This Fiery Man

This Fiery Man

An Insight into the Travails, Thoughts and Perspectives of

High Chief J.E. Babatola Olora of Ado-Ekiti

------------------------------------------------------By:

Jadesola Babatola

©

Copyright J. E.T. Babatola, 2008

All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission of the Author or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright Act 1956 (as amended). Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. Published by

Samadek Agencies (Publishers) 15 Falolu Street, Mushin, Lagos Email: [email protected]

Produced by

Transnet Consult (Consultants) Ajitadidun Estate, Olora Layout, P.O. Box 1237, Ado-Ekiti

Printed by

Talent Consult (Printers & Designers) Opposite Ajitadidun Estate, Opopogbooro, Ado-Ekiti

First published:

September, 2008

ISBN

978-38308-5-6

Publisher’s Notice on Copyright Every text material and authors cited in this book contributed immensely to the work. Nonetheless, the author made various efforts to trace all the copyright holders of works cited in the book without success. Since he did not inadvertently overlook them, the Publisher with the author is prepared at the first opportunity of making contacts to do so with thanks.

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Dedication This book is dedicated to the struggles of Ekiti Patriots in Yoruba land and for their display of forthrightness, moral fibre, high level of intellect and selfless service in modern Nigeria On the Marbles ------------------------‘…With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth, God’s work must truly be our own… ask not what your country can do for you – ask what you can do for your country…’ J.F. Kennedy (Former President of United States of America)

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CONTENTS 1.

FOREWORD

5

2.

PREFACE

8

3.

YORUBA RACE AND NATIONALISM

12

4.

IGBO ADVENT IN NIGERIA POLITICS

18

5.

MY HOMETOWN: ADO-EKITI

21

6.

MY ORIGIN, ORA COMMUNITY

37

7.

EJIGBO DANIEL BABATOLA OMOWAIYE

43

8.

MY ALMA MATERS

46

9.

MY EDUCATIONAL CAREER

51

10.

MY FIERY WRITINGS

58

11.

FOLLOWER OF AWOLOWO’S POLITICS

61

12.

ELECTION EXPERIENCE IN NIGERIA

69

13.

MY RISE AS A POLITICIAN

79

14.

MY ROLE AS A LEGISLATOR

87

15.

MY PERFORMANCE IN PUBLIC OFFICE

91

16.

EKITI AFFAIRS AND LEADERSHIP

99

17.

AKINTOLA AND BALEWA IN WILD WEST

109

18.

NIGERIA’S MILITARY

114

19.

THE COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT

120

20.

THE SECOND REPUBLIC

124

21.

UNIVERSITY OF ADO-EKITI

134

22.

CHIEF AKIN OMOBORIOWO

139

23.

AARE AFE BABALOLA SAN, OFR, CON

144

24.

NIGERIA: INTRIGUES AND DIVERSITIES

148

25.

A MODEL FOR NIGERIA’S CONSTITUTION

157

26.

CHIEF DEJI FASUAN AND AYO FAYOSE

165

27.

ALL SAINTS’ CHURCH (CON)

170

28.

Appendix

173

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FOREWORD By

Chief (Dr.) Akin Omoboriowo Writing about High Chief Dr. J.E. Babatola is really an intriguing business, a daunting assignment, which taps to the fullest the author’s intellectual talents. In this book – THIS FIERY MAN: Insight into the travails, thoughts and perspectives of High Chief J.E. Babatola, the author, Mr. Jadesola Babatola, a staffer and member of the Governing Council of the University of Ado-Ekiti, has captured for us all a deep insight into the remarkable life and times of one of Nigeria’s most leading statesmen, High Chief J.E. Babatola, the Olora of Ado-Ekiti, former Minister in the celebrated Executive Council of the late sage, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, of the old Western Region of Nigeria and later a Commissioner in the Military Government of the defunct Western State of Nigeria before he served as Executive Chairman of the Housing Corporation in the old Ondo State in the Second Republic. Mr. Jadesola Babatola in this exciting compendium tries to capture for us an impressive account and critique of contemporary political developments in Nigeria and the origins, growth and development of Ado-Ekiti into a mega city within the Nigerian state system, particularly after the creation of Ekiti State in October, 1996. The author also traces his father’s feat as a Fiery Writer to the year 1932 when as a Standard Three pupil; Chief Joel Babatola won the third place – the only place from Ekiti Division of Schools – on the subject of Empire Day Celebration in my District among other competitors from all part of the old Ondo Province. He writes on the rather hazardous game of electioneering in Nigeria and of course, in the expected controversial politics of Azikiwe and

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Awolowo. He casts a cursory peep into the costly incursions of the military into politics, and closes up with his model recipe for Nigeria’s Constitution. He also touches the history of Ado-Ekiti tracing some history of migrations to and from Ile-Ife dating as far back as the 13th Century to the present tripod of Oke-Ewi, Odo Ado and Ogbon Meta ‘after (as the author puts it) the Ewi’s conquest of Ilesun’. One does not have to agree with every assertion of facts made by the author, particularly his debatable attack on the multi campus University system. But the candour that rings through the pages of this monumental book is apparent and unassailable. In truth, we are witnessing the public presentation of THIS FIERY MAN because we value the glorious man’s ideas – the thoughts – the assertions, the speeches and all documented literary contributions of High Chief J.E. Babatola to the public life of Nigeria at certain stages of our national life. Ideas rule the world, and the modern man in Africa has come to accept the captivating and indeed the dominating powers of ideas in the midst of shifting surroundings. Chief Babatola is a special gift of God to the residue of Homo sapiens in Africa – a rare breed with unusual talents of humility, high intellectual qualities and avowed respect for the other man’s feelings. He is a calm debater who watches his choice of word and yet his rebuttals for his opponents’ arguments are always well thought out but blunt and devastating. You cannot find many like J.E.B in a generation such as is closing out. At 90 years of age, High Chief J.E. Babatola walks sprightly as a man of 50 years. His intellect is unusually sharp while his diction is disarming. His heart harbours no grudge while his smiles are always sincere and generous. These are the secrets of his longevity.

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He is indeed a living political legend. In Nigeria, the use of the word legend for every successful businessman or professional is thus fouled by the cheapness. Fortunately, this is not the case with Chief J.E. Babatola. For Chief J.E. Babatola, THIS FIERY MAN is a celebration of truth over falsehood and love over hatred. And for an avatar at 90 years who has lived a simple and a most dependable life here is a fulfilled man. The Author, Mr. Jadesola Babatola, is to be commended for this carefully articulated couple of ideas and record of the life and times of one of the leading actors in the politics of the 1st and 2nd Republic in Nigeria. It is hoped that the book will lead to further research and study of this idea by contemporary and future scholars and engender greater understanding by the public.

Chief (Dr.) Akin Omoboriowo, B.A. (Hons), LL.B (Hons), B.L, LL.D Christ Villa, Ijero-Ekiti 28th August, 2008

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PREFACE In ancient times, a leader is often times addressed as the MASTER. This dovetails from the idea that MASTERY is a value content, attestation of facts and attributes of LEADERSHIP. A master is not necessarily a KING, a PRINCE, a WARLORD or a GURU, a SUCCESSFUL BUSINESSMAN or PROFESSIONAL, but he must be seen to be HIGH ABOVE IN VISION, IN SERVICE, IN FAITH, IN INTEGRITY AND UNDERSTANDING. A leader has the message and the followers. He is in charge. A King may fail in ruling his kingdom prosperously and a General may be defeated at war regardless of his massive armies, but a Leader as a Master of faith continues to captivate his followers, whether he fails or wins the battle. This is why Jesus Christ remains the greatest teacher and philosopher of all times, a star of the house of David, glorified son of God and saviour of this world. Jesus Christ as the Leader of Christian faith once said in the Holy Book that ‘…I know my sheep and my sheep knows me… and again He preaches ‘…One Shepherd, One Flock and One Fold…’ That was an attribute of a leader. He has a distinctive feature, a distinguishable language, an unchanging message, a dynamic thought and unparalleled follower-ship. Today, Masters as Leaders are now called new names like strategists or Grand Masters, without holding political, public or private offices, while their ideas, services and advice continues to guide the affairs and successes of many corridors of powers and policy initiatives. They have made several leaders to succeed through their influential thoughts and theirs productive benefits. They have also expanded the scope of governance beyond the facet of bureaucracy and public service. They have made managerial functions to be more strategic, agenda focused and intriguing. They are putting everyone on their toes as they create

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and recreate knowledge and use information in the most astounding way and through projective techniques and intellectual appraisals. They have turned life into agenda setting in the economic terms of scale of preference and opportunity cost. Looking at ancient thoughts as vital source of knowledge, attributes of a leader have potentials that can be sourced within the following parameters: a. The principles of growth that a leader must first be a follower b. The idea that the world is a jungle for survival of the fittest c. The logic of diplomacy that the end justifies the means Hence, when a man came to Jesus to learn at his feet HOW TO INHERIT THE KINGDOM OF GOD, Jesus told him to go and give away all he possesses and forget about the whole world before he can inherit the kingdom of God and the Bible recorded it that the man went away dejected and unable to fulfill those terms. Yet, the implication of Jesus statements was that ‘…No one can be a Leader or an agent of greatness, if he does not learn about it from a Master. He must consider himself as less important to others though he may have all the potentials and resources to ascribe greatness to himself..,’ A leader is a philosopher and the trade mark of a leader is in the ability to make distinctive statements of facts and belief on certain issues, which those who can follow his path would understand and appreciate as the basis of his actions and activities at different times and in different situations. In short, an aspiring leader or aspirant must have a mentor. You can only be known or proven to lead by those who sponsor and guide you. No leader emerges or survives without connection to an Avatar, a Spiritual guide or mentor, a guru or Teacher, a Master or Grand Master, a source of knowledge or team of Advisors. You can recall when Jesus was lost in the Temple by his

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parents while ‘doing his father’s business’ of listening to the ideas and concepts of other leaders and teachers, learning at the feet of the Priests – the Scribes, Sadducees and Pharisees before he was able to stand and show them the real essence of life. The same was the revelation of Prophet Mohammed (SAW) before his encounter with Angels, the writing of the teachings in Quaran and Hadith, before and after the flight to Medina and the running over Kabar in Mecca. The life

of High Chief J.E. Babatola, Olora of Ado-Ekiti, and a reflection on his thoughts and writings is a rare privilege for those who bother to understand the role of Babatola as a Leader among his peers, his own and his people. This man of many parts remains controversial and yet a fiery writer and astounding debater, a philosopher and story teller, an historian and a sociologist. I did not start the idea of compiling or interpreting his works until July 2008 when I realized that Chief Babatola’s Biography written by me is voluminous and I could attempt to amplify his thoughts and extracted writings into a separate work in summation of his ideals and ideas of life. I believe that the thoughts, speeches and writings of Chief Babatola definitely reveals his challenges and position in public and private life towards the commitment and vision he had while pursuing his educational career, his family life, his attraction to politics and feats in political and electoral terrain, his involvement in community development, his intellectual appraisal and contributions, his fundamental principles as a Leader and Statesman and the overview of his life and times as a whole. Hence, it is an excellent idea to examine the subject and make these revelations to interpret how he fares. I appreciate those who assisted me in the entire conceptualization and writing of this work, in particular, my father, High Chief Dr. J.E. Babatola who granted me interviews at the age of 90 years and again read my manuscripts to correct some of the errors noted in the writing, while supplying some newer

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documents that I studied to review the write up. I also thank my junior ones like Mr. Sesan Orija-Saka (a.k.a. Talent) and Mr. Tosin Oso who believed in me and stood with me as the work was conceived out of the biography and written to have a clearer picture of the thoughts and position of Chief J.E. Babatola on major issues. The same acknowledgement goes to my Uncle, Chief Alex Ajayi, (The Odoba of Ado-Ekiti) who influenced my thoughts in recent times and confirmed the need to put my submissions on the subject matter to book publication. My darling wife, Mrs. Modupe J. Babatola occupies similar position because she knew that I was consumed by this book work from the time we shared same destiny in 1993. My beloved children – Taiwo Ayodele, Kehinde Ayokunle and Toluwanimi Ayoade (Idowu) grew up to overcome my lack of adequate attention for them whenever I was deepened with thoughts, sleepless nights of writing and reading over the manuscripts. Chief Dr. Akin Omoboriowo is a father indeed who made part of this work easy through his worthy assistance, intellectual honesty and openness to me. Frantz Fanon once said that: ‘…Each generation must out of relative obscurity discover its mission, fulfill it or betray it...’

August, 2008

J.E.T. Babatola University of Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria.

