numbers of important monographs focusing on the visual. Aaron Baker’s Contesting Identities: Sports in American Film (2006) explores the cinematic representations of sports and athletes over time, in relation to socially constructed identities of class, gender, and race. Hans Bonde’s fascinating Gymnastics and Politics: Niels Bukh and Male Aesthetics (2006) includes a DVD that shows Bukh’s key exercise components: its muscularity, dynamics, and flexibility, using gymnasts working in pairs, with each gymnast pushing or pulling in turn and flexing. This involved substantial body contact and touching that was a radical departure from other gymnastic forms. Art historian Mike O’Mahony’s Sport in the USSR: Physical Culture—Visual Culture (2006) highlighted the vital significance of the relationship between physical culture and visual culture in the U.S.S.R. throughout the modern period. Between the wars, for example, the Soviet regime tried to change stereotypes of Russians by presenting dominant images of powerful, fit, elegant, and youthful sporting bodies. He shows how artists conformed to avant-garde stylistics while producing their socio-realistic prototypes of the Soviet New Person. Media studies scholars such as Garry Whannel, David Rowe, and Raymond Boyle have explored the sporting visual for some time.9 Their work has concentrated on different media forms including television, still photography, and film as well as text-based media technologies. 10 Although mostly using contemporary or recent data, they include historical work, which is highly suggestive of the breadth of further research possibilities that such themes might engender.11

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JOURNAL OF SPORT HISTORY A number of significant journal articles also exist, several on the use of photography. Douglas Brown showed how early photographs of Canadian mountaineers have discursive features that revealed a more aesthetic sensibility than written discourse and cultivated new ways of experiencing both natural surroundings and their bodies. Jaime Schultz has recently written on the evidentiary character of still photographs and Paramount newsreel film of American football and showed the many ways in which racist, state, university, and other ideologies overcoded the image.12 A number of writers have explored the relationship between early film and sport. David Headon’s study of the way Australia was presented in silent film is one example, as is my own published work on the ways in which interwar newsreels structured readings of women’s sport and created a social grammar and lexicography through largely male eyes.13 Television is beginning to attract some interest, as Fabio Chisari’s work on the televising of the 1966 world cup, Jack William’s recent analysis of television in sport and popular culture, or Paul Gilchrist’s work on the 1960s televising of reality rock climbing makes clear.14 Buildings are also becoming a focus of attention. John Bale’s critique of the landscape of sport sites, the English Heritage series on the surviving sports sites in Manchester, Birmingham, Tyneside, and elsewhere, Wray Vamplew’s and Bruce Kidd’s assessments of museums and halls of fame, and Patricia Vertinsky’s analysis of the University of British Columbia War Memorial Gymnasium all utilize distinctive methodological and epistemological approaches to the representations of the past.15 Though there is gathering momentum to this emerging field, until relatively recently sports historians have been, sometimes understandably, reluctant to expand their repertoire of skills to incorporate these new approaches. Sports historians are sometimes cautious about theory, balancing it against more empirical approaches. Concepts such as “social control,” “cultural hegemony,” and even “the linguistic turn” were only widely adopted once the academic history mainstream had recognized both their potentialities and their limitations and had moved on. As Alan Munslow perceptively noted in 2006, “the linguistic turn now sounds faintly old hat in the face of many new ‘history turns.’”16 The dazzle of the linguistic turn often led to over-concentration on written text, and its symbolic power as a cultural commodity, maintaining its discourses of power, ideology, and cultural production.17 A few conference presentations use visual material in more creative, analytical ways, incorporating theory. The titles of recent conference papers at CESH, International Society for the History of Physical Education and Sport (ISHPES), North American Society for Sport History (NASSH), and BSSH demonstrate increasing analysis of still images, moving images, and movement, even if close analysis of written texts still dominates. Few sports history journals consistently carry illustrations, partly because of the problems of copyright. The Journal of Sport History is the only one to differentiate itself by using visual material. If sports historians are to be effective in using more visual sporting representations to explore the wider cultural and socio-political implications of sport in particular societies at particular times, they are likely to need new theoretical models and practical skills to deal with this.

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The Visual Turn The so-called “visual turn,” a term already in common use by art historians in the 1990s and accelerating across a wide range of disciplines at the beginning of the twentyfirst century, is one possible response. There has been a global explosion of renewed interest in visual culture: indeed in some universities Art History has been displaced by Visual Studies. Across the field of humanities and the social sciences the analysis of visual culture has become a major response to the internet, mobile phone, satellite television, and imagesaturated contemporary cultural landscape that both we and modern students inhabit. This shift to culture has offered “a new dawn” to sports history. It represents both a symptom of, and a response to, the image-based contemporary cultural landscape. There are increasing numbers of anthologies and readers promising to provide an overview.18 New journals such as the Journal of Visual Culture help teach visual literacy. Empirical historians now recognize that images are an important source of evidence, and that, as cultural historian Peter Burke has perceptively observed, some can record “acts of eyewitnessing,” where artists attempt to represent what they believe an eyewitness could have seen from a particular point at a particular moment.19 The sheer amount of historical, critical, and theoretical work being published on visuality, visual culture, technologies of vision, specularity and the gaze, scopic regimes, and ocularcentrism would all suggest that the visual turn is now replacing the “linguistic turn” in the humanities and social sciences. However writers such as W.J.T. Mitchell have suggested that this visual or “pictorial turn” requires a more theoretical underpinning: Whatever the pictorial turn is, then, it should be clear that it is not a return to naive mimesis, copy or correspondence theories of representation, or a renewed metaphysics of pictorial “presence”: it is rather a post-linguistic, post-semiotic rediscovery of the picture as a complex interplay between visuality, apparatus, institutions, discourse, bodies, and figurality. It is the realization that spectatorship (the look, the gaze, the glance, the practices of observation, surveillance, and visual pleasure) may be as deep a problem as various forms of reading (decipherment, decoding, interpretation, etc.) and that visual experience or “visual literacy” might not be fully explicable on the model of textuality.20 It sounds impressive. What does Mitchell mean? Doesn’t everyone, whether they use visual sources or not, accept that pictures are hard to interpret and can be read in different ways? Mitchell’s key question is how far dealing with the visual is any different to dealing with other sources. John Lucaites, a specialist in the analysis of iconographic photographs, has called our attention to the capacity of the visual to help see things that cannot be put into words, or cannot be verbalized with ease or efficiency. He argues that iconic photojournalistic images are widely recognized, historically significant, visually and emotionally resonant, but layer multiple transcriptions of meaning upon one another so as to complicate the relationship between viewer and viewed. They are thus signposts for collective sporting memory, a crucial resource for critical reflection.21

