the voice

THE VOICE Vol. III, No. 4, December 2016 ISSN NO: 2348-6708 A Journal of GBKS An International Refereed Research Journal

Volume. III No. 4

October–December, 2016

CHIEF PATRON Prof. Surendra Singh Kushwaha Ex- Vice Chancellor Ranchi & Mahatma Gandhi Kashi Vidyapith University

CHIEF EDITOR Chitrasen Gautam Secretary/Founder Gautam Buddha Kalyan Sansthan (GBKS)

GAUTAM BUDDHA KALYAN SANSTHAN Uttar Pradesh 273010 India

www.gbks.co.in

THE VOICE CHIEF PATRON Prof. Surendra Singh Kushwaha Ex- Vice Chancellor Ranchi & Mahatma Gandhi Kashi Vidyapith University CHIEF EDITOR Chitrasen Gautam Secretary/Founder Gautam Buddha Kalyan Sansthan (GBKS) Dr. Chunnu Prasad Academic officer, NIOS Ministry of HRD, Govt. Of India

EDITORIAL BOARD Suraj Yengde Doctoral Candidate University of the Witwatersrand, S.A

Prof. Amita Singh Professor, CSLG, JNU Secretary General, NAPSIPAG

Dr. Rajesh Kumar Associate Professor Buddha PG College, Kushinagar

Dr. Kesheo Prasad Assistant Professor Dept. of Civil, IIT BHU

Dr. Brijesh Asthwal Assistant Professor Deptt. of Pharmacology, IMS BHU

Dr. Sandeep Kumar Assistant Professor Somani College of Commerce, Jodhpur

Dr. Hossein Omidi Assistant Professor Iranian Mnst of Train & Edu

Prakash Chandra Dilare Faculty Member Deptt. of Sociology, GBU

Suresh Prasad Ahirwar Assistant Professor Govt. College, Seoni M.P

Resham Lal Assistant Professor M.G.K.V.P. Varanasi

Dr. Rahul Raj Assistant Professor Faculty of Arts, BHU

Dr. Virendra Kamalvanshi Assistant Professor Dept. of Agri Eco, IAS,BHU

Dr. Rajan Kumar Assistant Professor Dept. of Farm Engg., IAS, BHU

Mithilesh Kumar Deptt. of Hindi Faculty of Arts, BHU

Dr. Nazia Khan Assistant Professor CPS, JMI

Sameer Shekhar Faculty of Commerce Banaras Hindu University

Amol Madame CSSS/SSS,

Dr. B. P. Singh Assistant Professor Faculty of Commerce, BHU Ashish Gupta Faculty of Commerce Banaras Hindu University

Munmi Sen Assistant Professor Gauhati University, Assam

Jawaharlal Nehru University ADVISORY BOARD Prof. Vivek Kumar School of Social Sciences, JNU

Prof. V. Shunmugasundaram Faculty of Commerce, BHU

Prof. B .K. Singh Faculty of Commerce, BHU

Prof. N. Sukumar Dept. of Political Science, DU

Prof. Ajeya Kumar Gupta D.D.U. Gorakhpur University

Dr. Aftab Alam Head, Zakir Hussain College, DU

Dr. Anusa Daimon University of Free State, S.A

Dr. S. Veeramani Centre for Management Studies, JMI

Dr. Surendra Sharma Assistant Director, MSME

CONTENTS 1.

THE CONCEPT OF UNIVERSAL RELIGION Phramaha Prapas Kaewketpong* Prarajpariyattivimol Phramaha Sakol Doenchaban Phramaha Wandee Pawase

1-5

2.

MICROFINANCE AND MICROFINANCE INSTITUTIONS IN INDIA : ISSUES & CHALLENGES Shikha Gupta

6-19

3.

THE FORMATION OF THE SUMANGALI LABOUR FORCE IN SATYAMANGALAM IN ERODE DISTRICT OF TAMIL NADU Rahul N

20-39

4.

DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL STABILITY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ESTONIA AND INDIA, 19912015 Arun Kumar M.

40-54

5.

COMMUNIST REGIME IN CHINA: IDEOLOGICAL DEPARTURES FROM MAO ZEDONG TO DENG XIAOPING Chandra Sen

55-73

6.

THE RIGHTS GUARANTEED TO ACCUSED UNDER INDIAN LAW Dr. Prem prakash Yadav Dr. Rajesh Kumar Verma

74-85

7.

IMPORTANCE OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND VISUAL IMPAIRED STUDENT Rajani Singh

86-93

8.

GROWTH OF MICRO, SMALL AND MEDIUM ENTERPRISES IN UDHAM SINGH NAGAR WITH REST OF THE DISTRICTS IN UTTARAKHAND: A COMPARATIVE STUDY Susheela Arya

94-104

9.

TECHNOLOGY’S INFLUENCE ON MUSIC AND PERFORMANCE IN RECENT YEARS Awadesh Kumar Bhatt

105-109

10. PUBLIC HEALTH IN INDIA: ISSUE AND CHALLENGES Vinod Kumar

110-114

11. UNDERSTANDING SOCIAL AND LEGAL IMPACTS OF NIRBHAYA MOVEMENT, INDIA (2012) Aarti Singh

115-124

12. INDIA-SAUDI ARABIA RELATIONS: GEOPOLITICAL AND GEOSTRATEGIC IMPORTANCE Zubair Nazeer Mudassir Fatah

125-137

13. DAMMING BRAHMAPUTRA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS TO INDIA Lobsang Yangtso

138-143

**

Disclaimer: All views and opinions expressed in The Voice are the sole responsibility of the author Concerned. No part of any paper published in the journal can be reproduced without the prior permission of the Chief Editor, The Voice. Published by Chitrasen Gautam on behalf of the

© GAUTAM BUDDHA KALYAN SANSTHAN Deoria, Uttar Pradesh-273010, India

THE VOICE Vol. III, No. I, March 2016 ISSN NO: 2348-6708

THE VOICE Volume. III, No. I, March 2016 ISSN NO: 2348-6708 A Journal of GBKS An International Refereed Research Journal

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The Voice: An International Refereed Research Journal ISSN No: 2348-6708

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THE CONCEPT OF UNIVERSAL RELIGION Phramaha Prapas Kaewketpong* Prarajpariyattivimol Phramaha Sakol Doenchaban Phramaha Wandee Pawase * Lecturers of Buddhism and Philosophy in the Department of Philosophy and Religion, Mahamakut Buddhist University, Roi-Et Campus, Thailand.

During the present age of scientific and technological advancement, the values, particularly the moral and the spiritual, are constantly being neglected. It is a matter of a very grave concern for the serious thinkers who really desire to save the world from the overblooming catastrophe. Religion has been the main target of severe attacks from different quarters. They are primarily due to the desire from political advantage or racial prejudice or general ignorance. Inspite of such constant attacks from all sides and in all conceivable manners, religion has stood the test of time and kept itself quite alive even touching sometimes new peaks in the range of continuous process of development. This is but natural because religion is eternal. As long as man is what he is, religion is bound to remain. Religious emotion originates in human instinct itself. It is an innate or inborn tendency of man. Religion is not only the constitutional but also the spiritual need of man. It is in this sense that religion is natural and eternal. There is an urgent need to have a very clear conception of religion as distinguished from other disciplines. But there are certain difficulties here which spring up because of the peculiar character of the subject itself. It is, however, necessary to make and honest and sincere attempt towards understanding of the problem of the nature of religion. What is religion? What is the nature of religion? What is the subject-matter of religion? What is the object of religion? What is the mission of religion in the world? There are some of the questions which are very easy to raise but quite difficult to answer. To know the final and ultimate reality which lies beyond the precinct of the empirical world, to establish a kind of communication with the mystical region and try to be in direct contact with the infinite is the purpose of religion. Religion is an attempt on the part of the human being to comprehend that reality which lies beyond the orbits of the world of observation. It is an endeavor on the part of the finite being to know, understand and realize the infinite. It is a unique effort of the finite treads Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016

2 The Voice: An International Refereed Research Journal ISSN No: 2348-6708

to be in tune with the infinite. Religion is primarily concerned with the spiritual nature of man. Spirituality is the very core of religion. There cannot be any religion without the element of spirituality. The purpose of religion is to know the unknown in the realm of the known, to see the unseen in the world of the seen and to realize the self in the region of the not-self. It is a path as well as the method of acquiring the knowledge of the invisible beyond the visible, the knowledge of the infinite beyond the finite and the knowledge of the imperceptible beyond the perceptible. SwamiVivekanand says: “Beyond walking consciousness is where the bold search; waking consciousness is bound by the senses. Beyond that, beyond the senses, man must go, in order to arrive at truths of the spiritual world, and there are even now persons who succeed in going beyond the bonds of the sense. These are called rishis, sages because they come face to face with spiritual truths”.1 Religion is thus not merely a matter of reading, knowing or understanding but it is essentially an object of experiencing and realizing. Direct intuition or realization constitutes the real means of seeing the inner secret of religion. The Upanisads have declared that the Self is not be seen. He is to be directly perceived. Similarly, religion is a matter of direct perception or experience. It is a very important means, rather the only means of satisfying our inner urge or spiritual hunger and thirst. Spirituality is, it is universally recognized, the very soul or religion and it can be attained in various ways. Knowledge action, devotion and concentration are the four paths of realizing the ultimate goal and these are mentioned in this connection. Religion, in a very broad sense, does not mean a particular sect or creed. Different religions are the different manifestations of the same ultimate reality. They are the different ways of worshipping the same God. The history of human civilization bears witness to the fact that there is no period in entire human life when there is no religion at all. It may be of this type or that type, following this path or that. And all efforts on the part of man, however gigantic they might be, have miserably failed to uproot the tree of religion from the human ground, to eradicate the religious emotion from the human heart and to annihilate the spirit of religion from the human mind. Religious feeling is something uniquely individual which 1. Swami Vivekanand, The Complete Works, Vol. III. p, 253. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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eternally lives in the innermost recesses of the human mind. Rationalism has failed here, and it is bound to fail, in removing this feeling. Professor R.C. Zaehner remarks: “The rationalists reacted by seeking to eradicate the non-rational or religious element in man together. Their efforts failed, as they were bound to do, because this element is a hard fact, and if suppressed, will only break out the more violently, as the history of this lamentable century all too plainly shows. If the twentieth century has taught us nothing else, it should have taught us that there is an element man other than the reason, and that if this element is neglected, it is liable to fester and to erupt into something monstrously evil. This element is usually called the religious impulse; and it is the impulse and its manifestations which are the proper sphere of the comparative study of religions”.1 Religion is thus fundamental to man. It helps the individual to develop his moral character and also indirectly supplies the foundation for the character of society. The entire fabric of society will be shattered and the whole society will collapse without the bond of religion. This universal element of religion must be taken into account before embarking upon the consideration of universal religion. The quint-essenseof universal religion can be thus restated here. Universal religion is not based, in a narrow sense, upon universal consent. Universal consent, in this sense is neither possible nor desirable. Variety, diversity or multiplicity is the very beauty of the universe. This is also the beauty of all religions. Universal religion is not a separate or independent religion. It is not one among many religions. It has no geographical boundary. It has no territorial affinity. It has no political content, national meaning or sectarian significance. It is a peculiar frame of mind, a certain attitude, a code of conduct and a direction of thought. It is rather a way of life. It stands on the basis of a universal mind which transcends the limitations of space and time. Universal religion can be understood only by the universal mind. Universal brotherhood can be appreciated by those who regard others as their brothers. Universal mind identifies itself with the entire universe. It recognizes the essential unity and identity of humanity. It has the capacity to understand the identity between the individual self and the Absolute self. It is willing to give up the sectarian pride and 1. Zaehner, R.C. Concordant Discord, p. 433. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


prejudices. It desires to be one with the whole world. It tries to remain always in tune with the infinite. Such a mind alone can comprehend the full meaning of universal religion. Universal Religion is the fruit of the meeting of religions. And all religions must meet in the same spirit if they really want to achieve something. Dr. Radhakrishnan says: “The different religions have now come together, and if they are not to continue in a state of conflict or competition, they must develop a spirit of comprehension which will break down prejudice and misunderstanding and bind them together as varied expressions of a single truth. Such a spirit characterized the development of Hinduism, which has not been interrupted for nearly fifty centuries. The past strength and continuity of Hindu Culture, as well as its present weakness and disorder, are problems of equal interest. Nor does the weakness really contradict the strength. Hinduism is not based on any racial factor. It is an inheritance of thought and aspiration to which every race in India has based its distinctive contribution”.1 Different religions are the different pathways leading to the same ultimate Reality. Freedom to choose the means for reaching the end is the basic principle of universal religion. This liberty is granted to every individual. Service of humanity is the worship of God is the fundamental element in universal religion. If we accept that all religions are true, then there is no room for religious persecution or conversation. The message of all great religions in the world is the message of perennial happiness and eternal peace. It does not advocate conflict, difference or multiplicity but pleads for synthesis and unity. It may appear that religious fanaticism is sometimes materially profitable but it does not certainly possess that strength to destroy all religions. Different religions will remain. There are, really, the different stages on our journey to God, Swami Vivekanand says: ‘It is good to be born in a church, but it bad to die there. It is good to be born a child, but bad to remain a child’. It is therefore, essential to come out of our closed house in a narrow lane. Universal Religion knows no limits. Its nobility and generosity is not the sign of its weakness. Its apparent weakness may be its inner strength. Universal Religion is all-pervasive and all-comprehensive. It 1. Radhakrishnan, S. Eastern Religions and Western Thought, p. 306. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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pleads for unity of humanity. It believes in universal service and love. It accepts the fundamentals of all living faiths. It is not bound by the consideration of a particular caste, creed or sect. It is the source of religious and spiritual aspirations of humanity. It is a real foundation of mutual understanding and friendship. It is the basis for universal peace and tranquility. Lastly, it is a great hope for establishing peace in the disturbed world. Reference BhikkhuNanananda, Concept and Reality in Early Buddhist Thought, Bombay: Kandy Buddhist Publishing Society, 1971. Chandradhar Sharma, A Critical Survey of Indian Philosophy, Delhi: MotilalBanarasidass, 1976. Haryana, M., The Essentials of Indian Philosophy, London: George Allen &Unwin, 1956. Medermett, Robert A., Basic Writing of S. Radhakrishnan, Bombay: Jaico Publishing, 1975. Rajadhyaksha, N.D., The Six System of Indian Philosophy, New Delhi: Tata McGraw Publishing, 1971. Robert, Ernest Hume, The World Living Religions, New York: Charles Scriber’s Son, 1931. Ruth Rayna, Introduction to Indian Philosophy, New Delhi: Tata McGraw Publishing, 1971. *****

Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


MICROFINANCE AND MICROFINANCE INSTITUTIONS IN INDIA : ISSUES & CHALLENGES SHIKHA GUPTA Research Scholar Business Finance & Economics Jai Narain Vyas University, Jodhpur Abstract Microfinance refers to small savings, credit and insurance services extended to socially and economically disadvantaged segments of society. It is emerging as a powerful tool for poverty alleviation in India. This research paper tries to outline the prevailing condition of the Microfinance in India in the light of its emergence till now. The prospect of MicroFinance is dominated by SHGs (Self Help Groups) - Banks linkage Program. Its main aim is to provide a cost effective mechanism for providing financial services to the poor. This paper discovers the prevailing gap in functioning of MFIs such as practices in credit delivery, lack of product diversification, customer overlapping and duplications, consumption and individual loan demand with lack of mtigation measures, less thrust on enterprise loans,collection of savings/loans and highest interest rate existing in micro finance sector. All these are clear syndromes, which tell us that the situation is moving without any direction. Last paper concludes with practicable suggestions to overcome the issues and challenges associated with microfinance in India. Key words: Microfinance, Microfinance Institutions and SHGs MFIs

NABARD

INTRODUCTION : Micro Finance may be defined as "provision of thrift credit and other financial services and products of very small amounts to the poor in rural, semi urban or urban areas, for enabling them to raise their income levels and improve living standards" {1}. At present, a large part of micro finance activity is confined to credit only. Women constitute a vast majority of users of micro-credit and savings services. Microfinance is a dynamic field and there is clearly no best way to deliver services to the poor and hence many delivery models have been developed over a period of time. Access s to financial services has been recognized as a human right. Strengthening credit-delivery services and increasing their outreach has always been an important component of Indian development strategy {2}. A large number of the poor continued to remain outside the fold of the formal banking system, in spite of the expansion of the wide network of the organized banking system deep into rural areas. Market and the government both Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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failed to provide credit access to the poor. In fact the failure of institutional initiatives of rural credit and to the weaknesses of the exploitative informal system of credit gave birth to Microfinance institutions. No doubt, microfinance has been successful in providing credit access to the poor. But in recent times the role of microfinance has become controversial, with various sections raising objections and criticisms in this regard. This research paper provide a brief overview of some of the important issues and challenges currently facing the microfinance institutions (MFIs) in India and finally concludes with practicable suggestions to overcome the issues and challenges associated with microfinance in India. Review of Literature: There are lot of literature on opportunity and challenges of micro finance institution across the world, though only few studies have been carried out on the related topic, one such study done by Emerlson Moses {3}, has studied that micro finance has emerged as a catalyst of rural development, especially in the overpopulated country like India. S.Sarumathi and Dr. K. Mohan {4} found that microfinance brought psychological and social empowerment than economic empowerment. Impact of micro finance is appreciable in bringing confidence, courage, skill development and empowerrment. Devraja T.S. {5} has studied the India’s achievement of the MDG of halving the population of poor by 2015 as well as achieving a broad based economic growth also hinges on a successful poverty alleviation strategy. In this backdrop, the impressive gains made by SHG-Bank linkage programme in coverage of rural population with financial services offers a ray of hope. In a similar study Mr. Nikhil {6} considered that the microcredit movement has proved that it is possible to deliver financial services to poor people living in rural areas at a large scale, free from any reliance on subsidies. Manisha Raj {7}, in his research paper entitled “Microfinance Institutions in India and its Legal Aspects” states that Microfinance institutions have been proved a very important financial wing to incorporate the poor in the financial sector. Now on the other aspect like the challenges faced by the microfinance institutions. Objectives of the Study: In India so many micro lending institutions are working. Some are in very good condition in terms of lending, training to their clients for saving and small level entrepreneurship. Some are in bad condition and struggling for their existence. The present study is conducted to know the following things related to MFIs in India. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


The main objective of the study is to identify the main problems prevailing in microfinance in India. 2- The other objective of this study is to find the solution of the problems faced by MFIs. 1-

Statement of the Problem: We can say that the microfinance institutions are playing a vital role in the alleviation of poverty, uplifting living standard of very poor people. But what are the problems coming in the path of micro financing? The paper focuses on the issues and challenges prevailing in India regarding the micro financing. Are the microfinance institutions in very bad condition in India? An attempt is made through the paper to solve these problems. Significance of the Study: The paper will help to know the condition of microfinance institutions in India. The research paper also tells why the microfinance institutions charges high interest to the borrowers. Here, in this research paper, the attempt has been made to focus the problems of microfinance at social and cultural level, political level, educational level etc. The study presents some suggestions and recommendations to overcome from these problems. METHODOLOGY The data for the present study is collected from the primary and secondary sources. Various magazines, news papers, research articles, referred journals and books have been studied and used for the collection of data. New Microfinance approaches have emerged in India over the past decade, involving the provision of thrift, credit and other financial services and products with the aim to raise income levels and improve living standard. The most notable among these microfinance approaches is a nationwide attempt, pioneered by non governmental organizations and now supported by the state to create links between commercials banks and NGOs and informal local groups. Microfinance through self help groups (SHGs) is propagated as an alternative system of credit delivery for the poorest of the poor groups. Recognizing their important both Reserve Bank of India and National Bank for Agriculture and Rural Development (NABARD) have been spreading the promotion and linkage of SHGs to the banking system through refinance support and initiating other proactive policies and systems. This study attempts to give and overview of the different institutions involved in microfinance promotion, the different modes of delivery, its issues and the challenges that lie ahead. The Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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programme of microfinance that has made rapid strides in India. Microfinance is a participative model that can address the needs of the poor and low income household and their microenterprise especially woman members. Delivery Models of Microfinance: Microfinance is a dynamic field and there is clearly no best way to deliver services to the poor and hence many delivery models have been developed over a period of time. Each delivery model has its share of problem and success. In India, various delivery models have been adopted by microfinance institutions and they can be categorized in to following broad categories, discussed one by one.

Self Help Group Model: The Self Help Group (henceforth, SHG) model has evolved in the NGO sector and works on the belief that the poor can help themselves and the NGOs can provide networking and education to them. Almost 90% of the SHGs in India are female only due to the known fact that world’s poorest households tend to rely more heavily on income generated by women of the house. In India, SHGs have been the most popular way to help the poor and make them bankable. An SHG is a small group of about 20 persons from a homogeneous class, who come together voluntarily to attain certain collective goals, social or economic. The group is democratically formed and elects its own leaders. The essential features of SHGs include members belonging to the same social strata and sharing a common ideology. Their aims should include economic welfare of all members. The concept of SHGs is predominantly used in the case of economically poor people, generally women, who come together to pool their small savings and then use it among themselves. The group members meet regularly (once in a week) and carry out their financial transactions {8}. The group mobilizes savings among its members only and provides need based loans to the members only (based on the funds created by Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


savings). The rules and norms pertaining to finance or other matters are made by the group. The internal transactions are strengthened first and after that, the NGO supporting the group links them to banks for more financial assistance. There are many disadvantages of SHG models and they have been discussed in literature, a lot. Despite that fact, the advantages of the SHG have outnumbered the disadvantages and have made the SHGs as the most popular delivery model for microfinance in India. We can gauge the popularity from the following simple fact that even the government programs have SHG as the core of their strategies. Federated Self Help Group Model: Self Help Groups have been very successful in empowering women by providing direct and indirect benefits to them. However, SHGs are small in size (usually 10 – 15 members) and are limited in the types of financial services they can provide. Since Self Help Groups are a widely successful delivery model a need arises to scale them up without compromising with the success. The Federated Self Help Group model is one such way to scale up the previous model. Federation of SHGs bring together several SHGs. Compared to a single SHG, federation of SHGs have more than 1000 members. In Federated SHG model, there is a three tier structure the basic unit is the SHG, the middle tier is a cluster and the topmost unit is an apex body, which represents the entire SHG. At the cluster level, each SHG is represented by two of its members. The representatives of each SHG meet regularly. Information about the groups to the apex body and vice versa is given by the cluster unit. The apex body usually made up of 10 – 15 members and they form the link between the SHGs and the NGO supporting them. With the help of federations, an NGO with limited resources can have an impact on a large number of people. Few notable examples of Federated Self Help Group model are PRADAN, Chaitanya and SEWA. Grameen Bank Model: The Grameen Bank model has been a case of exceptional success in Bangladesh. It turns out that many organizations in India have adopted the Grameen Bank model with little variations and good success. Some of the notable examples are SHARE Microfinance Limited, Activists for Social Alternatives (ASA) and CASHPOR Financial and Technical Services Limited. Some of the significant features of Grameen bank model are low transaction costs, no collateral (peer pressure is sufficient), repayment of loans in small and short interval and quick loan sanctions with little or no paper works and no formalities. Repayment of loans in small chunk is one of the major reasons of high loan recovery rate Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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of a Grameen Bank. Furthermore, loans are provided for all purposes like housing loans, sanitation loans, supplementary loans etc. Also the interest rates are nominal making it easy for the poor people to repay their loans timely. Co-Operative Model: A co-operative is an organization owned by the members who use its services. This model works on the principle that every community has enough human and financial resources to manage their own financial institutions. The members who own it are members who use its services and can come from different sections of same community like agriculture, retail, wholesale etc. By proper networking small scale local institutions scale up and become sustainable while locals maintain ownership and control over their institution. The organization which has been vastly successful in cooperative form in India is Sahavikasa or Cooperative Development Foundation (CDF). CDF’s approach relies on the well known Credit Union model involving a savings first strategy. Found in 1975 by a group of individuals, Sahavikasa has now emerged as the leading co-operative in India. Based on women’s thrift group and men’s thrift group, CDF has built up a network of financial cooperatives and had convinced the Andhra Pradesh government to form legislation for proper and flexible functioning of co-operatives in the state. The legislation is known as Mutually- Aided Societies Act (MACS). The act helps the CDF to register the thrift groups promoted by CDF under it. The activities of CDF involve assisting rural women and men in the areas of operation in forming and developing self sustainable co-operatives. CDF also provide education and training to the co-operators from its work area. Microfinance Institutions: Microfinance institutions (MFIs) are the organisations or associations of individuals that provide financial services to the poor. These institutions lend through the concept of Joint Liability Group (JLG). A JLG is an informal group comprising of 5 to 10 individual members who come together for the purpose of availing bank loans either individually or through the group mechanism against a mutual guarantee. In India, there is a wide range of such organisations with diverse legal forms, varying significantly in size, outreach, mission and credit delivery methodologies. Below mentioned figure represents the hierarchy of financial institutions for the microfinance disbursement.



Institutional Arrangements For Microfinance Disbursement In India Key Issues in Microfinance in India Low Education Level: The level of education of the clients is low. So it creates a problem in the growth and expansion of the organization because its percentage is around 70% in MFIs. Target population of MFIs is people of rural areas and they have no or less education level. As the percentage of people who have very less education. Negligence of Urban Poor: It has been noted that MFIs pay more attention to rural areas and largely neglect the urban poor. Out of more than 800 MFIs across India, only six are currently focusing their attention on the urban poor. However, the population of the urban poor is quite large, amounting to more than 100 million. With increasing urbanization, this number is expected to rise rapidly in the coming years. In this situation, MFIs need to pay equal attention to the urban poor because they too need financial assistance for various activities. Geographic Factors: Around 60% of MFIs agrees that the Geographic factors make it difficult to communicate with clients of far-flung areas which create a problem in growth and expansion of the organization. MFIs are basically aimed to facilitate the BPL population of the country but due to lack of infrastructure in those areas it becomes difficult to reach them. Low Outreach: In India, MFI outreach is very low. It is only 8% as compared to 65% in Bangladesh. Data show the great potential of MFIs in Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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increasing their outreach and scale of operations. It has been observed that MF programmes focus a great deal of attention on women. It has been argued that women are better clients as they are more inclined to save than men, they borrow smaller amounts than men and their repayment performance is better than men. These characteristics of women clients constitute evidence in support of the inclination of MFIs to cater to the needs of women. Women may be better and more reliable clients, but in order to increase their outreach MFIs cannot ignore men as clients. High Interest Rate: MFIs are charging very high interest rates, which the poor find difficult to pay. It has been argued that MFIs are private entities and hence need to be financially sustainable. They do not receive any subsidized credit for their lending activities and that is why they need to recover their operational costs from borrowers. In the process, the basic reason for their existence-and their primary objective-is being lost. It is important that these NGOs should be willing to operate at narrow margins and to bear a low effective interest rate so that they can maintain a balance between their dual objectives of commercial viability and serving the poor. Loan Default: Loan default is an issue that creates a problem in growth and expansion of the organization because around 73% loan default is identified in MFIs. Lack of understanding on the part of the clients, they also cannot correctly manage the loans given to them. As a result, they are not able to pay back the loan. Debt Management: Clients are uneducated about debt management 70% of the clients in MFIs are unaware of the fact that how to manage their debt. Because of the lack of education and understanding on the part of the clients, they also cannot correctly manage the loans given to them. So for this reason debt management creates a problem in growth and expansion of the organization. Client Retention: Client retention is an issue that create a problem in growing the MFIs. There is about 28% client retention in the MFIs. This occurs because people are not properly informed and educated about services and products provided by the institutions more over the current client has higher default rate {9}. Late Payments: Late payments are an issue that creates a problem in growth and expansion of the organization because late payments are around 70% in MFIs. This usually occurs because clients are uneducated Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


and they don’t know how to manage their debt. They are unaware of the fact that late payment increases their loan payments. Language Barrier: Language barrier makes communication with the clients (verbal and written) is an issue that creates a problem in growth and expansion of the organization because around 54% language barrier has been identified in MFIs. As the education level of clients is low so it is difficult to communicate with them. For this reason it is also difficult for the MFIs employees to make the clients to understand the policy and related details. High Transaction Cost: High transaction cost is a big challenge for microfinance institution. The volume of transactions is very small, whereas the fixed cost of those transactions is very high. It cannot vary with the size of the loan. The higher a producer’s fixed costs in the proportion of his total cost, the element of risk increases in the same proportion. Moreover, if the demand for the product falls or the marginal costs increases, it becomes very difficult to adjust the cost by cutting output. This cut will reduce revenue out of which he has to pay principal amount as well as interest on the loan. This needs to be rationalized {10}. Loan Collection Method: Loan Collection Method is found an issue that creates a problem in growing the organization. Around 55% of MFIs agrees that due to weak law and legislation they are not able to make their loan collection system as effective as they want to do so. Lack of access to Funding: Another factor contributing to the lack of growth in MFIs is that requisite financial support has not been provided to MFIs by concerned agencies. Around 68% of MFIs response was in favour of that government and SBP don’t support them to meet the funds requirement as MFIs cannot alone remove the poverty from the country. Uneven Population Density: Uneven population density is an issue which create problem in growth and expansion of the organization because loans and funds are required by rural population not urban areas. Fraud: Fraud is an issue that creates a problem in growth and expansion of the organization because its percentage is around 67% in MFIs. Mismanagement of loans on the part of the clients creates the problem of fraud and financial embezzlement on the part of clients. MFIs should face challenges : No doubt, microfinance programme get new heights but the number of challenges are there for MFIs. Did this Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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programme reach the underprivileged? Whether everyone in need of microfinance intervention had been reached by any of the agencies? Even if everyone had been reached, did they get the required quantum of assistance to have sustainability? These questions are still very inconvenient to be answered because there are certain challenges associated with this programme. Some of the main challenges have been discussed in the following paragraphs. Deserving Poor are Still not Reached: The microfinance delivery models are not exclusively focused on those who are below the poverty line or very poor. Though the programme is spreading rapidly but with a slow progress in targeting the bottom poor households. About 50 percent of SHG members and only 30 percent of MFI members are estimated to be below the poverty line{11}. Low Depth of Outreach: Another challange faced by the microfinance programme is the depth of services provided. Though the outreach of the programme is expanding, large number of people is provided with microfinance services but the amount of loans is very small. The average loans per member in both MFIs and SHGs is not sufficient to fulfil the financial needs of the poor people. The duration of the loans is also short. The small loan size and short duration do not enable most borrowers to invest it for productive purposes. They, generally, utilise these small loans to ease their liquidity problems. Unregulated Microfinance Institutions: In India, micro finance is provided by a variety of institutions. These include banks (including commercial banks, RRBs and co-operative banks), primary agricultural credit societies and MFIs that include NBFCs, Section-25 companies, trusts and societies. But only the banks and NBFCs fall under the regulatory purview of the Reserve Bank of India. Other entities, e.g., MFIs are covered in varying degrees of regulation under their respective State legislations. There is no single regulator for this sector. As a result, MFIs are not required to follow some standard rules and are not subject to minimum capital requirements and prudential norms. This has weakened their management and governance, as they do not feel it mandatory to adopt some specific systems, procedures and standards. Therefore, there is a need for regulating the varied number of microfinance providers which are influencing the lives of millions of poor people. The regulation would, therefore, help in improving the growth of MFIs in an orderly approach. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