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CHAPTER ONE

YORUBA RACE AND NATIONALISM Chief J.E. Babatola has his own views about the Yoruba origin and its distinct linguistic, racial and ethnic status in Nigeria: Oral tradition and culture of the Yorubas constitute age-long and respected historical facts in Nigeria and South West Africa. We, the Yorubas have a common identity and withal a solidarity that is unbreakable through a common ancestor, Oduduwa. Yorubas therefore remain a nationality in Nigeria that possesses a rich cultural background. Our widely accepted tradition has it that Yoruba cities and towns were created across the south–west territories of modern day Nigeria from Ile – Ife by migrant batches from the late 7th century. Accordingly, Ile–Ife is our original home as tradition admits that it was founded by Oduduwa. Chief J.E. Babatola’s views on the Supremacy and role of Alaafin of Oyo and Ooni of Ife in Yoruba land: Tradition had it that Oduduwa had many children and grandchildren including the Oba of Benin and Ewi of Ado-Ekiti. The same tradition accords Alaafin of Oyo the position of prominence as the eldest grand child of Oduduwa. In fact, Yoruba history records Alaafin as the first descendant of Oduduwa to be crowned a King in Yoruba land as the King at Oyo and that Alaafin rose to become an Emperor in Yoruba land. However, Alaafin of Oyo is not the Arole Odua – Oduduwa’s Titled Successor and Regent-in-Chief. At the demise of Oduduwa, history had it that the Oduduwa Estate and succession in title devolved on the Ooni of Ile-Ife. In essence, Ooni occupies the position of the most revered and respected spiritual leader and family head of the Yoruba race.

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There should not be any contest between the two Kings because they are both pre-eminent monarchs in Yoruba land who reign at different domains. Moreover, each of them is unique in the roles he performs by his location and relevance to Yoruba history and culture. It is obvious that it was Alaafin’s military campaigns and conquests that promoted Yoruba territorial expansion across West Africa. Yet, our cradle is from Ile-Ife and the King over Ile-Ife is the Ooni. We cannot afford to disrespect our source and origin regardless of our strength, wealth and splendour. Chief J.E. Babatola’s views on the Yoruba’s culture and contacts with their territorial Neighbours in Nigeria: Prior to the advent of colonial rule, the Yorubas co-existed with other ethnic groups such as the Hausa/Fulani stock, the Nupe, the Jukun, the Binis, the Ijaws, the Igbirra, the Igala and Dahomeans (Egun and Aworis) on the territorial stretch of West African sub-region in a geographical entity now known as the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Several changes in Yoruba culture, language and institutions emerged as a result of migrations. These were Yoruba neighbours that made considerable impact on the Yoruba culture through their mutual relationships, trading and by warfare as the circumstances allowed intermittently. Yoruba culture also influenced our neighbours considerably to the extent of altering some of their customs. Many Yoruba communities began to declare their affiliations to clans like Oyo, Ijesa, Ekiti, Osun, Ondo, Ibadan, Akoko, Egba, Ikale, Yelwa (Egbado) etc, a situation heightened by the power politics which engulf Yoruba land since the 19th century. The advent of colonial rule in Nigeria created a reappraisal of the existing relationship within Yoruba communities and with their territorial neighbours.

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Chief J.E. Babatola’s views on Yoruba entry into Nigerian politics in the era of Nigeria’s nationalistic struggles: Herbert Macaulay was the earliest acknowledged Yoruba man to champion the nationalistic struggle in Nigeria. Egerton Shyngles, Samuel Johnson and many other Yoruba Elites also played their roles in the earlier colonial Yoruba history. They followed in the steps earlier taken by Bishop Samuel Ajayi Crowder. The struggle for nationalism in Nigeria was not a singular effort, but it was mainly a struggle between the Nigerian Elite and the British on the one hand and the Nigerian common people and their Colonial masters on another hand; the Nigeria Traditional political system, Nigeria people and the Colonial government in the broader spectrum. I entered the nationalistic struggle at the verge of forming ethnic associations and political parties in the late 40’s when I left the rural area for the urban centre. I was naturally attracted towards Egbe Omo Oduduwa which professed to champion the Yoruba cause among its other objectives at its outset. I was further attracted by the Egbe Omo Oduduwa’s activities that eschewed overt political actions. The vigorous campaigns of the NCNC to discredit Egbe Omo Oduduwa was conducted in one of the dailies, the West African Pilot, so as to keep the Yoruba divided politically, while the Ibos exploited this advantage in a united front to support Azikiwe’s leadership. This resulted in the inauguration of a doomed Yoruba Federal Union. As a spectator and participant, I saw Chief Awolowo as the leader to plan the fight against the barriers of tribalism and clannishness in party leadership through a new political platform that could make a change or a difference for us all. However, Nationalist movements plunged into an era of personality clashes and politics of cultural nationalism which threatened to engulf the

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nationalist ideals of those years and resulted in political dichotomies in Nigeria. I remember a lecture visit of the Great Zik to the University College, Ibadan, in 1950 where he described several Yoruba politicians as disloyal elements, fifth columnists and quislings and I had to inform Chief Awolowo to prepare a counter-lecture, where he described Great Zik as a rhetorician who was more at home with Locke and Hobbes rather than a pragmatic politician that could propound theories of his own which could be implemented to rid the Wawa of the East of ignorance and their unabashed custom of nudity. The inability of Great Zik to manage Igbo-Yoruba strands in party politics later led to our retaliation and insistence at forestalling his enthronement on the Western region. Chief Babatola recounts the role of the Yorubas in the Nigerian Civil War General Adeyinka Adebayo (then a Colonel) was the Military Governor of Western Nigeria when the Biafran secession crisis began in 1966. He invited Yoruba Leaders of Thought to a meeting where we were informed that the Eastern Nigeria was in a verge of secession. Chief Awolowo, Justice Taslim Elias and some prominent Yoruba leaders were co-opted by Governor Adebayo and the Federal Military Government to appeal to Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu in finding solution to the crisis, but it was obvious that Ojukwu would go to war. Many gallant Yoruba soldiers like Brigadier Benjamin Adekunle (The Black Scorpion) participated in the war and it ended in January 1970 with loss of human lives and properties. Reconstruction and rehabilitation were the next stage of re-integration into the Nigerian body politics.

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Chief Babatola recounts his role on the idea of Odua Republic at the verge of Biafran war: After General Adebayo’s briefing on the Biafran secession, Chief Awolowo spoke extensively on the need for Nigeria to remain a Federal State and that any attempt for the East to break away, Western Region People will reconsider their own fate, which in essence implied that if Biafra was allowed to succeed, Nigeria would break up and Western Nigeria should become an independent sovereign State. It appeared to some of us that Biafra might go, though we could not determine whether the attempt would succeed or fail in the end. The situation prompted me in collaboration with Chief G.B. Akinyede, Chief J.A. Anisulowo and Mr. Agunbiade Bamishe to convene a meeting to discuss on a lighter mood, likely States to emerge in Western Nigeria if Biafra broke off and the Yorubas decided to go and what the Sovereign Odua Republic would look like in the events of the unforeseen circumstance. However, Chief Bola Ige (SAN) who attended the meeting left to divulge our discussions to both Chief Awolowo and Governor Adebayo in a manner that left us in negative light. At the next Yoruba Leaders meeting, Chief Obafemi Awolowo castigated me along with other leaders who held the meeting as advocates of the disintegration of the federal structure of Nigeria. It took the personal efforts and restraint of HRH Oba Peter Agunlejika II (The Owa Obokun of Ijeshaland), HRH Oba Daniel Aladesanmi II (The Ewi of Ado-Ekiti) and Chief Mrs. Ogunlesi to avert open disaffection between us at the meeting. However, I pointed out to Chief Awolowo at the meeting that since Awolowo was a Federalist, it was imperative for him to always accommodate divergent views and ensure that all interests were protected when the need arose, either within a Nigerian Federation or in the comity of Yorubas as a nation-state rather than

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considering our initiative as a betrayal of trust or insurrection. To me, it was a mere academic exercise and an opportunity for the Yorubas to plan a separate State if Nigeria failed to stand as one owing to various political crises and differences such as had even personally affected Awolowo and his followers since 1961. The truth of the matter is that I never advocated for Nigeria’s disintegration, since I also prefer Nigeria to remain as a Federation rather than dismembered into smaller nation-states. Yet, I was ready to support any move for creation of Odua Republic, if the East was allowed to go as Biafra. I concluded at the meeting that the interest of the Yorubas in Nigeria’s Federation should be well protected and not affected by any dismembering of the Nigerian geo-polity and the idea of Odua Republic ended. The activities in recent years of Dr. Frederick Fasehun and Chief Gani Adams were a resurgence of our initiatives in 1966, though they had no linkages, coloration or connection to each other.

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CHAPTER TWO

IGBO ADVENT IN NIGERIA POLITICS Chief J.E. Babatola’s views on Igbo’s strand and attitude in Nigerian politics and its introduction of dichotomies and distrust: Going down the memory lane, it is obvious that the Igbos introduced division to Nigerian politics. Oluwole Alakija in 1948 reacted to emerging Igbo-Yoruba political contention and differences in one of his writings. I could recall that the whole essence of Yorubas assertiveness in the Nationalistic struggle which I joined behind Chief Awolowo was due to the aspirations and contradictions of the obvious Igbo leadership in Nigeria which could not be divorced from the Igbo cultural antecedents. Though, it was apparent that Dr. Azikiwe consistently opposed tribalism as a bane of national polity, yet his objectives and ambitious pursuit were premised on the predominance of Igbo people in party and political leadership as evident in the composition of his political supporters. Often his utterances showed that he was misguided about Yoruba leaders. This raised our suspicions and provoked great divide that led to the rise and formation of the Northern Peoples Congress (NPC) and the Action Group (AG) to secure a tribal balance with Eastern dominated National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC). Dr. Azikiwe’s pronounced leadership in the nationalistic struggles exhibited inclination towards emphatic nationalism though his Igbo lieutenants exhibited inverse relationship with passion for modern nationhood built on a long-standing indigenous experience of large-scale organizations where Igbos were indirectly the first citizens by culture, leadership succession and political accessibility. The most significant outcome of the

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Yoruba-Igbo strands in the late 40’s resulted in the emergence of Zik as the President of Ibo State Union coupled with his paramount position in the NCNC, which were interpreted as a means whereby to impose Ibo domination over Nigeria. Azikiwe’s personal belief and confession in the allocation and use of power, his intolerance for political competition and rivalry, his shunning every political movement that he could not dominate and his consuming passion to become Nigeria’s first President at the expense of others were other issues of contention. What strengthened Yoruba’s suspicion of Azikiwe’s tribalism was embedded in his pronouncement that ‘Nigeria should be dismembered into 8 protectorates of a Federal System which coincided with existing tribal boundaries’, a position which the NCNC upheld until September 1951. Azikiwe’s statements at public gatherings and frequent press criticisms on traditional institutions of the Yoruba and Hausa states and their products were the last vestige of his assault and antagonism that created permanent features of political division in Nigeria. Chief J.E. Babatola’s views on Dr. Azikiwe’s leadership in the Nationalist era: Dr. Azikiwe used his political activities and journalistic enterprise to invite the entrance of Igbos into Nigerian politics. He approached and constituted an undisputable threat to the position of several Northern and Western Nationalists and leaders alike. Hence, he allowed others to challenge his political leadership, recognition and aspirations within the commonwealth and thereby promoted cultural nationalism. Moreover, the position of Dr. Azikiwe between 1948 and 1951 provided a positive proof of his quest for absolute political power and tribal dominance to the detriment of other Nigerians, to

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such an extent that the play to dismember Nigeria in line with ethnic regions was an attempt to break the mid-Westerners from South-West and the Middle Belters from the Northerners in a regionalized Nigeria. If Azikiwe had not intruded himself upon the Nigeria political scene with tribal tensions and separatism which was lacking when the NCNC was under the leadership of foremost nationalist and Yoruba man, Herbert Macaulay, Nigeria could have greatly overcome the disunity and tribal politics that emerged during the struggle for Nigeria’s Independence and thereafter. A striking feature in the nationalist agitations was the prominence of South-Easterners in a glaring large-scale but tribal Nationalistic programme that excluded the Northerners and SouthWesterners. One of their very provocative practices was the display of their plan for supremacy at national political platforms and at the nation’s institutes among which the Ibadan University College played a conspicuous role as the centre of learning and youth forum starting from 1949. Another factor was that the Igbos had constituted themselves into a sizeable but exclusive group in every urban centre across Nigeria since 1945. Only a few Yorubas like me were braced for a challenge with Great Zik and his fellow Igbo tribalists by supporting the emergence of a platform like Egbe Omo Oduduwa which was founded as a cultural organization for the Yorubas in the late 40’s but later transformed into the instrument for launching the Action Group as a political party in 1950.