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Earlier Iconographic Revolutions Most sports historians will be aware that this is not the first visual turn. Indeed the visual turn has been a repeated narrative trope. There have been many earlier iconic revolutions, although as yet we lack both a critical intellectual history of the visual culture of sport or a cultural history of sporting vision. The tradition of representing athletes in sculpture or flat goes back well beyond the tomb paintings of Ancient Egypt or Ancient Greek statutory and vase painting, The stress on phantasmagorias, panoramas, and various sporting spectacles was already part of leisure culture in Georgian England.22 The invention of lithography at the close of the eighteenth century, and the shift from copper to steel engravings in the 1820s, allowed the printing in England of the Sporting Magazine, with its mixture of print and visual representations of sporting events and famous sportsmen, not just the upper-class sporting elite, but also jockeys and trainers. Such technologies led to an avidly scopic culture—a culture of looking. By the mid nineteenth century, newspapers, such as the Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News, were providing pictures of Britain’s main sporting spectacles, large in size and scope, some ideologically helping to maintain social relations, others inverting them through carnivalesque features. Commercial publishers like George Newbold offered fine colored lithographs of pugilists, pedestrians, rowers, and other sporting heroes. The sheer multiplicity of iconic images and pictures of leading sportsmen, despite their vast variations in quality, allowed top sportsmen to be widely recognized throughout Britain by those who had never seen them in the flesh. Following Louis Daguerre’s daguerreotype (1839) and Henry Fox Talbot’s calotype (1841), the Western world experienced a dramatic increase in the numbers of images and “illustrations” in circulation, and a profound change in the kinds of images consumed. Kate Flint’s work on The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (2000), a book that documented this, drew on art, literature, and science to explore Victorian attitudes towards sight in the context of these new technologies of spectatorship, art, and the recognition of subjectivity in vision. Likewise, David Corbett has argued that modernist Victorian painters such as Dante Gabriel Rossetti recognized vision as mediated but believed that the viewer’s reaction to the texture and movement of paint on canvas could provide a more authentic and “real” experience than that of the “realist school.”23 Such stimulating insights show how possible a broader study of the cultural production of the senses would be for sports history if we opened up the impact of the visual on the world of Victorian sport. In fin de siècle Europe there was what Jean-Louis Comolli describes as a “frenzy of the visible,” amongst men and women living in the modern cities, aided by brighter electric light, new forms of advertising, color illustration, and photogravure in periodicals and better photographic techniques after Kodak’s 1888 camera allowed snapshots.24 Eadweard Muybridge and Etienne Marey helped the analysis of sports technique through their concern with the representation of movement, while from the mid 1890s sporting films were increasingly made. This ready availability of rich iconographical images helped shape and educate the sporting imagination and create the mass audience for British sport. The growth of fandom and supportership was mobilized in part through dissemination of visual images as well as ideas. Right through the nineteenth century descriptions of sporting public houses regu-

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SOURCES AND METHODS larly noted how their decoration included visual images of sport. In the 1860s, for example, the walls of Manchester’s betting exchange, the Post Office Hotel, were covered with “numerous dingy likenesses of equine celebrities.”25 The graphic design of the period saw a revolution not just in sport but in the reproduction of sporting images. The sheer range of representations was striking, encouraged by the development of new visual media such as lithograph and photography, and a widespread enthusiasm for visual phenomena such as panoramas, dioramas, the magic lantern, and early film. The visual choices made by producers of this multiplicity of sporting images both affected and responded to British sporting life and society. In combining, supplementing or replacing words with pictures, they provided a mutually supportive and informative background to fans of sport. Decisions made about style and color, size and orientation, captions and textual references all helped to structure visual sporting discourse. Most recently again a leading cultural theorist, James Elkins, has pointed out that the current visual turn also carries important social consequences, “[I]t is not often noted that what makes twentieth century culture so different from past centuries is not just the quantity of images or their ostensible effects on literacy, but the kind of images we create and consume.”26

The Sheer Range of Visual Media Any attempt to try to capture the sporting mentalities of past generations needs to incorporate the visual, the material, and the written archive in a balanced way. A wide variety of visual material, including painting, film, and photography, demonstrate a common cultural ground. (Cultural historians sometimes deliberately avoid the term art, because of its elite and aesthetic associations, and talk about all images, irrespective of their aesthetic quality, which can serve as historical evidence). Indeed, the sociologist John Berger has argued that a more culturalist approach should mean that we need new things to see as well as new ways of seeing.27 For sports historians this means more serious exploration of new possibilities and sources. What would sporting visual culture include? Encompassed within its creative and diverse scope are high art and artisan painting, public sculpture, printed illustrations to newspapers and books, even inn signs, exploited in a sporting context by Tony Collins and Wray Vamplew.28 The canvas and camera can capture a static gaze, identifying the split second moment in sport. Such images were being produced in newspapers and magazines by the end of the nineteenth century. One of the binding threads which linked such material together was a concern with sporting imagery and identity, with sporting heroes and clubs as representatives of communities, images which have something to say about sporting support, about sporting Englishness, or Welshness, rather than just about the sport itself. In Britain, from the late 1890s, mass-produced picture postcards and cigarette and trade cards captured famous places and faces and generated a culture of collecting. The sports poster helped to advertise sporting events. Leading sportsmen were commemorated on a range of household objects, from mugs to pipes. Racing prints of leading horses were purchased at race meetings. Sporting sculpture is available, whilst the various statues and monuments to dead sporting heroes have often become sites of memory and local or national identity.