Quality of SHGs: The next challenge is how to ensure the quality of MFIs in an environment of exponential growth. Due to the fast growth of the SHG-Bank Linkage Programme, the quality of MFIs has come under stress. This is reflected particularly in indicators such as the poor maintenance of books and accounts etc. The deterioration in the quality of MFIs is explained by a variety of factors including: a- Diminishing skill sets on part of the MFIs members in managing their groups. In my assessment, significant financial investment and technical support is required for meeting this challenge {12} b- The intrusive involvement of government departments in promoting groups c- Inadequate long-term incentives to NGOs for nurturing them on a sustainable basis. Lack of Insurance Services: Poor people are vulnerable to financial shocks. A small change in their earning patterns due to natural calamities, health problems, death of earning member etc. Can push them to destitute. So, a provision of insurance under the microfinance programme is very essential to help the poor to cross the poverty line. But, in reality, the current microfinance programme in India is just focused on regular saving and micro-credit. SHG-BLP developed by NABARD is also providing saving and credit services mainly and the provision of insurance is very less. However, some of the MFIs have started providing insurance services but the efforts are still at an experimental stage. A research report by Invest India Market Solutions Pvt. Ltd. (IIMS, 2007) indicates that the penetration of life insurance is only 12 per cent among the rural poor and 19 per cent among the urban low-income population {13}. The penetration ratio for insurance in India was estimated at 4.80 in 2006, whereas for Asia it was 6.60 and for Europe at 8.30 {14}. So, in India the provision of insurance services is at the initial stage and this integral part of the microfinance programme is still neglected. Regional Disparity: It has been observed that the microfinance programme is mainly run by formal financial institutions with the help of SHGs. As a result, microfinance programme is progressing in those areas of the country where there is tremendous growth of formal financial institutions. Microfinance institutions were expected to reach those areas where the formal banking system failed to reach and the poor people have to depend on the money-lenders in order to meet their financial requirements. But many banking network is very strong. In the southern Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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states, such as Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh the spread of SHG bank linkage programme as well as the MFI programme is very large. But the north and north-eastern region is almost neglected according to Graph 1. BANK LOAN DISBURSED TO PER SHG DURING 2013-14 REGIONWISE

SOURCE : Nabard : Status of Microfinance In India 2013-14, p.12

In the southern region bank disbursed to per SHG during 2013-14 Rs.2,35,178.00 it is more than amount from the total average amount disbursed in all India. The disbursed amount in Eastern and North Eastern Reion is like “A small cumissed in a camel mouth”. CONCLUSIONS On the above findings we observe so many problems are associated with the MFIs. The Microfinance institutions are lagging behind in terms of loan and credit the real needy, regional imbalance, a proper regulation etc. Above mentioned challenges are prevailing from starting of the MFIs in India. According to my study MFIs in India have so many issued in their running, through the MFIs paid an important role in the poverty alleviation and enhancing the living standards of the poor. If the above shortcoming will be eliminate from the MFIs, it would have positive results on the economy lead to greater efficiency and improvement of living standards of the thousands of poor. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


Suggestions: a. Proper training for the clients should be organized in an efficient way so that they could know each and every small things about their debt. b. Ensure the uniform distribution of micro financing in both rural and urban areas of each states of India. c. There is a need of an exclusive regulation to regulate to MFIs in India. Presently, there is no distinctive regulatory framework for the MFIs in India. Regulation of the MFIs is largely in the purview of the state governments. d. Ensure the quality of MFIs in an environment of exponential growth. Due to the fast growth of the SHG-Bank Linkage Programme, the quality of MFIs has come under stress. This is reflected particularly in indicators such as the poor maintenance of books and accounts etc. REFERENCE 1. Microfinance and Its Delivery Models. StudyMode.com. Retrieved 08, 2007, from http://www. study mode.com/essays/MicrofinanceIts-Delivery-Models-119718.html 2. Nisha Bharti, 2007. Microfinance and Microfinance Institutions in India: Issues and Challenges, IRMA. 11: 2 3. Emerlson Moses, 2011. in his study “An Overview of Micro Finance in India”, International Referred Research Journal, RNIRAJBIL 2009/29954.VoL.III 4. Sarumathi, S. and K. Mohan, 2011. in their paper “Role of Micro Finance in Women’s Empowerment”, Journal of Management and Science, 1(1): 1-10. 5. Devaraja, T.S., 2011. “Microfinance in India - A Tool for Poverty Reduction”. 6. Nikhil Suresh Pareek, 2011. studies in his research paper entitled “Micro Finance and Financial Inclusion”. 7. Manisha Raj, 2011. in research paper entitled “Microfinance Institutions in India and its Legal Aspects”. 8. Bhatia Navin, 2007. Revisiting bank-linked Self Help Groups (SHGs) - A study of Rajasthan State. Reserve Bank of India Occasional, 28(2): 125-154. 9. Ehsan, Nadia, (December 2011), “Issues in the growth of Micro Finance Banks: Impact of Customer, Internal and External Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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Environment”, Interdisciplinary Journal of Contemporary Research in Business.’ 3: 8. 10. Muhammad, S.D., 2010. Microfinance Challenges and Opportunities in Pakistan. European Journal of Social Sciences, 14(1): 88. 11. Ghate, P., 2008. Microfinance in India: A State of the sector Report, 2007, Microfinance India Publications, New Delhi. 12. Thorat, Y.S.P., 2006. Microfinance in India; Sectoral issues and challenges. Towards a sustainable microfinance outreach in India, pp: 27-42. 13. A research report by Invest India Market Solutions Pvt. Ltd. (IIMS, 2007). 14. Srinivasan, N., 2009. Microfinance India State of the Sector Report 2008, Sage Publications, New Delhi. •••••



THE FORMATION OF THE SUMANGALI LABOUR FORCE IN SATYAMANGALAM IN ERODE DISTRICT OF TAMIL NADU Rahul N Ph.D, Centre for the Study of Law and Governance Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi INTRODUCTION This paper is based on the fieldwork carried out at Satyamangalam in Erode district in Tamil Nadu as part of the PhD Thesis. In this paper, I aim to examine the formation of the Sumangali labour force in Tamil Nadu. The data for this paper are collected as background information for explicating the role of labourer’s agency under the specific factory regimes in the spinning mills. The major aim of this paper is to provide an in-depth interview based account of the Sumangali scheme labourers themselves against the accounts provided by the NGO networks in Tamil Nadu operating on campaign against Sumangali scheme. The paper proceeds in the following way. First, it contextualizes the Sumangali scheme in the socio-economic background of Tamil Nadu followed by accounts on Sumangali scheme produced by NGOs. It then proceeds to delineate the findings of the fieldwork. Based on the fieldwork, I attempt to construct three major typologies deducted from the major reasons the interviewees have provided for joining Sumangali scheme. Field site and Research Methods: The data for the study was collected through indepth interviews conducted with 75 Sumangali labourers who have left the mill either finishing the scheme period or have left the mill abruptly.. Of the 75 interviewees, 55 belonged to Satyamangalam and the rest were interviewed at Pudukottai. Except for 8 interiviewees from Pudukottai, almost all the interviewees belong to dalit community. Especilly the interviewees at Satyamangalam were all from the Arunthathiyar community. The interviewees were contacted through the respective NGOs operating in the region campaigning against Sumangali scheme. Interviews and observation methods were used with respect to NGO activities using network approach. As most of the NGO personnel were constantly in move, the researcher also had to be in travel to interview them and observe the activities and Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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programmes they conduct as part of campaign against Sumangali scheme. The Satyamangalam interviewees which provided the richest of the data were conducted with the help of interpreters working in the NGO hailing from the Arunthathiyar community. Apart from the interviews, secondary sources were collected from the NGOs. The major objective of the study was to delineate the forms of factory regime in the spinning mill segment in Satyamangalam. The data for this paper thus was collected as a background for explaining the role of agency of labourers under the theoretical framework of factory regime. This paper is divided into three sections. The first section provides socio-economic background of the Sumangali labour formation with special focus on Satymangalam. The second section provides details of the various negotiations the workers engage in the process of choosing mill work and based on the negotiations, three major types are identified. The thirs section concludes the findings. 1. Gender and Industrialisation in North-West Tamil Nadu The process of industrialization relevant for this study pertains to the northwest Kongu region of Tamil Nadu. The industrialization in this region is dominated by enterpreneurs from two major castes, the Naickers and Gounders. It is the rise of labourer Gounders as capitalists however that marks the changes in industrialization associated with flexible production. The knitwear based Gounder capitalists who transformed the landscape of Tiruppur have emerged from the ex-peasant working classes who were earlier employed in the garment and textile industry based on what Sharad Chari calls fraternal hegemony. This fraternal hegemony was soon to be replaced with the gender hegemony that interpolated sexed bodies in to the regime of flexible production (Chari, 2004). The feminization of workforce in garment sector did not begin by replacing the existing male work force. The feminization occurred rapidly in the newer sections of the industry like packing that emerged with the growth in the sector. This stage of feminization was welcomed by the male labourers and their unions whereby women are employed in conditions inferior than men. However, employing women as a passive labour force occurred for non-Gounder enterpreneurs who lacked the fraternal support of the caste men. The first fully feminized garment factory employed was established in 1975 by a non-gounder (Chari, 2004). The process of feminization however reached its zenith in post-1984 strike that which lasted for 127 days and in which the owners emerged victorious. This strike Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


occurred both in garment and textile industry and reconfigured the strength of the capitalists vis-à-vis labour unions and the working class. However, in textile industry, even though the feminization was already on, it was the decision in 1991 by U.S returned Jagadessh Chandran of Premiere Mills in Coimbatore who fully feminized the labour force by providing Voluntary retirement scheme for all the permanent male labourers with a compensation of around 4 lakh rupees each. Except the union leader, it is said, all the employees agreed for the voluntary retirement scheme. The trend expanded soon to all the industries. By late 90s, only the publicly owned National Textile Corporation mills employed male employees as the only floor labourers. Elsewhere, the workforce was getting slowly feminized to reach a stage where the entire workforce at the floor level below supervising staff became girls.1 These girls were brought to the mills from different regions, mainly southern districts of Tamil Nadu, through various levels of intermediaries, as discussed later. Till the introduction of 1985 Textile Policy the textile industry was one of the highly regulated one. There were safeguards to protect the employment of those involved in handlooms and small scale spinning mills. The quality and the quantitiy of the specific products they are supposed to produce was also regulated to complement each other. However with the introduction of textile policy deregulation was pursued emphasizing more productive technologies. Production undertaken earlier under composite mills were now split among large spinning mills and power-looms. These changes have been accounted for the modernization and the increase in export of cotton since then. The New Textile Policy of 2000 further strengthened the conception of deregulation and competing in the global market at the expense of employee welfare (Vijayabaskar, 2014). The Tehcnological Upgradation Fund (TUF) introduced in 1999 and other incentives provided to the industry resulted in rapid upgradation of technology in the spinning sector. The increased application of technology mostly in the mills of economies of scale resulted in reduced demand for labour. It has also made the work less physically demanding. Also the introduction of technology and management practices has made higher end jobs like human resources management, supervisors, quality control etc 1

This is reflected in the very first study commissioned under ICN-SOMO titled Captured by Cotton (2011) which was carried out in specific taluks of southern districts of Tamil Nadu. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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demanding higher educational qualifications. The vertical mobility from the operators to these posts which existed earlier is donw away with (Vijayabaskar, 2014:142). Social Characteristics of Sumangali Scheme Labourers The word ‘Sumangali thittam’ as a generic term for the labour practice in spinning industry is largely a product of the discursive practice of the civil society organisations especially NGOs. The word Sumangali thittam can be simply translated into ‘bride scheme’ (Vijayabaskar, 2014: 143). The first study to highlight the Sumangali scheme internationally was the study published under the title Captured by Cotton (SOMO-ICN, 2011). The study claims to have mapped1600 labourers in their homes working under 90 different mills in the southern districts of Tamil Nadu namely Tirunelveli, Turticorin and Virushunagar. Around 114 labourers were interviewed in an in depth-manner for this study. The study identified that around 60% employed belong to dalit castes and the rest largely belonged to the Most Backward Castes. The study identified following social characteristics among the labourers mapped under the study: Of the 1600 labourers, 36.14 percentage belonged to Pallar caste while 9.46 percent belonged to Paraiyar caste. Both are Scheduled Castes and their distribution in the southern districts reflects in the study. Pallars are the numerically larger SC population in southern Tamil Nadu while Paraiyars are the numerically larger SC population in Northern Tamil Nadu. The two castes together account nearly 45 percent of the total labourers. The presence of Arunthathiyars in the labour force was also recognized. Among the remaining labourers, around 35 percent belonged to both Most Backward Castes and Other Backward Castes. Studies conduycted by NGOs has shown that dalits and MBCs constitute the largest share among the Sumangali scheme labourers. The introspection of the source districts of the interviewees summarized in the Flawed Fabrics (2014) provides following inferences: The larger common character of the labourers of the five large mills taken for this study shows that most of the labourers were recruited from districts other than the district the mill is located. The study clearly reveals a phenomenon that was only slowly being perceived when the research was in its initial stage. At that stage the common understanding among the stakeholders like Trade Unions and Non-Governmental Organisations was that almost the Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


entire workforce was being recruited from the southern districts i.e. Tirunelveli, Madurai, Virudhunagar, Tuticorin and Theni.1Northern Districts like Dharmapuri and Krishnagiri bordering Karnataka though known for their backwardness have become some of the major source areas. A recent study however shows a shift in the source area while retaining the southern districts as one of their source area. For example districts like Villupuram, Cuddalore, Vellore, Tiruvannamalai figure in the new list which are geographically closer and connected to one of the largest metropolitan city, Chennai., Delta districts like Tiruvarur, Tanjavur and Nagapattinam have begun to predominate in the discourse on Sumangali scheme. Male labourers from states like Andhra Pradesh, Telengana, Orissa, Maharashtra and Bihar are identified in these interviews working alongside women labourers. The migration of largely male workforce from north and north-eastern India is part of the emerging scenario in the northwest belt (Dorairaj, 2010). Thus the explanation for the availability of such a large number of women and men labourers dispersed not only across the state but also the country cannot be found limiting one’s attention only to the local political economy of the state. However there are no reasons to conclude that the spinning labour force has become predominantly dependent on inter-state migrants. Arunthathiyars in Satyamangalam block The majority of the interviews were conducted in the block of Satyamangalam in the Erode district of Tamil Nadu. The area, unlike the larger recruitment regions of southern Tamil Nadu, is home to both the spinning industry and the recruitment villages. I interviewed seventy five ex-labourers in an in depth manner for the study. Out of the seventy five, forty labourers belonged to one notorious for its labour practices in the early days of NGO activism against Sumangali scheme, the SRM mill. Out of the seventy five labourers interviewed fifty five belonged to the Arunthathiyar caste and the among the rest 10 belonged to Pallar and 10 belonged to backward castes, all women. The mills including SRM are located around 5 kilometers from the town of Satyamangalam. The households of the labourers interviewed will fall between 5 to 10 kilometers radius from the location of the mill.

1

Studies conducted by other members of Tiruppur Peoples Forum also lists districts in south, central and eastern parts of the state as major areas of recruitment. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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Satyamangalam is located 11.51 N and 77.25 E in the Erode district bordering Karnataka state. The area though around 54 kilometers away from Coimbatore was yet to be embraced by the industrial expansion of the city. However it has to be mentioned that the process was already on. Even though industrial presence was lesser the area still had its own spinning mills of the pre-scheme era. The spinning mills were few but were known to be large in size. Hardly any Arunthathiyar worked in the mills in the capacity of floor labourers. Arunthathiyars in the pre-scheme mills were employed largely in the capacity of sweepers and cleaners. Most of the labourers in these mills belonged to two dominant castes of the region Naickers and Gounders. Still old mills are functioning in the nearby small town of Puliyampatti. The following section will provide a background of labour activities Arunthathiyars engage in the rural areas of Satyamangalam through an ethnographic study of a village named Ikkattupalli. 1 Ikkattupalli is around 5 km away from the town of Satyamangalam. It is connected by tarred road directly connected to the NH209 that connects Coimbatore and Bangalore passing through Satyamangalam town. There are around 90 households living in Ikkattupalli. The houses are arranged in highly compressed spaces. The concrete parts of the houses in this village are constructed fifteen years ago under a state governmental programme for rural housing. The house has three compartments, two small and one large, but all totaling 15 meters length and 10 meters width. The households thus extended by erecting extended huts are made of coconut straws. The road that dissects streets is paved with cement and is bordered on both sides by drainages collecting sewer from the houses. The Pannaiyal (traditional bonded labour resembling jajmani) relationship in this village however has undergone changes that very few are willing to choose this form of work relationship. In most cases these labourers happen to be the least educated rendering them not much of other options than to work under Gounders. Those who have chosen this relationship are those who also carry hereditary relationship as Pannaiyals under Gounders. However the nature of the relationship has changed to the extent that one is free to choose the relationship. There is no extra-economic compulsion to continue in this relationship. The assurance of a stable job and a wage and access to debt are the characteristics that define this relationship. 1

Original names of villages and mills are not used. Instead pseudonyms are used. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


Choosing other work opportunities available to others in the village however provide more remuneration and self-respect. There are 5 pannaiyals working for different Gounders in this village. Most of the workforce in this village can be categorized as footloose labourers (Breman, 1996). Most men and women lack educational qualifications above 8th standard. The lack of educational qualification renders them less qualified for jobs in the spinning and sugar mills in the region. To be more precise they are largely agricultural footloose labourers. Both men and women are employed predominantly as agricultural wage labourers with some employed in conditions of Pannaiyal. Largely men in these villages have grouped themselves in a gang of 12 members. These gangs consist mainly with a core of immediate kin of five or six around whom others including non-kins attach themselves. The leader of the gang however is not determined only by the seniority in age. The major character required for the leadership is the knowledge of availability of work. This implies establishing contacts with job brokers and labor brokers not only within the vicinity but also across the kongu region. The gangs seem to migrate as per the demand to various places in the region including districts of Coimbatore Erode and Tiruppur. Some gangs are known to travel to the nearby state of Karnataka. Thus this implies a combination of both experience and active social life. Almost men between the age group of 3040 constitute the gang leaders. These agricultural labourers carry out works in plantain, ginger and sugarcane farms. They earn around Rs.250 per day while employed. They find work for around 20 days every month. However they have to remain largely without employment in the rainy season i.e. October and November. These labourers are less interested in working in the lands owned by Gounders and Naickers in the locality. Debt Debt plays an important role in Arunthathiyar’s life considering the precariousness and seasonal character of employment available to most of them. The interviewees remembered that earlier the debt relationship was limited only to Gounders. The patron-client system that existed earlier meant that the Gounder was supposed to support the Pannaiyal when there was no work. Now even though the Pannaiyals depend on their Gounders as a certain source of credit, the sources are not exhausted by this relationship. Professional money lenders have replaced the Gounder patrons as the most common source of credit. These money lenders lend Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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money in different schemes named kanthu vatti and meter vatti.17 The usual interest rate ranges from 10 to 20 percent. The credit however comes with a heavy and disproportionate interest. Credits from nationalized banks are found to be rare. The major reasons for availing loans are related to the lifecycle ceremony based expenses, village festivals and for medical expenses. Expenses on puberty ceremony and marriage are considered to be on the rise. A marriage at least costs around 50000 to 80000 for the bride’s family. For the bridegroom it costs around 40000-60000 rupees. Dowry Unlike the non-Dalit castes of Tamil Nadu, many Dalit communities have followed Viramma, a Pallar women’s account of the Dalit life as she lived provides insights to the change that visited the life of dowry in dalit society. According to her the dowry of the daughter in law was used as a dowry to be paid for the daughter. The dowry in those days included gold tali, the only gold jewel and brass utensils for the daughter to use.2 Viramma notes that by her daughter’s time i.e. by 80s the role of dowry has come to dominate the marital arrangement over her daughter’s virginity referring to the increased prominence of dowry in the community (Viramma, Racine & Racine, 1997:40). In the contemporary scenario with respect to the status of dowry among Dalit community, the following remarks by a low caste person in Theni district,a backward district in Tamil Nadu bordering Madurai and Kerala, interviewed for a study on daughter aversion provides concrete facts. We decided only two because we need to have more money to raise more than two. Dowry was a problem for us; it costs two lakh (two hundred thousand Rupees) for dowry for girls. We both do coolie (hired labour working in fields), so we can’t afford to have more than two. The government also suggests no more than two. It’s an incentive for people not to try for a boy. (Gayathri, aged 35, 1 boy, 1 girl, no school, sterilized) (Diamon-Smith, Luke & McGarvey, 2008: 703). In his study on Arunthathiyars employed in Tiruppur’s power loom sector De Neve points to labourers falling into debt bondage in trying to fulfill obligations and duties to their kins over duties as labourer to the employer. It is also widely considered among the Arunthathiyars interviewed that 1 2

Two highly exploitative forms of credit declared illegal by the government. Tali refers to the sacres thread tied around the neck of the bride by the bridegroom marking the marriage. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


dowry had almost become part of Arunthathiyar marital arrangement in Tiruppur and Coimbatore succumbing to the practices of the larger society more in terms of imitating the non-Dalits. In the area taken for study, it has been found that the bride price is being slowly replaced with dowry dominating the transaction. The marriage expenses along with dowry costs within the range f 50,000 rupees to 1, 00,000 rupees for a bride’s family. The dowry in gold includes often two sovereigns in the form of tali and ear-rings. And the rest of the marriage expenses are divided among utensils, furniture and most importantly the expenses on providing alcohol to the closest and respectable men who have come to attend the marriage. Labour Agents The phenomenon of jobber in the historical research on labour conditions in India had been dealt with some essentialism (Chandavarkar, 2002). The jobber often in these accounts renders the Indian labour ‘culturally’ constructed as opposed to the pure ‘economic’ of the western labor process. The jobbers till date play an inevitable role in connecting the demand and supply side for labour in capitalist industrial processes. The contemporary research on jobbers and labour brokers in the informal economy of Tamil Nadu sheds light also on the role of caste and gender play in this process (Guerin, Subramanian, Govindan & Sebastian, 2012; De Neve, 1999). The spinning mills recruit women labourers through a wide variety of recruitment methods. But the most dominant mode of recruitment in this process is done through a network and chain of labour brokers. The chain begins with the owner of the mill in case of smaller mills. Whereas in large mills the owner’s role is partial in recruiting labourers, smaller mill owners also perform the function of hiring and firing. In some mills the recruitment is undertaken under the auspices of the Human Relations department. No specific pattern of office set up for labour recruitment can be discerned from the available data across the industry. One cannot discern from the available data that even in mills that have distinct HR department in their administration no common role for them can be discerned with respect to recruitment. HR departments in some mills directly engage their personnel in recruitment drive. In some mill while this is done by the HR manager himself with his assistants, in some the HR department deputes the job to a group of directly employed mill agents. In some mills it is the supervisors who double as recruitment agents under HR department. But the most important recruiter among all is the labourers themselves. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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Apart from directly doubling as recruiters during their visits to home, it is they who display the qualities during their visits to villages that attract the attention of the villagers especially of the girls of the requisite age. Their bodies carry the requisite advertisement of the mill and the job. The entire discourse around the mill girl during her visit to village is relevant not only to understand the processes of recruitment but rather as a site of contestations of different and contradictory images of women and labour in the neoliberal economy. 2. Negotiating Mill Work The NGO literature produces certain typical images for the purpose of classification of reasons contributing to the formation of labor force under Sumangali scheme in spinning mills. Two major images that characterize the labourers joining spinning mill are (i) girls forced into the mill work by the family due to extreme poverty induced by a combination of economic and cultural factors and (ii) girls opting to join the work due to ‘city lights’ effect (Vaanmuhil, 2011); (iii) self-sacrificing daughters joining the mill work to help the family. The interplay between poverty and the decision to choose mill work is not a direct one. The major qualification that marks the families the agents target for recruitment are the families with single parent or single wageearner. The available literature and the interviews conducted among agents as part of this study confirm that the agents target girls from specific families. And a good number of these families are single mother headed families. The reasons often found for the absence of the male head are – death due to work hazards, illness and alcoholism. In recent years, alcoholism as a cause of illness and loss of wage earning capacity has emerged as a major phenomenon in Tamil Nadu. Especially for a landless wage earning family the absence of a wage earner (father or mother) imposes immense pressure on daily subsistence. It makes savings for life cycle events like puberty and marriage conceivable only at the expense of falling into debts that will bind them almost for their lifetime. The situation gets compounded if there are no male wage earners in the family. Presence of single women headed families due to desertion of the father also is a common feature of the villages visited for the study. In this case, both the social stigma associated with women of families with no male members is a factor leading mothers to send their girls to safe and secure mills. The women of these families are perceived as ‘easily available’. Generally Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


across the villages visited the issue of safety and security in leaving girl children back home while parents go to work whereas girl children cannot find regular work also forces them to send their daughters to mills where they will be safe and earn a living. But it has to be mentioned that behind these concerns of safety and security lies the necessity to control the sexual agency of the age-attained girl. In a society rampant for caste violence and murders for inter-caste love affairs and marriage, the institutions in the wider society has to replicate the role of family. I now turn to three typologies based on the major reasons adduced by the interviewees for joining the mill work. 2.1. Forced by Family In the following accounts, the various and often contradictory negotiations families and girls engage in arriving at the decision to enter mill work. What transpires through these case studies are the different typologies observed based on certain discernible rationales. The accounts of Vijaya and Ananthi pertains to the general factor i.e., the regular work and wage and the lump sum that animated their families to make the decision to send their girls to mills. In the following accounts I would prefer to keep the descriptions of these decisions to the rationale the respondents have themselves given. What emerge from the interviews are two diverse responses of the girls towards the decision of the family to send her to mill. One provides instance of a futile resistance to the gendered familial obligations and the second can be better captured in the words of Pun Ngai (2005) as she had used in discussing about the choice and agency of Chinese factory girls – ‘Although powerless, they have been tactical agents in negotiating their own lives and in manipulating those exploitative forces for their own ends in the daily struggles’ (Ngai, 2005:61). How girls exploit these opportunities subject to their perceptions and negotiations between their own and their families’ needs and desires as conditioned by the local society had to be considered to unravel the various contradicting forces at work in producing the kind of gendered effects of industrialization in Tamil Nadu. Vijaya was 15 years old when she joined the mill. Her parents were agricultural wage labourers working for the Gounders. But they were not Pannaiyals of any Gounder. She had to stop her education when she finished 9th standard. She had a brother and a sister. She stayed at home for two years helping her mother in everyday chores of the family. Later, she Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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found a job in the garment factory in Avinasi, 50 kms away from her home. She had to spend 3 hours daily commuting between the factory and the house. She was earning around 1000 -1200 per week in the factory. It was then that she came to know about the mill through one of her relative. Having discontinued education due to failing in exams, sending her to work seemed to be the right option for the family than keeping her idle at home. She especially comes from a village where there are no girls who have continued their education after 10th standard. Though Vijaya resisted the decision initially, she had to succumb to the family decision. The absence of her voice in the decision comes out in her own words: ‘Initially I declined to join the mill. However my mother and father had made strong decision. I had no say in the decision. Later I had to accept. I had no other choice’. Her mother voluntarily took Vijaya to the mill and joined her in the mill. In this case even though the work and the wage the girl received was above the monthly wage promised by the mill. The promise of a lump-sum scheme amount at the end of three years however attracted not only the parents but also Vijaya to choose mill work over garment company work. Her family’s decision to join mill work however was not influenced by any other major condition other than saving for her dowry and the opportunity to one dependent member on the family income. However on joining her father fell ill rendering him unable to work further. Vijaya who initially thought of quitting the job if the job is found unsatisfactory had to change her mind and had to continue her job. This limited spatial mobility puts limitations on the bargaining capacity of the labourers. Thus women labourers end up less capable of bargaining and being assertive (Carswell and De Neve, 2013:67). In addition this restriction of spatial mobility is not only restricted to the industrial zone. It functions as continuum from their source villages transformed in to the industrial zone subject to gender dynamics within the industrial region and specific industries. Thus it is the lack of spatial mobility that exists in the villages that fundamentally constrain their bargaining power. Such limitations on women in garment industry get heightened in spinning industry due to several reasons. First, the absolute invisibility labour relations in spinning industry enjoyed. Second, as a result the employments of large number of child labour. Vijaya’s case invokes the constraints on women’s choice in working in the north-west industrial region in Tamil Nadu observed in studies on Tiruppur. Unmarried girls, even if they are not in Sumangali scheme are Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


constrained by gender norms prevalent in the region. Unlike men, women cannot shift and change their workplaces as they wish. She is expected to live in hostel or rented accommodation in groups with their kin or friends rather than living alone. 2.2. (Self) Sacrificing Daughter One of the typical images often encountered in my interaction with NGO labourers on Sumangali labour is the image of an elder girl in a larger family where subsistence necessitates girls entering labour market as an act of sacrifice for the betterment of her siblings. Reaching tenth standard is considered enough for a better position in the labour market especially with the onset of garment work. However it is not necessary that the siblings enjoy the fruits of the self-sacrifice of the elder sister. It often happens to be the case that the siblings also join the workforce or end up marrying rather than pursuing studies. In the following cases, it will be shown how the rational decision on wages and lump-sum are further compounded by the cultural value of sacrifice spun around the elder girl child, an expectation limited only to elder sister than the brother. The relative higher and assuredly consistent wage a women labourer can receive compared to the existing work opportunities at the village level also plays an important factor in families opting to send their daughters to spinning mills. Ananthi’s father was 40 years old and mother 35 years old when she joined the mill. Her father earned 300 rupees and mother around 150 rupees per day if work was available. But work was not assured every month both being farm labourers. She had to discontinue her education after eighth standard so that her sister can continue education. When she joined the mill the scheme amount promised was 15000 rupees. She states clearly that it was the attraction of a regular wage that attracted her than the scheme amount. The expectations on the elder girl child to sacrifice for the family is found across many societies especially in Asia and Latin America (Pasangpa, 2001:61). This ideology however in a middle caste family can result in the elder girl being considered the gate-keeper of the honour of the family. This in effect fetishes women in the role of household mistresses and keeps them under the enormous moral pressure on being chaste and virgin. It results in stifling control over the day to day practices of the girl. Such families do not allow their elder girl to be in public domain on her own. Janaki joined SRM and worked there for only 2 weeks. She just finished Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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her 10th standard education when she joined SRM Mill. She was 15 years old when she joined the mill. She was the eldest child in a family of five. She has a brother and a sister. It was the financial condition of the family which led her family to take this decision. In the context of the presence of a younger brother in the family, it is also a necessary decision to ensure the education of the boy in the family. The sacrifice of the elder sister takes much more emotional tone and seriousness in the self-perception of the girl simultaneously realizing the discrimination against her ungrammatical. For her sacrifice is the only term through which she could reconcile and reassure her self-identity as an individual. Janaki : Anna, I really wanted to study further. I wanted to go to college like other girls. But what to do I had no other option. My family didn’t understand me. What could I have done I had to work for the betterment of my sister and brother. I decided that they are my life from now onwards. I will live for them. It is irrelevant to this decision that the younger boy or in some cases the younger girl is necessarily educated. But it is also a decision made so that the burden on the entire family is reduced. In a context of increasing prize inflation and increasing consumerism and in the local context of the relation between job market and education it need not be the case that the younger children continue the education even though the elder girl was asked to discontinue the education on the rationale that someone in the family might get education for sure. But Janaki’s decision to leave SRM and her life trajectory following also reveals the options to which a girl from the laboring poor section can explore in the contemporary Satyamangalam. After quitting the mill work she continued her higher secondary education and passed 12th standard. Amidst such circumstances she fell in love with a boy in the locality. Once she tried to elope with the boy and get married to be found and rebuked by her parents. It was in this context, to prove her familial loyalty Janaki has to take the decision to join the garment factory in Avinasi. After finishing her 12th standard and when after her plans to elope was botched, she was taken to work in the farm along with her parents. She ran away from the farm by afternoon on the same day she was taken to work unable to carry out the work. Her response to the backbreaking nature of the farmwork Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


rather than capturing the disinterest in manual labour under sun shows the options available in front of her. Soon she joined a garment factory in Avinasi. The reluctant submission to fate conceived through sacrifice for the family shown earlier in her own words again animates as she found herself not able to pursue higher education in college after passing 12th standard. 2.3. City Lights Girl In SRM there are also girls from other castes working in spinning mills hailing from localities around its location. But it is the case that none of the informants remembered any considerable presence of local non-Dalit labourers. Unlike most other regions of Tamil Nadu—especially southern Tamil Nadu— the class character and the associated work profile of Gounders and Naickers of Kongu region are relatively far higher for them to engage in any variant of bondedness in their work relationship. From my interviews though their presence in the mill was found certain it was also found negligible. Kanchana’s case fits as one of the major typologies that have evolved within the NGO discourse while also problematizing it. The image of a girl not necessarily forced to labour but taking to migration due to ‘city lights attraction’ is an often repeated image second only to the image of victim of poverty.1 It becomes imperative to consider both the concept and the phenomena to gain a better understanding. The general comment one hears from the activists and NGOs on one of the major attractant in drawing girls towards textile mill is the larger developmental discourse around the twin manufacturing centres of Tiruppur and Coimbatore in relation to the backwardness that characterizes the economy and rural life of the southern districts. The backwardness of southern districts had been the other side of the story of development in Tamil Nadu. The development model in Tamil Nadu was based mainly on the concentrated and specialized industrialization spreading in extent from Coimbatore at one end, the northwest and Chennai on the other, the northeast. The southern districts on the contrary are characterized more by low level of industrialization and rain fed agriculture. Thus the promise of budgetary allocations and resultant industrialization of the southern region 1