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CHAPTER THREE

MY HOMETOWN: ADO-EKITI Chief J.E. Babatola’s views on the role of the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti among Ekiti Confederate Obas: In Ekiti confederacy, the Ewi of Ado–Ekiti occupies a preeminent position among the 16 Ekiti confederate Obas, because of the role of the first Ewi as the spokesperson/speaker (Elewi) at meetings among his brother princes and sons of Oduduwa and his eventual over-lordship of a comparatively larger domain than any other Ekiti king for a long time which made him more prominent. Again, Ado-Ekiti has come to be the homeland of all Ekiti people in the past one hundred years and the capital of Ekiti State. Ewi is the traditional head of Ado-Ekiti and all these count in his favour as a Paramount Ruler in Ekiti State. This however does not remove prominence and respect from other important Ekiti monarchs recognized in Yoruba tradition as Confederate Obas like the Ewi. Most important of mention are the Elekole of Ikole, the Ajero of Ijero, the Alara of Aramoko, the Oore of Otun, Alaaye of Efon Alaaye and Ogoga of Ikere. Chief J.E. Babatola’s views on the creation, history and culture of Ado-Ekiti and its chieftaincy matters: Ado-Ekiti is one of the towns of the northeastern territory of Yoruba land and its founder was a Yoruba prince from Ile Ife who as King Emperor succeeded in conquering a Kingdom that existed in that area before him. Ado-Ewi passed through a succession of military, political and cultural changes from the time of Ewi Awamaro (circa 1310 A.D) when Awamaro migrated into what became his Kingdom of Ado-Ewi.

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In 1975, thirty one Ado-Ekiti chiefs including myself submitted a Rejoinder on our position to Ado-Ekiti history written by Chief Fashuaa, the Oisa. We noted that Ado-Ekiti was (and is) a 3 sector traditional grouping of Ekiti State Central Political Division with its unique arrangement of its component traditional entities in the Ewi’s traditional cabinet. By and large, the history of Ado-Ekiti as it is today revolves round the Ewi institution and obaship. Part of that Rejoinder showed the three major traditional political divisions of Ado-Ekiti with their unique graphic explanation of the Ewi’s traditional cabinet are as shown below:

An historical graph produced by Chief J.E. Babatola on the re-arrangement of Ado landscape and Chieftaincies beginning from the reign of Ewi Awamaro Source: 31 Ado Chiefs Rejoinder to Chief Oisa Fasuba’s Memo 1975/76

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The king known as Elesun ruled over his own town of Ulesun and its satellite or subordinate towns and villages were Ukere (now Ikere), Isinla, Ulamoji, Agidimo, Ikewo etc before the emergence of Ewi of Ado-Ekiti. Elesun occupied the peak of a hierarchy where he had his subordinates as the Odolofin (Elesun second in command), Asao, Elegemo, Alamoji, Olisinla, Olulero, Olookori etc. Elesun was the head of the laity in the worship of Olota (god), the deity in charge of the security of Ulesun State. The Ulesun language was different from Yoruba (Ado-Ewi) language. Examples are Ideregbe (Ewure or Goat), Okeregba (Aja or Dog), Amomo (Alangba or Lizard), Usa (Ikoko or Pot), Ukere (Ago or Calabash Cup), Ogolomosi (Ibepe or Pawpaw), Oyeye (Epa or Groundnut). For the large part of the 13th century, many princes left Ile Ife to what later became several Yoruba kingdoms along the west coast of Nigeria. Among the princes were two born to Oduduwa by the same mother. They were the Oba of Benin and the Ewi. Both first settled in the Benin forests before disputes among their people led them to separate and the Ewi sought a new home westward at Utamodi (Oke Papa). Ewi Biritiokun and his son reigned there. It was Ewi Awamaro who migrated to Ilesun after staying briefly at Udoani (Ido Ani) and Agbado during the long trek. When Awamaro left Agbado, the Elders remained behind to rest and gave the settlement the name Agbado (Elders’ Camp). Awamaro’s spies encouraged him to attack Elesun with the support of Odolofin after he had settled down at Oke Ibon (now Odo Ijigbo) and with the conquest of Ulesun by Awamaro, the town of Ulesun changed its name to Ado or Ado-Ewi. Some of the Elesun’s chiefs such as Odolofin and Asao were accepted into the Ewi’s system of chieftaincy while the Elegemo retained the post of Chief Priest and custodian of Iwemo Ogun and a new layout of Ado-Ewi was drawn up to relocate the first settlers and arrange the community around Ewi in a preferred order. Ewi’s

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palace was first built where Chief Arowa now resides close to Erekesan (King’s Market). Ewi’s Warrior chiefs who provided military security for the palace inhabitants were the Akogun at Irona, Oloja Ese at Oke Ese, Eleyinmi at Okeyinmi and Egbedi at Orereowu. Ewi Awamaro also subjugated Elesun’s neighbours and expanded his territory except Ukere (Ikere Ekiti) and his successors up to Yeyenirewu followed same steps that by 1550 A.D. Ado-Ewi had become a big power in the entire Ekiti country. The Ewis that reigned at Ado from 1444 to 1552 were: Ewi Ata (1444–1471), Ewi Owakunrugbon (1471–1490), Ewi Owamuaran (1490–1511), Yeyenirewu - The regent (1511– 1552). Ewi’s military exploits during the period was to subjugate and annex his immediate territories extended to Ikere, Igbara Odo, Ogotun, Aramoko, Erio and Erijiyan among others. It was a long time systematic military campaign during the reigns of Ewi Obakunrin (1552–1574) , Ewi Eleyo-Okun (1574–1599) and Ewi Afigbogbo Ara Soyi (1599-1630). During the reign of Ewi Gberubioya (1630-1696), Ado-Ewi was peaceful as war was abandoned in place of diplomacy and mutual relations strategy. Ewi Gberubioya divided the Ewi dynasty into three ruling houses of Owaroloye (Aroloye), Atewogboye and Arutawekun. Ewi’s sons that ruled in neighbouring areas during the reign of Gberubioya included Okunbusi who became Onigede, Adubienimu who became Alawo, the Onijan, Opoakin (of Iwere), Olu Akitipa (of Odo), Aramude, Olokun, Olurasa, Onikewo and Olotin. One of his sons, Amujoye founded Igbemo and took the title of Oba of Igbemo from its inception. Gberubioya linked the Ewi’s dynasty to both Ikole and Ijero because one of his wives who were betrothed to Elekole was

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surrendered to Ewi as a peace deal and her children for the Elekole, Ewi and Ajero who took her into custody after Ewi’s demise later ascended as Ewi, Elekole and Ajero respectively. Ido Faboro (IdoEkiti) took her current name from Ado as a result of settlement with Ewi to remain independent of Ado during Gberubioya’s reign. Other Ewis that reigned after Gberubioya were Ewi Idagunmodo (1696-1710), Ewi Okinbaloye Aritawekun (1710-1722), Ewi Amono Ola (1722-1762), Ewi Afunbiowo (1762-1781), Ewi Akulojuorun (1781-1808), Ewi Aroloye (1808-1836) who reigned at Ado but were attacked successively by Benin hordes. During the reign of Ewi Aroloye, Ado-Ewi’s kingdom witnessed massive dislocation across the terrain as town dwellers and villagers ran for safety in different directions. Many of the captives from Iworoko, Are, Afao, Ugboomoba (now Ilumoba) and Agbado were taken to Ukere by Benin invaders. Ewi Ali Atewogboye (1836-1885) became a Moslem and returned to Ado from Oke Oko in 1849 with the help of Ogunmonakan (An Ado Army General from Odo Ora Sector). In 1874, Ibadan Invaders came against Ado because of the support it gave to Aramoko when it was invaded in 1852 by Ibadan armies. Several people taken as slaves from Igede, Awo, and Iyin included Gbolako (the Oluyin), Ifamuboni (who later became Babamuboni the Great Evangelist). At Ado, Latosisa, the Ibadan General, entered into covenant with the Ewi and released captured Onijan, though Ado became an Ibadan Protectorate with Opele Alomaja as the Administrator, while Ewi Atewogboye vacated his stool. When Ikere people however killed Opele in 1882, Ado went to war with Ikere, while Ibadan was in war with Ijesas and Ekiti at Kiriji. Aduloju, a war veteran and Ado Army General failed to lead Ado Armies against

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General Alaleitan, the Ikere Army General who led Ikere up to Ijigbo in Ado-Ekiti to shell the city walls. However, Ewi Atewogboye commanded Ado’s armory from his palace and got the support of Osadeyi (Oaga) from Iworoko. Besides Egungun from Irona as well as the Oluyin who marched with Uyin and Iworoko armies to subdue and render Ikere fighters powerless from behind. Ewi Ajimudaoro Aladesanmi I (1886-1910) had a peaceful reign devoid of Ikere attacks and was succeeded by Ewi Adewumi Agunsoye I (1910-1936) and later by his son, Ewi Daniel Anirare Aladesanmi II who was born of an Igede mother. Ewi Aladesanmi II was succeeded by Ewi George Adeyemi Adelabu and now HRM Ewi Rufus Adeyemo Adejugbe Aladesanmi III. Ado wars with Ikere ended through the peace covenant initiated by a Prince, Oba Oyinbolaja (Oba Dadi) and he later convinced Ewi and Ogoga to accept the Whiteman’s (colonial) rule based at Ibadan and to stop human sacrifice. The Ewi accepted and sent emissaries to Captain Bower through the help of Ifamuboni (Babamboni), but Mr. Campbell was the first Whiteman to visit Ado-Ekiti for situation assessment and report in respect of Kiriji Proclamations to end the wars. From authentic accounts of Ado-Ewi history, it is obvious that Ado-Ekiti with its farm settlements was the largest Kingdom in the Ekiti Confederation, though Ado in itself from the period of Ewi Awamaro was an amalgamation of three constituent sectors largely brought together and known as OKE EWI, ODO ADO, and OGBON META after the Ewi’s conquest of Ilesun. The Ogbon Meta (three coordinate Chiefdoms) in turn is composed of three areas namely OKE ILA, ODO ORA and OKE EFON.

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Chief J.E. Babatola’s role in the growth and development of AdoEkiti: My particular interest at improving local government administration in Ado-Ekiti, nay the region, came to the fore when I became the Cabinet Minister of Home Affairs and Information. At home, I assisted Chief S. A. Oloketuyi (of Igbemo) who was the Chairman of Ado District Council towards making a successful tenure of office and thereby turning Ado Local Council to be declared as the ‘best managed council’ in Western Region in 1959 and thereupon granted financial autonomy in April 1960. In Ado Ekiti, my hometown, I was an active forerunner among my peer group “Egbe Aiyetoro’, a group instrumental to the establishment of Ado Grammar School in 1961. I and other members of my family had contributed considerably towards the accreditation of and fund raising activities in favour of the school, as well as in the provision of a suitable pioneer Principal to head it. The establishment of the School among others led me to assist Mr. Julius Fashubaa (now Chief Oisa of Ado Ekiti) to pursue his degree education in England between 1959 and 1963, in order to come and work in the school. During the reign of HRM Oba Daniel Anirare Aladesanmi II, I was acknowledged Ambassador of Ado–Ekiti indigenes in political and social affairs and I played the same role during part of the later reigns of HRM Oba Adeyemi George Adelabu I. In the reigns of HRM Oba Adeyemo Rufus Aladesanmi III, I am a consistent and reliable adviser to the reigning monarch. As a High Chief of Ado-Ekiti, my contributions in the Ewi’s palace affairs through my presence at the weekly palace meetings of the Ado traditional Chiefs have been appreciated and utilized by several sons and daughters of Ado–Ekiti.

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One of the very useful suggestions I made to the Ewi in Council resulted in the creation of a land bank for government establishments and projects to be located at Ado Ekiti, such as the land acquired for the University of Ado-Ekiti, lands on Are-Afao road given to the Federal Housing Authority and the State Housing Corporation and the Estate designated for Federal Medical Centre at Ilawe Road before it was shifted to Ido-Ekiti. The acceptance of my recommendations has thus lessened the difficulties likely to occur in an application of the 1978 Land Use Decree. During the period of my political leadership, I was able to influence several project of public benefit to Ado-Ekiti, its farm settlements and the neighbouring towns and other parts of Ekiti State. However, I will limit my scope here to Ado-Ekiti where a few significant contributions of note can be mentioned such as follows: a. b. c.

d. e.

f.

I assisted some indigenes of Ado and other Ekiti towns to get government scholarship and bursaries. I assisted several Ado and Ekiti indigenes to get government jobs and contracts I succeeded in getting government to tar Ado–Ilawe road, Ado-Ekiti-Imesi Lasigidi Road and Ado-Iworoko– Igbemo Road I got a Maternity hospital built at Agbado, another at Osi in Ido/Osi Local Government and a dispensary at Are. I got portable water supplied at large for the people by the construction of Ureje Water Works and the network pipe borne water throughout the township of Ado-Ekiti with the inclusion thereto of several points for the supply of portable water. I assisted in getting the Government to reconstruct and repair the roads, the culverts and the drains across AdoEkiti, in particular the dangerous Agere Drain, Old Garage to Okeyinmi-Okesha route and the notorious gouge at Odo Ado.

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g.

h. i.

j. k. l.

m. n.