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Sports photographs, those frozen moments of stillness, that sociologist Iwona IrwinZareka calls “instant memory,” “history in the making,” or Hans Scheurer labels “movement immobilised” have been a central source for sociologists, culturalists and sports historians for some time.29 Roland Barthes noted the way that in portrait photographs separation of the photographic representation from the person represented is difficult. Such relationships are cultural, based on conventions and choices.30 The photographs in newspapers, according to Marianne Fulton, can make visible the otherwise unseen, the unknown and forgotten.31 They were often extensions of what photographers desired viewers or they themselves to see and feel. For most historians, however, the preferred reading of a published image lies with the way it articulates with a caption or other published text.32 As John Bale reminds us, this can be problematic. Photographs might be cropped before publication, shorn of textual journalistic comment, or with inappropriate comment. His article on a photograph taken by a German photographer of a Rwandan body-cultural jumping activity shows how far captions distort the possible readings. His work draws heavily on insights gained from Elizabeth Roberts, curator of photographs at the Rivers Museum in Oxford, another of the leading theoretical thinkers in the use of photographs as historical evidence. 33 Such recording alters our experience of the event, changes our memories, and impacts back on the event site as well. There is also celluloid sport, on film, to consider right from the earliest attempts to document motion, as in the attempts to analyze sport and physical animation in the photographic experiments of Muybridge or Marey. In England, Robert Paul and Bert Acres produced pictures of the Boat Race and Derby in 1895, later watched by enthusiastic audiences. By 1897, about 14 percent of all commercial films had a sporting title.34 Such public displays helped ensure sports took firm hold on the popular imagination. The collection of Mitchell and Kenyon films, now held in the National Film and Television Archive in London, shows that during the Edwardian period local film cinematograph showmen concentrated on the audience as much as on the sport itself, emphasizing how far sport was tied into the local communities they served.35 Cinematograph material helped create the audience for the post-war films and newsreels, which scholars are now beginning to explore. Fictional film, such as Hugh Hudson’s Chariots of Fire (1981) or Ken Burns’s Baseball (1994), has attracted substantial interest too. In both fictional and non-fictional film, filmmakers try to control what is gazed upon, though the former can perhaps be seen as having somewhat more control. In both cases, however, editing has a major shaping impact.

Methodologies and Context The big question is whether dealing with the visual is any different to dealing with other sources. Artistic representations and performances are source materials for the study of sport, but we need more sophisticated approaches to sporting representations. We need to explore their context, content and meaning, and the play of intention, myth, silence, and power in pictures. When we explore a picture, we need to follow its performative trajectories, map its social biographies, and acknowledge the primacy of content for grappling with the mutability of its meaning.36

SOURCES AND METHODS Historians need more competence in the analysis of such visual sources. There are various approaches that can be adopted: psychological and gaze theory, analysis of context, iconology and semiology, or deconstruction. Space does not permit full treatment of all these so here one approach, based on how viewers actually respond to art, using theories of reception and the gaze, will be explored in some detail, before a briefer analysis of other approaches. Sports historians can pay so much attention to what “the text” said that they fail to address either its characteristics or the conditions of reproduction. Context is critical, vital in understanding the ways in which visual materials function, and central to the methodology of working with visual material. Paintings of sport are often treated as evidence. But if we look at Camille Pissarro’s work Cricket on Hampstead Heath, painted on a visit to England in 1890, we can see how dangerous that is. Pissarro was an impressionist, a landscape painter who enjoyed the particular beauty of a particular scene, but the scene almost certainly was not truthful. His understanding of cricket was limited, his field placings most uncertain. To understand it more fully we need to explore the major forces and constraints operating upon it, the broader structural, ideological, and institutional context of artistic presentation, and its production and function. Painters like Pissarro produced their work for particular objectives and purposes, and their work has to be set in the wider context of art forms and techniques of the time. We need to expand the concept of context still further—to identify events as well as human agencies and convergences acting on and through the work. Context can help us to find our way through visual material where meaning can be slippery or multiple, but it needs to be set in broader movements and theoretical structures, whether those of Marxist materialism, ideology, cultural hegemony, or feminism. In looking at a painting, key contextual questions might include the following: ❁ Who was the patron? What status did he have? Why did he want the painting? ❁ Who was the artist? What was his status in society? Why was he given the contract? ❁ Why was the picture so sized? How does it help to convey a message? ❁ Why did he choose that subject? ❁ What ideologies shaped the reception of the picture by patron, painter, and audience? ❁ Where was it displayed? Who saw it? Was it kept hidden away or circulated? Were any miniatures or copies made of it? ❁ How does this painting link to the artist’s other subjects? Does the choice of subject relate to his life and experiences? ❁ Who is his intended audience here? ❁ How did male and female critics respond to his work? ❁ Is there any focus on homoerotic or heterosexual content? If so, how does the artist represent human desire? ❁ How are ideas of gender, class, race, and ethnicity played out here?