Similar usage with respect to migrant women’s labour is encountered by Aihwa Ong in her study on Malay Electronic factory labourers. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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is a routine and characteristic feature of the developmental model in the state.1 The image of Tiruppur-Coimbatore is one that parallels the images associated with other major centres of flexible production like Ciudad Juarez, Dhaka if not in notoriety but in its significance to the economy and employment opportunities. If it is not the land of prosperity it is certainly the region where one can find livelihood and ensure betterment of one’s life. But the picture and discourse around these cities that emerges is one that is highly gendered and male dominated. It does not explicate the role of gender and other social institutions embedded in the success of Tiruppur-Coimbatore textile and garment industry. In fact the focus on the role of feminisation in the flexible production which had been the focus of major studies on similar development models elsewhere has received only scant attention until recently (Neetha, 2002:2045). The success story of Tiruppur and Coimbatore had until recently been couched in terms of the success of the entrepreneurial rise of Gounders thus also producing a male dominated discourse. However to situate the role of gender in the flexible production could not be explained thoroughly without situating it in the evolving gendered geography of Tamil Nadu. What Coimbatore-Tiruppur holds for the women is not only conditioned by family but also what specific caste and region in their inter-relationship hold for men and women in the family and with respect to family. Thus one often comes across the narratives on girls who were attracted to the advertisements and prospects of jobs in the knitwear factories and spinning mills in the region. To specifically understand the role of ‘city lights’ with respect to spinning industry thus one also needs to understand the specific contents of the gendered discourse of Tiruppur as prevalent in the backward regions of Tamil Nadu. The knitwear industry is by far the largest industry that employees women in this region. Women almost account for more than half of the workforce accounting for the majority on the lower rungs of workplace hierarchy. Though largely constituted of unmarried women married women are also commonly found working alongside the unmarried. And due to its relative transperance it has been opened to, the industry is dependent less on 1

The following news provides an example of the recurring themes of backwardness and proposed development processes for the southern region of Tamil Nadu in the development processes. Available at http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tpnational/tp-tamilnadu/thrust-on-progress-of-southern-districts/article4536431.ece Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


conditions of child labour compared to the spinning mills. Also the comparatively higher remuneration and largely non-dormitory nature of the job also are factors that contribute to the success of garment industry in attracting young women and their families. Women working in garment factories interviewed in the study are found to earn comparatively higher wages than a common mill labourer. These women earn between 12002000 rupees per week depending on the availability of work. They are transported from regions within the radius of the industry falling under a travel time of two and a half hours by bus. But the ideational factors behind the migration are not only limited to the success story of Tiruppur. In the activist accounts, a large amount of stress is made on the exposure and the resultant expectations, desires and needs generated among the rural folk through the entrenchment of the mass media especially TV. The ‘glitter and glamour’ associated with modern life is expected to be realized through employment in the urban centres. But there is much more to the attractiveness of urban life, urban in the sense of the possibilities that urban life carries. Gender constructs of consumerism is attributed as playing a major role in girls’ choice of mill work. The role of age in determining the choices of the girls seems to be playing a very minor role in the activist accounts of Sumangali scheme labour. From the interviews, one however has to contend with the immense relevance of age considered the fact that most labourers are immediate dropouts from the secondary schooling. The idea of a safe environment and boarding where one can live amongst girls of one’s own age group is one that is highly attractive for girls who had to drop-out from schools for various reasons. The mills to a considerable extent replicate aspects of the environs of the school. But more pertinent are the magnified expectations arising out of exaggerated and in most cases false promises of the recruiters. Added to these factors is the role of consumerism. Thus in the interviews with the women the opportunity to visit the departmental stores and to visit once in a while locales of recreation dominate the positive attributes of the scheme labour opportunities which are unimaginable if they had stayed at home. Conclusion: The chapter set out to identify the major social characteristics of the labour force that gets formed in the textile industry in Satyamangalam block of Tamil Nadu. The larger NGO studies argue that the major portion of the Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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work force is comprised of dalits. However other actors like trade unions if not directly, but certainly argue that the workforce also consists of girls from most backward communities but certainly not more than dalits. There is an overwhelming consensus in the activist actors in the campaign against Sumangali scheme in Tamil Nadu that the largest section of labourers in spinning mills belong to dalit castes. However my study could not find any systemic and conscious approach from the industry to recruit dalits though there are accounts of such practices. Also the role of caste in the labour formation seems more to be impelled by considerations of economics and growing consumerism than considerations of custom based alliance between jobbers and dalit working population. The workforce is not recruited through any pre-existing ties between the employer, jobber and the labourer. Rather based on the interviews conducted among the labourers, it can be sufficiently inferred that along with jobbers labourers themselves are equally contributing to recruitment. This is different from the other neo-bondage instances prevalent in Tamil Nadu where labourers turn to jobber to achieve vertical mobility. However it cannot be completely denied that becoming recruiters do not being any benefits to the labourers. What are the effects of turning to recruitment for the labourers in the textile mill industry will be observed in the next chapter. With respect to major factors that motivate the families and the girls to take to the job the penetration of the social practice of dowry among the Satymangalam Arunthathiyars point to the fact that at least with respect to dalit households in this block, the dowry and associated marriage expenses does play the lead role. This phenomenon largely corroborates with the findings by other scholars engaged in anthropological study of dalit laboring sections and neo-bondage in Tamil Nadu pointing towards increased consumerism inflected by cultural institutions like dowry among dalit households. The study has also identified three major typologies with respect to the factors that contribute to the decision making by the families that send their girls to mills to earn based on the interviews among ex-labourers in Sumangali scheme at Satyamangalam are: (1) girls who are forced by families to join the mill for considerations generally due to poverty and lack of opportunities in the rural economy for women (2) girls who join the mills though for the same reasons cited in the earlier typology but in this case though not forced Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


by the family or kin but themselves consciously making ‘sacrifice’ for the family (3) girls who want to experience living away from family and make their own decisions. However these typologies should not be considered as rigid ones. In terms of the negotiation between the decision of the family and the agency of the girls it is very hard to draw clear demarcations. The negotiations however are conditioned by forces extraneous to the labourers. These include historical and socio-economic dynamics that are at work in Tamil Nadu. Also it should not be inferred that the typologies remain the same once the girls join the mills. The perceptions of the girls towards the mill often changes as she enters the mill and weighs her options depending on the actual working and living conditions in the mill over time. The promises and resultant expectations are belied for a large section of women working in the spinning mill. Even the women respondents who have had better experiences to share than most others are part and parcel of the story of deceit, exploitation and even deaths that dot the Sumangali labour scheme and the larger gendered space of north-west industrial region of Tamil Nadu. However simultaneously a small number of large mills that are directly connected to the global value chain and vertically integrated are implementing changes providing better working and living conditions under the influence of the NGO activism and brand retailers. It will be shown in the following chapters how social ideologies like familial piety itself are manipulated and employed in the ideological apparatuses of the production process with the interaction of industry, labourers and forces outside the industry. The chapters will also chart the effect of the discourse on itself and the industry. It will also be shown how women through the same discourse attempt to chart their own life often failing in such attempts. References:  Breman, J. (1996). Footloose Labour: Working in India’s Informal Economy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  Captured by Cotton: Exploited Dalit Girls produce Garments in Indiafor European and USMarkets. (2011). Amsterdam: SOMO & ICN.  Carswell, G & De Neve, G. 2013. Labouring for Global Markets: Conceptualising Labour Agency in Global Production Networks. Geoforum 44, 1: 62-70.  Chandavarkar, R. (2002). The origins of Industrial Capitalism in India: Business Strategies and the Working Classes in Bombay, Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


 

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1900-1940. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chari, S. 2004. Fraternal Capital: peasant-labourers, self-made men and globalization in provincial India. Stanford: Stanford University Press. De Neve, G. (1999). Asking for and giving baki: Neo-bondage, or the interplay of bondage and resistance in the Tamilnadu powerloom industry. In J.P. Parry, et.al, (Eds.) The Worlds of Indian Industrial Labour. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Diamond-Smith, N., Luke, N & McGarvey, S. (2008). ‘Too many girls, too much dowry’: son preference and daughter aversion in rural Tamil Nadu, India. Culture, Health & Sexuality, 10,7, 697-708. Flawed Fabrics: The abuse of girls and women workers in the South Indian textile industry. 2014. Amsterdam: SOMO & ICN. Guerin, I., Ponnarasu, Subramanian, Venkatasubramanian, Govindan, & Michiels, Sébastien. (2012). Ambiguities and Paradoxes of the Decent Work Deficit: Bonded Migrants in Tamil Nadu. Global Labour Journal, 3, 1, 118-142. Neetha, N. (2002). Flexible Production, Feminisation and Disorganisation: Evidence from Tiruppur Knitwear Industry. Economic and Political Weekly, 37, 21, 2045-2052. Ngai, P. (2005). Made in China: Women Factory Labourers in a Global Workplace. Durham, NC: Duke University Press. Pasangpa, P. (2001). Integration, Exploitation and Possibilities for Resistance: a case study of female textile factory labourers in Thailand. Phd Thesis. Albany: State University of New York. Report on the Advocacy Study on the Impact of Sumangali Scheme on the Adolescent Girls from Rural Tamil Nadu. 2011. Tirunelveli: Vaanmuhil. Vijayabaskar, M. (2014). Emerging spatio-technical regimes of accumulation in the globalizing south and implications for labour. In B. Harriss-White & J. Heyer (eds.). Indian Capitalism in Development (pp.136-152). Nerw York: Routledge. Viramma, Racine, J-L. & Racine, J. 1997. Viramma: Life of an Untouchable. London: Verso. •••••



DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL STABILITY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF ESTONIA AND INDIA, 1991-2015 Arun Kumar M. PhD. Scholar in Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies (CRCAS), School of International Studies (SIS), Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi-110067 Abstract The study intends to explore the relation between democracy and political stability in Estonia and India in a comparative perspective. Democracy and political stability are an indispensable aspect in both national as well as international politics. Political stability is a necessary pre-condition for nation-building. It plays an important role in strengthening social cohesion, integration and legitimacy within the state. Estonia was under Soviet occupation for nearly 50 years. India experienced the colonial rule of the British Empire for more than 200 years. After becoming independent the consolidation of a democratic political system and governance, providing constitutional guarantees of freedom, equality, justice, rights and ensure well being of citizens’ are the nation building priorities in both post-Soviet Estonia and post-colonial India. Estonia’s democracy has now crossed two and half decades, but lacking in content. India has established a full democracy in the past more than six decades of its existence showing political stability. Hence, comparing these two democracies help to understand the factors enabling political stability.

Introduction The ideas of democracy in Estonia and India date back to the early years when the nationalist successfully appropriated liberal democratic principles from the west and infused them into the political context. Estonia and India faced several new challenges such as political instability, economic decline and chaotic social situation before emerging as a democratic sovereign state. In order to recover from the various kinds of instability, the democratic system has been adopted. As a result Estonia and India have been undergoing multidimensional transition. Institutional restructuring, democratization of political system and market-oriented economic reforms have assumed key roles in this process. The democracy and political stability in Estonia and India can be traced through various factors like constitution, political party, party system, electoral system and electoral laws, institutional structure, regime stability, stable government and administration, economic development etc. On the other hand frequent changes of the political system, the irregular transfer of leadership, internal Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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war, violent political riots and consequent instability of the governments has led to political instability. The post independent Estonia and India have undergone multiple transitions in the form of economic, political, cultural and societal. In 1991 Estonia and India transformed from a socialist state to a capitalist state. A major transformation came about on the economic policy front leading to liberalization, privatization and globalization. On the political front institutional structures such as constitution, president, parliament and political parties which are necessary for stable democracy were established. A multi-party system was developed in Estonia after independence. In India the post-independence period can be divided into the 'one-dominantparty system' period (1952-77 and 1980-1991) and its transformation into a multi-party system (1977-98). Since independence numerous political parties were formed in Estonia and India. They provide stability by participating in government formation. The aspects of political stability in Estonia and India are institutionalized party system in which there is notable stability and regularity manifested in inter-party competition, parties have strong roots in society, they enjoy a relatively high level of legitimacy among political actors and voters, party organisations are quite strong and independent, fragmentation of party system and coalition building etc. Both in Estonia and India political parties and party system act as a link between people and government. The political stability in Estonia and India is also maintained by strengthening democracy through the electoral system and electoral laws. Estonian and Indian political parties function within the framework of the electoral system and electoral laws. The Estonian electoral system is established on the national proportionality rule, with a combination of simple quota and a modified d’Hondt method (proportional representation by means of the single transferable ballot system). The electoral system of India is a single member district, simple plurality system (first past the post system). The electoral laws of Estonia and India indicate that the citizen who has attained the eighteen years of age has the right to vote. Since Independence Estonia and India had a regular election. Estonia had six parliamentary elections (1992, 1995, 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011), five presidential elections (1992, 1996, 2001, 2006, and 2011) and European Union parliamentary elections (2004, 2009 and 2014). India had sixteen parliamentary elections, fourteen presidential elections and various state assembly elections. Since 1991 both in Estonia and India coalition Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


governments have come to power. In the case of Estonia fragmentation and lack of institutionalization, public trust deficit contributed to political stability. But in the case of India the political institutionalization and public trust in government institutions are high despite having huge diversity in society. The study is thematically organized in terms of theoretical approaches, the evolution of democracy and institutional functionality, and the structural indicators of political stability in Estonia and India. Democracy and Political Stability: Theoretical Approaches For the better understanding of the research problem the concept of democracy and political stability is defined. The concept of democracy is defined borrowing Sartori and Vanhanen’s definition, as a set of institutions that together result in democratic government (a procedural or descriptive definition) and as the set of ideals or principles that guide the procedures of a given state (a normative or prescriptive definition). The former focuses on empirically observable public institutions and practices, where the later looks more to the spirit or values that guide them. The term political stability is the extent of effectiveness in maintaining endurance of the political system, the viability of the political regime and durability of its government. Paldam defines political stability as a stable government, stable political system, internal law and order, and external stability. The concept of democracy and political stability and its practice in different countries can be traced through various literary contributions in the context of national and international politics. The western political thought starting from the ancient era to contemporary times has empirical views on democracy and political stability. Plato’s aristocracy, Aristotle’s best possible state, Thomas Hobbes discussions in Leviathan, Rousseau’s egalitarianism, Marx and Engels’s analysis of class struggle are concerned about political stability. In the realm of international relations theory prominent schools of thought such as realism, idealism, liberalism, neoliberalism, neo-conservatism and constructivism have dealt with the stability of the international political system. Hansen (1989) argues democracy as a set of political institutions in which power, directly or indirectly rests with the whole of the people. Similarly Vanhanen (1984) described democracy as a political system in which power is widely circulated among its members and in which the status of power holders is based on the consent of the people (Vanhanen 1984: 9Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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11). Ostrom (1997: 49) put forward a question stating democracy cannot be interpreted by referring exclusively to the concept of force. The power as the focus of inquiry is not coherent with the characteristics of democracy, by studying only power relationships one might conclude and afford an unsatisfactory conceptual language in the subject area of popular societies. Laswell (1950) emphasized that a democratic government is merely a necessary but not a sufficient precondition for democracy. He characterized the democratic scheme of governance by self-responsibility, voluntarization, wide distribution and sharing of authority, impartiality, challengeability and equilibrating tendencies (Laswell 1950: 238). Robert Dahl (1971) distinguished two different dimensions of democracy, those of public contestation or competition and of participation or inclusiveness; these are assessed according to eight separate institutional guarantees or indices. Later writers like Bollen (1980, 1991), Gastil (1991), and Hadenius (1992) have developed and consolidated these indices distinguishing in turn between the electoral process, its effectiveness and inclusiveness on the one hand and the protection of civil or political liberties on the other. Beetham (1994) broadens the dimensions beyond those of the electoral procedure and civil rights or liberties to include clear and accountable government and aspects of civil or democratic society. He further suggests, making the indices of political equality more stringent by examining the level of effective rather than merely formal equality of political rights and opportunities (Beetham 1994: 2) On the stability discourse Sengupta (2004) indicates that the matter of stability has not taken a striking space in the public discussion. Recently there has been an increasing interest in the subject among politicians, media and administrators in large democracies like India and elsewhere (Sengupta 2004: 5101). On stability Hurwitz (1973) argues that all things as various individuals attempt to measure the degree or amount of "political stability" present in their particular universe. He further enumerates political stability as the absence of violence, the governmental longevity/duration, the existence of a legitimate constitutional regime, the absence of structural change, a multifaceted societal attribute (Hurwitz 1973: 449). Similarly Pirages (1980) indicates that political stability include absence of domestic dispute and violence which can be manipulated by either consensual (consent application) or autocratic (coercion application) means, that is the "existence of legitimacy of the constitutional order and stability as a multifaceted societal attribute" (Pirages 1980: 433). Sengupta (2004) Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


further argues that political stability viewed in terms of governmental durability in power is one of many conditions of stability in the political arrangement. Sharma (1989) elaborate stability as in politics refers to a situation of endurance of a political system. In a broader sense it refers to the system’s capacity to survive intact and depends on capacity to deal effectively with the problems confronting it and to adjust flexibly to changing circumstances. In a multifaceted societal attribute, it is the absence of several negative indicators like revolution, violence, political movements opposed to the existing system and the presence of several positive indicators like governmental longevity, constitutional continuity, effective decision making and positive systematic acceptance and support (Sharma 1989: 7-21). On the other hand Margolis (2010: 326) argues with a different perspective on political stability. Political stability focuses on the state, though the state is only one example of a political object. Political stability is more than state stability. He states the absence of violence approach is intuitive and simple; it reduces the stability to violence, making the approach less a definition than an analogy. It provides little clarity instead exchanging one complex concept for another. Democracy, political stability and economic growth are all reciprocally related. Democracy provides a stable political environment which reduces unconstitutional government change; along with regime stability, democracy offers flexibility and the opportunity for major government change within the political system (Feng 1997: 392). Both democracy and political stability are two sides of the same coin, without democracy, it is difficult to maintain political stability and without political stability, it is difficult for a democratic state to function efficiently. Evolution of Democracy and Institutional Functionality in Estonia and India Keohane (1989: 3) defined institutions as persistent and connected sets of rules that prescribe behavioural role, constrain activities and shape expectations. On the other hand (Safferling 2102: 124) argues institutional functionality refers to the internal layout of the interaction and communication of the democratic institutions. There are several participants in the process, each of which has its own role according to which powers and competences are crafted. On the emergence of democracy Silver and Titma (1996) states, democracy emerged in Estonia Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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when the country was in transition towards independence. The political mobilization in Estonia since the onset of perestroika created a population that had experienced a wide variety of democratic participation (Silver and Titma 1996: 3). In support of Silvers’ argument Dowley and Uuekula (1996) indicates that these mass demonstrations, open meetings and political strikes were far different from the mobilized participation (Dowley and Uuekula 1996: 47). In order to provide an understanding on the emergence of democracy Kavlekar (1987: 81) brings forth the argument, democracy implies rule by the people, their consent being obtained through debates, discussions, elections and majority decisions by representative bodies. India is one of the rare exceptions among developing nations in having fostered and sustained a multi-party democracy since independence. On the other hand Ganguly et al. (eds.) (2007) argue the emergence and persistence of Indian democracy are theoretical and historical anomalies. Early theorists of democracy argued that this form of government not only required but was generated by certain social and economic requisites- none of which India possessed. Sartori (1994), Mainwaring and Scully (1995), and Merkel (1996) works serve as an important contribution to democratic systems and institutional context. They reason that democratic systems are founded on institutional settings. Among these arrangements the ones linked to the type of executive, legislative assembly, political parties, constitution and electoral system have realized an increasing measure of popularity. The combined effects and concomitants of these institutions have influenced the overall performance and stability of democracies worldwide. Ganguly et al. (eds.) (2007) describe Indian democracy has a success through its institutional arrangements. It delivers a vigorous free press, robust political parties, a working judiciary and an apolitical military. Similarly Adams (2011) explains, in the Indian parliamentary democracy, its executive system is based on the system of popular elected government headed by the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister at the centre along with the respective council of ministers wields real executive power (Adams 2011: 238). The Estonian constitution has given rise to a functioning set of democratic institutions in the contour of a freely elected Riigikogu, an executive branch with the powers clearly defined and restrained by law and an independent judiciary (Smith 2001: 66). Similarly Spilling (2010) Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


elaborates that Estonia’s current political system dates back from 1992 when a new constitution was adopted following a referendum, which provided for a parliament (Riigikogu) and a presidency with limited powers (Spilling 2010: 29). Estonia presents the characteristics of a democracy with stable institutions guaranteeing the rule of law, human rights and respect and protection of minorities (Pettai 2003: 75). Sartori (1976: 39) indicates that a party system is precisely the system of interactions resulting from inter-party competition. Lewis (2000: 123) further enumerates that party systems can be separated by four main precepts, the ideologies of the parties; the extent to which parties penetrate society; the standard of parties towards the authenticity of the government; and the number of parties in the arrangement. The argument of Spilling (2010) elaborates that since independence Estonia has embraced a multiparty parliamentary style democracy that has relied heavily on coalitions to form governments. From 1991 there have been frequent changes of government and various realignments of the government coalition. Despite this apparent political instability, the government has remained politically and economically consistent (Spilling 2010: 32). Despite numerous changes in governments, Estonian did not repeat the inter-war pattern of a rapid succession of weak government. It embarked on a prolonged process of party consolidation and democratic institution building (Tamm 2013: 5). According to Cheema (2005) free, fair and regular elections constitute one pillar of democratic governance. Such elections confer and maintain political legitimacy because they reflect popular participation and choice in the political process. They are an important beginning step in crafting government of, by and for the people (Cheema 2005: 25). A new electoral law of 1992 in Estonia introduced an electoral system with three tiers electoral committees: the National Electoral Committee of the Republic of Estonia; territorial committees and the polling division committees. The Riigikogu formed the National Electoral Committee on the proposals of councils of counties and major cities. This law introduced proportional electoral rules under a Single Transferable Vote system (PRSTV) (Nunez 2011: 2; Taagepera 2007: 330). The conduct of elections in India after independence became the duty of the Election Commission. It was in 1950 that the Election Commission of India was set up as a constitutional body and entrusted with the task of superintendence, direction and control of all national and state level elections (Katju 2006: 1635). The Election Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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Commission of India has considerable autonomy of action as it derives its authority directly from the Constitution (Singh 2004: 10). Political Stability in Estonia and India: Structural Indicators Political stability in India and Estonia can be traced out through various factors like the longevity of the regime, election density ratio (EDR), an increase in the number of parties, strength of ruling party, index of democratization, stable political parties, party system, electoral system, government formation etc. Apart from these stability and fragmentation of party system are considered as vital. Saarts (2011: 88) enumerates the various indicators used by different authors (Bakke and Sitter, 2005; Horowitz and Browne, 2005; Lewis, 2006; Meleshevich, 2007; Rose and Munro, 2009; Tavits, 2005, 2007, 2008) to measure the stability of party systems i.e. electoral volatility, the number of effective parties, the proportion of votes taken by parliamentary parties presented on more than one occasion in the legislatures, the number of new parties represented in the parliament and their average yield of votes in elections, party vote share concentration index, changes in the patterns of bloc competition and dynamics of government–opposition relationships, etc. Further Bartolini and Mair (1990) states that the most widely used measure for party system stability has been electoral volatility. The fragmentation of the party system is measured through the use of statistical indices like the effective number of electoral or parliamentary parties (ENEP/ENPP), to classify the party systems according to the strength and numbers of parties and study the patterns of party competition like did Blondel (1969) and Sartori (1976), or to combine both approaches. However, the effective number of electoral parties (ENEP) is often regarded to be a major parameter for measuring the fragmentation of the party system (Bielasiak, 2002; Lane and Ersson, 1999, 2007; Rose and Munro, 2009; Toka and Henjak, 2005). Chibber and Nooruddin (1999: 46) argue party fragmentation too; in India's single member simple plurality (or first past the post) electoral system is not driven by increased turnout but the degree of competition between the top two parties in a constituency. While analyzing political stability the question of how strongly parties and party system are rooted in society is often considered to be essential. Mainwaring and Torcal (2006) proposed using ideological voting as a major indicator. Kitschelt (1995), Toka (1998) and Whitefield (2002) stressed the importance of well-manifested cleavage constellations in Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


society. In Estonia, ethnic cleavage mixed with a communist/anticommunist cleavage has been a fundamental divide in the party competition; socioeconomic cleavage has played a secondary purpose or has been melded with the latter-mentioned dominant cleavages. In the 1990s, an urban rural cleavage was also quite pronounced, but during late years it has lost its reason. Clerical/anticlerical cleavage has played absolutely a marginal role in Estonia, because Estonian society is regarded to be one of the most secular in Europe (Saarts 2011: 96). India's multiparty system also exhibits the effects of multiple cleavages. According to Rose and Munro (2003), van Biezen (2003, 2005) voter turnout, electoral volatility and party membership are considered to be very informative indicators as well. Sottilotta (2013) indicates that a broad operational definition of political stability should take concepts and indicators into account such as human development (as measured by the UN Human Development Index); inequality (Gini index); political legitimacy (i.e. the more or less widespread support for the government, be it democratic or nondemocratic); constraints on regime responsiveness (i.e. the economic constraints that governments encounter in meeting the requests of their citizens as expressed, for instance, by the total stock of a country’s public debt); and regional/international integration (membership in international and regional organizations or the ratio of total foreign trade over GDP) (Sottilotta 2013: 3). On the other hand Lijphart (1968) believes that a stable country is characterized not only by a lack of negative indicators such as violence, revolutions, coups and political movements opposed to the political system as a whole but also by positive indicators in the form of continuity of the constitutional order, government longevity, active social support for the political system and the ability of the political system to make effective decisions which could penetrate the society (Lijphart 1968: 77). His approach to the study of political stability synthesizes elements from other approaches variously emphasizing civil strife, government longevity and basic structural changes. Conclusion Against the backdrop of the above discussion, a few theoretical and methodological gaps are found. Theoretically, the existing democratic studies are mainly focused on western experiences and the post-Soviet and post-colonial contexts in countries like Estonia and India have to be taken Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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further. Moreover, the studies on political stability are yet to consider the diverse debate among the democrats within national and international contexts. Methodologically most of the available studies focused on analyzing the democracy and political stability discourse in a given national context, having very limited references to transnational or global comparative aspects. Thus the interaction of democracy and political stability in Estonia and India are overlooked. The study is an under researched area. In the available body of literature addressing the question of democracy and political stability in Estonia and India is inadequate. Even though there are a seminal literary contribution to democracy and political stability in national and international politics. There is a substantial lack of academic engagements between democracy and political stability in the comparative context. This study will be contributing to the existing scholarly work in different socio-political aspects of Estonia and India. Empirically the proposed study has national and international implications and can reflect the national discourses in these countries. It can further define the relations between democracy and political stability within and out of these countries. Through this India and Estonia represent in global democratic discourses, but their political stability will be decisive in their relations with the rest of the world at large. The study examines the abstract conception of democratic ideals and principles historically embodied in the institutions of Estonia and India. The institutions developed from struggles have an exemplary significance for contemporary democracy. The emergence of democracy and the consolidation of its institutions such as a multi-party system, electoral system and government formation along with political stability factors in the post independent Estonia and India draw a significant academic interest. The specified time period from 1991-2015 is essential as it traces the emergence of new democracy and political stability in Estonia and consolidation of democracy along with political stability in India. The comparative analysis would be undertaken using a few purposive resources, mainly available in India and Estonia.



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Sartori, Giovanni (1976), Parties and Party Systems: A Framework for Analysis, New York and London: Cambridge University Press. Second Compliance Report on Estonia (2012), “Transparency of Party Funding”, GRECO: Strasbourg. Sengupta, Chandan (2003), “Political and Social Stability: Ideas, Paradoxes and Prospects”, Economic and Political Weekly, 39 (48): 5101-5105. Sharma, C. L. (2006), “State of Democracy in India”, The Indian Journal of Political Science, 67 (1): 9-20. Sikk, Allan (2006), “From Private Organizations to Democratic Infrastructure: Political Parties and the State in Estonia”, Journal of Communist Studies and Transition Politics, 22 (3): 341-361. Silver, Brian and Titma, Mikk (1996), “Estonia on the Eve of Independence: Overview of the Study”, International Journal of Sociology, 26 (1): 7-19. Singh and Singh (1950), “Role of Political Parties”, The Indian Journal of Political Science, 11 (2): 20-29. Smith, David (2001), Estonia: Independence and European Integration, London: Routledge. Sridharan, Kripa (2002), “Indian Politics in the 1990s: Trends and Transformations”, Asian Journal of Political Science, 10 (1): 55-76. Swamy, Arun (2003), “Consolidating Democracy by containing distribution: sandwich tactics in Indian political development, 1936–96”, India Review, 2 (2): 1-34. Taagepera, Rein (1991), “Building Democracy in Estonia”, Political Science and Politics, 24 (3): 478-481. Taagepera, Rein (1993), Estonia: Return to Independence, Colorado: Westview Press. Taagepera, Rein (1998), “How Electoral Systems matter for Democratization”, Democratization, 5 (3): 68-91. Thames, Frank (2007), “Discipline and Party Institutionalization in Post-Soviet Legislatures”, Party Politics, 13 (4): 456-477. Tummala, Krishna (2009), “Coalition Politics in India: 2004–2009”, Asian Journal of Political Science, 17 (3): 323-348. University of Essex database (2002), Political Transformation and the Electoral Process in Post-Communist Europe, [Online web], Accessed on 20 September 2012, URL: http://www2.essex.ac.uk/elect/database/indexCountry.asp?country=Estonia. Useem, Bert and Useem, Michael (1979), “Government Legitimacy and Political Stability”, Social Forces, 57 (3): 840-852. Webb, P. and White, S. (2007), Party Politics in New Democracies, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wright, Joseph (2008), “Political Competition and Democratic Stability in New Democracies”, British Journal of Political Science, 38 (2): 221-245.