I created the State Housing Estate at Oke Ila Area of AdoEkiti when I was the Chairman of Ondo State Housing Corporation I made possible the completion of Fire Service Station at Ado-Ekiti I got the Vehicle Inspection Centre built and completed the Public Works Department station at Ajilosun, AdoEkiti I assisted in the creation of a Land Bank in Ado-Ekiti for the sitting of Government projects. I assisted Ado and other Ekiti indigenes to get subsidies for their cocoa products With the cooperation of the Ewi, I got Ado people to finance the construction of the Ado Ekiti Town Hall for which payment of forest royalties was designed I advised Government to complete Ado-Ekiti Catering rest house and the state hospital project I proposed the sitting of State Capital at Ado-Ekiti and prepared the memorandum that the Mbanefo Commission accepted in preference to other memoranda.

Chief J.E. Babatola’s recounts his role in Community service thus: My role in community development involved the leadership of Opopogboro Community Development Association which later sponsored the Opopogboro Community Bank Limited. The leadership position afforded me the opportunity to preside over the community market project, provision of lands for various community activities, particularly the creation of religious centres, the setting up of security (vigilante) bodies and landlords Associations to oversee the welfare of the community and the effective creation of New Ora home at the Opopogboro axis of Ado-Ekiti. The role played at various times within the community also made it possible for the tenants and other dwellers to embrace peace and order and bring about prosperity to the community.

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As the first Chairman of the Opopogboro Community Bank Limited, I mobilized members of my families particularly the late Col. (Rtd) S.A Babatola and the late Mr. G.C.O. Babatola to buy shares, make deposits and even lend helping hand to the bank in times of need. I also extended the same hand of fellowship to our kinsman, the late Chief Peter Oluwatimilehin (PET-TIM) in sustaining the bank for a long time with a substantial family’s shareholding in the investment. Although, the management of the bank did not totally attain my high expectations largely due to the low capital input, yet my desire to encourage cooperative participation and the inclusion of many people produced positive results. During the commissioning of Mojere and re–commissioning of Ajowa markets by the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti, HRM Oba Rufus Adejugbe Aladesanmi III and the Otunba Bisi Egbeyemi (then Chairman of Ado-Ekiti Local Government) in May 1992, I remarked in my opening speech that the only existing market that directly serves our purpose is the Okesha market situated at one end of the 6 kilometres stretch of territory. Mojere market has been donated to the people by the Ora community whose traditional head is the Olora and that Ajowa market was donated to the people resident at the Community Centre by the Olomo family. The Olora carried out the clearing and up-rooting of the big trees on this land some 10 years ago prior to its delineation as a market place. Our monetary and labour contribution will continue to record further development on the landscape until the local government decides to take it over. We shall take the challenge and continue to assist the development of the market. Chief J.E. Babatola’s role in making Ado-Ekiti the Capital of Ekiti State: During the struggle for the creation of Ekiti State, I presented the memorandum for citing Ado-Ekiti as the Capital of

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Ekiti State in a Paper titled: ADO-EKITI -The choice of Ekiti People for the capital of the proposed Ekiti State. In the paper, I noted that Ado Ekiti is both the geographical and historic centre of Ekitiland and that the nuclear setting of Ado Ekiti among the erstwhile 16 Kingdoms and the political administrative arrangements that succeeded them supported it. I stated further that the originally 16 associated kingdoms that spanned the Ekiti country had diplomatic ties which depended much for a proper functioning on the role that the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti and the General of his Army played in sustaining harmony in the entire Ekiti territory. The kingdoms of Egbe Oba (another name for Ikole kingdom) and Ijero gave Ado-Ewi continual support in playing this leadership role. The choice of Igbemo, an Ado-Ekiti district town for the burial of a common mother for an Elekole (her eldest son), an Ewi (her second son) and an Ajero (her third son) was an indication of either the leadership role of the Ewi or of the central position of Ewi’s kingdom among the three potential rulers of Ekitiland in its medieval period of history. In the course of the history of Ekiti, only kingdoms outside a direct centrifugal influence exerted from Ado-Ekiti were those of Otun, Ishan, Aiyede and Emure, three of them in the extreme north and one on the extreme south. In the advent of colonial rule in Ekiti, between 1899 and 1912, the British Colonial Government based in Lagos administered Ekitiland and People from Oke Imo (an outskirt village of Ilesha). In the later years starting from 1913 when the Government decided to choose a convenient centre for its Ekiti administration, it chose Ado-Ewi and changed the town’s name to Ado-Ekiti (beginning from 1913) in recognition that Ado-Ekiti is the nerve centre of Ekiti

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people’s social and economic activities and therefore a city of all Ekiti affairs rather than a city for mere habitation. Major religious activities designed for Ekiti particularly for both the Anglican and the Roman Catholic Churches, have AdoEkiti as venue while it also serves as the Seat of their Bishops. In the academic field, Ado-Ekiti is also the seat of both the Federal Polytechnic and the Ondo State University (now renamed University of Ado-Ekiti). The location of these institutions in AdoEkiti therefore bears witness to the fact that both governments recognize the centrality of Ado Ekiti. The role of the Islamic and their Christians counterparts who accord Ado-Ekiti the honour of being the centre of gravity for cultural and educational development of Ekiti area also add weight to the arguments in favour of the town. In turn, the Ekitis quite naturally come to Ado-Ekiti regularly and in large numbers not only to settle but to do whatever business that can contribute enormously to the increased prosperity of Ekiti people. If we compare the population sizes of Ekitis in their sectoral set up, the percentages yielded by the population of Ekiti North (headquarters at Ikole), Ijero (headquarters at Ijero) and Ero (headquarters at Ido Ekiti) are respectively 13.03, 0.93, and 15.35, while that of Ado stood at 28.43% of their entire population, a position which supports the claim to have the capital for the proposed Ekiti State in Ado-Ekiti. In fact a map of Ekiti that was produced soon after Akure had opted out of the Ekiti confederacy in 1946 was described as having its pivot or centre of balance, that is to say, the geometric centre of Ekitiland from 1913 to 1946 as Itaipe area (the picnic ground) in Ado-Ekiti. The nearest place to that point, which is still a farm settlement of Ado-Ekiti ought to make the city qualify as the capital.

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In the areas of practical geographical exercise to determine a viable capital for the proposed Ekiti State, Babatola considered the use of data obtained from the five selected Ekiti Towns namely; Ifaki, Ido, Ijero, Ikole and Ado-Ekiti, all representing the centres of population in Ekiti West, Southwest, North, East, South East and South respectively. I then discovered that whereas Ado-Ekiti alone represented about 11% of the 1963 population census for Ekitiland, the statistics of others follow far behind. I further showed that the population of the Ekiti Southern belt with Ado-Ekiti as its most populous city has not less than 62% of the total population for Ekiti. Again whereas its immediate catchment areas rich in human resources have been harnessed by Ado-Ekiti, the more sparsely populated northern towns and villages of Ekiti form the catchments area for Ifaki, Ido, Ijero and Ikole, respectively going by calculations of their distances from the geometric centre of Ekiti land mass. I also recalled the voice of Ekiti people at the outset of state agitations in 1980 where representatives of Ekitiland in the State Assembly favoured Ado-Ekiti by an absolute majority vote of 25 legislators to 8 in favour of Ifaki. Furthermore, I worked out the distances of Ado-Ekiti, Ifaki, Ido, Ijero and Ikole from other 16 population centres in Ekiti and recorded Ado-Ekiti with the shortest total distance (i.e. Ado-Ekiti 559 kms, Ifaki 595 kms, Ido 619 kms, Ijero 701 kms and Ikole 932 kms) all which translates into approximate distance ratios of 56, 60, 61, 70 and 93 respectively. I also referred to the efforts of Ado-Ekiti People to make the Ekiti Division of Ondo Province achieve development in terms of roads and a land bank for business and official use, etc. The following were examples: i.

Road infrastructures to link the town with the other Ekiti administrative divisions such as the Akure-Ado-

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ii.

iii.

iv.

v.

Ekiti-Otun road, Itawure-Aramoko-Ado-Ekiti road, Ado-Ekiti-Imesilasigidi-Ikare road which are Federal Roads (i.e. Trunk ‘A’) and Ado–Ilawe–Igbara Odo road which is State Government Road (i.e. Trunk ‘B’ road.) Extensive Government Reservation Areas that accommodate residential buildings to house government officials (e.g. the former District Officers, judges and magistrates). The Ewi-in council in 1975 augmented Government efforts by creating a land bank for development purposes in Ado-Ekiti. The several buildings constructed by the Federal and State Governments for the official use of the administrative, judiciary, police and prison departments can now serve the State Government of Ekitiland to advantage. The cost of providing buildings, their equipment and furniture will be drastically reduced. Existing communication facilities in terms of the services such as the NITEL and the NIPOST render will be at the disposal of the State Government at Ado-Ekiti. Adequate provision for effective administration of justice and security of lives in Ekitiland is at its best in Ado-Ekiti.

In my conclusion, I noted that the citing of the capital of Ekiti State elsewhere in Ekiti would entail enormous expenditure of funds which in short would be undesirable. To me ‘…Ado-Ekiti is already a fortunate asset with no liability attached in setting it up as Ekiti State Capital…” Chief Babatola recounts his challenges on the enthronement of Ewi of Ado-Ekiti: My role as the Honourary Secretary of the Ado Ekiti College of Kingmakers is a credit to the town’s people, both old and young. From the time when I became the Olora of Ado-Ekiti, two Ewis have been elected peacefully. When George Adelabu was to be

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elected, I played a very careful role because I was close to Prince Adegoke Adewumi in times past. My role was not to support any specific candidate in such a situation but to ensure that there was no disruption of peace as a result of the election. However, my position became a source of worry to those who wanted to use it as a platform to contend with me or put me in ridicule. This was what led to a period of my seclusion from the Ewi in Council under HRM Oba George Adeyemi Adelabu I. He took an offence at my unperceived and unassuming role towards his ascension to the stool of Ewi while a legal contention had arisen with his fellow brother, Prince Adegoke Adewumi, a matter which was not resolved prior to the demise of Oba Adelabu. However, we mended fences and I later came on the Council before the demise of Oba Adelabu. In the late 80’s, Chief J.A. Fashubaa, the Oisa of Ado Ekiti poised a challenge at the Ado-Ekiti Kingmakers prior to the election of HRM Oba Rufus Adeyemo Adejugbe Aladesanmi III. The matter was brought to the attention of the Military Administrator of the old Ondo State, Navy Commodore Bode George. I had to use the Intelligence report of the Colonial Government which I derived from the National Archives, Ibadan along with other official documents to make the case clear to the State Government that Ado-Ewi has only 12 members of the Kingmakers’ Council and no more and that only these Chiefs could participate in the election of the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti. I took these steps to consolidate the position of the Kingmakers in a successful choice of the reigning Ewi, HRM Oba Adejugbe Aladesanmi III. It was at my insistence that the role of the 12 Kingmakers must be preserved and that the Council Secretary ought to record the process unhindered. That helped many other Ado chieftains who could have been misled into taking

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regrettable actions at the time. The effect today is the tranquility and continued respect for traditions and due process under the reign of our gifted and fatherly monarch – HRM Oba Rufus Adeyemo Adejugbe Aladesanmi III, the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti. The same thing applies to my recommendations several times in cases involving the election of rightful holders of offices and titles or claims involved in the contest for titles or status of title holders, the issuance and rejoinder of memoranda on various boundary and other land matters at Ado Ekiti, the Ekiti Division and elsewhere in the South Western region of Nigeria. After the creation of Ekiti State in 1996, I participated actively in various delegations empowered by the Ewi, Chiefs and Representatives of Ado-Ekiti to protest the apparent relegation of the status of the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti in the State Council of Obas, which represents a total disregard of historic traditions, nonappreciation of empirical data and an intelligent arrangement of hierarchy of Chiefs. Though the brotherly disposition and status of the Ewi was acknowledged by some members of the Council particularly the potential monarchs in superior ranking, we have insisted that the Ewi stands as a primus inter pares among Ekiti monarchs from the point of history, the geography and accessibility of Ado-Ekiti to other places as well as the extensive influence and role of the Ewi as the natural head of the realm in the affairs of Ekiti confederacy in the last centuries. I have played prominent roles in the settlement of various chieftaincy and land disputes of other families in Ado Ekiti. This complemented my role in carrying out such matters with dispatch and honesty in many places when I was a member of the Government at various times.