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The Sporting Gaze The idea of the gaze is a relatively new idea in sports history, but theories of the gaze have been around for some time in media studies and art history. Gaze theory became popular with the rise of postmodernism and social theory and was first discussed by French intellectuals such as Michel Foucault or the psychoanalyst Jacques Lacan. Gaze is used by theorists to refer both to the ways in which viewers look at images of people in any visual medium, and to the gaze of those depicted in visual texts.37 Lacan argued that paintings involving linear perspective trap the gaze, because the visual image puts the spectator in the position of the eye. Gaze is a crucial feature of public sporting experience. Here, as in some pictures, “the gaze” can be a double-sided term, in that someone may be gazing back. Whether as a beholder, viewer, spectator, audience member, or even sports historian we all have to gaze, and gaze is far more than a simple physical act of seeing. Gaze theory raises questions concerning human subjectivity. Gaze theory suggests that there are systematic ways of “seeing” what we as sports historians, fans, and players look at and that these ways of seeing can be described, analyzed, and explained. They can be set in a variety of contexts, historical, economic, social, cultural, and visual. Such an approach analyzes the systemic ways in which sports fans see, experience and consume sporting events, photographs, film and television, or even sporting memorabilia. Such visual material plays a central role in the creation of any sporting experience. It frames the sports fans’ gaze and fixes what would otherwise be an ephemeral view: it is by no means neutral. Some painters and photographers were not necessarily sports fans but aiming more to satisfy the demands of patron or express themselves artistically. So when we apply gaze notions to sporting art, the complexity of the gaze immediately becomes clear. Several different key forms of gaze can be identified, depending on who is doing the looking, whether the spectator, the camera, other sports participants. The role of the viewer is important too, allowing a range of readings or mis-readings. In a museum gallery I look at a sporting painting, pretending I am seeing it through the artist’s eye. Any figures in the painting may look out at me or at each other, or at particular objects, or into space. People around me may be looking in all directions. The artist who painted the picture must have looked at it while the models for the painting may also have seen themselves there. There are also countless others who look only at a representation of the painting, in a variety of sizes, colors, or black and white. Art thus traps the gaze. The sporting gaze can be individual, based on self-identity, reading, and knowledge of a sport. It can also be collective, dependent upon other people. The sporting gaze is a culturally learned but not specifically taught way of looking both at sporting movement and visual representations of sport. So it is important. It shapes what sports fans expect to see when they watch sport. Theories of the gaze help to provide an account of the individual experience of looking, which constitute a network of relationships, as well as providing a point of viewing. The gaze often expresses attitudes about which we might be unconscious, and, according to Lacan, our gaze gives structure and stability to our illusions and fantasies of self and other. Gaze theory has the potential to deepen our understanding of how the sporting gaze orders and regulates the relationship with both sporting events and images, demarcating the “other,” the sporting opposition

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SOURCES AND METHODS and identifying the “out-of-the-ordinary” in terms of sporting achievement, praising it, or even perhaps responding negatively to it. For example, as spectators increasingly envision sport as a more skilled and highly specialized activity, they use gaze and language to be especially critical of anything that is less then what they judge as standard performance, or that does not fit their subjective view. We can see the gaze operating in a variety of contexts, gazing upon and consuming mega-sporting spectacles, watching on screen, or collecting visual materials. It also covers the intentions of the sporting artist, photographer, or others who represent sport and the ways in which different groups of viewers look at such visual representations. The case of William Powell Frith’s Derby Day, is a useful exemplification.38 Purchased for £1,500 in 1858, it was exhibited in public spaces to which people went to look at each other as well as this painting of Britain’s leading horse race. Their scrutiny was often both prolonged and intensive, and an hour was seen as the amount of time needed to examine this particular panoramic picture. Derby Day was so interesting and popular that crowds pressed right up to the painting for a more detailed look, and a rail and policeman had to be used to keep viewers back as they were almost smelling the picture like bloodhounds. The picture itself is detailed, with many of the crowd gazing: a man using his binoculars to look at something in the distance, some watching the gaming men looking intently at ladies and vice versa, some watching the horses, others acrobats or gypsies. Middle-class viewers would be able to identify less respectable characters in the picture, such as the begging gypsies or the group of thimbleriggers attempting to entangle a young countryman. The gaze, is, of course, shaped by gender, sexual orientation, class, and race. We view art through stereotypes, and inversions of our self-image, thus creating the “other,” treated perhaps with hostility or contempt, fear or condescension. We can see in John Bale’s work on German photographs of African sport, for example, the possibilities of an analysis of the gaze in sustaining imperialist and racist domination. A recent study of sporting images used in the 2000 Olympics equally demonstrates how the gaze of race can be employed.39 The gaze can never be innocent or pure and is constructed through identities such as ethnicity, class, or gender. This concept of the gendered gaze is sharply articulated in Laura Mulvey’s famous article about “scopophilia,” or the potential pleasure obtained from the act of looking.40 Mulvey understood Hollywood narrative cinema to be developing and narrativizing a particular image of women. She argued that in Hollywood men had the power, pleasure, and control of “the gaze” while women in films became the object of pleasure for that gaze.41 Although Mulvey’s discussion addresses motion pictures and not paintings or photographs, it seems relevant for interpreting many visual images of sport. Many feminist art historians have presented historical examples of the ways the male gaze has forced socio-cultural uses of the female body as signifier in the visual arts in strongly male-dominated societies. Many recent portraits of female athletes have not been so much images of sporting women as an offering of the sensual, sexualized female body for the appraising male eye, in a masculinized display culture, expressing and reinforcing patriarchal values and locating sportswomen as objects of desire. My own study of the social grammar and lexicography of women’s sporting participation as shown in inter-war cinema newsreels likewise indicates how far images were constructed through a male gaze.42