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COMMUNIST REGIME IN CHINA: IDEOLOGICAL DEPARTURES FROM MAO ZEDONG TO DENG XIAOPING Chandra Sen On October 1, 1949, the People’s Republic of China was formally established. In the words of Chairman Mao, “Chinese people have stood up”. The Soviet Union (USSR) recognized the People’s Republic on October 2, 1949. Earlier in the year, Mao had proclaimed his policy of “leaning to one side” as a commitment to the socialist bloc. The period of officially designated “transition to socialism” corresponded to China's First Five-Year Plan (1953-57). The period was characterized by efforts to achieve industrialization, collectivization of agriculture, and political centralization. Chinese Communist Party took the lead in the liberation as well as in the reconstruction of Chinese society and state. Elections were held in 1953 for delegates to the First National People’s Congress, China’s national legislature, which met in 1954. The congress promulgated the state constitution of 1954 and formally elected Mao chairman (or president) of the People’s Republic; it elected Liu Shaoqi (1898-1969) chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress; and named Zhou Enlai premier of the new State Council Deng transformed agriculture first and then took on the industrial sector. He opened up the latter to foreign capital while making room for the growth of village and local enterprises. Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and now Xi Jinping have continued to follow Deng’s principles, but with some adjustments. China has already become the second largest economy after USA in 2010. Now, they are hoping to catch up with American in coming decades. No doubt, the credit goes to Chairman Mao and his comrades to build up the base for Chinese overall development. But after his demise new leadership emerged who abandoned the idea of class struggle. The Deng Regime is known for the opening up for its economy. He launched developmental agenda in Chinese characteristics.



This piece would explore the various ideological debates starting from the reform of PRC (1978). At the same time it will see the necessary conditions which shaped the logic of the transition from Mao regime. Moreover, it would also be dealing with the ideological differences between the two great leaders, Mao and Deng, which underpinned the various policies, and reforms leading to the events of 1989 at Tiananmen. One necessarily begins with the question as to why there was a decisive move away from the GPCR (Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution) after the death of Mao in 1976? Moreover, the issue of the limitations of the Maoist regime and how they had contributed to the ideological shift cannot be ignored. The most crucial question is how Deng and his supporters could justify this sharp departure while maintaining their adherence to MarxismLeninism and Mao-Zedong’s thought. Thirdly, what was the impact of this departure from Maoist policies on Chinese society? Mao, who upheld “continuous revolution” and accorded top priority to the task of ousting the capitalist roaders from the CCP, launched the GPCR in late1965 to 1976. In fact he had once stated that China could not have done without the Cultural Revolution. “After the democratic revolution the workers and the poor and lower-middle peasants did not stand still, they want revolution. On the other hand, a number of Party members do not want to go forward; some have moved backward and opposed the revolution. Why? Because they have become high officials and want to protect the interests of the high officials.” “Will there be a need for revolution a hundred years from now? Will there still be a need for revolution a thousand years from now? There is always need for revolution. There are always sections of the people who feel themselves oppressed; junior officials, students, workers, peasants and soldiers don’t like big shots oppressing them. That’s why they want a revolution. Will contradictions no longer be seen ten thousand years from now? Why not? They will still be seen” (Peking, 1976: 6-10).

These lines underscore the ideological justification of ‘class struggle’ under the leadership of the proletariat. Moreover, Mao's call for 'bombarding of the headquarters’ (Mao, 1966:00) and the turmoil that was initiated during the GPCR saw the purging of the suspected capitalists and the revisionists by the Red Guards but the top leaderships of CCP was ousted, including Deng Xiaoping and his supporters. The logic given by Mao for that was ‘the people and only people alone are the motive force in the making of world history’. Utsa Patnaik has argued that due to land reforms, Maoist policy made a Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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strong base for capital accumulation for further development According to her, “Despite all the hyperboles and encomiums, as well as the criticisms and the anathematisation of egalitarianism, the real and rational content of Mao Zedong's contribution to the economic and social development of new China continues to be insufficiently appreciated by economists; in particular it is argued that there was an important element of innovation in the Maoist strategy of reaping the full advantages of surplus labour in rural areas, on a scale hitherto never attempted, and that this was a major component of the sharp rise in the rate of capital formation in the economy as a whole without any undue restriction of the rate of rise of mass consumption” (Patnaik, 1998: 5

But after the death of Mao in 1976 and the end of the Cultural Revolution, things had taken a different turn. The long ten years of chaotic upheaval of the Cultural Revolution and the absence of Mao brought forth new material conditions bringing China to a different stage. The Gang of Four was termed as the main culprit of the Cultural Revolution, they were arrested, put on trial and expelled from the party and jailed. The third plenum of 1978 of the 13th CCP became the main turning point in the history of the PRC as well as for the international communist movement. In this plenum, Deng Xiaoping emerged as the main leader of the CCP, who brought about an ideological shift from Maoism. In the third plenum of 1978, ‘class struggle as the key link’ that had been endorsed by Mao, was discredited. As John Gardner in his work, Chinese Politics and the Succession to Mao put it seeking truth from facts prevailed over the ‘Two Whatevers’(Sun, 1995: 138). On March 5 (1978) the National People’s Congress adopted a new State Constitution to replace that of 1975. In its Preamble, it reaffirmed the commitment to the 'Four Modernizations’ and claimed that China had now become a ‘socialist country with the beginnings of prosperity' (As quoted in Gardner, 1982: 129). ‘Deng’s Four Modernizations would transform China into “a modern and powerful socialist state.” As he put it, “Pauperism is not socialism, still less communism.” These lines not only indicate that he is taking an entirely different approach to ‘socialism’, but also posing an ideological challenge to the egalitarian policies of Maoist regime (Deng, 1994, 40, 73, 250.) On December 13, 1978 Deng gave a speech titled, ‘Emancipate the Mind, Seek Truth from Facts and Unite as One in Looking to the Future’, at the closing session of the Central Working Conference which was the Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


preparatory meeting for the ‘Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party’ that immediately followed. In essence, this speech served as the keynote address for the Third Plenary Session (Deng, 1984:151) “When it comes to emancipating our minds, using our heads, seeking truth from facts and uniting as one in looking to the future, the primary task is to emancipate our minds. Only then we, guided as we should be by Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong thought, find correct solutions to the emerging as well as inherited problems, fruitfully reform those aspects of the relations of production and of the superstructure that do not correspond with the rapid development of productive forces, and chart the specific course and formulate the specific policies, methods and measures needed to achieve the four modernizations under our actual conditions” (Deng, 1978: 152)

He further stated that ‘our drive for the ‘four modernization’ will get nowhere unless rigid thinking is broken down and the minds of cadres and of the masses are completely emancipated’ (Ibid, 154), After the death of Mao, there were many significant debates that got underway, some of which are of immense significance for the future development of Socialism in China and in world politics as well. These debates emerge from the following formulations which were part of the speech that Deng Xiaoping made at the Third Plenum: ‘Gang of Four as ‘Pseudo Left’ or ‘Genuine Right’, ‘seeking truth from facts’, ‘practice is the sole criterion of truth’, ‘act according to objective laws’, ‘the four modernizations (agriculture, industry, science and technology and the military)’, ‘the emancipation of minds’, and ‘reward systems’. These debates have done two jobs. First, they tried to....legitimacy to the...Mao leadership by projecting it as the true followers of Marxism – Leninism Mao’s thought in the changing context and circumstances. Secondly, they have facilitated market reforms. The main objective of Deng's speech at this ‘historic’ plenum was to reinterpret Marxism and Maoism to hasten his reform and modernization agenda. Moreover, Deng advocated that the development of ‘productive forces’ needed to go into the next stage of capitalism, which Marx has discussed in the context of historical materialism. Deng, while deviating from the Maoist Policy, upheld, what he termed the 'four Cardinal Principles’ (Socialist road, People’s Democratic Dictatorship, The Party's Leadership, MarxismLeninism and Mao Zedong's thought), and sought to project his adherence to the principles of Marxism-Leninism. He advocated material incentives, Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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private ownership of production and the development of productive forces, where "true socialism” can be established after mature capitalism has taken root in the PRC. In support of his ‘Open Poor’ policies, Deng argued that, ‘the world is changing every day, new things are constantly emerging and new problem continually arising. We can’t afford to lock our doors, refuse to use our brains and remain forever backward (Deng, 1984: 143). The crucial question in his view was, what had in fact been the benefit to the people? It was necessary to’… make use of the favorable conditions we now enjoy to accelerate the growth of our people’s material and cultural life and broaden their outlook’ (Ibid) As noted by Janos Kornai in his work, The Road to Free Economy, “[S]ocialist reform, which is initiated in large part because of the inefficiencies of centrally organised economies, inevitably involves an effort to bring market forces to bear and a consequent de-emphasis of planning. Socialist theoreticians have expended much effort trying to find formulas for integrating planning and market, but without success”.

Ogden (1996), another scholar on China echoed the same sentiment that socialism, according to the Dengist understanding, “can only appeal to people with the basic goal of enriching the country and its people, not yet to the higher goals of social equality and the full development of the persons” (Ogden, 1996: 655) In a letter to the Central Committee of the CCP in 1978, Deng wrote about the interpretation of Mao Zedong Thought as a ‘Scientific Thought’. “Comrade Mao’s remarks on a given subject are correct under a particular time and condition, and are correct on the same subject under another time and condition. But his words on the same subject can differ in variance with time and condition, in emphasis, perspective and even in wording”. So it was not enough to understand Mao Zedong thought “from his individual sentence” but rather “from the entire system of Mao Zedong thought” (Dengest, 1978: 34-35).

In Deng’s perspective therefore, the ideological premise of the post-Mao reforms is not the abandonment but the rectification of socialism. It must be borne in mind that the change of leadership at the end of the Mao period was an intra-generational rather than inter-generational transition and no matter how socialism is defined, it has remained meaningful to the Chinese leadership. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


1.1. Establishment Economists’ and Administrators’ views on China’s Reform It is clear from the Deng’s position on reform and adherence to the ‘Four Cardinal Principles (Deng, 1979: 166) while maintaining the supremacy of the Communist Party, that the then leadership was focused on gradual economic reform, while maintaining the political strictures. There would have been a number of reasons for it, but the emphasis on stability, both as a condition and consequence of high economic growth would appear to be the prime cause. The fear of the Great Leap Forward and chaotic conditions and memories of the Cultural Revolution are clearly equally important factors that prompted Deng and the CCP to accord primacy to economics over politics. The rising tide of economic reforms after Deng came into power launched numerous debates among Chinese economists, intellectuals and administrators. These debates can be studied in two ways: first, as the main supporters and proponents of Deng’s economic reform, these sections provided the necessary logical and ideological support base for the new regime: and secondly, they sought to provide the justification or rationale for the ongoing economic reform. Each of these sections, in their writings and work, addresses some aspect of the current economic reform – their discussion here is based on their contribution to an understanding of the problems facing the Chinese economy and the proposed antidotes to solving China’s ill. They first raised some basic questions such as why China needed reform and what are the possible and best alternatives ahead for the new Chinese leadership. Most importantly, what was the exact nature of the problem faced by China? This is well compiled in the book, Economic Reform in the PRC: In which China's Economists Make Known What went Wrong, Why, and What should be Done about it? (Wang ed.1982). The basic objective of the book is to understand the nature and role of the communist regime, to elaborate on the complexities of Chinese society and rationalise the historical task of Chinese economic reform and modernization. With respect to their analysis and suggestions regarding the Chinese economic system, the following section would attempt to enumerate the problems identified by the contributors to this volume, since it very nearly approximates the official assessments. The significance of this publication lies in the fact that it was among the earliest attempts to rationalise and explain the reforms that were being considered and implemented. Hence we shall go into the arguments Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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made here in some detail. Secondly, these contributions are a striking example of the objectives of the early debates that were mentioned earlier. Xue Muqiao, vice-Minister of the State Planning Commission, provides a realistic assessment of the achievements and failure of the Chinese economy over the past three decades. He blames the Maoist policies of over centralization and collectivization for the plight of the peasantry and disenchantment of the entrepreneurial class with the commune system that led to the stagnancy in the Chinese economy which was flourishing as a result of the First Five Year Plan. Although asserting the continuing necessity of planning for economic development, he contends that the implementation of any plans should rely more on the proper role and use of the marketplace, and pricing and fiscal policies, than on administrative decree. Xue was supportive of gradual reform and was convinced that once the reform was completed, the economy would regain its momentum. It is obvious that his logic is similar to Deng’s call for emphasising the development of productive forces and for a greater role for individualism than collective development. But some questions remain unresolved, such as the nature and type of complete reform, the range and extent of reforms required and the parameters of complete reform. Xue goes on to suggest that, “In reforming our system of economic management, we may draw on the experience of the other socialist countries, but we should proceed from our actual conditions aren't mechanically imitating what is done elsewhere” (Ibid: 24). As regards the process of transformation, he said that … “the various organs of economic administration should act according to objective economic laws and develop more ways to achieve good economic management (Ibid, 37). He also, in this regards very much conscious to adopt the whole sole a western notion of laissez- fair attitude to the Chinese economy. The entire argument echoes with the terminology of ‘Socialism with Chinese Characteristics’ and ‘primary stage of socialism’1of Dengist discourse. 1

Dal Yannlan (1987), “The Central Committee of Communist Party passed the Resolution on Certain Questions in the history of party since the founding of the PRC. This document, for the first time, set forth the thesis that China is still in the preliminary stage of Socialism. After the socialist transformation of agriculture, handicrafts and capitalist industry and commerce completed in 1956, China became a Socialist Society-in its preliminary stage. This stage has not been passed in just a dozen or so years as was first thought. It seems that counting from now (1981, page 4) this preliminary socialist stage will last several decades and so will the policies appropriate to it". Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


Commenting on ‘China’s modernization and the prospects for its economy’, Xu Dixin put forward “the idea of Chinese style modernization which implies to modernize the country in light of the actual condition of the economy” (Xu, 1982: 44). According to him Mao's centralized, standard ownership hindered development of social productivity. So, the “Chinese style modernization is based on the socialist public ownership of the means of production” (Ibid, 46). He raises some very relevant questions such as; to what extent should economic activities be placed under state planning, and, how to reconcile economic planning with the market?. Dong Fureng, a member of Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS), dealt with the problems of optimizing levels of accumulation of capital, which will maximize rates of economic growth. Dong empirical study is useful but further studies are sorely needed to determine how much of the slowdown in economic growth was due to over accumulation and how much too unfavourable Chinese conditions and the international globalized economy. He Jianzhang, deputy director of economic research institute made a systemic treatment of the errors in China’s economic policies. Although his chapter is a contribution aims at improving China’s then existing price system, it falls short of specifying how to determine the value of the factors that go into a product. As long as the costs of production cannot be scientifically determined, it will be difficult to have any price system that will lead to an optimal allocation of scarce resources. The Examined ways of restructuring of the management of China’s economic system is by Liao Jili. He found the existing structure incompatible with the complexities of any modern operating economy. He traced it to the “over rigidity” and “lack of incentives”. Moreover, ‘all geographic regions are told to produce the same products with the inflexible state planning and the last defects that hampered the Chinese economy, according to him, was the economic structure which is 'based on an egalitarian wage scale’. He stated, how to run such economy, that 'one should integrate economic planning with the market...And of the broad masses and an enterprise should be free from rigid state control and be treated as an independent economic entity, which assumes the responsibility for profits and losses’. (Liao, 1982, P. 81) But the contribution of this chapter lies not so much in author’s analysis up-to date study of the current experiments in local enterprise self - management. The above logic of transfer of Chinese state controlled economy into market socialism lies in Deng’s speech at the opening ceremony of the Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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National Conference on the Science (18 March 1978). He stated that “it does not matter whether the cat is black or white as long as it catches mice” This statement was indeed made by Deng, and moreover made in the context of a crucial economic issue with explosive political connotations. It was said on July 1962 in the course of a speech in which he supported the experimental policy of contracting farmland to individual peasant households (Deng, 1965: 305). It was a clear indication that Dengist regime was not only in the favour of unleashing the Chinese economic system to market forces but also to dismantle the structure of the Maoist economic system through ‘Four Modernization’ . In the critiques from Chinese intellectuals and sometimes the party members themselves encompasses a wide range of themes from the ideology and nature of the Party and state, the identification of the party with the state, and communist methods, objectives, goals, entire systems of communist control, monopolization of power and position, methods of socialism and its benefits. Invariably, the strong point was that a western origin philosophy i.e. Marxism and Leninism could not be accepted as an infallible guide for China.

1.2. Political Transformation The political transformation that was brought about after Mao’s passing was both extensive and far reaching. These have been the subject of numerous studies such as, Harding, Baum, Teiwes, Chussodovsky, and Fewsmith. Since the end of the Cultural Revolution, Mao’s health deteriorated and by various accounts, he preferred Hua Guofeng as his successor stating that, ‘With you in charge, I am at ease’. Hua was appointed as Premier and Chairman of the Communist Party and Deng became his vice-Premier and PLA Chief Staff in 1977. Chen Yonggui, a loyal follower of Mao, on 20 December 1976 delivered a report at the second National Conference went on to sing Hua’s praises thus: ‘Comrade Hua Guofeng is loyal to the party and selfless, open and above-broad, modest and prudent, democratic in his style of work, unassuming and approachable and good at uniting with comrades to work together. He has the ability to lead the whole party and command the whole army and is an outstanding Marxist leader. The whole party, the whole army and the people of all nationalities throughout the Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


country take tremendous pride in once again a wise leader of their own’ (Gardner, 1977: 31). Deng was not more experienced than Hua but also an intellectual superior to him. His supporters were everywhere from his constituency to the military generals (Xu Shiyou and Wei Guoqing) to the senior party members. ‘From October 1976 to July 1977 there was a lengthy debate and struggle, not so much over the question of whether Deng should be rehabilitated but, rather, when this should take place and how far it should go’ (Gardner, 1982: 124). Criticism of Deng ceased and there was split noticed between the ‘moderate Maoists’, who backed Premier Hua Guofeng, and ‘Rightist’ supporters of Deng between 1977 to 1978 (Chossudovsky, 1986: 10). Hua Guofengn political power and influences was ended with events surrounding the central committee workforce and plenary and the big character poster campaign of late 1978 on a Beijing Xidan democracy wall, which criticized Mao and denounced Hua’s handling of the Tiananmen demonstrations of April 1976 (Chossudovsky, 1981, 12). “Ultimately and, it would appear, with considerable reluctance, Hua gave way. In March 1977 he addressed a Central Work Conference in Beijing when he said that Deng had nothing to do with the Tiananmen incident, that he had both achievements and mistakes on his record during the period when he was in charge in 1975, and the Central Committee would give him an opportunity to work again. On 24 March Li Xiannian informed a distinguished British editor that Deng had served China well in the past and still had 'much to give the country” (Ibid, 124-125). At the 5th NPC in June 1979, many of the “capitalists roaders” had not only been rehabilitated but also appointed to positions of power in the party and state organizations in which Peng Zheng, Chen Yun, and Yao Yilin got the major power. In February of the following year, Liu Shaoqi, (capitalist roader, who died in prison during the Cultural Revolution) was rehabilitated and four leaders of the ‘Whatever factions of moderate Maoist were ousted from the Central Committee Politburo1. 1

Gang of Four leaders were- Jiang Qing, Wang Hongwan, Zhang Qunqian and Yao Wenyuan. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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‘From late 1978, the conditions were more ripe for the further consolidation of the ‘bourgeoisie line’ in the party through the implementation of political purges and so called 'streamlining' of the party, state bureaucracy and PLA’. (Chossudovsky, 1986: 12) They also clamped down on the several of the more out-spoken, underground newspapers. Dissidents were arrested; demonstrations and big posters were banned. ‘In March 1979 the Communist party put a ban on all posters and publications considered to be ‘opposed to socialism and the leadership of the Chinese Communist party’ (Chossudosky, 1984: 12-13). Another political purge was done by establishing a new legal structure that legalised the political repression in 1979 by means of “counter revolutionary offences”. ‘When 5th Plenum met in Beijing, from 23 to 29 February 1980, the power of the ‘reformers’ grew still further. In particular, the post of General Secretary (which had been in abeyance since the start of CR) was revived, and Hu Yaobang was appointed’ (Gardner, 1982: 174175). The second phase of the purges started in 1982. This phase developed different methods of consolidating state and party structures by undermining and breaking-up the complex networks of potential political opposition within the state party bureaucracy. Hence, organizational trimming, reshuffling, restructuring, demotion/promotion, cutting back off the staff, the streamlining policy gave the way to Deng's regime of individuals firmly committed to the 'Rightist' line. At the theoretical and ideological level, Deng also used Marxism-Leninism against the erstwhile policies and ideologies of the Maoist regime. With the de - facto demise of Mao Zedong, the theoretical categories of Marxist thought are distorted, turned upside down and divorced from the realm of practical reality. Reference to Marx, Lenin and Mao are increasingly used to support the CCP’s new analytical categories. It is argued that, according to Marx, capitalism must precede socialism, therefore a policy of so called ‘limited restoration of capitalism reinforces the construction of socialism and uphold Marxism. These statements are put forth dogmatically by the party establishment without debate or critical assessment of their theoretical and practical implications’ (Chossudovsky, 1986: 20). Hence we can say that Dengist regime not only by redefining, reformulated ideology but also at the political level, through purges and legal structures, Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


sidelined the followers of Mao and made the ideology and polity as also the intellectuals to contribute in fulfilling its reform agendas. 1.3. Reform and the Tiananmen Incident (1989) Tiananmen Square has witnessed many revolutions, upheaval, declarations and become a symbol of protest from the people of China as well in the outside world. It is the same historic place, where Mao declared the Chinese liberation from imperialism and the establishment of PRC on October 1, 1949 and launched GPCR. The same site on May 4th 1989 witnessed the replaying of the historical legacy of radical movements against the establishment and culminated in the form of the imposition of Martial Law for the first time in the history PRC. The protest had been an ongoing striking feature of this is it, 4th may reminiscent of China’s revolutionary episodes as the 70th anniversary of the ‘Taiping’1 rebellion as its, and 40th anniversary of the establishment of the PRC, but also the revolutionary spirit of ‘French Revolution’s 200th anniversary. The underlying causes of the Tiananmen Square upheaval the first major protest since the launching of Deng’s economic reforms, and the subsequent debates, justifications and criticism, involves complex aspects and diverse angels which need to be explored. There are many concerns regarding the imposition of Martial Law and the military crackdown over the huge gathering of protestors at the site. The uproar in major Western countries which imposed sanctions on China on grounds of ‘violation of human rights’ by the Chinese government and for not giving the appropriate space for democracy, freedom of media and speech. The Chinese officials on the other hand, described it as ‘turmoil’ and the ‘conspiracy of a minority’ against the legitimacy of 'PRC', 'Communist Party’ and ‘socialist’ system. Both responses are reflective of ideological contradiction and is also problematic in its idealism and double standards. ‘Deng Xiaoping, Chairman of the Central Military Commission and other senior Chinese leaders in Beijing on June 9 met with major Commanders from the Martial enforcement troops in the capital, where in his address to 1

The Taiping Rebellion, (1850-1864) referred to as the Tai Ping Tian Guo in Chinese, Tai'Great', Ping - 'Peace', Tian-"Heaven', Guo-' Country or Kingdom', the 'Kingdom of Heavenly Peace', was one of the bloodiest civil wars in history between the Qing Dynasty and the Chinese 'Christian' rebels, led by Hong Xiuquan, who believed he was the younger brother of Jesus Christ, chosen by God to establish a heavenly kingdom upon earth and replace the corrupt Manchu Qing dynasty. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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the army commanders, Deng made his speech’, “This disturbance is independent of man’s will. A very small number of people first staged turmoil, which virtually developed into a counter-revolutionary rebellion. They are attempting to overthrow the Communist Party, to topple the socialist system and to subvert the People’s Republic of China to establish bourgeois republic”.....“The political line, principles and policies formulated at the 11th central committee of the Chinese Communist Party are correct”., “Adherence to the four cardinal principles, and adherence to policies of reform and opening to the outside world with the modernization construction as the central task of the Party are all correct and should be firmly carried forward. The basic political line and the basic policies and principles will ream in unchanged” (Wang, 1989: 4). The question that arises is, if they had been following the correct line taken in 11th Central Committee, then why was there such a huge uprising, if a minority was operating behind the scenes, then why did the ideologically, methodologically trained workers, peasants and more interestingly the intellectuals, come out in such tremendous support of strikers? Why was there such massive participation from people from different walks of life ignoring all their personal concerns and risks? It is not my objective to examine the events leading to the June 4 incidents in detail; however a brief account to contextualise the subsequent discourse would be an order. Initially the protestors have very limited demands, their concern and anger was basically directed at the rampant corruption and inflation. The new generation, after reform was needed more democratization, freedom of media and right to expression. May 20, 1989, the State Council declared an order to impose Martial Law in Beijing's main areas starting from 10 am, President Yang Shangkun said that to maintain social order in the capital, the authorities had no alternative but to transfer troops into the capital (Wang, 1989: 5). “Most people interviewed by the Beijing Review reporters think the action was neither necessary nor justified. They said there was no looting, arson or violence committed in the city and that the police and the people would have handled the things by themselves. It was illogical, they said, to Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


send so many troops to cope with few minor incidents. It's like using cannon to shoot a mosquito" one of them added. (Ibid, 6-7). On May 6, a petition bearing signatures of student from 24 of Beijing colleges and universities was handed to the government. The petition demanded state for talks with the recognition of their movement, and that those talks are broadcast, as well as for political reform, democracy and full retraction of April 26 people's daily editorial (Ibid, 8). After that, there were more supporters came who found their demands similar to the protests, included workers, farmers, businessmen, government functionaries and even non-military army officers. The imposition of martial law on May 20th, 1989 in Beijing at the Tiananmen Square incident brought new contradictions in Chinese Communist Party as well in the society of China. The imposition of Martial Law was justified by the whole Party and its leading members, in terms of curbing the ‘turmoil’ and reactionary forces in China who not only challenge the legitimacy of the Party but also pose a serious threat to the leadership of CCP and its long built socialist system. Premier, Li Peng and Deng Xiaoping termed it as a violation of the constitution, a political conspiracy by a minority under the guise of democracy, and predicted that they should succeed the reform and opening up to the outside world, democracy and legality and socialist modernization would all come to nothing. Restoring social stability to safeguard the life and property of the people, to protect public property, to ensure the normal functioning of central government departments and the Beijing municipal government, the CCP justified the crackdown on the student movement which was backed by all the social and political sections of the society. But the justifications given by the Chinese state are not entirely unconvincing but the Chinese intelligentsia and even some officials are highly critical of the state’s response to the peaceful protesters. The seriousness of the protests and its authenticity is evident in the official statement of CCP, acknowledging the demands of curbing rampant corruption, uncontrolled inflation, misuse of public offices, and tight control of media and free speech and expression.



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1.4. Assessment of Deng Xiaoping and His Policies The economic reform initiated by Deng Xiaoping and his supporters is unique in many senses. China of the 1980s was not Mao’s China; the 3rd plenum was a turning point in Chinese politics not only for the people of China but for the whole world. From this meeting the CCP not only abandoned the class struggle but also advocated the development of a mature capitalism to build socialism according to the Marxist doctrine. The development of productive forces instead of focusing on the state and public ownership of the means of production, through market incentives became the main guiding line of the Dengist regime. Assessing the Maoist social and economic egalitarian structure Selden and You in their work argued that it was not only at the political level but a comprehensive social structure was raised for more equal and just society. “Social welfare during Maoist Socialism had a broad connotation. It covered all structural arrangements" full employment, income equalization, controlled pricing, social security, benefits, medical services, housing and all sorts of subsidies, which aimed at building a moderate welfare and security for all populations and meeting the need for their material and spiritual well-being” (Selden and You, 1997: 1657). Deng explained that ‘the aim of the reform of China’s economic structure is to bring it in line with China's real need. Given China's present conditions, it was, moreover, necessary to open up to the outside world, to import advanced technology and management expertise and achieve modernization'. Moreover he emphasized that, 'It should be affirmed that the principle of “to each according to his work” should be upheld, while egalitarian thinking, characterized by the slogan, “eating from the same pot”, should be done away with. Egalitarianism is a serious obstacle to the implementation of the principle of “to each according to his work”. Deng has done two things simultaneously; one he redefined the Maoist notion of socialism and egalitarianism even as he undertook the structural and ideological transformation in its new form of policies while maintaining its linkages to classical Marxism. His aim was to give importance to economic development. One of Deng Xiaoping’s greatest accomplishments was to shift the focus of the Communist Party to Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


economic construction. But he redefined the notion of equity, moving it away from simple egalitarianism towards less politically constricting notions. He described the superiority of socialism in terms of avoiding polarization, achieving common prosperity and eliminating poverty. Each of these formulations allowed Deng to maintain a long-run commitment to broad-based income growth, while insisting that in the short run equity should be subordinate to economic construction (Deng, 1987: 124, 127, 178). ‘In a sense, Deng’s stress on economic construction can be seen as another sign of his lack of an affirmative vision of the good society. Economic development is a good thing, but, unusually for a political leader, Deng has never even hinted at his ideas about what kind of society ought to emerge as its product. Moreover his vision of society is quite contrast and opposite to that of Mao’s vision of egalitarianism and justice’. Mao talked about political, economic and social equality. ‘Through gradual developed a theory of economic viability and productivity in which he developed “dialectical moralism” as a perspective to Marxist “dialectic Marxism”, by stressing the role of ideology and morality in influencing people's thoughts and actions1. Li Xin stressed that, Mao’s welfare policy, despite certain shortcomings, created a relatively equal, sustainable, and self sufficient society with solid achievements in social welfare and especially in human development. Dengs, economic modernization is producing social contradiction leading to the decline of welfare service. The current development discourse is dismantling Mao’s welfare policy without establishing a new and more democratic conception of socialist political economy. This raised a serious question concerning the reformist strategy of Deng Xiaoping that would China’s economic system reform lead to capitalism? “The answer is an unequivocal no”. Many writers as also the Dengist regime have argued that 'the Chinese economic system will not end up as capitalist economy and system because it still adheres to the public ownership of the means of production as the national economy's foundation’. In spite of this the Chinese state upholds the principle of ‘to 1

The dialectical materialism is the scientific conception as explained by Marx while Mao instead of this, goes one step ahead and brought dialectical materialism to the Chinese nationalism and gradual developmentalism in Chinese Characteristics. Li Xin, 1999: P. 86-96. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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each according to his work’, developing a socialist planned economy different from the western capitalist commodity economy. Moreover, China's economy is following the tenets of Marxism that all reforms should be oriented to facilitate the development of the productive forces and do everything according to China’s need and situation (Deng, 1978: 78) Moreover Li Xin argues that, the reform ideology was theoretically supported by the “globalization thesis” meaning, China had no option but to join the globalization process. Marketization of socialism, ‘primary stage of socialism’ and ‘Middle class stability’ was another theory to justify the reform. Wang Jiye, (Head of State Planning Commission's Economic Research Institute) a staunch supporter of Dengist economic reform and socialist modernization of the Chinese economic system explained that its rationale was that the “state regulates the market, and the market guides the enterprises. As China has a huge population which is constantly rising, a surplus rural labor, ageing population, low productivity and uneven development and shortage of foreign exchange, so would aggravate the condition while expansion of markets and its improvement is insufficient. The expansion of market and reform is needed more to meet the challenges.