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CHAPTER FOUR

MY ORIGIN: ORA COMMUNITY Chief Babatola’s views at revalidating the tradition and customs on Ado Ekiti toward defending Ora people of Ado Ekiti: I want you to know that the Ora people were a large group that preceded the Ewi to Ile Ado from Ile Ife. However, their former connection with Ewi at Ile-Ife made it possible for them not to be confronted when the Ewi fought the Ilesun people. Since the Olora was himself a ruler with officiating ministers and a priest including Oloja Ese, Olujori, Balemo Obo and Aworo Ereju in his own right at that time and never a foe of the Ewi, when the Ewi arrived at Ado Ekiti, he gladly accepted Ewi’s leadership rather than engage in confrontation in the arrangement that transferred him to the Ogbon Meta area where he continued his Ora fetish and Oro cult. The Ewi and his people treasured the memories of their experience of Oro or Ereju fetish which was up to then the exclusive property of Ora people at Ile Ife and anywhere else inhabited by people of Ora origin. It was a misnomer and a distortion of tradition for any Ado historian to have referred to the Olora or any King maker as a lesser Chief. The Odo Ora settlement is headed by an OLOJA ORA (the title later corrupted as the OLORA). The Oloja Ora then became a senior titleholder and high ranking chieftain in the Ewi’s kingdom and later addressed as the Olora who is held in high esteem as one of the 12 senior members of the Ewi’s Council of Traditional Chiefs, otherwise known as the AFOBAJE or AGBA ADO (Kingmakers).

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An excerpt from the ancient oral tradition of Oloja ‘Ora (Olora of Ado-Ekiti) suffices to prove the claim as hereunder quoted: Oloja Ora ule Ado, mo ki o Ogbomi – gbaso, gbule Ebora Ufe, Lari f’okankan s’ile a s’ule Ado! Mo ki o, Aoro Ebora l’odo Ora. Uwo li igb’oro Eruju Io mi, K’o ba yo foo jade l’Odo Ora, K’omo Olora ba yan; K’ogberi ba foya ya s’ugbo ebora, L’ibi kan ti m’o sina. A translation of this ancient oral tradition is rendered thus: The King of Ora people at Ado, I salute you, Appropriator of ebora’s fetish Its Divination bowl of water, Its’ oracular Robe, yea its’ Tabernacle, Without any one of them left at Ife When the Ora clan left for Ule Ado (Ado –Ekiti)! I salute you, Chief priest of Ebora of Odo Ora You swallow Ereju’s words of prophecy Only to vomit them out at Odo Ora So that Ora folks may majestically walk; But so that uninitiated may frightfully Flee into Ebora’s grove in the bush Where strays and vagabonds become Victims of sacrifice to the Ereju! According to Oral traditions, the Ora community at AdoEkiti had at all times regarded itself as the sole possessor of the instruments of spiritual leadership of Ora communities from Ile-Ife and as the chief custodian of Ereju (Oro) secrets, symbols and tokens, even though, other Ora communities also enjoyed some

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degree of religious autonomy in their traditional observance of Ereju fetish and other rites associated with the Ora community at Ile–Ife. Before the final consolidation of the three constituent sectors into one Ado-Ewi Township, the community of Ora had suffered from decimation of its population and dispersal of its families as a result of the adventurous invasions of Ado town first by Benin hordes and the later invaders from Ibadan. By the 18th century, however, the nucleus of Ora community in the town had been sufficiently integrated and merged into a political entity. What followed was that it became a corporate member of Ogbon Meta Quarter of Ado town. The other two members of the union were the Oke Ila and Oke Effon. In tracing the migration of Ora people to Ado-Ekiti in the century, the migration of Ora people from Ile-Ife to Sabongida Ora, Owo, Oke Ajinare, Igbo Adigboku, Igbo Ekute (in Ile Ado) and Amugbogudu area, Odo Ora and Oke Ora communities (in Ido-Osi Local Government) and Araromi Obo (now part of Irepodun-Ifelodun Local Government) all arose from dispersal elsewhere outside and within Ado kingdom. 12th

The renowned activities of four successive Oloja ‘Ora (Olora) namely Ojimi, Akanle Okuta (the great warrior), Ajududu and Olaifa, who reigned during the early migration of Ewi to Ado are signs that Ora community was held in awe across Ewi’s Kingdom and other parts of Ekiti. The various Benin wars of expansion and the Ibadan wars affected Ora people who lived mostly outside Ado city walls in the 18th and 19th centuries. The effect of these wars even on the Ewi and Ado people led to their migration and sojourn elsewhere for a while. The exploits of Ado Generals particularly those of Ogunmonakan of Ora were mentioned with those of other famous warriors such as Akogun of Irona, Aduloju of Idemo and Falowo in Ado traditional history.

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Early in 1967, the Olora chieftaincy family unanimously offered me, their son, the vacant stool of the Olora of Ado-Ekiti, but the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti deferred the installation until 1970 when he satisfied himself that I had maintained the Olugbaye title in good faith and high esteem. This is why I insisted that in reconstructing Ado history, it was essential to respect landmarks and traditions. Be as it may, whereas the Ewi conquered several chieftaincies on arrival at Ado he rather befriended the Olora and showed him love. It was the decimation of Ora people where they settled at the edge and outside of Ado defence wall in Ogbon Meta that weakened them militarily and finally made them subject to the rule of the Ewi. I observed that politics and the tradition of Ado kingdom in modern times would have overlooked or distorted these facts if not for the cooperative and incisive response of the reigning Ewi to the good side of history. I appreciate the past and present Ewis since I became the Olora for saving Ado kingdom from any embarrassment and disharmony that could have taken place as a result of mischievous distortions of history. Chief Babatola’s views on the contest over Araromi Obo, an Ora settlement relocated to Irepodun/Ifelodun Local Government: Another instance of distortion of history was the case of the Balemo of Araromi Obo whose position was usurped by his lieutenant, the Odolofin of Araromi Obo, with the aid of the State apparatuses, bureaucracy and some politicians from IrepodunIfelodun Local Government beginning from the administration of Dele Olumilua. All available records including the Intelligence Report of 1933 showed that the Balemo is the Traditional head of Araromi Obo and that the village is part of Ora Community under the Ewi of Ado Ekiti in Ado Local Government. Araromi Obo existed as a

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farm settlement within Ado Ekiti District up till after I left Government as a Minister in 1963 and as a Commissioner in 1974, though it has now been forcibly merged with Irepodun-Ifelodun because both the previous military administration and the civilian government that super ceded it recognized the Odolofin as the head of the village. In effect, such ‘bastardization’ of historical facts is an effrontery to Yoruba culture, Obaship institution and the traditional history of Ado-Ekiti. To to leave Araromi Obo divided between those who align with Ado Ewi and the revolting camp that chooses to disown our past is unacceptable and destructive. It behooves Government now to correct the situation by reserving the wrong inclusion of Araromi Obo in Irepodun/Ifelodun Local Government. Chief Babatola’s viewpoints at restoring the glory of the Olora stool of Ado-Ekiti: I successfully restored the status of OLORA in the Ewi’s cabinet against all odds after my installation in 1970 though I have not recovered much of the vast expanse of the Ora family land wrongly over the years acquired by other chieftaincy families and neighbouring villages. Happily the traditional landmarks preserved for long and designed to forestall neighbours encroachment are visible in many cases. In my strategic leadership for the revival of the Olora chieftaincy family prestige and prerogative, I brought in the following innovations: a. b.

Regular hosting of family meetings and social events among family members Celebration of Oro Ereju (Ero Koko) by feasting on cocoyam dish after a service in a Christian programme attended.

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c. d.

e.

f. g.

Production of annual almanacs and family publications Creation of New Ora Homeland outside Oke-Ila and away from Olaja’ese, Itaepe, and Ofin farmlands for the resettlement of Ora family living of Oke Ila and other parts of Ado-Ekiti for the purpose of creating a new community and eventual development of AdoEkiti along its Ado-Iworoko road where Ora is to hold sway. Creation, establishment and registration of the Ora Cooperative Investment and Credit Society Limited to cater for the welfare needs of the people within the Ora community. Consistent protection of the Ora family rights at the Ewi’s Palace Restoration of family lands through disputes resolutions before Ewi-in-Council or at the court of law.

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CHAPTER FIVE

EJIGBO DANIEL BABATOLA OMOWAIYE Chief Babatola recounts his early relationship with the Late Ejigbo Omowaiye: High Chief Ejigbo Daniel Babatola Omowaiye was my maternal Uncle. He took me like a son and his best friend and confidant. We were very close and in fact, I was closer to him than many of his wives and children as I grew up. There were times we slept on the same bed and shared deep thoughts. Uncle Daniel had taken interest in me at a young age, after I lost my father, by assisting my mother to compliment her effort of my early childhood modeling and training. I believe he was rather inspired by humanitarian and sentimental feelings fuelled by the mutual benefits arising from our family relationship as well as the relationship with my father, Olatunji, during his lifetime. As a matter of fact between 1914 and 1916, my father had helped Uncle Daniel Babatola Omowaiye to proceed to Lagos where he learnt the trade of a professional cobbler under a Sierra Leonean named MR. JONES, before he returned to Ado-Ekiti in 1927. Between 1919 and 1927 when Uncle Daniel was in Lagos, my mother, Comfort Ibitayo was her agent of contact at home. Chief Babatola recounts his service to the Late Ejigbo Omowaiye: From 1927 when Uncle Daniel took over my responsibilities by staying with him at Araromi quarter in Okesha thereby influencing my conversion into the Anglican fold, I served him on errands and tended his house with other little children before I was taken to Ikole by Uncle John Olatawura to live there. Between 1927 and 1931, when I visited Ado-Ekiti from Ikole, Uncle Daniel

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Omowaiye consistently reviewed my activities at home and engaged my favourite services at his shoe making shop in Ereguru and at home at Odo Araromi in Okesha until 1931 when he abandoned the cobblers’ trade to engage in farm work. In 1932, it was Uncle Daniel Omowaiye who came to Ikole to finally remove my belongings since St. Paul’s School, Ikole could not employ the Teacher for the pupils promoted to standard three class. When we returned to Ado-Ekiti Uncle Daniel got the Headmaster of Emmanuel School, Mr. A. A. Oyenuga, to enroll me at Emmanuel School, Ado-Ekiti. I then settled down at Uncle Daniel Omowaiye’s home assuming the same pattern of life at Ikole with a slight difference in school and farming schedule. I and my brother, George assisted Uncle Daniel with our hoes and cutlasses to clean the large backyard adjourning the kitchen, while the garden receives equal attention in the morning and after school hours between Monday and Thursdays. By the weekend, precisely on Friday afternoon, we proceeded to the farm to join Uncle Daniel and returned on Saturday evening to prepare for the Sunday church activities and Monday school work. Throughout my Pupil Teacher’s day between 1935 and 1938 when I proceeded to Oyo, I had saved a total of thirteen pounds and ten shillings by a monthly contribution in an Esusu Fund managed by Uncle Daniel. It was the money that I deployed to cater for my eight pounds tuition fee and up-keep for the four years’ course at St. Andrew’s College, Oyo. Chief Babatola recounts his role in the elevation of Uncle Daniel Omowaiye as the Ejigbo of Ado-Ekiti: I was also instrumental morally and financially to the elevation of my maternal Uncle Daniel Babatola in being installed as the Ejigbo Omowaiye II in 1942. I actually borrowed the levy that Uncle Daniel Babatola was required to pay for the Ejigbo stool from the Vicar of Emmanuel Church, Okesha, Ado-Ekiti before his

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rival could even get a dime. I paid the required sum on behalf of my Uncle Daniel to the Ado-Ekiti Traditional Council under the auspices of the reigning Ewi of Ado-Ekiti – HRM Oba Daniel Anirare Aladesanmi II (Odundun Asode Dero) even in the face of utter conspiracy rooted in palace politics at the time through the cooperation of the late Odogun of Ado-Ekiti (High Chief Aladetoyinbo). Even in the years of my teaching at Christ’s School I provided necessary financial assistance for Uncle Daniel like a grateful Son. Chief Babatola recounts his role at the funeral of Uncle Daniel Omowaiye: On 14th December, 1951, Uncle Daniel Osho Babatola Omowaiye II (The Ejigbo of Ado Ekiti) slept in the Lord after a protracted illness. As an undergraduate at the University, I could do very little other than to contribute to and participate in his burial and to also share my love and profound intimacy for him by delivering a poem as his funeral oration. It is a lyric that celebrates Daniel Babatola’s high and proud positions as the Babaegbe of Ibukun Society and the Balogun of Emmanuel Church, (Now Cathedral), Ado-Ekiti and many others missed him because of his role and influence in the late 20’s and early 30’s development of Ado-Ekiti as he worked with the missionaries like Ven. Henry Dallimore and several Ado elites who brought enlightenment to the people. He was a popular shoe marker, farmer and community leader. Today his legacies and his children who include Mrs. Olayinka Ola, Mrs. Fola Oguntoyinbo, Chief Clement Akin Babatola and Rev. Osho Babatola remain with us and will continue to make us pay him due regard evermore.