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JOURNAL OF SPORT HISTORY Female consciousness of the male gaze has been argued to be a factor in girls’ reluctance to participate in sports when in mixed-sex groups in schools, and interviews suggest that even in single-sex groups such male gazes are internalized.43 Equally, for some, the male body may become fetished spectacle. Recent extensions to the theory of the gaze move beyond such simple binary divisions to recognize that viewers may actually occupy multiple viewing positions, or that there can be oppositional gazes which challenge and critique rather than comply with current interpretations. This brings us to notions of receptivity and audience, and the realization that often there is no single audience and no single means of reaching them. The visual may be “a social force” that shaped how people understood the world around them, one that both reflected and contributed to the context surrounding them, but exactly how is far more difficult to assess. In recent years reception studies have moved away from content analysis to a recognition that audiences and viewers share certain frameworks of interpretation and that they worked at decoding what they saw rather than just passively accepting it. Stuart Hall, for example, has offered three forms of audience readings: dominant, where the viewer recognizes the preferred meaning offered by a visual image and agrees with it; oppositional, where the viewer rejects the dominant meaning for cultural, political, or ideological reasons; and negotiated, where the viewer accepts, rejects, or modifies meanings in the light of previously held views.44 This can be problematic for sports historians who can too easily be complicit in accepting the dominant frameworks through which sport is conventionally analyzed and so take for granted potentially problematic interpretations. In another sense, “gazing” incorporates the notion of sporting fandom. The sporting gaze offered a hypnotic integration into a world of sporting heroes and myths of sport and a fan’s willingness to make that dream life a part of the everyday world. Pictures and photography started to accompany and shape sport from their invention. Sports fans looked for and collected images of sport. To collect these images, sports fans needed a commercial infrastructure to satisfy that need. In order to make money, it was fundamental for the producers to influence and construct a sporting gaze that could then be satisfied. In looking at paintings a key question in gaze theory is the relationship with the viewer. How far is there an ideal viewer for the painting? How is that established? What forms of communication take place between the figures in the painting? What does it mean when the people in the picture face the viewer? How does your position as a viewer, as a sports fan or sports historian, a man or woman, shape your understanding? In gaze theory another of the key debates has been about its relation to power. Foucault related the inspecting gaze to the omnipresence of socially constructed power rather than gender in his discussion of surveillance.45 Foucault likewise stressed the desire to see beneath the surface of the visible. For Foucault “the gaze” was a look of power and subjugation that an individual assumed and that was based on presumed cultural privilege; so the social conditions, institutions, and power structures that created it were important aspects of his analysis. Sports historians thus need to think about the visual materials of sport in terms of their cultural significance, their social practices, and their power relations. Images can be related to contexts of power and knowledge. Therefore, a gaze could be dominating, imposing, and controlling. The paradigm of a sovereign and possessive

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SOURCES AND METHODS male gaze echoes even in artworks subverting it, striving to undermine male hegemony or suggesting alternatives to it. 46 This alternative model of the gaze can be applied to Derby Day too. Frith’s picture provides a notional cultural construction of a cross-section of Victorian society. This is heavily loaded and embodies conventional middle-class values and moralities, articulated at least in part, through the Foucaultian surveillance context of the work. There are figures embodying authority and high status but also figures associated with crime. Frith is well-recognized as utilizing a powerful sign-based approach, mapping out Victorian society as a taxonomy of types, carefully represented through physical appearance (using notions of physiognomies), costume, and behavior. This had major connotations for Victorian concerns about the mixing of classes, especially in the cities, and fed off publications such as Henry Mayhew’s textual and visual classification of types in his London Labour and the London Poor (1851).47 Here, both “seeing as,” and “being seen as,” are clearly issues at stake for the viewer, and all of Frith’s major works tend to enshrine these categories through “type” as defined through vision and visual representation. At the same time, however, Frith allows for certain boundary crossings, especially through socially illicit “gazes” from one social group to another. The question of who is looking at whom, why, and what this might signify, seems a particularly rich issue here. The context of sport, and the Epsom Derby itself, effectively provides the catalyst, the public spectacle, for this mixing of classes, gender, and race that might conceivably be read as positive or negative, dependent upon the spectator’s point of view, cultural background, and social origin. Lacan, by contrast, took a more psycho-analytic view, arguing that the gaze was not a set of one-way power relations but a self-arrogation toward a power that no one may actually possess. Its very real effects are based on social fictions, designed to disguise lack of power. He made a crucial distinction between “gaze” and a “look” or “glance,” to which all have access and which could be benign or benevolent. A second area of debate is the extent to which the agency of those “gazed upon” can be incorporated into the theory.

Iconography, Iconology and Semiotics These are all approaches that link to interpretation, and address the meaning of art, what a picture means, and how an artist produces these meanings. Iconography might identify and describe the known and recognizable motifs, symbols, images, or allegories found in a painting. Iconology then moves on to explore the meanings of these images and tries to explain how and why such images were chosen in their broader cultural context. This is an approach associated with the art historian Erwin Panofsky’s methods of art history—going beneath the surface of the picture to explore the types of reality that such artistic constructions actually mediate. One difficulty here can be that as sports historians we are already shaped by our sporting experiences and our cultural knowledge, ideas widely accepted within sports history. Another is that some “realistic” paintings such as Frith’s Derby Day, seemingly eschew symbolism and allegory and focus on everyday life. Key questions relating to Derby Day might be the following: ❁ Who are these figures? How do we recognize them? ❁ Was the painting inspired by or did it inspire any literary, textual representations of the event? How does it compare to them? Summer 2008

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How does Frith’s painting compare to other images of the event? Why are they the same or different? Do the materials or techniques used add anything to the meaning? What does this work of art “mean,” and how did Frith and those who saw his work go about creating that meaning? Which meanings are obvious? Which have to be inferred? What elements of the picture catch the viewer’s eye? Why?

Any semiotic analysis of movement as part of our study of the meanings of the body language of sport might suggest that there could be, for example, a Fascist body, a Communist body culture. Are movements as empty as they appear? What lies behind them?