1.5. Deng’s Contribution In so far as Deng’s contribution is concerned, there is of course a major debate. Did he have any ideological underpinnings or was he just an administrator or practitioner or adviser to the reforms? Deng made an independent ideological case for his reforms. The ideology of delayed industrialization, building socialism with Chinese characteristics, transformation of Marxism-Leninism into an ideology of developmental nationalism something that was hitherto unprecedented. These were some of the policies which Chang upholds as the main theoretical contribution of Deng Xiaoping in China’s economic development transformation. However, references to Classical MarxismLeninism, building socialism with Chinese characteristics and nationalist developmentalism were to be found in Maoist policies also. Manoranjan Mohanty also echoed the above view and questioned how these shifts in economic and political strategies are different from those in the past. According to him ‘it has given, the new orientation, to the overall policy frame after the death of Mao’ (Mohanty, 1981: 36). Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


In conclusion, the reform strategy, oriented to the capitalist mode of development, and redefining socialism, according to the market logic as also the attack on the Maoist model of egalitarianism has raised two antagonistic classes in Chinese society. The unfulfilled promises of economic reform also had led to a sharp dividing line in the Chinese society. These unsatisfied sections of Chinese society rose up against the Dengist reform agenda and his policies fuelling the Tiananmen protest of 1989. Reference: Chossudovsky, Michel (1986), Towards Capitalist Restoration? Chinese Socialism after Mao, London : MacMillan Education Ltd. Deng Xiaoping (1978) “Emancipate the Mind………….” In SWDX, Volume II, Beijing: Foreign Language Press. Deng Xiaoping (1987), Fundamental Issues in Present-Day China (Speeches, 1985-1986), Beijing: Foreign Languages Press. Deng, Xiaoping (1984), Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping (Henceforth, SWDX), Three Volumes, Beijing: Foreign Language Press. Dittmer, Lowell (March, 1984), “Ideology and Organization in Post-Mao China”, Asian Survey, Vol. 24, No. 3 P. 349-369. Fewsmith, James (2008), China since Tiananmen: From Deng-Xiaoping to Hu Jintao, New York: Cambridge University Press. Gardner, John (1982), Chinese Politics and the Succession to Mao, London: The Macmillan Press Ltd. Gittings, John (2006), The Changing Face of China: From Mao to Market, New York: Oxford University Press. Kornai, Janos (1990), The Road to a Free Economy, New York: Norton. Kraus, Richard Curt (Nov. 1976), “The Limits of Maoist Egalitarianism”, University of California Press, Vol. 16, No. 11: P. 1081-1096. Mohanty, Manoranjan (1981), “Party, State and Modernization in PostMao China”, in V.P. Dutt, (ed), China: The Post-Mao View, New Delhi: Allied Pub. Ogden, S (1996), “Socialism Redefined”, The Review of Politics, Vol. 58, No. 3: P. 655. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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Patnaik, Utsa (1982), “The Economic Ideas of Mao Zedong: Agricultural Transformation” in Tan Chung (ed), Across the Himalayan Gap: An Indian Quest for Understanding China, Scio-Political Changes and Economic Development, New Delhi: Radiant Publishers. Riskin, Carl (1987), China’s Political Economy: The Quest for Development since 1949, New York: Oxford University Press. Schram, R. Stuart (1989), The Thought of Mao Zedong, New York: Cambridge University Press. Schurmann, Franz (1968), Ideology and Organization in Communist China, London: Cambridge University Press. Selden, M, You L. (1997), “The Reform of Social Welfare in China”, World Development, Vol. 25, No. 10: P. 1657-1668. Yan Sun (1995), The Chinese Reassessment of Socialism, 1976-1992, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. Xu, Dixin (1982), Opening Speech at the Symposium on the Theory of Overall Balance of the National Economy, Chinese Economic Studies, page: 19-29. Published online: 18 Dec 2014. Editorial Departments of “Renmin Ribao,” , “The Great Cultural Revolution Will Shine For Ever” printed in Hongqi and Jiefangjun Bao (May 21, 1976) This article was accessed from Peking Review, Vol. 19, No. 21: pp. 6-10. Selected works of Mao Zedong https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selectedworks/index.htm

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THE RIGHTS GUARANTEED TO ACCUSED UNDER INDIAN LAW Dr. Prem prakash Yadav Lecturer in Law Hans Law College Kotputli, Jaipur.

Dr. Rajesh Kumar Verma Lecturer in Law Shri Bhawani Niketan Law College, Jaipur.

Abstract A society cannot be recognized as a civilized society unless it treats the prisoners with sympathy and affection. This treatment is not possible till the society recognizes and accepts their basic human rights and the fundamental rights. A prisoner, be he a convict or under trial or a detiune, does not cease to be a human being. Even when lodged in jail, he continues to enjoy all his basic human rights and fundamental rights including the right to life guaranteed to him under the Constitution. On being convicted of crime and deprived of their liberty in accordance with the procedure established by law, prisoners shall retain the residue of the Constitutional rights. Keywords: Rights, Prisoners, Indian Laws

1. Right to Legal Aid: If a prisoner sentenced to imprisonment, is virtually unable to exercise his constitutional and statutory right of appeal, for want of legal assistance, there is implicit in the court under article 142 read with Article 21 and 39A of the Constitution, power to assign council for such imprisoned individual for doing complete justice. Where the prisoner is disabled from engaging a lawyer, on reasonable grounds such as indigence or incommunicado situation, the court shall, if the circumstances of the case, the gravity of the sentence, and the ends of justice so required, assign competent counsel for the prisoners defense, provided the party doesn’t object to that lawyer. In Khatri v. State of Bihar1 the Supreme Court held that “the right to free legal services was ‘an essential ingredient of reasonable fair and just

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AIR 1981 SC 928. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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procedure for a person accused of an offence.’ The state must provide free legal services to anyone accused of an offence who cannot afford them.” 2. Right against Solitary Confinement, Handcuffing & Bar Fetters and Protection from Torture: As per section 73 of IPC the court can order to keep a convict in solitary confinement, whenever that person is convicted with an offence which is punishable with rigorous imprisonment. It further provides that the imposition of solitary confinement shall not exceed 3 month in whole and that it shall fall into the following scale namely:(a)

Not exceeding one month if the term of imprisonment shall not exceed 6 months;

(b)

Not exceeding 2 months if the term of imprisonment exceed 6 months and shall not exceed 1 year.

(c)

Not exceeding 3 months if the term of imprisonment shall exceed 1 year.

The section 74 of the code further provides restrictions regarding the execution of sentence, prescribing that in executing a sentence of solitary confinement, such confinement in no case exceed 14 days at a time with intervals between the periods of solitary confinement of not less duration than such periods, and when the imprisonment awarded shall exceed 3 months, the solitary confinement shall not exceed 7 days in any one month of the whole imprisonment awarded with intervals between the periods of solitary confinement of not less than duration than such periods. In Sunil Batra v. Delhi admin and Ors.,1 held that complete isolation from all human society is solitary confinement in stricter sense. The separate confinement of a person with occasional access with other persons is also solitary confinement. At the same time, the court held that no person can be put away in solitary confinement as a matter of routine; it was also held that the no prison authority can put a person in solitary confinement on their whims without an order of court. According to section 29 of Prisons Act cells used for solitary confinement must be such that the prisoner can communicate with an officer of a prison,

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for solitary confinement of more 24 hours the prisoner must be attended by a medical officer.

3. Handcuffing: Using of handcuffs and fetchers is not legal. It is laid down as a rule by the Supreme Court that handcuffs or other fetchers shall not be forced on a prisoners- convicted or under-trial, while lodging in jail anywhere in the country or while transporting or in transit from one jail to another, or from jail to court and back. In Prem Shankar Shukla v. Delhi Admin1 the Court observed that handcuffing is prima facie inhumane and therefore, unreasonable, over-harsh and at the first flush arbitrary. Absence of fair procedure and objective monitoring and inflicting ‘irons’ is to resort to zoological strategies repugnant to Article 21 of the Indian constitution. The Magistrate/Court alone has the power to order handcuffing of prisoners. The Magistrate may grant permission to use handcuffs on the prisoners under certain conditions:1. Save in rare cases of concrete proof, regarding proneness of the prisoner to violence. 2. His tendency to escape. 3. He being so dangerous/ desperate 4. Finding no other practical way of forbidding escape is available, the Magistrate may grant the permission to handcuff the prisoner.

Custodial torture is a naked violation of human dignity and degradation which destroys, to a very large extent, the individual personally. It is a calculated assault on human dignity and whenever human dignity is wounded, civilization takes a step backward. Fundamental rights occupy a place of pride in the Indian Constitution. Article 21 provides no person shall be deprived of his life or personal liberty except according to procedure established by law. Personal liberty, thus, is a sacred and cherished right under the Constitution. The expression life or personal liberty has been held to include the right to live with human dignity and thus it would also include within itself a guarantee against torture and assault by the State or its functionaries. Article 22 guarantees protection against arrest and detention in certain cases and declares that no person who is arrested shall be detained in custody without being informed of the

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grounds of such arrest and he shall not be denied the right to consult and defend himself by a legal practitioner of his choice. In Sunil Batra v. Delhi Administration-II,1 case laid down 7 points, to prevent police atrocities against the prisoners:1. The lawyers may be given facilities for interviews, visit and confidential conversation with prisoners. 2. That grievance books be present in prison. 3. That a District Magistrate and Sessions Judges visit prisons regularly. 4. That there be no solitary confinement, or hard labour, or dietary change as punishment. No transfer as punishment without judicial appraisal, or in the case of emergencies, without information being given to the appropriate officer, within2 days. 5. That the state is to prepare in Hindi a prisoner’s hand book at reasonable cost, and circulate copies of the same. That periodical “jail-bulletin” indicating improvement and facilitative programs to be published. 6. That prisoners be permitted to produce wallpaper to ventilate their grievances. That all the above are by way of implementing section 61 of the prisoners act. 7. A free legal service to be made available to poor.

4. Right to meet family members and Consult Lawyer: The horizon of human rights is expanding. Prisoner’s rights have been recognized not only to protect them from physical discomfort or torture in the prison but also to save them from mental torture. In Francis Coralie Mullin v. The Administrator, Union Territory of Delhi and Others,2 the court said that: Personal liberty would include the right to socialize with members of the family and friends subject, of course, to any valid prison regulations and under Art. 14 and 21 such prison regulations must be reasonable and non-arbitrary. Section 40 of the Prisoner Act 1894, requires that due provision shall be made for the admission into prison of persons with whom civil or undertrial prisoners may desire to communicate, care being taken that so far as may be consistent for the interest of justice, under-trial prisoners may see their legal advisors, without presence of any other person.

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AIR 1980 SC 1579. 1981 AIR SC 746 Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


In Prabha Dutt’s case1 the law point involved the right of a reporter to interview persons. The court upheld this right provided the prisoners desire to be interviewed. 5. Right to employment and wages: Remuneration, which is not less than the minimum wages, has to be paid to anyone who has been asked to provide labour or service by the state. The payment has to be equivalent to the service rendered; otherwise it would be ‘forced labour’ within the meaning of Article 23 of the Constitution. There is no difference between a prisoner serving a sentence inside the prison walls and a freeman in the society. In the case of Gurdev Singh v. State Himachal Pradesh,2 the bench observed that all prisoners under sentence should be required to work subject to their physical and mental fitness as determined medically. Work is not to be conceived as additional punishment but as a means of furthering the rehabilitation of the prisoners, there training for work, the forming of better work habits, and of preventing idleness and disorder. 6. Right against being detained longer than the period of sentence: As per section 12(2) of Prisoners Act, 1894 the superintendent shall keep or force to be kept a book showing when each prisoner is to be released. The prison officials are duty bound to inform the prisoners’ of their due date of release well in advance. They are responsible to intimidate the date of release determined by the amount of remission the earned. In Ms. Veena Sethi v. state of Bihar and Ors.3 all prisoners have the right not to be detained for a day more than what trial court has mentioned in the sentence. 7. Right to expression: In State of Maharashtra v. Prabhakar Panduranga,4 the court held that the right to personal liberty includes the right to write a book and get it published and when this right was exercised by a detenu its denial without the authority of law violated Article 21.

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AIR 1982 SC 6 AIR 1992 HP 7 3 AIR 1983 SC 339 4 1966 AIR 424 Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016 2


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8. Right to Speedy Trial Right to speedy trial is a fundamental right of a prisoner implicit in Article 21 of the Constitution. It ensures just, fair and reasonable procedure. The fact that a speedy trial is also in public interest or that it serves the social interest also, does not make it any the less right of accused. It is in the interest of all concerned that the guilt or innocence of the accused is determined as quickly as possible in the circumstances. In the case of Hussainara Khatoon(I) v. State of Bihar,1 a shocking state of affairs in regard to the administration of justice came forward. One reason why our legal and judicial system continually denies justice to the poor by keeping them for long years in pretrial detention is our highly unsatisfactory bail system. This system of bail operates very harshly against the poor and it is only the non-poor who are able to take advantage of it by getting themselves released on bail. The poor find it difficult to furnish bail even without sureties because very often the amount of bail fixed by the courts is so unrealistically excessive that in a majority of cases the poor are unable to satisfy the police or the magistrate about their solvency for the amount of the bail and where the bail is with sureties as is usually the case, it becomes an almost impossible task for the poor to find persons sufficiently solvent to stand as sureties. The legislature inserted section 436-A in the Cr.P.C. by the act of 25, 2005 which came into force on 12-04-2006, which states that- “where a person has during the period of an investigation, inquiry or trial, under the code of an offence, under any law (not being an offence for which the punishment of death has been specified as one of the punishments under that law) undergone a detention for a period extending upto one half of the maximum imprisonment period specified for that offence under that law, he shall be released by the court on his personal bond with or without surety. Maneka Gandhi’s case2 was a landmark in Indian jurisprudence. The Maneka principle was extended to prison conditions and particularly to the plight of under-trials. A series of news items appeared in “The Indian Express” about the continued incarceration of under-trials in Bihar Jails. Some of them were never produced before the courts. Some others had spent more time in jails as under-trials than the maximum penalty that 1 2

1979 AIR 1369 Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India, AIR 1978 SC 597 Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


could be imposed upon them if they were convicted of the offences they were charged with. The Supreme Court in the Writs of Habeas Corpus1 for under-trials stated that: “The information contained in these newspaper cuttings is most distressing and it is sufficient to stir the conscience and disturb the equanimity of any socially motivated lawyer or judge. Some of the under trial prisoners whose names are given in the newspaper cuttings have been in jail for as many as 5, 7, or 9 years and a few of them for even more than 10 years without their trial being begun. What faith can these lost souls have in a judicial system which denies them a bare trial for so many years, and keeps them behind bars, not because they are guilty, but because they are too poor to afford bail and the courts have no time to try them. There can be little doubt after the dynamic interpretations placed by this court on Article 21 in Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India2 that a procedure which keeps such large number, of people behind bars without trial so long cannot possibly be regarded as reasonable, just or fair so as to be in conflict with the requirement of the Article.” It was with these observations that the Supreme Court directed the Bihar Government and the Patna High Court to furnish to the Supreme Court details of criminal cases pending in Bihar and their year wise breakup. The Supreme Court thereafter directed the release of such under-trials who were in detention for a unduly long period. The primary interest of the Criminal Justice system is to entrance society’s rights to sanction activities harmful to the public order and thereby punish offenders to prevent future misconducts. The Supreme Court in several decision held that the expression “procedure established by law” in Article 21 envisages an expeditious procedure. Therefore, a procedure in which the trial was unduly delayed for no fault of the petitioner was held to be an anti-thesis of an expeditious procedure, termed as a blatant dilatory procedure, shocks judicial conscience and casts a very sad reflection on the judicial system3 . The right to speedy criminal trial is one of the most valuable fundamental rights guaranteed to a citizen under the

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ADM Jabalpur v. Shiv Kant Shukala, AIR 1976 SC 1207 AIR 1978 SC 597 3 Sada Shiv Manohar Parkar v. State of Maharastra, 1998 Crl. LJ 3755 Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016 2


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Constitution, which right is integral part of right to life and liberty guaranteed under Article 21. In Kartar Singh v. State of Punjab1, it was observed that the concept of speedy trial is read into Article 21 as an essential part of the fundamental right to life and liberty guaranteed and preserved under our Constitution. The right to speedy trial begins with the actual restraint imposed by arrest and consequent incarceration and continues at all stages, namely, the stage of investigation, inquiry, trial, appeal and revision so that any possible prejudice that may result from impermissible and avoidable delay from the time of the commission of the offence till it consummates into a finality, can be averted. In this context, it may be noted that the constitutional guarantee of speedy trial is properly reflected in Section 309 of the Code of Criminal Procedure. Of course, no length of time is per se too long to pass scrutiny under this principle nor the accused is called upon the show the actual prejudice by delay of disposal of cases. On the other hand, the court has to adopt a balancing approach by taking note of the possible prejudices and disadvantages to be suffered by the accused by avoidable delay and to determine whether the accused in a criminal proceeding has been deprived of his right of having speedy trial with unreasonable delay which could be identified by the factors — (1) length of delay, (2) the justification for the delay, (3) the accused's assertion of his right to speedy trial, and (4) prejudice caused to the accused by such delay. However, the fact of delay is dependent on the circumstances of each case because reasons for delay will vary, such as delay in investigation on account of the widespread ramification of crimes and its designed network either nationally or internationally, the deliberate absence of witness or witnesses, crowded dockets on the file of the court etc.2 In Abdul Rahman Antulay v. R.S.Nayak,3 the Constitution Bench laid down the following propositions intended to serve as guidelines:(1)

Fair, just and reasonable procedure implicit in Article 21 of the Constitution creates a right in the accused to be tried speedily. Right to speedy trial is the right of the accused. The fact that a speedy trial is also in public interest or that it serves the social interest also, does not make it any the less the right of the accused. It is in the interest of all concerned that the guilt or innocence of the accused is determined as quickly as possible in the circumstances.

(2)

Right to speedy trial flowing from Article 21 encompasses all the stages, namely the stage of investigation, inquiry, trial, appeal, revision and re-

1 2 3

(1994) 3 SCC 569, Abdul Rehman Antulay v. Union Of India And Ors., AIR 1984 SC 1358.a (1992) 1 SCC 225 Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016

82 The Voice: An International Refereed Research Journal ISSN No: 2348-6708 trial. That is how, this Court has understood this right and there is no reason to take a restricted view. (3)

(4)

The concerns underlying the right to speedy trial from the point of view of the accused are: (a)

the period of remand and pre-conviction detention should be as short as possible. In other words, the accused should not be subjected to unnecessary or unduly long incarceration prior to his conviction;

(b)

the worry, anxiety, expense and disturbance to his vocation and peace, resulting from an unduly prolonged investigation, inquiry or trial should be minimal; and

(c)

undue delay may well result in impairment of the ability of the accused to defend himself, whether on account of death, disappearance or non-availability of witnesses or otherwise.

At the same time, one cannot ignore the fact that it is usually the accused who is interested in delaying the proceedings. As is often pointed out, “delay is a known defence tactic”. Since the burden of proving the guilt of the accused lies upon the prosecution, delay ordinarily prejudices the prosecution. Non-availability of witnesses, disappearance of evidence by lapse of time really works against the interest of the prosecution. Of course, there may be cases where the prosecution, for whatever reason, also delays the proceedings. Therefore, in every case, where the right to speedy trial is alleged to have been infringed, the first question to be put and answered is who is responsible for the delay? Proceedings taken by either party in good faith, to vindicate their rights and interest, as perceived by them, cannot be treated as delaying tactics nor can the time taken in pursuing such proceedings be counted towards delay. It goes without saying that frivolous proceedings or proceedings taken merely for delaying the day of reckoning cannot be treated as proceedings taken in good faith. The mere fact that an application/petition is admitted and an order of stay granted by a superior court is by itself no proof that the proceeding is not frivolous. Very often these stays are obtained on ex parte representation.

(5)

While determining whether undue delay has occurred (resulting in violation of Right to Speedy Trial) one must have regard to all the attendant circumstances, including nature of offence, number of accused and witnesses, the workload of the court concerned, prevailing local conditions and so on what is called, the systemic delays. It is true that it is the obligation of the State to ensure a speedy trial and State includes



83

judiciary as well, but a realistic and practical approach should be adopted in such matters instead of a pedantic one. (6)

Each and every delay does not necessarily prejudice the accused. Some delays may indeed work to his advantage. As has been observed by Powell, J. in Barker “it cannot be said how long a delay is too long in a system where justice is supposed to be swift but deliberate”. The same idea has been stated by White, J. in U.S. v. Ewell1 in the following words: "... the Sixth Amendment right to a speedy trial is necessarily relative, is consistent with delays, and has orderly expedition, rather than mere speed, as its essential ingredients; and whether delay in completing a prosecution amounts to an unconstitutional deprivation of rights depends upon all the circumstances." However, inordinately long delay may be taken as presumptive proof of prejudice. In this context, the fact of incarceration of accused will also be a relevant fact. The prosecution should not be allowed to become a persecution. But when does the prosecution become persecution, again depends upon the facts of a given case.

(7)

We cannot recognize or give effect to, what is called the ‘demand’ rule. An accused cannot try himself, he is tried by the court at the behest of the prosecution. Hence, an accused's plea of denial of speedy trial cannot be defeated by saying that the accused did at no time demand a speedy trial. If in a given case, he did make such a demand and yet he was not tried speedily, it would be a plus point in his favour, but the mere non-asking for a speedy trial cannot be put against the accused. Even in USA, the relevance of demand rule has been substantially watered down in Barker and other succeeding cases.

(8)

Ultimately, the court has to balance and weigh the several relevant factors ‘balancing test’ or ‘balancing process’ and determine in each case whether the right to speedy trial has been denied in a given case.

(9)

Ordinarily speaking, where the court comes to the conclusion that right to speedy trial of an accused has been infringed the charges or the conviction, as the case may be, shall be quashed. But this is not the only course open. The nature of the offence and other circumstances in a given case may be such that quashing of proceedings may not be in the interest of justice. In such a case, it is open to the court to make such other appropriate order including an order to conclude the trial within a fixed

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383 U.S. 116 (1966) Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016

84 The Voice: An International Refereed Research Journal ISSN No: 2348-6708 time where the trial is not concluded or reducing the sentence where the trial has concluded as may be deemed just and equitable in the circumstances of the case. (10)

It is neither advisable nor practicable to fix any time-limit for trial of offences. Any such rule is bound to be qualified one. Such rule cannot also be evolved merely to shift the burden of proving justification on to the shoulders of the prosecution. In every case of complaint of denial of right to speedy trial, it is primarily for the prosecution to justify and explain the delay. At the same time, it is the duty of the court to weigh all the circumstances of a given case before pronouncing upon the complaint. The Supreme Court of USA too has repeatedly refused to fix any such outer time-limit in spite of the Sixth Amendment. Nor do we think that not fixing any such outer limit ineffectuates the guarantee of right to speedy trial.

(11)

An objection based on denial of right to speedy trial and for relief on that account, should first be addressed to the High Court. Even if the High Court entertains such a plea, ordinarily it should not stay the proceedings, except in a case of grave and exceptional nature. Such proceedings in High Court must, however, be disposed of on a priority basis.

The Judgment in Abdul Rahman Antulay case,1 along with two other cases in common cause and R.C. Deo Sharma was examined by a Constitution Bench and it was observed that the opinion in Abdul Rahman Antulay case:(i)

Fair, just and reasonable procedure implicit in Article 21 of the Constitution creates a right in the accused to be tried speedily

(ii)

right to speedy trial flowing from Article 21 encompasses all the stages, namely the stage of investigation, inquiry, trial, appeal, revision and re-trial.

(iii)

who is responsible for the delay and what facts have been contributed towards delay are relevant factors. Attendant circumstances, including nature of the offence, number of accused and witnesses, the work-load of the court concerned, prevailing local conditions and so on what is called systemic delays must be kept in view;

(iv)

each and every delay does not necessarily prejudice the accused as some delays indeed work to his advantage.”

Thereafter guidelines 8, 9, 10 and 11 have been quoted. Then different types of trials have been noticed. After detailed discussion, the opinions expressed in the 1

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cases of Common Cause and R.C. Deo Sharma were overruled for the added reason that those ran contrary to A.R. Antulay’s decision and further that : “Prescribing periods of limitation at the end of which the trial court would be obliged to terminate the proceedings and necessarily acquit or discharge the accused, and further, making such directions applicable to all the cases in the present and for the future amounts to legislation, which, in our opinion, cannot be done by judicial directives and within the arena of the judicial law making, power available to constitutional courts, howsoever liberally we may interpret Articles 32, 21, 141 and 142 of the Constitution. The dividing line is fine but perceptible. Courts can declare the law, they can interpret the law, and they can remove obvious lacunae and fill the gaps but they cannot entrench upon in the field of legislation properly meant for the Legislature….”1

The directions regarding grant of bail made in Common Cause and R.C. Deo Sharma have not been commented upon “because different considerations arise before Criminal Courts while dealing with termination of trial or proceedings and while dealing with right of accused to be enlarged on bail………"2 Refrences 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

16.

A. K. Gopalan v. State of Madras, AIR 1950 SC 27 Abdul Karim Telgi @ Lala @ Karim v. State, on 17 September, 2007, Criminal Original Petition No.25880 of 2007. Abdul Rahman Antulay v. R.S. Nayak, (1992) 1 SCC 225 Abdul Rehman Antulay v. Union Of India And Ors., AIR 1984 SC 1358. Ajab Singh & Anr. v. State of Uttar Pradesh & Ors., MANU/SC/0178/2000 Armstrong v. Davis (BPT), Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals (2001) 275 F.3d 849. Bell v. Wolfish, 441 U.S. 520 (1979). Bounds v. Smith, 430, 817(1977) Central Bureau of Investigation v. Abu Salem Ansari and Anr., (2011) 4 SCC 426 Cf. In re Bonner, 151 U.S. 242 (1894). Charles Sobraj v. State, 1996 Cri. LJ 3354. Coleman v. Wilson, 912 F.Supp. 1282 (E.D. Cal. 1995). D.K. Basu v. State of West Bengal, AIR 1997 S.C. 610 Gates v. Deukmejian, 987 F.2d 1392 (9th Cir. 1993). Gopalan v. State of Madras, 1950, SCR 88. Haines v. Kerner, 404 U.S. 519 (1972);

**** 1 2

Abdul Rehman Antulay v. Union Of India And Ors., AIR 1984 SC 1358.a Abdul Rehman Antulay v. Union Of India And Ors., AIR 1984 SC 1358.a Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


IMPORTANCE OF HIGHER EDUCATION AND VISUAL IMPAIRED STUDENT Rajani Singh Research Scholar Center for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Faculty of Social Sciences, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi

In the present paper researcher try to focus on the development of higher education in India. The paper also discussed the importance of higher education and lack of enrolment of VI students. In this paper, visual impairments referred to both blindness and low vision. Visual impairment can be defined legally and educationally. Present paper takes educational definition of visual impairment which considers the ability or degree of a person to use visual ability educationally. Educationally, a student with low vision is the one who has some vision, and therefore can read enlarged prints. On the other side, an educationally blind child is the one with very limited vision and thus relies on reading and writing by using the braille system or by using audio tapes (Mastropieri & Scruggs, 2010)1. Further, A legal definition considers a person with low vision as having visual acuity of 20/70 which means a person with low vision can see an object at 20 feet whereas a person with normal vision can see at 70 feet (Spungin, 2002)2. Some causes of visual impairments contain circumstances like retinopathy, glaucoma, cortical visual impairment, coloboma, optical nerve hypoplasia etc. Visual impairment can also be acquired later in life as a result of cancer, cataract, trauma, accidents, nutrition etc. In the context of vision defects, a variety of terms are used like totally blind, stone blind, blind, partially blind, legally blind, economically blind, visually limited, low vision, partially sighted, visually impaired and so on. Professional literature presents “visual impairment” and “blindness” as two concepts placed on a continuous line. On the one extreme of this line is proper sight

1

Mastropieri, M.A. & Scruggs, T.E., The Inclusive Classroom: Strategies for Effective Differentiated Instruction, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey, 2010. 2 Spungin, S.J., When You Have a Visually Impaired Student in Your Classroom: A Guide for Teachers, AFB Press, New York, 2002. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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and on the other extreme total blindness (Kadmon, 1989)1. A functional/rehabilitative point of view sees a person who use hearing and touch senses instead of sight in everyday life, or uses assistive aids (for example: Braille, a cane) as an alternative to seeing is defined as visually impaired / blind. It is important to clarify the distinction between disability and impairment. As mentioned above, impairment is the physical fact of lack of vision. Disability is the social process in which the impairment cause negative implications to the individual due to barriers to access (Oliver, 1992)2. For example: blind students have impairments that limit vision, but are not disabled unless their learning materials are not accessible. Further, the visually handicapped are those who have eyes that are unable to sees. They belong to the category of physically handicapped and for them one of the vital organs is defective. These children can be divided into two groups: 1. Totally blind children and 2. Partially blind/ partially seeing children. 1. Totally blind children: “Those who are with vision less than 20/200 in the better eye after correction”. In ordinary language this means total inability to see. 2. Partially blind: According to Hathaway, “after everything possible has been done for them they have to a little vision to make use of the ordinary school equipment but too much to benefit by the education for blind children”. They are called partially blind children. According to All India Survey Report 2011, definition has been changed in seeing, one eyed persons were treated as disabled at census 2001 but now at the census 2011 such persons have not been treated as disabled in seeing. At the census 2011 enumerators were asked to apply a simple test to ascertain blurred vision. At the census 2001 no such instructions were given. Blindness is among the most severe of all forms of physical disability. Without vision blind people are cut off from a major segment of the social 1

Kadmon, H., Blindness and Visual Impairment Issues in Special Education: unit 7, Open University Press, Hebrew, 1989. 2 Oliver, M., “Changing the Social Relations of Research Production?,” Disability, Handicap and Society, Vol. 7 (2), 1992, pp. 101-114. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


and physical environment to which they must adapt. This creates problems for mobility as well as everyday skilled activities for which vision is important. Further relating to other people, the blind can only guess the meanings and intensions of non-verbal communication, and the social context in which these occur. Visual information is crucial in helping children observe and interpret what happens in the environment. It is also an important prerequisite for conceptual development in a student’s learning. Defect and damage of this part of the body, brings about a reduced amount of sensory data to the learner, leading to deficit or delay in various skills learned through watching and imitation from others. This impacts language development, reasoning skills, problem solving abilities and abstract thinking. This finally causes great impact on the individual’s learning and performance, because a student cannot observe and use visual information to interpret various learning situations happening in the environment (Bishop, 1996)1. Development and Brief History of Higher Education in India Higher education is not a modern phenomenon for India; it has had long historical backgrounds through which a present system of education has been evolved. The institutions of higher education are recognized as the most important agency of social change involved in the human resource development of the country. Since ancient time, India is rich in higher education. In ancient India, there were many popular universities like Taksahila, which is the earliest and most famous known university in 7th century BC, had attracted scholars from different and distant parts of India as well as outside India. The university is famous especially for medicine, law, and military science and the fame of Taksahila as a place of learning was of course due to that of its teacher. Mithila was also a strong place of learning students from different part of India came for advanced and specialized studies in Nyaya or Logic, of which it was the main center of this course. The universities of Nalanda, Vikramshila, Vallabhi, Jagaddala, Nadia, Madura Sangham and Beneras were perhaps the most important universities of Ancient India. Nalanda Universities was an institution of higher studies situated in Bihar and was known for Buddhist studies, 1