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CHAPTER SIX

MY ALMA MATERS Chief Babatola’s view of his alma maters and role in their alumni affairs: I have participated on several occasions in the celebration of my alma maters, St. Paul’s School, Ikole, Emmanuel School, AdoEkiti, Christ’s School Ado-Ekiti, St. Andrew’s College, Oyo and University College of Ibadan (renamed University of Ibadan). Yet my activities were less significant in alumni activities so as to give others the opportunity to make their mark in the alumni movement as I have made it in teaching, politics and the cooperative movement. Over the years, I diverted part of my energies to the activities of St. Andrew’s College Old Students Association (SACOBA) where I served on various committees and positions in the leadership prior to my elevation as the Chairman of Ekiti State branch thereof and now when I am being honoured as one of the two Andrarians in year 2008. Chief Babatola’s role in the impact of St. Andrews College on Ekitiland in general: In March 1996, I delivered a Public lecture on ‘’The impact of St. Andrews’ College, Oyo on Ekitiland’’. I noted that the rising of St. Andrew’s College, Oyo into a University status is overdue since it rendered in its heydays very good services to the nation in general and to the states of Yoruba land and those on its periphery in the areas of evangelization and education.

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When the Church Missionary Society (CMS) began its evangelistic work in what is now the southwest of Nigeria, the educational aspect of the programme of the CMS in the Yoruba country up to 1896 consisted of the establishment of elementary schools. For Ekiti, Akoko and Owo, the taste of elementary school education started as from 1896 with the transfer of St. Andrew’s College to Oyo in 1896, which was for whatever reasons a fortunate thing for the hinterland of Yoruba land and the development of the institution itself. Beginning with Emmanuel School, Ado-Ekiti in February 1896 and an example of St. Andrew’s College (Oyo) products for missionary and allied purposes was the late Oba John Oke Fasanmade JP Odundun II (the Olojudo of Ido-Ajinare in Ekiti West Local Government). Like a true Andrian, Oba Fasanmade worked tirelessly and used his education and influence to bring facilities like portable water, a dispensary and a grammar school to his town. Another citizen of Ekitiland trained at St. Andrew’s rendered exemplary service to Ekitiland and people. He was the late HRM Oba Daniel Anirare Aladesanmi II, Odundun Asodedero, (the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti) who was the captain of his class and in his last year a College Prefect and was found to be a competent schoolmaster during his short term at the end of which we found him in the Nigerian Railway doing the job of a station master. During the long period of his reign, he established himself as the beacon of light to the natural rulers and community leaders throughout Ekitiland. I want to pay tributes to some highly respected and successful Andrarians who had for years hoisted the flag of honours of the college in their places of work as they pursued their various vocations and callings. I particularly recall the excellent performances and contributions of Chief S.P Oloyede (Iyin), High Chief J.F Falayi (Ise), Chief F.A. Ogundipe, late Chief Oyewole

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Jedege, Very Rev. S.A Ajakaye, late Chief A.S. Asebiomo, late Chief B.A Ajayi (a respected elder), Rev. Canon J.A. Ajayi, Mr. J.A. Fajana, Deacon Osatoyinbo, Chief B.O Akintayo, Dr. Adeiyan (Ikere), late Chief Shehu Ajijola, Engineer Akindele (Usi), Mr. Emmanuel Adewumi (Ikere) as some of the distinguished Andrarians from Ekiti who excelled in their fields of endeavour and lived and served the Ekiti people and cause with merit in their lifetime. The successes of these great people in the teaching vocation came from the discipline imparted into them as students of St. Andrew’s College. The sterling qualities and the conduct of great Andrarians who served their communities diligently and assiduously contributed to the growth in education, politics and the overall development of Ekitiland and its people. These include the good performances and the role of late Ven. R Ogunlade (as Principal of Christ’s School), Chief Sola Bayode (a great Educator and former Principal of Christ’s School), Elder J.O. Ajiniran (the renowned choirmaster and organist of the Ekiti Anglican Communion), Mr. S.O. Agbebi (a successful Principal at Christ’s School and an accomplished organist), late Chief C.O. Olosunde, late Mr. J. Ojudun, late Mr. Olatunji, Ven. Rev. Dr. Dapo Ajayi (Former Principal of International School, Ibadan and Retired Clergy), Mr. J.W. Ogunyemi and Chief Peter Adeyemo, Senator Ogundipe, Evangelist Chief S.A. Akerele, late Chief E.A Babalola (first Ekiti graduate and regional minister), late Chief J.O Osuntokun (a political giant), Chief Adepoju Akomolafe (a great leader and respected elder), Chief Ade Okeya, late Rev. Canon J. Ade Ajayi and my humble self (Chief J.E Babatola). Our successes in the leadership and representation of Ekitiland in the years of nationalistic struggle and the advent of Nigerian’s political independence remain indelible. It was the concerted efforts of myself, Chief Osuntokun, Akerele and Chief Areola (a non-Andrian) that led to the reconstruction and tarring of several roads in Ekiti early in 1960 such as Itawure-Okemesi Road,

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Ado-Ekiti-Ilawe Road, Ado-Ekiti-Imesi Lasigidi Road, AdoIworoko–Igbemo Road and the Oye Aiyede –Ishan Road. Chief Babatola’s place and impact on Emmanuel School, AdoEkiti and the role of Christian Missionaries on educational development in Ekiti: I was invited to speak on primary education in Ekitiland at the centenary anniversary celebration of Emmanuel School, AdoEkiti on 25th November 1996. There, I went down the memory lane to praise the works of Christian missionaries and teachers in Ekiti in laying a solid foundation for sound education, a feat that has earned Ekiti State the cognomen of ‘Fountain of knowledge and Land of Honour’’. I noted the contributions of Evangelist Daddy Babamuboni and Rev. Sowumi as pioneers of Emmanuel School, Ado-Ekiti in 1896 and remarked that the efforts and role of Henry Dallimore at enhancing the quality of primary school education in Ekiti had enabled many Ekiti sons and daughters to excel in education more than their peers in other states of Nigeria. The achievements of the products of Ekiti primary schools between 1896-1936, particularly late Rev Oluyemi, late Rev Canon S.P. Adeyinka, the late Rev. Canon Ade Ajayi, the late Chief A.A. Abiodun (Ado), late Chief E.A Babatola (Oye), late Mr. D.B. Daramola (Ayede), late Pa Kumapayi (Ikole), Mr. Akeredolu (Usi), late Chief J.O Osuntokun (Imesi Oloja Oke), late Messrs Odoba and J.W Obi (both of Ise), late Oba John Oke Fasanmade, HRH the late Oba Anirare Aladesanmi II (the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti), Pa Falayi (Ise), Very Rev Adeosun, Elder I.O Ajiniran, Chief John Akinyede, Chief S.A Okeya (Emure), Senator Ogundipe (Ijesa Isu), Chief S.A. Akerele (Aiyede), Chief Ade Akomolafe, Chief G.B Akinyede (Ode), Prof. Sam Aluko (Ode), late Chief J. Anisulowo, the late Chief Areola and myself (J.E Babatola) are there to see as a result of our achievements at our different places and engagements.

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No doubt, mentioning of names of people who had done well cannot be completed without immortalizing them through the knowledge of history. It is also very important to mention the names of those with whom we fraternized or contended against on the paths of service and competitions. Chief Babatola recounts some of his experience at St. Andrew’s College, Oyo: When I passed the 1937 preliminary entrance examination to Oyo, as the best candidate among all Ekiti teachers by scoring 396 marks out of 450 marks, Ven. C. Burton, the Principal of St. Andrew’s College, Oyo sent a telegram to Ven. H. Dallimore at the session of the Ekiti Parishioners and Clergymen’s Council (PCC) to congratulate them on my excellent and successful performance. I was admitted into St. Andrews’ College, Oyo, in February 1938 to under-go a four years’ Teacher training and certificate course and I went through the academic facilities of the institution without any regret, except for my brief experience of scholarship distraction occasioned by certain tutors who dominated the college tutorial bench and favoured students from their own ethnic block to the disadvantage of others in the 1938 and 1939 years, until things changed for the better in 1940, when the tutors that took over were mainly expatriates who adhered to the basic principles of scoring students. At Oyo, I was a member of the choir and I actively involved myself in the countryside evangelization and also at the College Chapel in conducting morning services and playing the harmonium in the evening services. In the beginning of the 1941 college year, I was appointed as a College Prefect for St. John’s Dormitory which accommodated the 1st and 2nd year students.

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CHAPTER SEVEN

MY EDUCATIONAL CAREER Chief Babatola recounts some of his experience as a Teacher in Christ’s School, Ado-Ekiti: I started my teaching career at Christ’s School, Ado Ekiti, (and then a mixed school) in January, 1942. I was the class teacher for form 1C pupils which constituted the weak assortment of candidates admitted as a result of the 1941 entrance examination. This poised a challenge for me to groom the pupils in their academic exercise. I had no choice but to be a hardworking and a rare expositor among the other teachers of the pupils in the form one classes. In fact, the deputy Headmaster, Mr. (later Chief) B.A Ajayi encouraged me in preparing a detailed scheme of work in all subjects for my class. By the 1942 Easter examination, 28 pupils in my class passed while 4 pupils failed which coincidentally produced same number of passes and failures in the other two arms of the form one classes. When the mid year examination was conducted, the form 1C pupils had improved tremendously with more passes than either of the two other classes. By the end of the year, all my pupils in 1C class passed the promotional examination to Form Two classes with two of them getting the 2nd and 3rd places in the overall result, while seven pupils failed the promotional examination in forms 1A and 1B. Some of the pupils that passed through my classroom between 1942 and 1945 were Olajide Olatawura (A distinguished Justice of the Supreme Court of Nigeria), Folorunsho Olujoungbe (A respected International Civil Servant), Stella Ajibulu (A successful woman), Peter Odoba-Ogunkile (A Solicitor and Advocate of the Supreme Court), late Abajigin, Chief Bobade, the

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Olu and Samuel Asabia (a respected Banker and renowned Economist). In the 1944 school year examination conducted for Standard Six pupils in Ondo province, 32 of the 34 pupils in my form 2B class passed the examination to form 3 classes with three of them hooking the 1st, 3rd and 7th positions. The High Master of Christ’s School, Venerable Henry Dallimore and the First Master – Mr. (later Bishop) Falope were happy about the developments and transferred me to the Form Three Class as the Class Teacher. In the Boarding section, I was the Kitchen and Dinning Hall Master who was assisted by Mr. Nathaniel Adamolekun until 1944 when I was up-graded as House Master for Bishop’s House. I also prepared service rosters for the Dining Hall, supervised the cooking and dining hall activities. In fact, I introduced the teaching-learning of General Science into the Christ’s School syllabus in the early forties thereby predicating my attendance of a 5 weeks’ induction course in F. Daniel’s General Science for Schools conducted for Heads of Science Departments of Anglican Schools at the Lagos Anglican Grammar School, Bariga, and my return to Christ’s School with laboratory apparatuses and science equipment to perform scientific experiments using litmus paper with acid and alkali in explaining the reaction of hydrochloric acid on sugar. As a result, I was nicknamed ‘Teacher Alalupayida’ i.e. reaction –motivating scientist (or magical transformer). Chief Babatola recounts some of his experience as a Teacher at Abeokuta: When I began to pursue the idea of private tuition with the teaching career in Lagos or Ibadan so as to sit for the London Matriculation and the Nigeria Senior Teachers’ Certificate examinations, I applied for transfer when Ven. Henry Dallimore

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went for his vacation in England, because I knew he would not approve of it, if he was around. I had to work hard to achieve my aim even if the task was difficult. My application eventually scaled through for a transfer to Oke Ona United School, Abeokuta, in January, 1946. Then in January 1946 I started to teach under the Late Chief John Ladipo (a veteran educationist) and was assigned as Class Teacher to Standard Two and Coordinators of Standards Two and Three classes. My commitment to academic excellence was shortly felt in the school, thereby earning me good commendation from the school administration. I remember that Rev. Canon J.G. Sodipe of St. Jude’s Church, Ikija, congratulated me in the glare of church members in mid year 1946 when I passed my London Matriculation examination in English, Elementary Mathematics, Latin, Heat, Light and Sound and Mechanics (Physics). In November 1946 I also passed Geography in the Senior Teachers Examination. On 7th February, 1947, I was transferred to Iporo Ake Anglican Central School, Abeokuta, where I taught Standard 6B Class and assisted Standard 5 Classes in English language, Geography, Bible Knowledge, Oral English (Phonetics) and Arithmetic. In 1948, I became the Class Teacher for the two Standard 6 Classes in their major subjects and designed a 400 questions and answers format for the school pupils which were adopted by the Anglican Diocesan Authority for preparing students in CMS schools. The format was eventually approved by the Colonial Department of Education in Lagos for the conduct of Standard Six Certificate Examination in Nigeria.