Deconstruction In recent years this approach has proved increasingly popular with a number of writers of sports history, most notably Doug Booth and Murray Phillips. 48 Many leading deconstructionists, including Jacques Deridda, have engaged with the visual arts, and their approaches start from the idea that structures are cultural constructions created through discourses, which would include the visual. They argue, at the very least, there is no objective universal way to achieve knowledge or claim truth, and Booth claims that they have “abandoned all pretexts at objectivity.”49 (This of course implies that deconstructionists’ arguments can have no claim to truth either). They see the past as accessible through an infinitely expandable range of subjective interpretations, and argue that none of these should be uncritically privileged (so we need to be careful not to uncritically privilege deconstructionists’ arguments). Their examination of sports history visual material incorporates multiple perspectives and voices—the painter, sitters, art critics, and audiences— and explores their responses and intentions. They offer re-angled readings of familiar texts and are keen to expand the visual repertoire, to include both “high” and “low” forms of visual sporting material, regional and multi-national perspectives, and issues of race, class, and gender. They too stress relationships of power in terms of their analysis. Key questions relating to deconstruction are less easy to identify but could include: ❁ How does the context of the present and our own perspectives and experience shape our experience of the picture? ❁ In what different ways have individuals subjectively decoded such visual work? How have such comments changed over time? Why? ❁ Through what processes was the work constructed? ❁ How did these help to construct meaning for producer and audience? ❁ What are the binary oppositions at work in this picture? Which ones are prioritized and which subordinated? How is that done? Does such prioritizing override other possible meanings? What readings get pushed to the margins? ❁ Is a binary approach the best one? Or can we identify any hybrid cultural forms?

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Problems Nevertheless there are still problems to work through if we wish to extend the field more effectively. Moving images, photographs, and paintings all appear to be “real,” but this is an illusion. Among the issues to be considered are the following: Written texts have a grammar, lexicon, and linguistic systems. There is no welldeveloped equivalent for visual perception, and this question of grammar is perhaps the key requiring far more work than currently. 50 Visual grammar is not a single grammar but multiple grammars, depending on culture, context, and other specificities. We need to do more to unpack and begin to apply this. The grammars of construction and production, for example, which require knowledge of materials and techniques, are currently alien to many sports historians. Skills of visual analysis have rarely formed part of their training. Images appear mute: we as historians have to provide the words. They depend on conventions of signification and thus can be “read,” but the meanings derived from such readings are not intrinsic but contingent and subject to alternative interpretations. The criticism of visual evidence is less developed within sports history, and we need to address function and rhetoric and have a context in order to translate its testimony. Like all sources, some offer more than others. Different sports have a different visual history. In Britain, “sporting art” was often associated with the upper classes and their collections of racing, hunting and shooting paintings. Country houses often contained stuffed fish, stags’ heads, tiger skin rugs, and other signifiers of cultural capital and status.51 Cricket, boxing, and to a lesser extent, golf have a stronger artistic tradition than football, rugby, and athletics. Equally, visual culture has never been panoptic. Its field of vision was often restricted, covering the sportsman rather than the sportswoman, and the star rather than the journeyman player. It focused especially on some sports rather than others, and metropolitan cities such as London, New York, or Paris far more than provincial areas. Visual material is selective. The canvas or the camera was brought there deliberately with a particular purpose in mind. With the occasional exception of horse or motor racing accidents, very few pictures offered a less pleasant view of sport. Within the culture of visual representation there is an ever-increasing pressure to be extraordinary, interesting, and exciting. Sport’s appeal has always been in part the excitement it generates, and the choice and nature of visual coverage helps us to unpack how the excitement of sport is being conceptualized by the creators. Powerful visual images can short-circuit rational deliberation and radical critique. Images can be undemanding, making people more passive and less thoughtful, watching images without really engaging. In the case of television or earlier newsreels voice commentary also provides an interpretation: so traditional skills of source criticism need to be applied to both images and texts. At other times we respond to pictures too much, with an over-emotional, nonrational approach, one of body not mind. Pictures can evoke humor, ridicule, or nostalgia. We can have more empathy to images than texts, because we all have experienced sporting movement, so it speaks to our bodies. Sport spectatorship is about movement as well as players. The history of the aesthetics of movement is currently under-explored and needs a

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JOURNAL OF SPORT HISTORY stronger conceptual framework. Looking at the body’s movement in the past demonstrated physicality, power, elegance. We can watch sequences of movement. We can see performers’ relationships to space and the camera. We can identify what were thought of as masculine or feminine movements, the extent of body contact, tightness of body clothing, indeed the formal and informal proximity ethics of different sports, something we cannot do through text. We can track embodiment, and disembodiment, through painting. The extent of nudity might act as an index of artistic or cultural freedom. Films, paintings, and other visual sources are all constructed. Historians may recognize that a newspaper report of a football match has come from a reporter who watched selectively, editing down his experience into a report, which was then possibly edited down again by the office editorial team, and that historians choreograph their stories too. But visual media are “authored” documents too. Visual material is shifted, relocated, and altered during editorial processes. Photographs are lifted from books, cropped, enlarged, and airbrushed so we “see” them in a different way to their creator. Hans Bonde’s film of Niels Bukh, for example, lasts two hours but was edited down from over twenty hours of surviving film, which itself may have been edited.

Conclusion The discussion above argues that while the documentary archive should by no means be abandoned, it should be substantially extended. The current paper has only just begun to scratch the surface of a substantial field currently in process of development. To take just one brief example, an area that this paper has not addressed is the relationship between art and movement. In many European cultures a fascination with the body, physical exercise, and movement has consistently played a central role in the visual arts. Indeed, the images of the animated body have proved to be a remarkably versatile signifier of the everchanging social, political, and ideological concerns of twentieth-century Russia or Nazi Germany. This implies that we also need to be more mindful of the whole area of sports aesthetics. In the world of aesthetics there has been great debate over whether sports themselves are art forms, and certainly many sports historians have been reluctant to engage with aesthetics, perhaps seeing aesthetic subjectivity as unscientific.52 This is especially relevant to those sports such as ice-skating or diving that have an aesthetic element to their judgment and are slightly more subjective. Visual culture is a growth area. There is a growing perception that visuality is one of the profound operators of our times and gives rise to some of the twenty-first century’s most important questions. Certainly we should expect appropriately critical approaches to the visual culture of sport to develop quite rapidly. As sports historians we need more engagement in the ways we practice our craft, some sort of equivalent to the work of American theorist Lisa Cartwright on medical imaging and its sociocultural implications in Screening the Body: Tracing Medicine’s Visual Culture (1995).53 We could place the animated body more at the centre of its research concerns, examining the performative aspects of the body in movement within sport and its representation in painting, sculpture, photography, film, and the decorative arts. Finally, we also need to explore the mechanisms and means through which this visual culture of sport was constructed. The role of the cultural and social elite in terms of pa326