Bishop, V., Teaching Visually Impaired Children (2nd Ed), Charles, C. Thomas Publisher, USA, 1996. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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attracting students from China, Nepal, Tibet and Korea who went there to study valuable Buddhist manuscripts. The university program included various subjects such as Brahminical and Buddhist, Sacred and Secular, Philosophical and Practical and these universities was run democratically. At Nalanda grammar, mechanics and surgery was quite developed. The Center at Vallabhi, situated in Gujarat was a rival to Naland, it specialized in Hinayana Buddhism. It promoted all branches of Higher learning from all types of religious systems. Vikaramshila was situated in the present day at Bhagalpur district Bihar in 8th century. It was the famous center of international learning for more than 4 centuries. The teaching was controlled by a board of well-known teachers and this board also administered the affairs of Nalanda, Odantapure and Jagaddala both were famous for learning higher education especially the Buddhism. The capital of Avanti, was noted for secular learning and specialized in Astronomy and Mathematics Kanchi was the greatest center of sanskrit learning in South India. In south India, Ghattikas were famous schools of learning. Beneras, though not as famous as Taksihla but was a great center of learning in the 7th century. It had many learned Brahmin teachers who attracted students from all over India. In Ashok’s reign the Sarnath monastery in the neighborhood of Beneras, attained fame as a center of learning and had a large number of Buddhist monks. Beneras did not have an organized, public educational system although the cause of education was promoted by learned Brahmins in an individual capacity. The ex-students of Takkashila set up as teachers at Beneras, and carried the Hindu culture. Hence India had a very rich tradition of education in ancient times. Higher education in mediaeval India there were usually channels through which knowledge was acquired. These were Maktab, Madrasah and Khangah, while Maktab was a place where elementary education was imparted, for higher learning was followed at a Madrasah and religious education was discussed at a Khangah. Higher education in Colonial India remained concentrated in and around the cities and towns and was more widespread among men than women and amongst the higher castes. There serious inequalities in the colonial system of higher education. The present system of higher education was presented by the British in the year 1857, when the universities of Kolkata, Bombay, and madras were established. For Britishers the purpose of developing higher education in India was to Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


develop a small class of English educated Indians who would help them as interpreters between them and millions whom they were governing a class of persons being Indian in blood and colour but English in opinions moral and interact. After independence, it seems that only education is the tool which uplift our masses from poverty. For the financing and development of the Universities the University Grants Commission was established in 1956 under an Act of the Parliament of India (GOI, 1966)1. After that the Kothari commission had made to maintain the quality of higher education and research to get the requirements of the nation and the increasing expectations of the society. Further in 1968 National Policy on Education was made which further revised and came in new form in 1986 (GOI, 1986). In 1990 the Acharya Ramamurti Committee suggested that enhancement and development in higher education system is important for the present and future necessities of the country. This committee largely suggested different schemes for development of higher education, such as, rearrangement in courses and programmes, growth of independent colleges etc. further it also thought to established open universities to provide distance education for the masses as an alternative mode of education. The above description shows the consciousness of government for developing as well as maintaining the quality of higher education in India. The Indian higher education system has emerged as one of the largest in the world, with 14.6 million students enrolled in more than 31,000 institutions. In addition, there is wide difference in enrolment figures across states, between urban and rural areas and faculties but still there is huge growth in higher education institutions in India. Now there are 299 state universities, 140 private universities, 130 deemed universities and 44 central universities (as per the latest records released by Universities Grants Commission in September 2012). Along with these universities, the country houses 39 Institutes of National Importance (INI) that specialize in the fields of engineering & technology, management, medical sciences, languages, information technology, statistical research, pharmaceutical education & research and petroleum studies. In total, the country has 652 universities and university level institutes that impart higher and technical education and provide affiliation to more than 33,000 colleges and institutes in the country (Annual Status 1

“Education and National Development,” report of the National Commission on Education (1964-66), Government of Development, New Delhi, 1996. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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of higher education in States and Union Territories, 2012). If we compare it from 2006- 2007 data it seems that there is increase in number of universities during 12th plane. (Annual Report 2013-2014, Government of India, Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, Department of Disability Affairs). Further in the field of disability there are seven national institutes under the department working in the field of disability. The national institutes are autonomous bodies established for different type of disabilities. These institutes are engaged in human resource development in the field of disability, providing Rehabilitation services to the persons with disabilities and undertaking research and development efforts. National institute for the visually handicapped (NIVH), Dehradun is one of them. This institutes established in the year 1979. India has the third largest higher education system in the world, next only to China and United States. With this progress in higher education system it is projected that there would be improvement in access to higher education by disadvantage group. The above discussion shows that higher education is important for individual’s development so that since Ancient time it existed and developed slowly. Importance of Higher Education The word ‘Education’ has a very comprehensive meaning; it is not easy to give its exact definition. The word education has been taken from the Latin word ‘educare’ which means to ‘bring up’ or ‘to rise’. It means, education is a process of communicating to an individual certain information and knowledge which is important for the society. A number of philosophers and thinkers from Socrates to Dewey in the West, and Yajnavalkya to Gandhi in the East-have well-defined the term education in harmony in their own way. Hence various perceptions as well as definitions about education have developed. According to Rousseau, education does not simply mean imparting information or knowledge. For him, it is a spontaneous development of one‘s natural powers and capacities. For John Dewey, education is the development of capacities in the individual, which will enable him to control his environment and fulfill his potentialities. According to Gandhi, education is an all-around drawing out of the best in the body, mind and spirit of a child and a man. According to him, education begins from the child’s birth and end with his death. Higher education is the level of education in which individual citizens will be prepared for their Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


future professional careers. The knowledge and skills that students develop in HE and the degrees with which they will be awarded will be the means by which they will obtain employment. Therefore, improving students with disabilities access to HE is an issue that requires urgent government attention. Further, the term higher education includes all types of studies, training, and training for research at the postsecondary level, provided as institutions of Higher education by the competent State Authorities. Throughout the entire world higher education is considered to be the key to both individual and societal aspiration (Laskar, 2010)1. For individuals, education beyond the secondary level is assumed to be the way to social esteem, better employment opportunities with good paying jobs, expanded life opportunities, and intellectual development. For societies, higher education is assumed to be the key to technology, productivity and other ingredients of international competitiveness and economic growth (Altbach & Johnstone, (Eds.) 1963)2. Further, with the emergence of globalization, the role of higher education has become very important for economic development as high school and intermediate is not enough to prepare adults with disabilities for economic and social independence. Hence higher education plays an significant role in preparing one for adult life both as professional and as a social unit. But at the same time people with disabilities are still behind the non-disabled population in almost every level of economic activity. Further the visually disabled face more challenges in their everyday life as without vision they disconnect from the major part of the social and physical environment to which they must adapt. But the same time above discussion also shows that the importance of higher education in the development of both individual and the society. Hence visually impaired are also the parts of society, so that it is important to increase their participation in the higher education. The government of India has been working on the upliftment of socially and educationally backward or disadvantaged groups, but still there were

1

Laskar, Rethinking Reservation in Higher Education in India, Indian Law Institution Review, New Delhi, 2010. 2 Altbach & Johnstone, (Eds.), The Funding of Higher Education: International Perspective, Garland Publishing, New York, 1963. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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huge gaps in the enrolment ratio of students with disability at higher education. References  Mastropieri, M.A. & Scruggs, T.E., The Inclusive Classroom: Strategies for Effective Differentiated Instruction, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey, 2010.  Spungin, S.J., When You Have a Visually Impaired Student in Your Classroom: A Guide for Teachers, AFB Press, New York, 2002.  Kadmon, H., Blindness and Visual Impairment Issues in Special Education, Open University Press, Hebrew, 1989.  Oliver, M., “Changing the Social Relations of Research Production?,” Disability, Handicap and Society, Vol. 7 (2), 1992, pp. 101-114.  Bishop, V., Teaching Visually Impaired Children (2nd Ed), Charles, C. Thomas Publisher, USA, 1996.

***



GROWTH OF MICRO, SMALL AND MEDIUM ENTERPRISES IN UDHAM SINGH NAGAR WITH REST OF THE DISTRICTS IN UTTARAKHAND: A COMPARATIVE STUDY Susheela Arya Research Scholar, Deparatment of Economics, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi, [email protected]

Abstract Micro, small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) are one of the most applicable sectors in Indian economy. All these Enterprises greatly affect Indian Economy in terms of GDP, employment opportunities, reduction of poverty, removal of inequality between districts, utilization of local resources, abatement of disparities regarding income, wealth and consumption, attainment of self-reliance, providing row material to large scale industries etc and to boost to both production and exports. This paper deals with the growth of micro, small and medium enterprises with the help of analysis and interpretation the concerned data. In this paper, the dimensions of growth of MSMEs during the study period are discussed on the basis of the selected variables such as number of units, employments, and investments in Udham Singh Nagar with rest of the districts in Uttarakhand. In Uttarakhand, there are two industrial areas one is Udham Singh Nagar and another one is Haridwar. Udham Singh Nagar is the most vibrant sector in terms of generating employment and income in rest of the districts in Uttarakhand. The present study is basically based on secondary data form literature, journal, Uttarakhand Govt. of India, District Industrial Centre (DIC), Government of India, Ministry of Micro Small and Medium Enterprise Department. The research tools like percentage average are being used to reach valid findings and conclusions.

Introduction:Uttarakhand 27th State of the republic of India came into existence on November 9, 2000. It’s carved out of the Himalaya and North-western state of Uttar Pradesh. It consists of two regions—Kumaon and Garhwal. There are 13 districts, namely, Nainital, Almora, Pithoragarh, Udham Singh Nagar, Champawat and Bageshwar in the Kumaon region and Chamoli, Pauri, Tehri, Uttarkashi, Dehradun, Haridwar and Rudraprayag in the Garhwal region. In Uttarakhand four districts (Nainital, Haridwar, Dehradun and Udham Singh Nagar) have large areas in the plains and the other nine districts cover the hill region of the state. This new state was formed to fulfil the high expectations of the local people related to development and better living standards. However, within Uttarakhand there is a geographical inequality between the hills and the plains that Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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divides the state critically. MSME plays an important role in generating employment, production and removing inequality of living standard between hill and plain region in Uttarakhand Review of Literature – M H Bala Subrahmanya (2004) highlighted the impact of globalisation on small industry. Small industry has touched in terms of growth of units, employment, output and exports. On the basis of his finding, he concluded that due to globalisation the growth in terms of units, employment, output and exports has come down. S.P. Kashyap (1988) highlighted the nature of the growth of small-size enterprises in India and discussed how far the growth was accompanied by the achievement of objectives such as poverty eradication and the removal of regional imbalances without hampering the long-term growth prospects of the economy. Shyam Bhati (2002) discussed the role of small-scale industries in economic development. Various factors affecting the growth and development of small-scale industries and the problem faced by this essential sector of Indian economy are examined. The contribution of small-scale industries in employment growth, production, export promotion and other economic indicators were discussed. UDHAM SINGH NAGAR Brief Industrial Profile of UDHAM SINGH NAGAR District Udham Singh Nagar is primarily an industrial district sheltering and many industry related occupations , It is a perfect example of 'Unity in Diversity' for which India is so widely known, one can find an absolute harmony of different culture religions and life styles here because of its being an industrial hub. Pantnagar University of this district is a leading temple of learning in the fields of agriculture and technology keeping pace with the finest built university with one of the finest built universities all around the world. The role of this university is promotion of agriculture and industries is really appreciable. Industrial Scenario of UDHAM SINGH NAGAR More than 4200 MSME units are working. TATA Motor, BAJAJ, Ashok Leyland, Mahindra & Mahindra etc are Large automobile industries are in Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


a flourishing state. So vendors and sub vendors in large scale are required here. Existing Clusters of Micro & Small Enterprise At Present, there is on identified cluster working in the district. Although this state has numbers of automobile industries & their vendors, paper industries & their vendors & rice mills. Manufacturing Sector Udham Singh Nagar is a hub for Automobile industries, Paper Industries, Rice mills & sugar industries. More than 200 hundred vendors established to the large scale industries. In this district 4500 industrial units are working out of which 4000 units are the manufacturing units. Major Manufacturing Industries are Automobiles Parts, Automobile Vehicles, Paper, Paper Product, Packaging Material, Sugar, Rice, Electrical items, Food Products based industries etc Service Sector In the state of Uttarakhand, Udham Singh Nagar has the maximum numbers of industrial unit. 21 industrial estates have been established by State Government and rest are developed by the Private owners. At Present, this district has a very high demand of following service sector industries are Tool rooms, Men power supplier, Restaurant, Hotel, Transportation/Logistics, Air conditioning, IT related services, Plumbers, sector, Electricians, machine operator related services, etc This paper analyses and compares the growth of MSMEs in Udham Singh Nagar district and rest of the districts in Uttarakhand. In the growth of MSME of the selected district is analysed in terms of units, investment and employment. The above table shows that the total numbers of MSME units established in Haridwar (2584) are more than any other districts in Uttarakhand State. After Haridwar, Udham Singh Nagar district is second highest with regard to the establishment of total number of MSMEs units. In spite the fact that in Kumoau region, Udham Singh Nagar has highest number of MSMEs units. Table also shows that Haridwar, Udham Singh Nagar and Deharadun are established as host of maximum number of MSMEs units during 20072014. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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Districts wise data of Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises in Uttarakhand during the period 2007-08 to 2013-14 Table 1: S.No. NAME OF DISTRICTS 1 UTTARKASHI 2 CHAMOLI 3 RUDRA PRAYAG 4 TEHRI 5 DEHRADUN 6 PAURI 7 PITHORAGARH 8 CHAMPAWAT 9 ALMORA 10 BAGESHWAR 11 NAINITAL 12 UDHAM SINGH NAGAR 13 HARIDWAR TOTAL

UNITS 511 501 434 824 1941 1203 603 422 621 414 1023 2490 2584 13571

INVESTMENTS EMPLOYMENTS 34.903 1610 42.84 1452 47.43 1377 110.23 2634 540.82 21990 162.51 4919 32.42 2005 20.72 1079 50.52 1778 19.59 1049 308.8 6137 2985.2 35594 3231.22 42550 7587.203 124174

Source: Ministry of Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises in Udham Singh Nagar & Directorate of Industries in Uttarakhand.

Similarly, during the year 2007-2014, investment done and employment generation was high in Haridawar, Udham Singh Nagar and Deharadun districts. On the other hand, Champawat registered the least number of units, while Bageshwar registered the least number of investment and employments than other districts. Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises in Udham Singh Nagar during the period 2007-08 to 2013-14 Table: 2 YEAR 2007-2008 2008-2009 2009-2010 2010-2011 2011-2012 2012-2013 2013-2014 TOTAL

UNITS 272 246 372 370 390 410 430 2490

INVESTMENTS 213.75 506.19 702.32 571.27 328.42 443.16 220.09 2985.223

EMPLOYMENTS 3563 5766 6783 6574 4626 5205 3077 35594



Source: Ministry of Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises in Udham Singh Nagar & Directorate of Industries in Uttarakhand. Analysis: Table 1 show that the total units of MSMEs in Udham Singh Nagar were 2490 during the year 2007-2014. In the year 2007-08 there were 272 MSME units in Udham Singh Nagar which were reduced to 246 units during 2008-09. However, from the year 2009-10 the number increased gradually to the highest number (430) in 2013-14. The table also shows the investment trend during the year 2007 to 2014. The total investment of the units during this period was 2985.22 cr. It is clear from the table that there is no fixed trend of investment during the said period. However, an increasing investment pattern can be observed during the period from 2007-2008 to 2010-2011in the above table. During 2007-2008 the total investment of the units was 213.19 Cr. which increased to 571.27 Cr. during the year 2008-2009. However an increasing trend in the units is registered during the year 2007-2010. Overall, from the year 2007 to 2014 the total investment of MSMEs was 2985.22 Cr. From the data it is clear that Investment was maximum in the year 2009-10, while it was minimum in the year 2007-08. It also shows that Employment rises from 3563 in the annual year 2007-08 to 6783 in the year 2009-10, while it declined slightly to 6574 in the very next year. Later, it went declining to 4626 in 2011-12, but it again hit back to 5205 in the year 2012-13 & finally settled down to 3077 in year 2013-14. Taking about overall employment during the period of 2007 to 2014, it was 35594. A Comparative Study of MSME Growth Rate with Rest of districts (UTTARAKHAND) The MSME sector has maintained a higher rate of growth than the overall industrial sector .The comparative growth rates of Units, Investments & Employments for rest of the districts with Udham Singh Nagar are given below in following Table:4



99

Growth of the MSME in units in Udham Singh Nager and rest of the districts in Uttarakhand Table: 4 Year 2007-2008 2008-2009 2009-2010 2010-2011 2011-2012 2012-2013 2013-2014 TOTAL

Udham Singh Nagar 272 246 372 370 390 410 430 2,490

% change over previous Year -9.56 51.22 -0.54 5.41 5.13 4.87

Rest of the % change over districts previous Year 1228 1100 -10.42 1499 36.27 1603 6.93 1731 7.98 1881 8.66 2039 8.39 11,O81

Source: Ministry of Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises in Udham singh Nagar & Directorate of Industries in Uttarakhand. Analysis: From 2008 to 2009 percentage growth of rest of districts were -10.42 while for Udham Singh Nagar it was -9.56. It is quite obvious that during this period no growth was observed. Instead decline in growth for rest of the districts was greater than the decline for Udham Singh Nagar. From 2009 to 2010 percentage growth of rest of districts was 36.27 while for Udham Singh Nagar was 51.22.It is indicated from the table that growth rate of MSME units of Udham Singh Nagar is comparatively more than rest of districts during 2009-2010. From 2010 to 2011-percentage growth of rest of districts is 6.93, while for Udham Singh Nagar it was -0.54.It indicated that growth rate of MSME in Udham Singh Nagar is negative, while the growth rate for rest of districts is positively. From 2011-2012 to 2013-2014, percentage growth of rest of districts was 7.98, 8.66 and 8.39, while for Udham Singh Nagar was 5.41, 5.13,and 4.87.It shows that percentage growth rate of MSME( rest of districts) has increased more than Udham Singh Nagar. Minimum growth rate all over the year of MSME in Udham Singh Nagar has observed -9.56 percent during 2008-2009 while minimum growth rates all over the year of MSME in rest of districts have observed -10.42 percent during 2008-2009 and maximum growth rate of MSME in Udham Singh Nagar and rest of districts has noticed 51.22 percent and 36.27 during the Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


year 2009-2010. Moreover, a diminishing growth rate is witnessed from 2010-2011 to 2013-14. A positive growth rate (51.22) is shown only in the year 2009-2010. Growth of the MSME in Investment Table: 5 Year

Udham Singh Nagar

% change over previous Year

% change over previous Year

-

Rest of the Districts 630.45

2007-2008 2008-2009

213.80 506.20

136.76

685.46

8.72

2009-2010

702.30

38.74

854.56

24.66

2010-2011

571.30

-18.65

853.53

-0.12

2011-2012

328.40

-42.51

603.35

-29.31

2012-2013

443.17

34.93

724.60

20.09

2013-2014

220.10

-50.33

402.65

-44.43

TOTAL

2985.21

4602.00

Source: Ministry of Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises in Udham Singh Nagar & Directorate of Industries in Uttarakhand. Analysis: In 2008-2009 and 2009-2010 percentage growth in Investment of rest of districts was 8.72 and 24.66, while for Udham Singh Nagar was 136.76 and 38.74. It is shows that in both of year’s investment are increased in Udham Singh Nagar more than rest of districts. In 2010-2011 and 2011-2012 percentage growth in Investment of rest of districts was -0.12 and -29.31, while for Udham Singh Nagar it was -18.65 and -42.51.It is clear from the table that for the year 2010-2011 and 2011-2012, percentage growth of rest of districts and Udham Singh Nagar has declined. It also shows that decline in growth for Udham Singh Nagar was greater than rest of the districts. From 2012 to 2013, percentage growth of rest of districts was 20.09 while for Udham Singh Nagar was 34.92. It is visible from the table that growth rate of investment of Udham Singh Nagar is comparatively more than rest of districts during 2012-2013.



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From 2013 to 2014-percentage growth of rest of districts was -44.43 while for Udham Singh Nagar is -50.33. It has indicated that growth rate of investment is rest of districtsless negatively than Udham Singh Nagar. From 2011-2012 to 2013-2014 percentage growth of rest of districts was 7.98, 8.66 and 8.39 while for Udham Sing Nagar was 5.41, 5.13,and 4.87 viz. It also shows that percentage growth rate of MSME is increased more rest of the districts than Udham Singh Nagar. The highest amount of investment (Rs. 702.3 Cr.) has been made in the year 2009-2010 and the lowest amount (Rs. 213.8 Cr) in the year 20072008. The yearly growth rate has diminished in most of the years. It also depicted that the MSME sector in Udham Singh Nagar has been reduced in investment. Growth of the MSME in Employment Table: 6 Year 2007-2008 2008-2009 2009-2010 2010-2011 2011-2012 2012-2013 2013-2014 TOTAL

Udham Singh Nagar 3563 5766 6783 6574 4626 5205 3077 35594

% change over previous Year 61.82 17.63 -3.08 -29.63 12.51 -40.88

Rest of Districts 12463 12429 17082 13099 10536 13184 9765 88580

% change over previous Year -0.27 37.43 -23.31 -19.56 25.13 -25.93

Source: Ministry of Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises in Udham singh Nagar & Directorate of Industries in Uttarakhand. Analysis: For 2008-2009 percentage growth in employment of rest of districts was 0.27, while for Udham Singh Nagar is 68.82. It is shows that growth of employment is positive increased in Udham Singh Nagar, while rest of districts has negative growth. For 2009-2010 and 20012-2013 percentage growth in Investment of rest of districts was 37.43 and 25.13, while for Udham Singh Nagar it was 17.63 and 12.51. It has indicated that in both the years’ percentage growth of rest of districts and Udham Singh Nagar



has increased. It also shows that increase in growth for Udham Singh Nagar is less than rest of the districts. For 2010-2011 and 2011-2012 percentage growth of rest of districts was 23.31 and -19.56, for Udham Singh Nagar it was -3.08 and -29.63. It is indicated in the table that growth of rest of districtsand Udham Singh Nagar are declining in visa –versa manner. From 2013 to 2014-percentage growth of rest of districts is -40.88 while for Udham Singh Nagar is -25.93. It indicates that growth rate of employment is rest of districts and Udham Singh Nagar is negative but Udham Singh Nagar is comparatively negative more than rest of districts. As regards the employment provided annually, between 2007 to 2014 the maximum number was enlisted during 2009-2010 (6783 persons) and the minimum during 2013-2014 (3077 persons) The diminishing trend in the growth rate based on total employment indicates that the MSME sector in Udham Singh Nagar has not been providing employment opportunities as expected by the Government and the industrialists. Contribution of unit, investment and employment (MSME) in Udham Singh Nagar with respect to Uttarakhand Table: 7 Year 2007-2008 2008-2009 2009-2010 2010-2011 2011-2012 2012-2013 2013-2014 Average

% Unit of USN %Investment of % Employment of W.R.T. Districts USN W.R.T. Districts USN W.R.T. Districts 22.23 18.13 25.31 18.27 31.69 42.47 19.88 28.42 45.11 18.75 33.41 40.09 18.38 30.51 35.24 17.89 28.3 37.94 17.41 23.96 35.34 18.41 42.77 32.45

Source: Ministry of Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises in Udham singh Nagar & Directorate of Industries in Uttarakhand. Analysis: The above table shows that the contribution of unit, investment and employment of Udham Singh Nagar with respect to Uttarakhand is very high. In case of total MSME unit registered between the years 2007 to 2014 Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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is about 18.41%. The table also shows that the contribution of Udham Singh Nagar district in GSDP (Gross State Domestic Product) of Uttarakhand is considerably high. Similarly, in case of investment and employment the contribution of GSDP of Udham Singh Nagar is also high. The average investment of the MSMEs of Udham Singh Nagar registered during the year 2007 to 2014 was 42.77% while the average employment generated during the said period was 32.45%. FINDINGS & RECOMMENDATIONS The overall comparison of per unit, investment and employment performance of the MSMEs based on the various parameters shows that the position of micro, small and medium enterprise in Udham Singh Nagar were neither promising nor prosperous at the end of March, 2014 as compared to some other districts, which excelled in the MSME sector in Uttarakhand. Over all, we can say that the number of registered MSME units has increased but the rate of growth is diminishing over the year. While the employment opportunities in the MSMEs didn’t increase in proportion to the growth in the number of MSMEs in the district. In case of Investment the yearly growth rate has diminished in most of the years. It also depicted that the MSME sector in Udham Singh Nagar has been reduced in investment. As per the analysis of the secondary data the growth rate in respect of investment and employment opportunities is less when compared to the growth rate in respect of the MSMEs functioning in the State. Hence, the government financial institutions and other stakeholders in the MSMEs have to take more corrective steps to minimize the shortcomings in the above-mentioned area. Every industrial and business organization has to take up the responsibility to meet the challenges posed by globalization. Not only the big business, but even micro, small and medium business enterprise in India has to take up the responsibility to meet the standards, qualities, technological up gradation, skills, technical know-how needed in the global market.



Reference:  Ministry of Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises, Government of India.2014-2015  Ministry of Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises in Udham Singh Nagar & Directorate of Industries in Uttarakhand  Uarakhand - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.mht  Uttarakhand Govt. of India, Official website.  Bala Subrahmanya, M. H. (2004). Small Industry and Globalisation Implications, Performance and Prospects. Economic and Political Weekly, 1826-1834  Singh, A. Analyzing small scale industry in Indian in context to liberalization.  Birajdar, S. M. (2011). A study of the small scale industries in economic development in Kolhapur district. 1 (V), 1-4. Jagtap, K. N. (2011). Impact of globalization on small scale industrial unit. Indian streams research journal, I (XI).  Singh, A. Analyzing small scale industry in Indian in context to liberalization. www.onlineijra.com  Singh, R, Verma, O.P., & Anjum, B. (2012). Small Scale Industry: An Engine of Growth. ZENITH International Journal of Business Economics & Management Research, 2 (5). ****



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TECHNOLOGY’S INFLUENCE ON MUSIC AND PERFORMANCE IN RECENT YEARS Awadhesh Kumar Bhatt Ph.D. Scholar Musicology Faculty of Performing Arts BHU, Varanasi All of these developments in the history of technology in music and musical performance are evident in recent years in the advent of digital and online technologies. Digital and online technologies have revolutionized individual interactions with music, social experiences of music, creative aspects of music, and commercial aspects of music. Eliot Bates, author of “Recorded Music: Performance, Culture, and Technology,” asserts that the changes brought to music and musical performance by digital and online technologies, particularly the MP3 and online downloading, have been as revolutionary in their impacts on music and musical performance as recording technologies were in the late 19th and early 20th centuries (Bates). Other scholars have come to the same conclusion, noting the rapid changes in creative and commercial contexts (Faria; Leonardo Music Journal; Montagu; Sanden; Taylor). The development of hardware and software technologies that produced MP3 players and online downloading services are perhaps the most influential in the course of music in the commercial context. Regis Rossi Faria, in “Profiling New Paradigms in Sound and Music Technologies,” documents the rise of these technologies in allowing individuals to share music in a manner unlike previous recording technologies. A digitalized version of a song could be copied and distributed between listeners much easier than previous tape recording technology, violating copyright laws (Faria). Previously, the emergence of tape recording technologies had resulted in commercial impacts on the recording industry, and the industry actually tried to prevent the release of this technology as a commercial product (Sanden). That effort failed, and so did the industry’s effort to prevent the development of online music sharing technologies and the copyright violations they facilitated. The Leonardo Music Journal documents the dramatic decline in sales of CDs in the MP3 and Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


online sharing era, with sales roughly one-third of what they were before these technologies. The response by the music industry to copyright violations made possible through these technologies has involved developing new products and services that capitalize technologies combined with litigation against violators (Sanden; Taylor). The music industry has partnered with online music services such as Apple’s iTunes in an attempt to provide a legally and commercially viable use of this technology. Some recording companies have developed their own online products and services intended to harness this technology in a commercially viable manner. Simultaneously, the recording industry litigates lawsuits against companies and individuals that violate copyrights, and they lobby national regulatory bodies to pursue criminal charges against violators (Sanden). Despite these efforts, sales of recorded music distributed commercially and lawfully have declined dramatically in recent years. Forbes magazine reported last year that in addition to declining sales of compact discs, online sales also decreased for the first time in history last year (Oswinski). The decrease in online sales, notably iTunes, reflects the fact that consumers might be turning once again in greater numbers toward the illegal online services that facilitate copyright violations. The Recording Industry Association of America is constantly filing suit against these operators, but these efforts are limited because many of the new operators are located in countries, such as Russia and the People’s Republic of China, that do not cooperate with industry or the U.S. government. Another reason for the decline in online sales of songs and albums is the introduction of a new technology and associated service: online streaming (Oswinski). Online streaming involves the distribution of music in an online format that is similar to radio distribution. Online streaming services, such as Pandora, Amazon Prime, and Rdio, allow consumers to listen to music based on their selection of a preference for the song, album, musician, or genre (Sanden). For example, Pandora’s service gives customers the option to identify a song, album, musician or genre that they prefer, and Pandora’s algorithm streams music that has the same musical elements. Pandora’s algorithm is based on a musical genome in which Pandora’s composers and musicians break every musical selection into a variety of elements, which are then aggregated into the online stream distributed to the customer. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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These services are based on a fee or advertising model that is not as lucrative as direct purchase of the song or album under the previous distribution channels of online and retail record stores (Sanden). Due to the relative newness of streaming technology, the recording industry is trying to determine how to maximize revenues in negotiations with the online streaming services (Oswinski). Music industry analysts believe that the online streaming technology makes it difficult to determine how many times a musical selection has been played, which is essential for the industry to collect royalties. Both online streaming and sharing technologies have had important impacts on creative production and performance as well. Perhaps most notably, these technologies have made the song or individual musical selection more important than the entire album in which the song was released (Oswinski; Taylor). Individuals tend to download and share individual selections rather than purchase the entire album. The history of popular music, particularly since the 1960s, has emphasized the composition of albums by musical artists. Certainly, hit songs from the artist tended to drive album sales, but today individuals can purchase, share, or stream the individual song, which is captured on their recording devices. Some musical artists are turning away from composing from the basis of an album and instead focusing on releasing only one or just a few songs in one commercial release (Oswinski). This has been particularly common in the hip hop genre (Sanden). Another influence of digital and online technologies relates to musical performance. Audiences today have access to more musical performances than any time in history, and these performances can be accessed free of charge and in a much more convenient manner than recording technologies provided in the past. Musical performances that have been recorded in audio and video formats allow access by audiences around the world (Montagu; Sanden; Taylor). Rare musical performances by a tribe in a remote Amazon jungle can be accessed by anyone on YouTube. Paul Sanden, author of Liveness in Modern Music: Musicians, Technology, and the Perception of Performance, attributes the increased popularity of the world music genre as a result of these new technologies and the ease of distribution they facilitate. In the past, recordings would need to be purchased by musicians and composers, but today online and Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


digital technologies allow music from around the world to be distributed at a much lower cost, allowing for more creative integration of new genres. Online streaming has recently revolutionized musical performance by allowing audiences to participate in recorded or live performances despite geographic distance (Faria). Many musical acts and venues now provide live performances to be streamed for commercial distribution. This is one area where new technology has created a potentially new source of revenue for artists and the industry. A band performing in a small club can greatly increase revenues due to live streaming audiences (Sanden). Revenue from live streaming is also particularly important for the commercial and creative viability of large metropolitan symphonies. For example, most major symphonies and opera companies today license their performances for live streaming audiences. Some of the larger companies can increase their audiences many times greater than the audience in the concert hall. Live streaming of the Metropolitan Opera in New York is distributed in movie theaters around the world, where tens of thousands of new audience members can listen. This analysis reveals the similarities between recent and historical technological developments in the course of music from the creative and commercial contexts. Even though the technology today is much different than the developments in instrumental and recording technologies in the past, the impacts are similar. New technology always appears to result in expanded musical creative capacity as distribution is facilitated or new sounds are made possible. However, expanded distribution in particular has significant impacts on the commercial opportunities and challenges at the industry level. Today, online and digital technologies have created new opportunities for technology creators to harness revenue from the music industry while presenting enormous challenges for traditional operators in the industry. Given the extraordinary changes in music and performance in light of recent technological developments, combined with the analysis of historical trends, it is almost impossible to make a prediction about the role of technology in the future other than to say that new opportunities and challenges for commercial operators will constantly rise and fall, while fortunately creative opportunities will most likely always expand.