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In the same year 1948 one of my pupils named Makinde came first in the Standard Six examination of schools in Lagos, Egba and Egbado Archdeaconries. In 1947, I passed my second subject, English Language, in Senior Teachers’ Certificate Examination, and it was published in the Colonial Government gazette of December, 1948. At the same time, I had completed the statutory eight years’ bond as a Teacher in an Anglican School after graduating from St. Andrew’s College, Oyo. Chief Babatola recounts some of his experience as a Teacher in Igbobi College, Lagos: I got my teaching job at Igbobi College, Yaba, Lagos with the assistance of the Anglican Diocesan Secretary from Ibadan. My School Principal was Rev. Parker. At Igbobi College, I taught English language, Geography and Religious Knowledge in Forms Two and Four classes and gave extra lessons to Form Six Students in Latin. I was however challenged by commendations of several parents and senior members of the tutorial bench alike for my brilliant perception and good presentation of issues in English language to apply in 1949 for admission to the University College of Ibadan after discarding the idea of going for a degree at Fourah Bay College, Freetown, Sierra Leone in view of the cost and likelihood of family separation. I therefore sat for the university entrance examination at Igbobi College as a Teacher-Student in company of some of my Form Six boys and I emerged as the only successful candidate who passed the examination from Igbobi in that year. Chief Babatola recounts some of his early experience as an Undergraduate: In September 1949, I was admitted for a four year University of London degree course at the Faculty of Arts of the University

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College, Ibadan. However, when I discovered that the courses offered to freshmen in the University were below my level of academic attainment at the time of admission, I decided to apply to the University through the Dean of my Faculty for a review and upgrading of my academic status from the freshman class to the second year class and the University authorities accepted my request by elevating me to the second year class in December, 1949. Hence, I became a member of the pioneer undergraduate class admitted into the University in November 1948 and therefore the first Nigerian to enjoy direct entry (second year) form of admission into a Nigerian University. Apart from my academic pursuit in the University as a family man, I took time to do some extra teaching at Ibadan Grammar School as an undergraduate to earn some money for my up keep and my young family. Chief Babatola recounts his experience as graduate teacher and teachers’ college Principal: After my graduation, I took up a teaching appointment at Oluwa College, Ijebu Ode, in July 1952, but resigned the appointment in September 1952 due to the incessant road disasters witnessed along the Ibadan-Ijebu Ode route on weekly basis. In October 1952, I joined the tutorial bench of Ibadan Boys’ High School and remained there till December 1952 when I received an invitation from Ado Ekiti to apply for the post of the pioneer and first principal of the Ekiti Divisional Teachers’ Training College to be sited at Ikere Ekiti in January 1953. After a successful interview, I was picked as the best candidate and given a letter of appointment to become the College Principal. Early in January 1953, I began the take off work of the institution at a temporary site belonging to Ikere Native Authority. Thereafter, I traveled across the region to understudy the management pattern of Teachers’ Colleges and then formulate administrative policies for the new College.

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In February 1953, the College was formally commissioned with the goodwill of the Ekiti people and leaders in large attendance. In my years at the College, there was tremendous growth of human and physical resources, which made my students to cultivate peculiar interest in practical agriculture and physical education through practice and competitions. In sports, the College performed creditably and I was able to provide sufficient facilities for the students and teachers through prudent financial management. I also assisted some of the Moslem candidates to secure admission on quota. Chief Babatola recounts some of his experience after his return to the classroom at the end of his Ministerial appointment and retirement from service: Following my removal as Government Minister in 1963, I transferred my services to St. Peter’s College, Akure as a Teacher and later to Ibadan Grammar School headed by Rev. Canon E.A Alayande. In a short while, I became one of the two College VicePrincipals and deputized for the Principal in absentia. At the school, examination results improved greatly among my students. In June 1968, Venerable Emmanuel Alayande became the Chairman of the Central Schools Board of Western Nigeria and I automatically became the Acting Principal of Ibadan Grammar School, a position I held until January 1969, when Chief Labiyi took over from me at the instance of the School Board of Governors who preferred an Ibadan indigene to become the head of the School. I fully cooperated with Labiyi to the disappointment of certain members of the staff of the school who resented the unfair treatment meted on me in respect of the preferred appointment of the new Principal. In January 1970, I was transferred to be the Principal of the reopened All Saints’ Teachers’ College, Usi Ekiti. At Usi Ekiti, I

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commenced the up-grading of the college facilities and made teachers draw up their schemes of work adequately. I retired after my appointment and serving as Commissioner in the Western State in 1974. Chief Babatola recounts his educational exploits after retirement as College Principal: When in 1967 I began to nurse the idea of establishing a Comprehensive School, I approached my family for land, but because of the politics surrounding my election as Olora designate, the idea of starting the school was shelved. At the beginning of 1968, I met a widow, Mrs. Modupe Esther Adenuga (Nee Ogun) who was the Head Mistress of Alafia Nursery and Primary Institute, Ibadan. I later married her and the idea of the school became more realistic because she wanted to start a Nursery School at Ibadan. I persuaded her to join me in the educational enterprise planned for Ado-Ekiti after we moved to Ushi, where I was a Principal and she was employed as a Teacher in the College. This resulted in the founding of the Ajitadidun Nursery and Primary School, Ado-Ekiti in 1970 at my Ajilosun house as its temporary site. In January 1972, the school was moved to its permanent site on the Olora family land acquired. No doubt, the establishment of Ajitadidun Nursery and Primary School was another phase in my life and those of my wife, Modupe Babatola in Ado-Ekiti town and family politics. I was a major sponsor of the School project, while Modupe coordinated and controlled it as its Proprietress. At the same time, I opened an extra mural coaching classes namely ATAYERO COACHING CLASSES at L.A. School, Ogbon Oba, Ado-Ekiti for WAEC (GCE) candidates in the mid 70’s. It was subsequently closed down.

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CHAPTER EIGHT

MY FIERY WRITINGS Chief Babatola recounts his earliest feats as a fiery writer: My earliest feat as a writer occurred in June 1932 when as a Standard Three pupil of Emmanuel School, Ado-Ekiti, I won the third place and the only place from the Ekiti Division of Schools in an essay competition with the theme “Empire Day Celebration In My District”. The competition was conducted throughout the old Ondo province for pupils of Standard Three to Standard Six classes. When the result came in August, 1932, Ven. Henry Dallimore assembled the pupils of Emmanuel School, Ado-Ekiti, at the church building to announce the names of the winners. The first and second prizes were clinched by one Standard Five and one Standard six pupils of Owo Government School, Owo while I got the third place. Archdeacon Dallimore marveled at my high performance and gave me a vigorous handshake which produced a long applause from the assembly of parents and teachers. Another scholastic achievement in my early years manifested itself through my successful writing of a novel entitled ‘Oriola-soro-pa’ that was later serialized and published in the church magazines titled ‘In Leisure Hours’ between November 1949 and April 1950. Chief Babatola recounts his feats as a fiery writer in the University: In the University, my competence in the use of English language for literary purpose manifested itself quickly when I participated in an essay organized by the University and titled “An Endowment Fund for the Development of Ibadan University

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College – A case for it”. Out of the 105 undergraduates that volunteered to write the essay, the best three essays adjudged for adoption and later published in “The Nigerian Citizen” and “The West African Pilot” were those written by me, J.F.Ade Ajayi and J.A. Abe. Among fellow students at the University, I was a force to reckon with in the literary and debating circuit and my brilliant feats included a symposium titled “University Education for Women is a Luxury” where I argued that existing state policies on women education in Europe and America providing equal educational opportunities for men and women at the university level then was not yet desirable. My contribution to the national politics also included my articles written in the Nigerian Tribune under the weekly column titled “Lawson’s opinion” where I regularly targeted Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, the NCNC, Mazi Mbonu Ojike and his ‘Weekend Catechism’. Chief Babatola recounts his feats as a fiery writer in the Political arena: As a Minister of Government I was engaged by the Party Leadership and the Government in developing and writing papers on various aspects of government policies and activities in defence of the Action Group Government. I remember that I was the very tool usually employed to give back to the opposition. One of the letters I wrote to Dr. Michael Okpara, the Premier of Eastern Nigeria on 14th November, 1961 is still with me where I chided the role s both of the NCNC and the NPC Governments.

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Chief Babatola recalls his funeral oration on Chief Obafemi Awolowo: When I received the news of the death of Chief Obafemi Awolowo on the night of Saturday 9th May, 1987, I could not sleep all night. It was a rude shock to me and the unexpected at that time. I wanted to play a befitting role in his funeral, but before I could figure a way out to participate in his funeral, I was contacted by the Military Government of Oyo State to prepare and deliver Chief Awolowo’s funeral oration slated for Saturday 31st May, 1987 at the Parliamentary Building, Agodi, Ibadan. However, I was later informed that civilians are to be exclude from the major events of the state funeral and the funeral oration written by me was then passed to the then Military Governor of Oyo State – Col. Adetunji Olurin, who delivered it at the lying in state. The oration was filled with echoes and memories of a well deserving leader and his good work.

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CHAPTER NINE

FOLLOWER OF AWOLOWO’S POLITICS Chief Babatola recounts his early role as an ardent defender and follower of Chief Awolowo during the Action Group days: I was an ardent defender of Chief Awolowo and the Egbe Omo Oduduwa which metarmophosized into the Action Group (A.G.) when I became a good supporter of the Action Group activities and then pioneered a student study group known as the Action Group Youth Movement at the University. Notable members at inception were: Akinwande (Ondo), Julius Olanusi (Owo) and Peter Faturoti (Ilesa). This enabled me to initiate and coorganize public lecture visits for Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief H. O. Davies at the University to address the University community after Dr. Azikiwe had earlier visited us to lecture on contemporary Nigerian politics. In entering politics, I began to familiarize and fraternize with top Action Group (A.G.) leaders and through the publishing firm of Chief Awolowo, the Nigerian Tribune, I became an anonymous columnist with the pen-name Lawson to regularly deal with Zik and the NCNC in the Nigerian Tribune newspaper. Chief Babatola recounts his role at influencing Chief Awolowo to make Dr. Azikiwe to run to the East during election: My role in those early days was influenced by the activity of the NCNC wing at Ibadan University College which joined the campaign to elect Zik as NCNC team leader from Ibadan (the West) to the Centre.

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I had watched the proceedings of Western Legislature from the gallery where I gathered that the NCNC party was entitled to only 2 seats, though 3 candidates had contested for the seats in the West, namely: Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (An Easterner) and Dr. Olorunnimbe and Prince Adeleke Adedoyin (Two Westerners). I observed that the election of Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe from the Western Region would weaken the membership strength of the Yorubas at the Centre. In view of the sympathy I had for the Action Group and Chief Obafemi Awolowo and my desire to protect the Yorubas from Ibo domination and marginalization, I proceeded after a legislative session preceding the election to the home of Chief E. A. Babalola, (the 1st Ekiti graduate of a foreign University) who was the first Minister from Ekiti, and advised him to prevail on Chief Awolowo to compromise politically with the Akarigbo of Remo (father of Prince Adedoyin) so that his son – Prince Adeleke Adedoyin, would refuse every persuasive move by the NCNC to make him step down for Dr. Azikiwe after the Western Nigeria House election. When Chief Awolowo was then approached, he heeded the advice and paid a successful visit to the Oba, though he met Zik and his henchmen leaving the Oba’s Palace on his arrival at the Palace. Later when the House business was conducted and the votes taken, Dr. Olorunnimbe and Prince Adedoyin carted the largest votes cast for the NCNC, but subsequent efforts to persuade either Nimbe or Adedoyin to step down for Dr. Azikiwe were aborted while the House President could not accept the document earlier signed by Adedoyin agreeing to step down for Zik, because the Prince had been persuaded to withdraw his letter to that effect. At this suicidal point of the political adventurism of Zik of Africa, but which he survived, he ran to the Eastern Region where he was voted as a member of its legislature. However, NCNC and Igbo leaders began to blackmail Awolowo and A.G. as responsible

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for fanning embers of regional politics and tribalism through that event. Chief Babatola recounts his role as a Minister at propagating policies and programmes of Chief Awolowo and the Action Group Government: In order to be able to assess situations and problems correctly and be able to acquire comprehensive insight into various issues compounded with complaints and unresolved explanations about the working policies of the government and or my ministry, I undertook tours to various constituencies, government establishments and the seats of district councils where I also addressed myself to petitions and engage in public enlightenment and civic education of Community leaders, Councilors, Chiefs and Traditional Rulers on the major context of the legislature’s enactments, the programmes of the Action Group, the policies of the regional government in the Cabinet, and their diverse implications on the entire citizenry. No doubt, my rapport with public figures and communities across the landscape of Western Nigeria was fruitful and paid off over the years, as I secured the unflinching loyalty of all and sundry for Chief Obafemi Awolowo in my position as an advocate of his Government and the Action Group. This continued to have the effect for compassion for him by the people during his incarceration and treasonable felony trial. At the parliamentary and leadership caucuses of the Action Group, I was often delegated to give back in the House answers to the unfounded accusations against the party government by the NCNC bench because I enjoyed the confidence and admiration of several party leaders and colleagues. The events of 1959 and beyond had enormous impact on my political career as it laid the foundation for a Southern Leader to be