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SOURCES AND METHODS tronage, the gentry and aristocracy who took leading roles in the patronage of high art portraiture of horses and dogs, the changing organization of the sporting art world, and the ways in which a public was created are all fascinating food for thought.. There are new things to see, and new ways of seeing. To exclude the visual is to neglect a key area of human experience. 1

Gordon Fyfe and John Law, “On the Invisibility of the Visual,” in Picturing Power, eds. Gordon Fyfe and John Law (London: Routledge, 1988), 1-14; Ivan Gaskell, “Visual History,” in New Perspectives in Historical Writing, ed. Peter Burke (London: Polity, 1991), 187-217. 2 J.A. Mangan, Athleticism in the Victorian and Edwardian Public School (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), chap. 7. 3 Richard Cashman, Paradise of Sport: The Rise of Organized Sport in Australia (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1995), 171. 4 William Grohmann, “Sport in Art: An Iconography of Sport,” Burlington Magazine 25 (1914): 126. 5 A.R. Hornbuckle, “Degas at the Races,” Journal of Sport History 25 (1998): 317-320; James Huntley-Whiteley, The Book of British Sporting Heroes (London: National Portrait Gallery, 1998); Helen Clifford, “The Sporting Trophy: A Symbol of Success?” Goldsmiths’ Review, June 1997, pp. 8-11. 6 Martin Johnes, “British Sports History: The Present and the Future,” paper presented at British Society for Sport History annual conference, University of Stirling, Scotland, 2007, in possession of author. 7 Michael Oriard, Reading Football: How the Popular Press Created an American Spectacle (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993); idem, King Football: Sport & Spectacle in the Golden Age of Radio & Newsreels, Movies & Magazines, the Weekly & the Daily Press (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001). 8 Murray G. Phillips, Mark E. O’Neill, and Gary Osmond, “Broadening Horizons in Sport History: Films, Photographs and Monuments,” Journal of Sport History 34 (2007): 271-293. 9 Aaron Baker, Contesting Identities: Sports in American Film (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006); Hans Bonde, Gymnastics and Politics: Niels Bukh and Male Aesthetics (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum, 2006); Mike O’Mahony, Sport in the USSR: Physical Culture—Visual Culture (London: Reaktion Books, 2006); Garry Whannel, Fields in Vision: Television Sport and Cultural Transformation (London: Routledge, 1992); David Rowe, Sport, Culture & Media (Buckingham, U.K.: Open University Press, 1999); Raymond Boyle and Richard Haynes, Power Play: Sport, Media and Popular Culture (Harlow, U.K.: Longman, 2000). 10 Doug Brown, “The Modern Romance of Mountaineering: Photography, Aesthetics and Embodiment,” International Journal of the History of Sport 24 (2007): 1-34. 11 Garry Whannel, “The Four Minute Mythology: Documenting Drama on Film and TV,” Sport in History 26 (2006): 263-279. 12 Jaime Schultz, “Photography, Instant Memory, and the Slugging of Johnny Bright,” Stadion, forthcoming. 13 David Headon, “Significant Silents: Sporting Australia on Film, 1896-1930,” Journal of Popular Culture 33 (1999): 115-127; Mike Huggins, “Projecting the Visual: British Newsreels, Soccer and Popular Culture, 1918-1939,” International Journal of the History of Sport 24 (2007): 80-102; idem, “And Now, Something for the Ladies: Representations of Women’s Sport in the Newsreels Between the Wars,” Women’s History Review 16 (2007): 681-700. 14 Fabio Chisari, “Shouting Housewives:The 1966 World Cup and Television,” Sport in History 24 (2004): 94-115; Jack Williams, Entertaining the Nation: A Social History of British Television (Stroud, U.K.: Sutton, 2004), 205-228; Paul Gilchrist, “Reality TV on the Rockface,” Sport in History 27 (2007): 44-63.