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Reference     

Montagu, Jeremy. “Musical instruments: History, technology, and performance of instruments of western music.” Music & Letters 86.4 (2005): pp. 623-626. Retrieved from Academic Search Premier/CSULA Library. Oswinski, Bobby. “The numbers are in: Should the music industry be worried?”Forbes (7 Dec. 2014). Web. 11 May 2015. Sanden, Paul. Liveness in Modern Music: Musicians, Technology, and the Perception of Performance. New York: Routledge, 2013. Taylor, Timothy D. Strange Sounds: Music, Technology, and Culture. New York: Routledge, 2014. ****



PUBLIC HEALTH IN INDIA: ISSUE AND CHALLENGES Vinod Kumar Research Scholar Department of Economics BHU, Varanasi, 221005 Abstract: Public health refers to “the science and art of preventing disease, prolonging life and promoting health through organize the effort and informed choices of society, organizations, public and private, communities and individuals” (Winslow, CharlesEdward Amory, 1920). The dimension of the health can encompass “a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity”, as defined by the United Nations’ World Health Organization (WHO report, 2000). A sound health is one of the essential human needs in every country. Health and Socio-economic condition of any country are closely related to each other that is no possible achieved one without other. As we know that economic of India has been growing rapidly over the last decade, our health system is at the confluence. Every country whether developed or developing countries has its own policy or programmed for public health delivery system. We all know that population of India is 1.21 crone (Census, 2011). It is necessary to build health system according to their responsive demand and community’s needs. The government of India has taken several initiative steps, but it was not enough for this over crowed population. The Indian health system is ranked 112 among 191 WHO (WHO report, 2000) member countries in overall health performance. Indian public health care has been facing the challenges of explosive population second in the world, malnutrition in children, unsafe drinking water, bad sanitation, lack of food security and health education for a long time. It has been facing the problem of poverty where 22% Indian population live in below poverty line (Census, 2011) and public health expenditure is very less 1.4% of GDP as compared to Cuba 10.6% of GDP (World Bank report, 2014). It has been also exploring the problem of lack of infrastructures, amenities, trained and inadequate manpower (hospital rooms, bed, doctors, staff, nurses etc.) with less quality and quantities of services. However, the Government of India taking such wonderful step and making a lot of policy to resolve that problem but the pace of execution is very slow. In this working paper, we describe issues and challenges of Indian health system and deliberate serious area concern and attract attention to the working committee of public health care sector. We want to explore a valuable solution to the critical problem and suggested a few health sector reform measure and conclude by identifying the role and responsibilities of a various stockholder for building health sector that is responsive community’s needs, particularly for the poor.



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Key Words: Public Health, Prolonging, Dimension, Communicable and noncommunicable disease.

Introduction: India is going through statistic and natural move which is adding to the weight of sicknesses. There is the triple weight of diseases, viz. communicable, non-communicable and emerging infectious diseases. This high weight of illness, incapacity, and passing must be tended to through a successful public health framework. In any case, the development of public health in India has been ease back because of low open use on health, lack of public health center and insufficient national standard for public health education and training. Since freedom, significant general medical issues like malaria, tuberculosis, infection, and high maternal and child mortality and of late, human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) have been tended to through a purposeful activity of the administration. Social improvement combined with rational advances and medicinal services has prompted to a reduction in the death rates and birth rates. The public health structure in India contains an arrangement of statepossessed medicinal services offices subsidized and controlled by the legislature of India. Some of these are controlled by organizations of the central government while some are controlled by the legislatures of the state of affairs of India. The administrative service which controls the central government interests in these foundations is the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare. Public Health Issues and Challenges: The Indian medicinal services framework is a broken down state. The costs appear to raise regular which makes it an unnecessary burden for its population. As of late Indian Health Progress (IHP) association talked about what the Indian social insurance framework urgently needs and the means to enhance it. India is the second most crowded nation on the planet and with a medicinal services framework that are over-loaded with this always expanding populace, an arrangement of difficulties. The new motivation for Public Health in India joins the epidemiological move (rising weight of ceaseless non-transferable infections), statistic move and ecological changes. The unfinished motivation of maternal and youngster mortality, HIV/AIDS and other transferable diseases still applies huge strain on the overstretched health structures. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


Health structures are thinking about the impacts of existing transferable and non-transmittable sicknesses and further more with the expanding weight of rising and re-rising infections. Inadequate monetary assets for the health segment and wasteful use result in imbalances in health. The reasons for health disparities rests in the social, financial and political components that prompt to social stratification as indicated by salary, training, occupation, sex and race or ethnicity. The absence of satisfactory advance on these fundamental social determinants of health has been recognized as a glaring disappointment of general happiness. Rural versus Urban Divide: While the chance to enter the market is extremely ready, India still spends just around under two for every penny of its national GDP towards social insurance merchandise and ventures (contrasted with 18% by the US) Additionally, there are wide holes between the country and urban populaces in its human services framework which intensify the issue. A stunning 70% of the populace still lives in rural ranges and has no or restricted access to doctor's facilities and centers subsequently, the country population, for the most part, depends on option medication and government programs in rural health facilities. One such government program is the National Urban Health Mission which pays people for human services premiums, in association with different nearby private accomplices, which have demonstrated incapable to date. Conversely, the urban focuses have various private doctor's facilities and centers which give quality medicinal services. These focuses have better specialists, access to preventive prescription, and quality facilities which are an aftereffect of better gainfulness for speculators contrasted with the not really productive country territories. The requirement for effective payment mechanisms: Besides the rural-urban gap, another key driver of India's social insurance scene is the high out-of-pocket consumption (about 70%). This implies most Indian patients pay for their clinic visits and medical checkups with straight up money after care with no installment plans. As indicated by the World Bank and National Commission's provide details regarding Macroeconomics, just 5% of Indians are secured by medical coverage approaches. Such a low figure has brought about an incipient medical coverage showcase which is accessible for the urban, center and high wage populaces. Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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Demand for Basic Primary Healthcare and Infrastructure: India confronts a developing need to settle its fundamental health worries in the territories of HIV, malaria, tuberculosis, and loose bowels. Also, kids under five are conceived underweight and around 7% (contrasted with 0.8% in the US) of them bite the dust before their fifth birthday. Unfortunately, just a little rate of the populace has entry to quality sanitation, which additionally fuels some key worries above. One approach to tackling this issue is to address the framework issue by institutionalizing indicative methods, building rural centers, and creating streamlined health IT frameworks, and enhancing productivity. The requirement for talented medicinal graduates keeps on developing, particularly in country regions which neglect to draw in new graduates due to budgetary reasons. Living conditions: Safe drinking water and sanitation are basic determinants of health, which would specifically add to 70-80% diminishment in the weight of transferable sicknesses. The full scope of drinking water supply and sanitation through existing projects, in both rural and urban regions, is achievable and reasonable. Conclusion: A great arrangement of direction is essential to fruitful public health results. It decreases introduction to illness through authorization of clean codes, e.g., water quality observing, slaughterhouse cleanliness and sustenance health. Wide crevices exist in the implementation, observing and assessment, bringing about a frail public health structure. This is halfway because of poor financing for public health, the absence of administration and duty of public health functionaries and absence of group contribution. Restoration of public health direction through deliberate endeavors by the administration is conceivable through overhauling and execution of public health laws, counseling partners and expanding open attention to existing laws and their authorization systems. There are a few deficiencies that should be tended to in the improvement of HR for public health administrations. There is a critical need to set up preparing offices for public health experts alongside recognizing the extension for their commitment in the field. The Public Health Foundation of India is a positive stride to review the restricted institutional limit in India by fortifying preparing, research and arrangement advancement in public health. Pre benefit preparing is basic to prepare the medicinal workforce in Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


public health administration and to give abilities required for the act of public health. Changes in the undergrad educational programs are imperative for limit working in rising issues like pre-adult health and psychological wellness. In administration preparing for therapeutic officers is basic for conferring administration abilities and initiative qualities. Similarly vital is the need to expand the numbers of the paramedical laborer and preparing establishments in India. More interests in health structure enhanced minimal effort diagnostics and an approach to make the HR required for the same available to extensive segments of our populace that of guaranteeing generics and ease of variations of basic medications for genuine illnesses has a huge part in making meds moderate. Alongside free solutions, non-specific options, and free diagnostics, human services are enhancing in India, in any event, is a few states. One thing that we do should be mindful of is about controlling costs and not giving protection suppliers a chance to control the medicinal services framework directed through protection and foundation fortifying, is lacking to address the momentum issues of exorbitant social insurance and substantial monetary hazard, and the future difficulties postured by maturing populaces that are progressively influenced by non-transferable ailments. Social insurance ought to stay just and shopper driven. References: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

9. 10.

C.-E. A. Winslow, (1920). The untilled fields of public health, Science, New Series, 51 (1306): 23-33 http://www.who.int/whr/2000/en/whr00_en.pdf World Health Organization. World Health Report 2000., Geneva. Chauhan. LS, (2011). Public health in India: Issues and Challenges. Indian J Public health (55): 88-91 http://www.censusindia.gov.in/2011census/PCA/A-2_Data_Tables/00%20A%202India.pdf http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SH.XPD.PUBL.ZS file:///C:/Users/india-pc/Downloads/WB%20Annual%20Report%202014_EN.pdf M. K., Ramesh. (2015, March 15), Trends, Challenges & Innovations in Management. Retrieved from http://www.purelypolitical.us/download-pdf-trends-challengesinnovations-in-management-book-by-zenon-academic-publishing.pdf Kishore. J. (2009). National health programs of India. Retrieved from https://openlibrary.org/books/OL16254320M/National_health_programs_of_India Ministry of health and family welfare. (2002).National health policy. Government of India, New Delhi: [PubMed]

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UNDERSTANDING SOCIAL AND LEGAL IMPACTS OF NIRBHAYA MOVEMENT, INDIA (2012) Aarti Singh, PhD Research Scholar, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi ABSTRACT: Protests; peaceful and violent erupted across India after the brutal gang rape of a young girl in a moving bus in the heart of India’s capital, Delhi. Masses, with simmering anger, across all sections and classes and age groups, erupted in absolute disgust over the apathy of the police, political class and government. Demonstrations were held in all major cities. The Nirbhaya movement across the country certainly foxed the authorities. They were wondering how so many people could come out and protest, there must be someone organizing all this, trying to foment trouble. The authorities did not know how to respond and the public anger justifiably grew. There was no leader for this movement, there was no common ideology shared by all the protestors, yes there was outrage but there was no ideology or concrete solutions and yet the protests gained more strength. This paper aims to study the recent history of sexual violence against women, sometimes constitutionally supported and at other times culturally propagated. This paper aims to understand the Nirbhaya incident and its social and legal impact in India. Keywords: Nirbhaya, Social movement, Socio-legal impact, Delhi rape case, Justice Verma committee.

INTRODUCTION “The principle which regulates the existing social relations between the two sexes- the legal subordination of one sex to the other – is wrong in itself, and now one of the chief hindrances to human improvement; it ought to be replaced by a principle of perfect equality, admitting no power or privilege on the one side, nor disability on the other”. - J.S. Mill and Hariet Tylor Mill. Delhi has the highest number of sex crimes among India's major cities. Only one of 706 rape cases filed in Delhi in 2012 ended in conviction. The protests, post 16 December 2012 were expressions of middle-class angst arising out of a collapse of a social contract between them and the liberal state.



Sandhya Arya in her book, “Women, Gender and the State” mentions four major conclusions that emerge from state efforts in the arena of law reforms are:  Law reform was not taken up from the point of view of granting complete legal equality to women.  Laws have contributed towards reinforcing the image of women as wives and mothers and dependants on male members of family, through legal definition of man as head of the household, through male lineage, through unequal property rights and no share in matrimonial property.  Laws have also been source of promoting sexual stereotypes  Laws also became the basis of extending protection to women, i.e., only good women need to be protected. Laws on rape, prostitution and adultery specifically promote this. Violence against Women Gender-based violence has only recently emerged as a global issue extending across regional, social, cultural and economic boundaries. As a near universal phenomenon, gender-based violence threatens the wellbeing, rights and dignity of women. Women victims need to be treated with sensitivity. In recent years, the issue of violence against women has been recognized as a basic human rights issue and the elimination of genderbased violence has been seen as central to equality, development and peace. Violence against women includes not only physical violence, but also sexual, psychological and emotional abuse. Many forms of violence are not even recognized as such and are ignored, condoned or justified by involving religious, cultural and traditional beliefs. Gap between Enactment of Laws and their Implementation: Need of Sincerity in Enforcement Only very few cases are reported. We have to make our system active so that no man who has done violence goes unpunished. The objectives of preventive laws may not be faulted, but what is of crucial importance is their enforcement. A wide gap exists between laws with high social and economic purposes and their implementation on account of police inefficiency and widespread corruption all around. In this climate, the cutting edge of laws, both as an instrument of crime prevention and of social change, is bound to get blunted. The position further gets aggravated Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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when the culprits are seen by the populace flouting, perverting or getting round the latter and spirit of the law. Rape and Indecent Representation The Incident The victims, a 23-year-old woman and a male friend, were on their way home on the night of 16 December 2012 when the incident took place. Her condition continued to deteriorate, and she died at 4:45 am on 29 December, Singapore. After the incident Protests at Raisina Hill, Rajpath, New Delhi Public protests took place in New Delhi on 21 December 2012 at India Gate and Raisina Hill, the latter being the location of both the Parliament of India and Rashtrapati Bhavan, the official residence of the President of India. An article in First Post criticized the Indian government as well, saying that they failed to act positively or give credible assurances to the protesters and instead used police force, lathi-charging, pushing the media out of the scene, and shutting down metro rail stations. International The Indian protests also sparked protests across south Asia, including marches and rallies in Nepal, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Bangladesh. UN Secretary-General Ban Kimoon stated, "Violence against women must never be accepted, never excused, never tolerated. Every girl and woman has the right to be respected, valued and protected". UN Women called on the Government of India and the Government of Delhi ,"to do everything in their power to take up radical reforms, ensure justice and reach out with robust public services to make women's lives more safe and secure". Justice Verma Committee Justice Verma Committee was constituted to recommend amendments to the Criminal Law so as to provide for quicker trial and enhanced punishment for criminals accused of committing sexual assault against women post the Nirbhaya Case and protests thereafter. The Committee submitted its report on January 23, 2013. It made recommendations on laws related to rape, sexual harassment, trafficking, child sexual abuse, medical



examination of victims, police, electoral and educational reforms. We summarize the key recommendations of the Committee. Rape: The Committee recommended that the gradation of sexual offences should be retained in the Indian Penal Code, 1860 (IPC). The Committee was of the view that rape and sexual assault are not merely crimes of passion but an expression of power. Rape should be retained as a separate offence and it should not be limited to penetration of the vagina, mouth or anus. Any non-consensual penetration of a sexual nature should be included in the definition of rape. The IPC differentiates between rape within marriage and outside marriage. Under the IPC sexual intercourse without consent is prohibited. However, an exception to the offence of rape exists in relation to un-consented sexual intercourse by a husband upon a wife. The Committee recommended that the exception to marital rape should be removed. Marriage should not be considered as an irrevocable consent to sexual acts. Therefore, with regard to an inquiry about whether the complainant consented to the sexual activity, the relationship between the victim and the accused should not be relevant. Sexual assault: The Committee recommended that non-penetrative forms of sexual contact should be regarded as sexual assault. Use of criminal force to disrobe a woman should be punishable with 3 to 7 years of imprisonment. Verbal sexual assault: The Committee has suggested that use of words, acts or gestures that create an unwelcome threat of a sexual nature should be termed as sexual assault and be punishable for 1 year imprisonment or fine or both. Sexual harassment: Some of the key recommendations made by the Committee on the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace (Prevention, Prohibition and Redressal) Bill, 2012 that is pending in Parliament are provided below:  Domestic workers should be included within the purview of the Bill.



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 Under the Bill the complainant and the respondent are first required to attempt conciliation.  The employer should pay compensation to the woman who has suffered sexual harassment.  There should be an Employment Tribunal to receive and adjudicate all complaints. Acid attack: It recommended that the central and state government create a corpus to compensate victims of crimes against women. Offences against women in conflict areas: The Committee has recommended that the requirement of sanction for prosecution of armed forces personnel should be specifically excluded when a sexual offence is alleged. Complainants of sexual violence must be afforded witness protection. Trafficking: It recommended that the provisions of the IPC on slavery be amended to criminalize trafficking by threat, force or inducement. It also recommended criminalizing employment of a trafficked person. Child sexual abuse: The Committee has recommended that the terms ‘harm’ and ‘health’ be defined under the Juvenile Justice Act, 2000 to include mental and physical harm and health, respectively, of the juvenile. Punishment for crimes against women: It opined that death penalty should not be awarded for the offence of rape as there was considerable evidence that death penalty was not deterrence to serious crimes. It recommended life imprisonment for rape. Medical examination of a rape victim: The Supreme Court has through various judgments held that the two-finger test must not be conducted and that the previous sexual experience of the victim should not be relied upon for determining the consent or quality of consent given by the victim.



Police reforms: The Committee has recommended certain steps to reform the police. These include establishment of State Security Commissions to ensure that state governments do not exercise influence on the state police. The Commission would lay down broad policy guidelines so that the Police act according to the law. A Police Establishment Board should be established to decide all transfers, postings and promotions of officers. Director General of Police and Inspector General of Police should have a minimum tenure of 2 years. Fast Track courts are to be set up to for cases of sexual violence: Reforms in management of cases related to crime against women:  A Rape Crisis Cell should be set up. The Cell should be immediately notified when an FIR in relation to sexual assault is made. The Cell must provide legal assistance to the victim.  All police stations should have CCTVs at the entrance and in the questioning room.  A complainant should be able to file FIRs online.  Police officers should be duty bound to assist victims of sexual offences irrespective of the crime’s jurisdiction.  Members of the public who help the victims should not be treated as wrong doers.  The police should be trained to deal with sexual offences appropriately.  Number of police personnel should be increased. Community policing should be developed by providing training to volunteers. Electoral reforms: The Committee recommended the amendment of the Representation of People Act, 1951. Currently, the Act provides for disqualification of candidates for crimes related to terrorism, untouchability, secularism, fairness of elections, sati and dowry. The Committee was of the opinion that filing of charge sheet and cognizance by the Court was sufficient for disqualification of a candidate under the Act. It further recommended that candidates should be disqualified for committing sexual offences.



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Education reforms: The Committee has recommended that children’s experiences should not be gendered. It has recommended that sexuality education should be imparted to children. Adult literacy programs are necessary for gender empowerment. Legal Impact The Criminal Law Amendment Act of 2013 and the Announcement of the Nirbhaya Fund: The new law is by no means a perfect one, it was a game-changer nonetheless. Most significantly, the new law expanded the definition of rape to include non-peno-vaginal intercourse which was not the case earlier. Under the new law, all forms of non-consensual penetrative sexual acts by men on women, now constitute rape. Furthermore, the new law eloquently defined consent as an ‘unequivocal agreement to engage in a particular sexual act’ rubbishing once and for all the ‘lack of resistance implies consent’ argument. The new law also, for the first time, made note of, and specifically defined, acts such as forced disrobing, stalking, voyeurism and acid attacks, and making Sec 354 of the Indian Penal Code much more potent. The debate on the age of the Juvenile The amendment to the JJ Act 2000 brought both male and female below the age of 18 years within the ambit of the juvenile justice system, but prior to it was male below the age of 16yrs and females below the age of 18 years as per JJ Act 1986. Social Impact The youth and the social media The Nirbhaya movement across the country has certainly foxed the authorities. Malcolm Gladwell, talks about a fundamental shift that is happening in society, he calls it the Generational Paradigm Shift. A shift from individuality to being connected to a community and need to participate with the community. Crackdown on women? Insensitive comments from politicians have been widespread since the Delhi gang rape, an even more worrying trend has been the attempts to Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


address sexual violence through cracking down on the freedoms and rights of women and girls. Public discussions about violence against women Discussions about rape, acid attacks, sexual harassment, molestation, dowry murders and female feticide are now no longer just confined to civil society groups, feminists and academics but are being widely debated in the mainstream media and even amongst the usually apathetic political classes. While this has helped create greater awareness and social intolerance towards gender crimes, it has also led to a conservative backlash which has over the past year manifested itself through a series of disturbing incidents – some of which can only be described as an attempt at moral policing. A young woman who had taken part in the protests at the time of the rape said a year later, "A welcome change is that the taboo on discussing rape and sexual violence has been broken. The protests brought debates and discussions to our homes." She also said that since the rape and protests the media is now providing coverage of sexual violence. Conclusion “Woman is the companion of man, gifted with equal mental capacities. She has the right to participate in the minutest details in the activities of man, and she has an equal right of freedom and liberty with him. She is entitled to a supreme place in her own sphere of activity as man is in his. This ought to be the natural condition of things and not as a result only of learning to read and write. By sheer force of a vicious custom, even the most ignorant and worthless men have been enjoying a superiority over woman which they do not deserve and ought not to have. Many of our movements stop half way because of the condition of our women.” While the Delhi gang rape has already led to significant progressive legislative change and structural change has been promised, such as the commitment of the Delhi Police Force to hire more female police officers, much deeper cultural changes will be required in order for these legislative and structural reforms to be effective. In order to stem rape and make public space safer for half of its population, deeply-rooted sexism and the low status of women needs to be tackled. In order to transform traditional mentalities among all classes and communities, it is important to leverage popular culture as well. Films, especially in regional languages which reach all Indians, could portray Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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heroes who condemn rape and sexual harassment .In order for the extraordinary solidarity and gender consciousness that emerged in the wake of the Delhi gang rape to continue, citizens must be prepared to take to the streets to demand action from a complacent political class in order to keep the pressure on to effect real change. The greatest danger is that the initial momentum unleashed by the Delhi gang rape is lost with time. There is also the danger that parents will now exercise even greater control over the mobility and choices of their daughters in order to protect them from potential sexual violence, thereby restricting their educational and career opportunities. The tragic death of Nirbhaya has stirred the nation’s consciousness like never before; her memory will live on, but in order for future generations of girls to grow up in a safer and more egalitarian India, gender equality needs to become a national priority and a collective responsibility of government, culture and civil society.

References 

Aruna Goel: Violence and Protective measures for women development and Empowerment; 2004; Deep Publications Pvt Ltd, New Delhi.

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CNN: World’s untold stories; ‘Nirbhaya’, Victim of India gang rape fought for justice; Samantha Bresnahan, Sumnima Udas, Ram Ramgopal; December 16, 2013.

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DNA; Justice J.S.Verma Committee’s recommendations; January 23, 2013.

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Report of the Committee on Amendments to Criminal Law; Justice J.S.Verma (Retd) Chairman, Justice Leila Seth (Retd) Member, Gopal Subramanium, Member.

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www.ingenere.it; Article Asia – Violence; Gender violence in India: On the response to the Delhi gang rape; Kathryn Lum, 4/9/2013.

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www.reuters.com, US edition; Using rape as an excuse for Moral Policing in India; Nita Bhalla, 12/2/2014.

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The Washington Post; What India has learned from the Delhi gang rape; Swati Sharma, Sept 13, 2013.



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www.ohchr.org; United Nations Human Rights; Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights; Ending gender based violence and discrimination: Youth as agents of change.

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www.hindustantimes.com; Delhi Gang rape case: Age can be a bar to justice’ New Delhi, December 3, 2013.

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www.thediplomat.com: juvenile verdict in Delhi gang rape case sparks outrage: by Sanjay Kumar, September 3, 2013.

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www.dailypioneer.com; Debate over reducing age of juvenile criminality: by Saurav Chandan Padhi, Bhubaneshwar: January 13, 2014.

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Times of India: Supreme Court relief for 2 Nirbhaya Convicts: 16 March, 2014. ***



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INDIA-SAUDI ARABIA RELATIONS: GEOPOLITICAL AND GEOSTRATEGIC IMPORTANCE Zubair Nazeer *Zubair Nazeer is a Junior Research Fellow in the Department of Political Science, Jamia Millia Islamia. He is working on Tribal Development Administration in India. He teaches Contemporary India and Indian Administration papers in the Department. **

Mudassir Fatah

Mudassir Fatah is an ICSSR Doctoral Fellow in the Department of Political Science, Jamia Millia Islamia. He is currently working in the area of International Relations.

Abstract India-Saudi Arabia partnership has improved significantly in recent times and is expected to gain momentum in the years to come. It is the common interests and the mutual desire that have been the main driving force behind this partnership. The economic complementarities are helping this relationship to grow stronger. Saudi Arabia is now an important part of India’s foreign policy and vice-versa. With a changed global geopolitical environment and increasing economic interdependence, Saudi Arabia today considers India not only a strategic ally but also a potential ‘bridging power’ that can play a constructive role for regional peace and stability. India’s relations with Saudi Arabia are very significant from geopolitical and geostrategic perspective. India is looking beyond oil and trade in order to engage Saudi Arabia in a strategic partnership. Security ties are essential to complement the existing framework, which supports India's energy and economic interests in the region. Importance of Indo–Saudi relations from a geopolitical perspective is crucial for the two countries to diversify security partners given the political turmoil in West Asia. They are delinking their partnership from individual policy imperatives including their respective relations with Iran and Pakistan. From the Indian perspective, a stronger partnership with a key regional player like Saudi Arabia balances against Islamabad's influence in the region. India sees the Gulf region as falling within its security parameter and has shown readiness to contribute to the security and stability of the region through sharing its own experiences in the areas of counterterrorism, maritime security and military training. Strengthening India’s relations with Saudi Arabia allows new avenues for India to manage relations within its own neighbourhood and also contribute to the security of the Gulf region. Piracy in the Gulf of Aden and surrounding regions remains a threat to Sea Lines of Communication and thus to the security of the transshipment of goods. Deepening the Indian Navy’s cooperation with its Saudi counterpart contributes significantly to the fight against piracy. The Gulf is one of the most significant regions of India’s national interest especially defence and security. It is directly linked to India’s economic growth and development. This Gulf region is, however, currently passing through a high phase of instability. India needs to geo-strategically engage with the region and one way is through Riyadh centric approach which includes GCC and its allies in the Arab world. This paper will attempt to reflect upon various issues of this significant relationship between India and Saudi Arabia. Keywords: Geopolitical, Geostrategic, Maritime Security, Terrorism, Energy Security Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


India-Saudi Arabia Bilateral Relationship: A Historical Review India and Saudi Arabia are two important powers in their respective regional neighbourhood. In fact, India is an emerging power at a global level. Both these countries possess significant power and yield influence beyond their vicinity. They share several common interests. Indo-Saudi relations date back several millennia but formal relations were established in 1948. However, this relationship has never fully realized its potential since the formal establishment of bilateral relations. Kashmir issue was the first factor that impacted Indo- Saudi relations. During King Saud bin Abdul Aziz Al-Saud’s visit to Pakistan in 1953, he expressed his country’s political support to Pakistan on the Kashmir issue. India’s recognition of Israel in 1950 was also perceived negatively in the region by Arab countries including Saudi Arabia as Palestine was their central issue; though it was also a known fact that India supported Palestine. Saudi Arabia’s interest to strengthen relations with India in 1955 was a result of a balancing act by Saudi Arabia. Pakistan joined the Baghdad Pact in February 1955 along with Iraq, Turkey and Iran and this caused much resentment in Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Saudi was astonished and used Indian card to send a strong political message to Pakistan. It was in this backdrop when Saudi Crown Prince Faisal bin Abdul Aziz made a visit to India in May 1955 to lay the foundation of bilateral relations between Saudi Arabia and India in modern times. This visit was followed by the historic visit of King Saud bin Abdul Aziz Al-Saud to India in November 1955. It was the first ever visit by head of state of any of the two countries to the other. During this visit the two countries resolved to strengthen their bilateral relation by enhancing cooperation in cultural, political and economic fields. This historic visit was reciprocated by Indian Prime Minister Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru’s visit to the Kingdom. These high level visits indicated growing closeness of the two countries but these cordial relations did not endure for a long time. Post 1950’s some major international and regional political developments had an impact on Indo-Saudi relations. The politics of Cold War saw India and Saudi Arabia at different ends of the political spectrum. India was seen close to the Soviet and Saudi Arabia had developed close relations with US. This did not help bilateral relations between these two countries. At the regional level, there was polarization of Arab politics and countries became divided into groups-conservatives and revolutionaries. India had close relations with Egypt and was identified with this group. This radical group led by Egypt was opposing the West and its allies in the Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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region. The conservative group led by Saudi Arabia supported Eisenhower Doctrine and became closely associated with US-West strategy to contain communism. At this point in history, India’s relations with US were not good. This further led to distancing of India and Saudi Arabia though there was never any direct issue between them. Political situation in the Arab world was getting complex and this had impact on allies. Syria broke away from Egypt in 1961 and it was seen by Egypt as conspiracy hatched by the West and some regional powers. Egypt and Saudi Arabia supported opposing groups during the civil war in Yemen in 1962. These events led to a change in Saudi Arabia’s regional policy. This policy was unveiled by King Faisal bin Abdul Aziz when he initiated Pan-Islamism as a counter ideology to Pan-Arabism. Pakistan fitted into this ideology easily and this led to close relations between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia; on the other hand, India’s foreign policy was deemed as Cairo-centric. India-Saudi relations further weakened during Indo-Pak 1965 war. Saudi Arabia sided with Pakistan and accused India for being the aggressor. India was not allowed to become a member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference which was established in 1969 mainly because India could not gain support of Riyadh, the most influential member of the OIC. Due to this India could not play a geopolitical and geostrategic role in the region. The story was repeated in Indo-Pak war in 1971 that led to liberation of Bangladesh. Saudi Arabia supported Pakistan during this war both financially and diplomatically. Indo- Saudi relations were not moving forward at all. This was a period of “communication gap” in bilateral relations of India and Saudi Arabia. India didn’t condemn the Soviet incursion into Afghanistan and was also able to maintain cordial relations with both Baghdad and Tehran even during Iraq-Iran war. Saudi was dependent upon its security on US and that security was provided through close cooperation between Islamabad and Riyadh. However, Saudi Arabia started to feel insure and questioned Washington’s commitment to its security. This insecurity increased due to continuing war in the Gulf and Israel- Lebanon conflicts (1978& 1982). Saudi Arabia recognized limitations of over dependence on military cooperation with Pakistan. Riyadh realized that its good relations with Pakistan should not come in the way of developing good relations with India. Saudi Arabia sought to develop better relations with India. Thus, there was a break in communication gap between India and Saudi Arabia. To rejuvenate bilateral relation India’s Prime Minister Indira Gandhi visited Riyadh in Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