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John Bale, Landscapes of Modern Sport: Sport, Politics, and Culture (London: Leicester University Press, 1994); idem, Sports Geography, 2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 2003); Wray Vamplew, “Facts and Artefacts: Sports Historians and Sports Museums,” Journal of Sport History 25 (1998): 268-282; Bruce Kidd, “The Making of a Hockey Artifact: A Review of the Hockey Hall of Fame,” Journal of Sport History 23 (1996): 328-334; Patricia Vertinsky and Sherry McKay, Disciplining Bodies in the Gymnasium: Memory, Monument, Modernism (London: Routledge, 2004). 16 Alan Munslow, foreword to Deconstructing Sport History: A Postmodern Analysis ed. by Murray Phillips (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006), viii. 17 An excusive emphasis on discourse sometimes led to ahistorical attitudes, with sportsmen and women appearing simply as subjects of discourse. At times, the linguistic turn has lacked agency and the setting of language in historical context. The debate continues between proponents of the linguistic turn such as Doug Booth or Murray Phillips and long-established scholars such as Allan Guttmann, Roy Hay, and Bill Murray. 18 Teresa Brennan and Martin Jay, eds., Vision in Context: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on Sight (New York and London: Routledge, 1996); John A. Walker and Sarah Chaplin, Visual Culture: An Introduction (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University Press, 1997); Nicholas Mirzoeff, The Visual Culture Reader (London: Routledge, 1998); Jessica Evans and Stuart Hall, eds., Visual Culture: The Reader (London: Sage Publications, 1999); Marita Sturken and Lisa Cartwright, Practices of Looking: An Introduction to Visual Culture (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Barnard Malcolm, Approaches to Understanding Visual Culture (New York: Palgrave, 2001); Richard Howells, Visual Culture (Cambridge: Polity, 2003); Vanessa R. Schwartz and J.M. Przyblyski, The Nineteenth-Century Visual Culture Reader (London: Routledge, 2004). 19 Peter Burke, Eyewitnessing: The Use of Images as Historical Evidence (London: Reakton, 2001), 14. 20 William J.T. Mitchell, Picture Theory: Essays on Verbal and Visual Representation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), 16. 21 John Lucaites and Robert Hariman, No Caption Needed: Iconic Photographs, Public Culture, and Liberal Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007). 22 Richard Daniel Altick, The Shows of London (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 1978); Paul Greenhalgh, Ephemeral Vistas: The Expositions, Universelles, Great Exhibitions and World’s Fairs, 1851-1939 (Manchester, U.K.: Manchester University Press, 1988); and David Corbett, The World in Paint: Modern Art and Visuality in England 1848-1914 (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004) all explored some of these aspects of Victorian visual culture. 23 Kate Flint, The Victorians and the Visual Imagination (Cambridge U.K.: CUP, 2000); Corbett, The World in Paint. 24 Jean-Louis Comolli, “Machines of the Visual” in The Cinematic Apparatus, eds. Theresa de Lauretis and Stephen Heath (Basingstoke, U.K.: Macmillan, 1980). 25 The Free Lance, 25 May 1867. 26 James Elkins, The Domain of Images (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1999). See also James Elkins, How to Use Your Eyes (London: Routledge, 2000). 27 John Berger, Ways of Seeing (London: BBC/Penguin, 1972). 28 Tony Collins and Wray Vamplew, Mud, Sweat and Beers (London: Berg, 2002). 29 Iwona Irwin-Zarecka, Frames of Memory: The Dynamics of Collective Memory (New York: Transaction Publishers, 1994); Marianne Fulton, Eyes of Time: Photojournalism in America (Boston: Bullfinch Press, 1990); Hans Scheurer, “Sport and Photography: Movement Immobilised,” Olympic Review, June 1984, pp. 452-457. 30 Roland Barthes, Camera Lucida: Reflections on Photography (New York: Noonday Press, 1982), 56. 31 Fulton, Eyes of Time. 32 Roland Barthes, Image-Music-Text (London: Fontana, 1993).

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John Bale, “Partial Knowledge: Photographic Mystifications and Constructions of ‘The African Athlete,’” in Deconstructing Sport History, ed. Phillips, 95-115; Elizabeth Roberts, Raw Histories: Photographs, Anthropology and Museums (London: Berg, 2001); Hanno Hardt and Bonnie Brennan, Picturing the Past: Media, History and Photography (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999); Julia Thomas, ed., Reading Images (Basingstoke, U.K.: Palgrave, 2000). 34 Mike Huggins, Sport and the Victorians (London: Hambledon, 2004), 165. 35 Vanessa Toumin, “Vivid and Realistic? Edwardian Sport on Film,” Sport in History 20 (2006): 124-149. 36 Joan Schwartz, “Negotiating the Visual Turn, New Perspectives on Images and Archives,” American Achivist 67 (2004): 107-122. 37 Chandler, “Note on the ‘Gaze,’” [20 June 2008]; Norman Bryson, “The Gaze in the Expanded Field” in Vision and Visuality, ed. Hal Foster (Seattle, Wash.: Bay Press, 1988), 87-113; Sara Murphy, “The Gaze,” in A Compendium of Lacanian Terms, eds. Huguette Glowinski et al. (London: Free Association, 2000), 79-82; Antonio Quinet, “The Gaze as an Object” in Reading Seminar XI: Lacan’s Four Fundamental Concepts of Psychoanalysis, eds. Richard Feldstein et al. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995), 139-148. 38 Readers wishing to examine the painting can consult [20 June 2008]. 39 Marie Hardin et al., “Sporting Images in Black and White: Race in Newspaper Coverage of the 2000 Olympics,” Howard Journal of Communication 15 (2004): 211-227. 40 Laura Mulvey, “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema,” Screen 16 (1975): 6-18. 41 See Patricia Simons, “Women in Frames: The Gaze, the Eye, the Profile in Renaissance Portraiture,” in The Expanding Discourse: Feminism and Art History, ed. Norma Broude and Mary D. Garrard (New York: Westview Press, 1992), 39-57. 42 Huggins, “And Now, Something for the Ladies.” 43 Bethan Evans, “I’d Feel Ashamed; Girls’ Bodies and Sports Participation,” Gender, Place and Culture 13 (2006): 547-561. 44 Stuart Hall, “The Television Discourse: Encoding and Decoding,” in Studying Culture, eds. Ann Gray and Jim McGyigan (London: Arnold, 1997), chap. 3 (first published in 1975). 45 Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punishment: The Birth of the Prison (London: Penguin, 1991), 155. 46 Rozsika Parker and Griselda Pollock, Framing Feminism (London: Pandora, 1987), 126. 47 Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor (London: Woodfall, 1851). 48 Doug Booth, The Field (London: Routledge, 2005); Phillips, Deconstructing Sport History. 49 Doug Booth, “Sports Historians: What Do We Do? How Do We Do It?” in Deconstructing Sport History, ed. Phillips, 25-45. 50 A point stressed by Margaret Dikovitskaya, Visual Culture: The Study of the Visual After the Cultural Turn (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2005), 239. 51 See Mike Huggins, “Sport and the Upper Classes,” Sport in History, forthcoming. 52 J. Neville Turner, “Is Sport an Art Form?” Sporting Traditions 8(1992): 153-166; David Best, “Sport is Not Art,” Journal of Aesthetic Education 20 (1986): 95-98; S.K. Wartz, “A Response to Best on Art and Sport,” Journal of Aesthetic Education 18 (1984): 105-108. 53 Lisa Cartwright, Screening the Body: Tracing Medicine’s Visual Culture (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1995).

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