1982. During this visit various issues of mutual concern were discussed and a close cooperation was sought especially on economic front and peace in South Asia. Even after this visit, bilateral relations failed to yield much. In fact, the relationship got strained due to several factors such as eruption of militancy in Kashmir in 1989, India’s neutrality during the Gulf crisis (1990-91), Babri masjid demolition, and Saudi Arabia’s support to Pakistan in the UN on human rights violations in Kashmir. After the end of Cold War, there was big shift in Indian foreign policy. India had no longer to balance its relation between the two Cold War powers. The 1991 financial crisis and subsequent liberalization of economy brought India close to the West mainly through financial institutions like IMF. After opening up of economy, there was growth in Indian economy and this growth was accompanied by increasing energy demands. India’s oil imports came from the Gulf countries with Saudi Arabia providing an approximately a quarter of India total import. India’s close relation with the West also brought Riyadh and New Delhi closer. Cultural and community relations between India and Saudi Arabia were always close. Approximately 2.88 million Indians live in Saudi Arabia and is one of major sources of remittance from the expatriate community. IndoSaudi relation since the Cold War has been primarily based on trade, oil and cultural exchanges. And since then there have been efforts to upgrade this bilateral relationship to a strategic relationship. After 9/11, there was deterioration in Riyadh-Washington relations. The US started to put pressure on Saudi Arabia to initiate reforms in educational system, controlling extremists and supporting its policy of ‘war on terror’. Saudi Arabia was not comfortable with American invasion of Iraq because it felt that this created an opportunity for Iran to increase regional hegemony. These issues forced Riyadh to re-think its policy and it sought more close cooperation and engagement with the Asian Powers through its ‘Look East Policy’. Saudi Arabia also supported India’s petition for observer status in the OIC. This was a beginning of a new phase in Indo-Saudi relations. New Thrust in India-Saudi Arabia Relations Last decade has seen substantial progress in Indo-Saudi relations. It has moved beyond traditional energy, trade and socio-cultural relationship. Indian policy makers do recognize Saudi Arabia as a major regional power with substantial influence not only in the region but also in the wider Arab and Muslim world. India seeks to play an important role in Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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the region and a close cooperation with Riyadh is an important step in that direction. India is important for Saudi Arabia’s own political and strategic interests in its own region and in South Asia. It is realization of these interests that there has been a new thrust in India-Saudi Arabia relations. In 2006, King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud visited India and this heralded a new era in Indo-Saudi relations. At the end of this visit the Delhi Declaration was signed. The Declaration reflected a broad strategic vision and determination to work together for mutual benefit and for peace and stability in the region and the world. It affirmed the commitment of both countries to the ideals of tolerance, harmony and diversity and recognized the importance of dialogue and peaceful resolution of disputes. The Declaration recognized strategic role of India and Saudi Arabia in light of the fact that there is close inter-linkage of the stability and security of the Gulf region and the Indian sub-continent. The bilateral agreement established a framework for expanding the scope of cooperation especially in areas of combating terrorism and transnational crime for which a separate Memorandum of Understanding was signed. India needed this cooperation to combat terrorism and this visit came after Mumbai Attacks. Saudi Arabia also suffered attacks from al Qaeda and there was widespread perception that Saudi funds certain militant groups based in Pakistan and that it was not doing enough to counter violent extremism and its roots. The Declaration by recognizing that “terrorism is a scourge for all mankind and there is a need to intensify and coordinate bilateral, regional and global cooperation to combat and eradicate the menace of terrorism” was a step in the direction of improved political and strategic relationship. Energy, trade, investment, science and technology and cultural exchanges were other areas that were highlighted during this visit. In fact, the Delhi Declaration besides combating terrorism didn’t have much on political and strategic front. King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz Al Saud’s visit to India was followed by Dr. Manmohan Singh’s, the Indian Prime Minister, visit to Saudi Arabia in 2010. During this visit, the Riyadh Declaration was signed between the two countries. This visit helped in laying foundation for diversifying the oil based relationship. Riyadh Declaration upgraded bilateral relation to encompass security, defense and political dimensions besides traditional economic issues. The Declaration focused on existing cooperation in defence fields and both countries agreed to continue strengthening this cooperation in a way that realizes their common Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


interests. India and Saudi Arabia reiterated that terrorism and religious extremism is a threat for global peace and sought to work closely to combat such challenges. The two countries agreed to enhance cooperation in exchange of information relating to terrorist activities, money laundering, narcotics, arms and human trafficking, and develop joint strategies to combat these threats. India and Saudi Arabia signed the Extradition Treaty and the Agreement for Transfer of Sentenced Persons. In the backdrop of recognization of geopolitical significance of the bilateral relationship, a number of regional and international issues were discussed. It was a significant transition from the past tradition when only trade and energy issues dominated the talks. Both countries sought the establishment of a sovereign, independent, united and viable Palestinian State, in accordance with the two state solution and within a definite timeframe. The Riyadh Declaration criticized Israeli settlement policy, argued for nuclear weapons free Gulf region and discussed Iran’s nuclear issue. Saudi Arabia and India also discussed Afghanistan and stood for Afghanistan’s sovereignty and independent. Discussion of such issues was reflection of that fact that Saudi Arabia and India has entered an era of strategic partnership. It was for mutual benefit but India had more benefits in the sense that its role in the region was now getting recognition from one of the most important and influential regional player, Saudi Arabia. It was also significant because this bilateral relationship was moving out of Pakistan shadow. India-Saudi Importance

Arabia

Relations:

Geopolitical

and

Geostrategic

Kjellen, a Swedish citizen was the first who coined the concept of geopolitics in 1899. He defined it as “the theory of the state as a geographical organism or phenomenon in space”. There are two crucial elements within the concept of geopolitics: power and space. Peter Taylor states that geopolitical analysis always has a national bias and considers geopolitics as part of the realist tradition of international relations. Saul Bernard Cohen considers geopolitics as the analysis of the “interaction between geographical settings and perspectives and political processes.” Both geographical settings and political processes are dynamic and each influences and is influenced by the other. Geopolitical addresses the consequences of this interaction. Colin Flint states that geopolitics is the struggle over the control of spaces and places and focus upon power. Geopolitics is involved in world politics and deals with compelling questions of power and danger in global affairs. It explains a great deal in Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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simple terms, explains international relations and provides insight into the future direction of international affairs. Geostrategy is a subfield of geopolitics and is related to foreign policy. It is a type of foreign policy guided principally by geographical factors as they inform, contain or affect political and military planning. It is through geostrategy that a state seeks to achieve its geopolitical objectives whether they are local, regional or global. Geostrategy often advocates aggressive strategies and approaches geopolitics from a nationalist point of view. It is about exercising of power in critical geographical areas/regions of the world essentially to promote and preserve national interests. India and Saudi Arabia relations are geopolitical and geostrategic. Both countries are regional powers and seek to play an important role at the regional and international level. Indo-Saudi bilateral relation was always geopolitically important but it couldn’t rise to that level. It was only after the Delhi Declaration and subsequent Riyadh Declaration, upgradation of relations in that direction has taken place. South Asia and the Gulf region are geopolitically interlinked and events in one region have a significant impact on the other region especially on peace, security and stability. Saudi Arabia wants to be a significant player in South Asia to protect its interest in the region. It is looking to balance its relation with India and Pakistan. Riyadh wants New Delhi to play a role in the Gulf to maintain its influence and power in the region. India is part of Saudi Arabia’s plan to limit the influence of US in the region and this strategy is somewhat on the lines of Kissinger strategy of the shift of the international system from bipolar to multi-polar. Riyadh is looking towards rising eastern powers that are far less interested than Washington in what Saudi Arabia does within its borders. Saudi Arabia wants India and China to play a role in stabilization and balancing of the Gulf. It wants to play its politics through India especially in relation to Iran and also wants to minimize its security dependence on US and Pakistan through strong defence relations with other Asian powers. The signing of the Defence cooperation pact between New Delhi and Riyadh in 2014 is a step in that direction. Combating terrorism, sharing of intelligence information and extradition of terrorists has increased in the last few years. The extradition of Abu Jundal has been one important highlight of this geostrategic partnership. India is an emerging global power with interests in different parts of the world. It is competing with different players especially China both within South Asia, India’s own territory and other regions like Gulf region, Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


Central Asia, South East Asia and East Asia, etc. Saudi Arabia is fast emerging as an arena of Indo-China competition. Saudi-China relations have entered a new phase with strong defence and economic ties. Saudi is seeking China’s support for an urgent resolution of crisis in Syria and also for maritime security of the region. China’s growing security profile in the Gulf region is a cause of concern for India because it is part of China’s strategy to dominate the Indian Ocean region. India has not been able to prevent success of China’s “String of Pearls” policy but a strategic relation with Saudi Arabia would help New Delhi to address many of its concern in relation to China profile in the Gulf region. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia can use both China and India to its own advantage through bargaining technique to secure and promote its own interests in the region. Gulf region is an important area of interest for India. A strategic partnership with Saudi Arabia is an important aspect of achieving goals in the region. It is not only to challenge China in this region or minimize the influence of Pakistan but also maritime security, energy security and other national interests. Iran is a critical element in India’s strategic calculus not only due to the fact that Iran is an important source of oil and natural gas but also because of Iran’s geographical proximity to Afghanistan and Pakistan. India is investing in Chabahar port and that would provide commercial corridor to Central Asia. A strategic partnership with Iran can be a cause of concern is often overstated. It might have been true during the “communication gap era” of Indo-Saudi relations. However, dependence on each other, which is a feature of any geopolitical and geostrategic relation, would allow Riyadh and New Delhi to look beyond Tehran and recognize each other’s interests without causing any obstacles in bilateral relationship. In the past, Indo-Israel defence and economic ties used to raise eyes brows in power corridors of Riyadh. It might still be but there has been a shift in the recent past. The political transformation in the region, US and Iran negotiations, the collapse of the Mubarak Regime and rise of Muslim Brotherhood has led to a convergence of interests between Saudi Arabia and Israel. This provides an opportunity for India, for it no longer needs to take side in the Arab-Israel conflict. At least close relations with Israel wouldn’t cause breakdown in Indo-Saudi relations.



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India-Saudi Arabia Relations: Issues of Mutual Concern Regional and international circumstances have changed in the last decade and Indo-Saudi relationship took on a new path of vigorous cooperation. Geopolitical and geostrategic dimensions constitute the cornerstone of their ties. There are various issues of mutual concern for India and Saudi Arabia and these issues will remain a top priority in future such as energy security, maritime security and internal security. Saudi Arabia is the main supplier of oil to India and crude oil imports from Saudi Arabia to India is likely to double in the next two decades. Riyadh is committed to provide stable oil supplies to New Delhi and King Abdullah had during his 2006 visit emphasized the need to develop a strategic energy partnership based on complementary and interdependent ties. The Gulf region since the Arab Spring is highly unstable with greater political risks and this could easily disturb oil supply. International economic security is indispensably linked to favourable oil supplies from the region. India with its major supplies coming from the Gulf region understands the significance of energy security and Indo-Saudi cooperation in this regard is vital cog for India’s economic stability. Saudi Arabia understands its own significance and uses its ‘oil diplomacy’ to maintain influence in power corridors and ensure protection of its interests in the region and through India, it can further its interests in South Asia. There is a recognition in Riyadh that the Gulf security is possible not through unilateralism but collective will of the international community. This was expressively stated during the Gulf Dialogue meeting in Bahrain in 2004. Asian and European powers can play a positive role in Gulf security primarily because they rely on the region for energy needs and have no dominance interests. India can contribute to Gulf security through knowledge sharing related to combating terrorism, maritime security and joint military exercises. India’s presence in the Gulf security apparatus would not be an issue for the US unlike China’s increasing presence in the region. Since India and Saudi Arabia have good friendly relations with the US, New Delhi can use it for its own advantage in the region, at the same time ensuring security and stability in the Gulf, a top priority for Saudi Arabia because instability would eventually lead to its borders and challenge its authority in the region. Another important issue of mutual concern is maritime security. Most of India’s commercial ties with the Gulf countries are carried out through maritime shipping, therefore, maritime security is of immense Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


significance. Naval relations between India and Saudi Arabia are strategically significant for security of trade routes and maritime passages. Maritime security is also important for overall security of the Gulf and the security of Gulf and the Indian Ocean are closely interlinked. India’s engagement with maritime security depends upon several conditions- close relations with the US and Saudi Arabia, its own power capabilities and support of the Gulf countries. Most of the conditions are in India’s favour therefore, close relations with Riyadh would only reaffirm India’s importance in maritime security of the Gulf. It is also a way to challenge and minimize China’s influence in the Indian Ocean region. Indian naval capability and presence in the Indian Ocean is important for India to become a maritime power. India’s maritime interests are now all over and anything that happens between the east coast of Africa and the Malacca Straits is of immense concern to India. India’s navy started to serious engagement with GCC countries began in 2004, following its 2003 policy of ‘taking to the blue waters’. A close cooperation with Saudi Arabia is vital for success of this policy. In fact, Riyadh has expressed its interest in joint training, joint perspectives on the regional peace, and joint naval operations in the Arabian Sea and Gulf. Such exercises have been conducted in the past like those conducted in waters of Jubail in 2002 and in the Gulf in 2007. India is seeking increased Saudi participation in the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium; a thirty three member grouping that provides a framework for Indian-led security architecture in the Indian Ocean. Indo-Saudi geostrategic partnership is also important and potent to tackle piracy in the region. Piracy is the main challenge in the Indian Ocean. Pirates are planning to merge various piracy hotspots in the Indian Ocean region and form a string of perils for oil tankers and commercial ships heading to and from major Asian markets especially India and China. Terrorism is a global menace and every country is threatened by this issue. India has suffered many severe attacks like 1993 Mumbai Attacks, 2005 Mumbai Attacks and 26/11. Both these countries have also suffered from other international crimes such as money laundering, drug and arms smuggling and human trafficking, etc. India and Saudi Arabia have assured each other of close cooperation and continue to struggle together against terrorism. Saudi Arabia has been accused in the past of providing financial and moral support of various groups who are carrying out terrorist activities in India. Riyadh has promised India that it wouldn’t support any group against India in any way either financially or through Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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moral support. This commitment from Saudi Arabia is very vital for internal security of India and for the security of the region as a whole. Over the years defence cooperation and exchange of intelligence information and expertise has increased. The signing of the Defence Cooperation pact in 2014 has given a fresh impetus in the direction of defence relations between India and Saudi Arabia. Conclusion India and Saudi Arabia have fostered close relation in the last decade but there would be several tests to this relationship. Future of the bilateral relationship would depend upon the way these challenges are dealt. One test is to ensure uninterrupted flow of Saudi crude oil exports and that has been achieved so far. India would need oil supplies to meet its increasing energy needs and Saudi would need diversification of oil market. Another test would be to maintain politico-strategic cooperation in defence and security realms in fast changing political scenario of the region. Changing political realities in the Gulf region and issues like ISIS arising out such situations would test the maturity of geopolitical and geostrategic relationship between Riyadh and New Delhi. As a rising power with deep interests in the region, India would be expected to play a larger role in shaping of an inclusive security apparatus in the Gulf. India could find acceptance as a more proactive player in the region’s security due to its image as a benign power that does not harbour any extraterritorial ambitions. However, India would have to be careful enough to balance its relationship with Saudi Arabia and its various alliances in the region. India has to avoid taking sides in Saudi’s intra-regional disputes but it can offer advices and acts a peace negotiator like in case of Iran and Saudi Arabia. This is in favour of India’s long term interests in the region. India and Saudi Arabia should work with other powers such as China, US and the EU to counter piracy in international waters to provide an effective and uninterrupted flow of oil to respective economies. A strong strategic partnership between Saudi Arabia and India would ease New Delhi’s sensitivity about traditionally strong relations between Riyadh and Islamabad. India and Saudi Arabia should support each other’s cause at regional and international forums. Saudi Arabia should support India’s candidacy for permanent membership of the United Nation’s Security Council. A close collaboration at the international forums would give an added impetus to their geopolitical and geostrategic relationship. It is for their mutual interest that they keep investing in their politico-strategic Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


relationship that is well supported by traditional trade, oil and strong people to people relationship. References 

Azhar, M. (2008) “Economic Cooperation between India and Saudi Arabia: Performance and Prospects”, Middle Eastern Studies, 44(20): 323-334.

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Baba, N.A. (1992) “Nasser’s Pan-Arab Radicalism and the Saudi Drive for Islamic Solidarity: A Response for Security”, India Quarterly, XLVIII (2):1-22.

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Blank, S. (2004) “India and the Gulf After Saddam”, Strategic Insights, III(4): 1-6.

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Business Standard of India (2008) “India, Saudi Arabia to better understanding”, Available at: http://business-standard.com.

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Ganguly, S. (2004) “India’s Foreign policy Grows Up”, World Policy Journal, XX (40: 41-47.

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Gerger, F. (1994) The Superpowers and the Middle East: Regional and International Politics, 1955-1967, London: Westview Publishers.

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Hocking, B. and Smith, M. (1995) World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations, (2nd Ed.), London: Harvester Wheatsheaf.

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Holst, K.J. (1992) International Politics: A Framework for Analysis, (6th Ed.), London: Prentice-Hall, Inc.

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Hussain, S.R. (2006) “Changing security trends in south Asia: Implications for the Gulf Region”, in Dynamic Alliances: Strengthening Ties between the GCC and Asia, published by Gulf Research Center, Dubai.

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India Review (2006) India-Saudi Arabia ties are transformed, four pacts signed, February.

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Janardhan, N. (2007) “Gulf Security and India” Gulf (Asia), Issue No.1, January. Available at: www.grc.ae.

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Kanchi, Gupta (2014) “India and Saudi Arabia: The Scope for Greater Security Cooperation” Observer Research Foundation, November Brief Issue.

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Kapila, S. (2003) “Israel-India Strategic Cooperation and Prime Minister Sharon’s Visit: The Added Dimensions”, South Asia Analysis Group, Paper No. 777.



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Kegley, C.W., Jr. and Raymond, G. (1994) A Multipolar Peace?, New York: St. Martin’s Press.

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Kerr, M.H. (1973) The Arab Cold War: Gamal Abd al-Nasser and his Rivals, 1958- 1970, (3rd Ed.), New York: Oxford University Press.

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Khan, R.K. (2008) “Needed a Strategic Partnership with Saudi Arabia”, Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, Article No. 2560.

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Kraig, M.R. (2004) “Forging A New Security Order for the Persian Gulf” Middle east Policy, XIII(1): 84-101.

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Pasha, A.K. (2007) “Indo-Saudi Relations: Past and Emerging Challenges”, In: G. Dietl, G. Pant, A.K. Pasha, and P.C. Jain (eds.), Contemporary Saudi Arabia and the Emerging Indo-Saudi Relations, New Delhi: Shipra Publications.

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Rumel, Dahiya (2014) “Developments in the Gulf Region: Prospects and Challenges for India in the Next Two Decades”, New Delhi: Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses.

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Sager, A. (2006) “Strategic roadmap for robust Saudi-India ties”, Gulf Research Center, Available at: www.grc.a.e.

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Waltz, K.N. (1979) The Theory of International Politics, Reading, Mass.: Ddison Wesley. Waltz, K.N. (1993) “The Emerging Structure of International Politics”, International Security, 18(2):44-79.

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DAMMING BRAHMAPUTRA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS TO INDIA Lobsang Yangtso PhD Research Scholar JNU Introduction Hydropower projects have become the panacea in China's new energy demand. China now has the largest dams and more than any other country in the world. In January 2013, the State Council released its 12th Five-Year Plan (2011-2015) for the New Energy Development in which it proposed to construct 160 GW of hydropower capacity by 2015 prioritized the construction of more than 50 plus large-scale hydropower plants on the Jinsha, Yalong, Dadu, Lancang (Mekong) and Yarlung Tsangpo rivers, as well as on the upstream of the Yellow River. China has dammed the Yarlung Tsangpo and proposed to build more dams on the river. However, dams have both social and environmental impacts changing the course of a river effects the lives and often risks the livelihoods of farmers and fishermen who live along that river. Dam constructions on the Yarlung Tsangpo could also risk geological damage to the region. Thus, it is essential for China and India to have a water treaty to reduce the risks and manage the Yarlung Tsangpo properly. Yarlung Tsangpo Dam construction The Yarlung Tsangpo (Brahmaputra) is a major international river shared between Tibet, India and Bangladesh. It stretches over a total length of 2,880km. Flowing from west to east on the Tibetan Plateau, then turning north to take a sharp U-turn (known as the Great Bend) to flow south into India and then to Bangladesh. Until recently, the Yarlung Tsangpo was undammed and the last free-flowing river of Tibet. According to Yang Yong, director of the Hengduan Mountain Institute, eleven hydropower stations are planned on the Yarlung Tsangpo namely: Jiacha, Zhongda, Lengda, Jiexu and Langzhen, Dagu, BaYu, Zangmu, Motuo, Daguaiwan, and Daduqia.1 The Zangmu dam built in 2010, was the first dam constructed on the Yarlung Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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Tsangpo. It has a capacity of 510 megawatts (MW), stands 116 meters tall, and is expected to be generating electricity this year. The Metog (Chinese: Motuo) dam project at the Great Bend would be the world’s largest hydropower station and could generate about two times the capacity of the Three Gorges Dam2. When the Yarlung Tsangpo enters one of the world's deepest and largest gorges, starting from a 4,900 meter cleft between two of the highest mountains in Eastern Himalaya the 7,756 meters high Namchak Barwa and the 7,294 meters tall Gyala Pelri-the river drops nearly 2,500 metres in altitude, forms several waterfalls and generates a huge potential for hydropower generation.3 According to the HydroChina Corporation, the Metog dam will generate 38,000 MW of power with an estimate cost of $30 billion.4 The HydroChina Corporation is the China’s biggest dam builder and incharge of conducting the hydropower planning for the upper reaches of the Mekong, the Salween, the Yellow, and the middle reaches of the Brahmaputra. This project may be feasible from an economic and engineering perspective, but major environmental and seismic issues will be inevitably occur if the Chinese government builds a dam of such scale in this geologically sensitive location. Brahmaputra Water Diversion Many discussions have taken place in regard to a Brahmaputra diversion where the water would be pumped northward for hundreds of kilometers along with the Yellow River and finally falls into the city of Tianjin on China’s East Coast. Claude Arpi and Brahma Chellaney state that Chinese scientists have dreamed up a scheme of diverting the Yarlung Tsangpo along a course that follows the Gormo-Lhasa railway through the Gansu corridor and finally to Xinjiang, in a region of northwest China5. The project was first proposed by Guo Kai and a few Chinese and army generals have strongly supported the diversion. According to Guo, the Yarlung Tsangpo diversion would solve the water shortage in the north, provide electricity, and relieve pollution and desertification. His idea of rerouting the Brahmaputra was also clearly visible in Li Ling’s book Tibet’s Water will Save China, published in 2005. Li proposes that China can go beyond simply damming Tibetan tributaries of the Yangtze, not only channeling them north to the Yellow Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


River, but also damming the Yarlung Tsangpo to direct the flow of water northward. However, a Brahmaputra diversion to the parched Yellow River is an idea that China does not discuss in public. Many experts do not find the Yarlung Tsangpo water diversion feasible and practical for many reasons. This project could bring earthquakes and geological disaster on the Tibetan Plateau. It is not practical in terms of climatic conditions; the Tibetan plateau is below the freezing point during winter and early spring when water demand is highest in North China.6 Moreover, the Yarlung Tsangpo diversion would not supply the quantity of water claimed in the proposal and the canal would change the entire distribution of water across China.7 Many Chinese experts have also objected to the project. Qian Zhengying, the former minister of water resources and supporter of the Three Gorges Dam Project, who told the State Council in July 2000 that there would be “no feasibility, technical or economical, for the Great Western Route scheme”.8 Chen Chuanyon, research fellow at the Chinese Academy of Sciences’ Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research asserted that the Yarlung Tsangpo valley is an ecological marvel, after millions of years of evolution and if human activities caused damage to the ecosystem, the loss would be incalculable.9 The project would not only damage the ecosystem of the Yarlung Tsangpo but could negatively impact its neighboring countries. The project threatens, devastating the environment of India's northeastern plains and eastern Bangladesh. The damming on these international rivers would, therefore, be akin to a declaration of water war on these states.10 Hydropower Projects and Population Displacement Dam construction changes downstream water flow and thus, affects farmers and fishermen. Construction may also cause environmental problems, the displacement of people and create geological risks. This will affect not only Tibet but also the neighboring countries. An important aspect of the construction of dams on Tibet’s river is the displacement of many ethnic Tibetans, affecting the livelihood of ordinary citizens as their social and economic conditions further deteriorate. For example, the Pondo Water Control Project in Lhasa is designed to irrigate more than 400 sq. km and generate 599 million kilowatts of electricity annually. However, it draws criticism for the impact of a Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


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massive relocation of people and the environmental impact of altering the landscape and ecosystems.11 If China plans to divert the Yarlung Tsangpo, the local people will suffer great hardships and will be forced to leave their ancestral lands through government mandated relocation. Yarlung Tsangpo dams and earthquakes The Tibetan Plateau is a region ridden with high risks seismic activity. The Himalayas and the Tibetan Plateau were formed by the collision of tectonic plates. The higher levels of seismic activity in the region pose a grave threat to dams. Thus, there could be catastrophic repercussions for the plateau if an earthquake were to take place. Dams could be destroyed, with disastrous results not only on multiple levels domestically, but also for those downstream in neighboring countries.12 Some Chinese researchers believe dams are both the trigger and the victim of these quakes. Cascade Dams are likely to cause chain reactions and expand the impact of any earthquake.13 In 2012, Probe International published a study on "Earthquake Hazards and Large Dams in Western China". According to this study, China has large dams under construction or proposed large dams for the Yarlung Tsangpo, Parlong Tsangpo, Salween, Mekong, Yangtze, Yalong, Dadu, Min, and Yellow River headwaters in western China. 48.2 percent of these dams are located in zones of high to very high seismic hazard, 50.4 percent are located in zones of moderate seismic hazard and only 1.4 percent are located in zones of low seismic hazard.14 The rapid pace of large dam construction and the location of dams in areas of high seismic activity create serious risks of damage to the dams and casualties among downstream populations from naturally occurring and Reservoir-Induced Seismicity (RIS). 15 The greatest risk to a large dam at the Great Bend of Brahmaputra is seismic activity. Metog County had a moderate earthquake in 2008 before the disastrous Sichuan Earthquake that killed more than 90,000 people. The 2010 earthquake of 7.1 magnitude in Yushu destroyed the town of Yushu Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture and damaged three dam complexes, the Xihang, Dangdai, and Changu dams, all located on a Yangtze tributary. This is a nerve-wracking example for people living downstream in India and Bangladesh, given the proximity of the Great Bend to India.16 Vol. III, No. 4, Oct-Dec. 2016


China-India Cooperation on Brahmaputra Several Memorandums of Understanding (MoU) have been signed between India and China stating that China shall provide the “hydrological information on the Yarlung Tsangpo/Brahmaputra River in flood season to India”.17 India and China signed the first MoU in 2002. According to the MoU, “the Chinese side provided hydrological information (Water level, Discharge and Rainfall) of three stations, Nugesha, Yangcun and Nuxia located on the Yarlung Tsangpo from 1st June to 15th October every year, which was utilized in the formulation of flood forecasts by the Central Water Commission of India”.18 This MoU expired in 2007 and was renewed on 5th June 2008 till 2010 during the visit of External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee to Beijing. On 30th June 2014 during the visit of Vice President Hamid Ansari of India to China, he signed another MoU in which India agreed to pay over Rs. 82 lakh to China annually for hydrological data sharing.19 An Expert-Level Mechanism (ELM) to discuss interaction and cooperation on the provision of flood season hydrological data, emergency management, and other issues regarding trans-border rivers between India and China was set up in 2006. Eight ELM meetings have been held so far. However, they have not produced effective measures as every year the middle and lower reaches of the Brahmaputra causes devastating floods that kill thousands of people. Floods in the Indian states of Himachal Pradesh and Arunachal Pradesh in 2000 also destroyed people and the land. Such devastation is happening because there are no multilateral agreements between China and India for joint management of the river, and in addition, China doesn’t share the data on its upstream projects. India and China are more actively concerned about their unresolved border issues and political stability in the region than finding solutions for the environmental devastation.20 Similarly, there is a competition to build as many dams on the Brahmaputra. India’s Central Electricity Authority announced 146 projects on the Brahmaputra basin in 2007 and today there are about 200.21 In addition China has built one dam on the Yarlung Tsangpo and proposed 10 more. Thus, there is an urgent need for an ideal form of development regarding the watershed, which must move beyond "nationalistic approaches of economic growth to focus on people's livelihood and human development".22



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Conclusion Dam construction on the Brahmaputra changes the water flow downstream, affecting the farmers and fishermen of both India and Bangladesh. Upstream on the Brahmaputra, it has caused mudslides and desertification. The biggest risk of damming the Brahmaputra or any river on the Tibetan plateau is how it could trigger earthquakes and in turn how frequent earthquakes and seismic activity on the Tibetan plateau would bring damage and downfall of dams. Thus, India and China should come together to save their countries from such disasters. Even though India and China have signed several MoUs in terms of hydrological data sharing, they have no water treaty signed between them. Moreover, there is competition between them to build dam building on the Brahmaputra compromising the health of rivers that provide multiple ecological values. States make the situation worse and more dangerous when they look at rivers as water pipes rather than as living ecosystems. Thus, the trans-boundary effects of China’s megaprojects on the Brahmaputra have not only complicated China’s relations with India, but serve as a potential stepping stone for a future war on water. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

Yong, Yang, March 05, 2014. Ibid. Tibetan Plateau, May 24, 2010. Chellaney, 2011:131; Yong, March 05, 2014 Arpi, 2008: 59; Chellaney, 2011:131 Tibetan Plateau. China Dialogue, September 20, 2011. China.org, August 8, 2006. Ibid. Challeney, Fall 2009: 39. The Third Pole Yunnan Chen, February 28, 2014; Bo et al.; Jackson, April 2012. Bo et al., Jackson, April 2012. Jackson, April 2012: 13. Tibetan Plateau, May 24, 2010. Ministry of Water Resources, River Development & Ganga Rejuvenation Ibid. The Economic Times, July 01, 2014. Tsering, August 16, 2012. Jha: 22. Ibid.

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