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acceptable for the first time by Northerners as political friends and genuine associates in those parts of Nigeria. No doubt, the election result enabled the Action Group to record unprecedented breakthrough in Northern Nigeria party politics and to minimize the dichotomies inherent in Nigeria’s national and regional politics. In December, 1959, Chief Jeremiah Obafemi Awolowo became the Leader of Opposition in the Federal Parliament and Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, the Action Group Deputy Leader, returned to the Western Region as the Premier. Chief Anthony Enahoro was also elected to the Federal House. The party under Chief Awolowo’s leadership therefore nominated me to replace Chief Anthony Enahoro as the Minister of Home Affairs and Information in the Government of Western Nigeria headed by Chief S.L. Akintola. However, opposition was mounted from Ondo province on my nomination and appointment as a Cabinet Minister, but I won at the end of the day. As a Minister of Home Affairs and Information, one of my primary responsibilities was to publicize the activities of the regional government, keep the people fully informed of my party’s programmes as the official policies of the government and report on the reactions of the various communities. Chief Babatola recounts his role at propagating Chief Awolowo and Action Group Government programme during Nigeria’s Independence Celebration: In March, 1960, the Western House held the session to approve the official preparation for Nigeria’s Independence celebration which was the joint responsibilities of the Federal and regional Ministries of Home affairs and Information. I headed the Western Nigeria Independence Committee and presented various proposals to the House where I recommended the functions to be performed by Chief Obafemi Awolowo as a National leader and the Leader of Opposition in the Federal Parliament as well as the

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roles of Chief S. L. Akintola as the Regional Premier. Chief Awolowo who helped to create a suitable atmosphere for the representation of the regions, the attainment of self-government and the grant of independence to a democratically elected Federal Government without the erosion of the rights of the minorities ought to have been honoured in a grand style nationally at the time. After the ratification of the programmes, Hon. J.E. Babatola held a press parley where he called on all politicians in the region to assist and cooperate with the Action Group in planning a successful independence celebration for the country. Chief Babatola recounts his support for Chief Awolowo in the face of Chief Akintola’s onslaught: Prior to the Action Group Convention held in Jos, between and 5th February 1961, I discovered plots by Chief Akintola hatched to remove Chief Awolowo as AG President and immediately secured the cooperation of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Chief Oredein, Mr. Agunbiade Bamishe and Mr. Richard Babalola to counter the move at the convention. A counter strategy was designed and put in place. This led to a successful rejection of a mass of unqualified and doubtful delegates registered by Akintola’s faction and Chief S.L. Akintola abruptly left the convention with his faction including Chief O. Osuntokun and Chief S. Daramola (Aiyede). 2nd

I vigorously ensured that Ekiti delegates maintained a neutral position in the face of the crisis where it was impossible to get them to support the Leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo. Consequentially, a Cabinet reshuffle thereafter had me as the Minister of Labour by the Premier. I succeeded in paying visits to Chief Obafemi Awolowo at Lekki Peninsula and the Ikoyi prison on several occasions in 1962

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and 1963 and when his first son, Segun Awolowo, died in a ghastly motor accident. I continued to travel round the region attending party meetings where I actively organized them to raise funds for the rehabilitation of the party secretariat personnel at Ibadan. I contributed immensely to the Action Group publicity at the national level and succeeded in attacking the programmes of the Federal Government and Akintola’s regime through public platforms, radio hot spots, press interviews and rejoinders and even Newspaper articles. My fearlessness instilled a degree of hope and confidence in several Action Group members towards resisting the incessant opposition and victimization unleashed on them by NNDP party men with the help of the gagged police force, public functionaries and some court judges. Chief Babatola recounts his support for Chief Awolowo at the beginning of the Second Republic: I joined active party politics as a member of the Action Group in 1951 and remained solidly behind Chief Obafemi Awolowo even to my own peril throughout the 1st Republic, when Akintola had Federal Might to fight Awolowo and his loyalists. I was a core loyalist of Chief Awolowo till the formation of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) in 1978, I initiated the Committee of Friends formed in 1976 to plan the formation of UPN in Ondo State as part of the arrangement to give the party a national look. Notable members of the Committee among others were the following personalities namely: Chief M.A. Ajasin, Chief Akin Omoboriowo, Chief Ade Okeya, Chief Reuben F. Fasoranti, Chief Philip Akomolafe, Hon. Dosu Okeya, Chief Wumi Adegbonmire and myself, Chief J.E. Babatola. I was a party to the various party consultations and caucus meetings with different political leaders across Western Nigeria and other parts of Nigeria under the leadership of Chief Obafemi

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Awolowo. I always found myself at home with Chief Awolowo with whom I participated in several deliberations in the preparation of the party (UPN) manifesto and campaigns for the 1979 general elections. In fact, I hosted few meetings held at AdoEkiti and other parts of Ondo State, chaired by Chief Awolowo or attended by other party leaders. At the National level, I and several leaders from Ekiti contributed much to the popularity of the Party. By 1979, I became the Leader of the Party causes in Ekiti Sector, Chairman of the UPN Ekiti Central Local Government Branch, 1st delegate elected to the Party Assembly in Ondo State, Chairman of UPN State Ways and Means Committee and Member of the State Executive Council of the Party. I also gave support to the candidacy of Chief Ajasin as Party candidate and State Chairman to my personal detriment and to those of other potential contestants from Ekiti. Even, Chief Awolowo confessed to me after the campaign tours that he could not have enjoyed a greater support from any other State in Nigeria, including Ogun State, his home state. By the 1979 Presidential and Gubernatorial elections, Ondo State became impregnable to other political parties. Chief Babatola recounts his last political encounters with Chief Awolowo at the close of the Second Republic: The UPN crisis made Chief Obafemi Awolowo to visit Ondo State and to mediate over the broiling issues at Akure on 27th February, 1982. The Treaty of Peace containing 22 terms was drawn up and signed by Chief Ajasin and Chief Akin Omoboriowo. Chief Awolowo also directed Governor Ajasin to reinstate dismissed Ekiti political appointees and to recall me to my political office of Chairman of Ondo State Housing Corporation. Chief Obafemi Awolowo actually made very good remarks concerning my performance as a reliable member of his party. Hear him:

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“…Here is a man (Babatola) who like a trusty horse, we have ridden to battle and returned victorious….Do you now cast away such a horse oblivious of his past good services, just because PREJUDICE now beclouds our vision to see the justness in his case?...” When Chief Awolowo left Ondo State, Governor Ajasin did not implement the terms of the treaty and in this circumstance Chief Ajasin re-contested the party primaries and returned as the party’s flag bearer in a highly flawed and rigged election. Yet, Chief Awolowo addressed a meeting of the Party National Executive Council on 27th October, 1982 where he condemned the ambition of the Omoboriowo group for attempting to unseat Chief Ajasin from power. I was taken aback by Chief Obafemi Awolowo‘s address but could neither capitulate nor retire into political redundancy and subjugation. Hence, I joined the Omoboriowo Group and we crossed to the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). Earlier in 1986, Chief Obafemi Awolowo requested me through my younger brother, George Babatola, to visit him at his Apapa home, but I could not make the trip at the appointed time owing to medical reasons until the night of Chief Awolowo’s demise in 1987.

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CHAPTER TEN

ELECTION EXPERIENCE IN NIGERIA Chief Babatola’s experience in Party and Government elections from the Colonial Era to Time of Independence: During the 1954 Federal Elections in Nigeria, I publicly campaigned for the Action Group (AG) and assisted in the conduct of election to ensure the victory of Chief B.A. Ajayi to the Federal House of Representatives being a member of the party. It was an opportunity that I used appropriately so that no other member made any contribution equal to mine towards the overwhelming victory of our party. Later in 1955, the Party conducted its shadow election for members who applied as candidates for the forthcoming election into the Western Region Legislature. As one of the two candidates, I emerged as the winner. I scored 74 votes, an exact 2/3 majority of the total votes cast to defeat Awodimula who had 37 votes. Awodimula subsequently appealed to the Action Group Convention with a resolve to seek cancellation of the widely acclaimed election results, but his petition failed to pass through the consideration of Chief Bode Thomas Panel because Chief Awolowo insisted that the party must uphold ‘every result clearly won, notwithstanding any undertone”. Thereupon, I became the Action Group flag bearer and earnestly mounted a vigorous campaign against my NCNC rival, Chief A. A. Abiodun, whom I can describe as “a doughty political fighter”. I campaigned from February 1956 to a day preceding the general election of 26th May, 1956.

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I won the election to the Western House of Assembly by 15,447 votes scored against Chief Aluko Abiodun who polled 11,205 votes; Action Group scored just about 4,000 in my hometown, Ado Ekiti, and the farmsteads as against Chief Abiodun with over 7,000 votes. However, I polled an overwhelming victory at Iyin-Ekiti, Are-Ekiti and Ido/Osi. Ido-Ekiti, gave me 3,010 votes as against Abiodun who scored only 17 votes. The NCNC on its part gained relative majority votes at Iworoko-Ekiti, Ilumoba-Ekiti and Ilogbo-Ekiti villages apart from Ado-Ekiti. Politics in my constituency presented various disagreements during the 1959 local council election among party leaders who favoured certain candidates against the others and attempted to impose their own candidates on the party in disregard of the party’s constitution. The election at the home front witnessed the nominations of Madam Oguntubi (Ado Ekiti), Mrs. Fatunla (District) and Mrs. Grace Odeku (Ado Ekiti) as candidates. The result of the election was the emergence of Mrs. Odeku as the winner of the female councilor’s seat of Ado Ekiti, as against the influential woman leader Madam Ogunbi. Hence, a protest was sponsored by Hon. Osuntokun, Chief J. A. Anisulowo and Chief Joshua Ajibade (the late Egbedi) to nullify the election results which they regarded as non-conventional. However, Chief Obafemi Awolowo rejected their move as ‘undemocratic’ and commended me for conducting the election in line with party constitution and guidelines. By 1959, my credibility and respect within the Action Group tripled when my sole campaign train for the Party in the Adamawa Province led to Action Group victories in that part of Northern Nigeria. When Chief Awolowo visited Yola, Numan, Mubi, and Jalingo to personally assess the party’s chances, he was convinced that I had left no stone unturned and as predicted the AG clinched 8 Parliamentary seats there at the election, unlike in other Provinces where AG lost all the seats contested.

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During the campaign for the 1959 Federal Election, I was therefore drafted into the campaign team for the Eastern Region where I spent two weeks campaigning through Uyo and Calabar as well as Ojidi in the outskirts of Onitsha Province with the Late Agunbiade Bamishe. Chief Babatola’s experience in Nigerian elections from 1960 to 1966: During the 1960 regional election, the Action Group programmed Ibadan, Ogbomosho, Sapele, Asaba and Lagos as areas where I was to lead the campaign team to address party rallies apart from my constituency with a view to break new grounds, renew the popular support for Action Group and secure the mandate of the party aspirants for election into the Western House of Assembly. Available records in the dailies and memoirs in 1960 showed that the usual scene that greeted my campaign teams and entourage on those occasions and at official visits and familiarization tours was one of a multitude of hilarious party members and their supporters. The regional election to the Western House of Assembly was conducted on 6th August, 1960 and I was the Action Group candidate for Ado District Council and polled a total of 12,267 votes to defeat the NCNC flag bearer who polled 10,082 votes. By 1964, political activities in the Western region had created much tension and ill feeling among party stalwarts. The elections to the House of Representatives were bitterly contested at Ado-Ekiti among the youths in the Action Group (AG), the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC) and the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP). The AG shadow election was conducted between Dr. (Later Professor) Banji Akintoye, Barrister Peter Ajibade and Mr. (Now Chief) Julius Fashubaa. Akintoye emerged as the winner and flag bearer.

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When the general election took place in December 1964, there was massive rigging of election results in favour of the NNDP–NPC coalition under the umbrella of the Nigerian National Alliance (NNA). The use of Federal Might to overawe the AG candidates led to an AG-NCNC coalition known as the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA). Although the UPGA had decided to boycott the election because it foresaw rampant fraudulent actions that would take place at the polls, still party members in small numbers came out to vote. In Ekiti Central constituency, Akintoye lost like several AG candidates that contested in the region. It took Balewa about three months to form his Government cabinet in March 1965 as a result of the undesirable situation. The rigged 1964 Federal Election resulted in the dissolution of UPGA and a marriage of convenience between NPC and NCNC to form the Federal Government. However, the major problems which facilitated the depression that loomed over the Action Group in 1965 was the resignation en masse of several AG leaders in 1962 in the bid to retain their positions of honour or win their seats in the regional government thereby leaving the party in limbo with regards to funding and strategies. In order to prevent the NNA (a political alliance of Akintola NNDP, Fani Kayode and NPC) from controlling the West, UPGA (another political alliance of AG and NCNC) established a joint task force headed by Chief K.O Mbadiwe with me (Chief J.E. Babatola), Professor Hezekiah Oluwasami and Prof. V. Oyenuga as members to monitor and supervise the Regional Election slated for 11th October, 1965. To this effect, the Western House was dissolved on 18th September, 1965. Across the region, the NNA leadership government tampered with electoral materials and personnel alike, making it

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very difficult for several UPGA candidates to register or contest for the election. In several constituencies, UPGA candidates were flagrantly refused registration forms or had them nullified on no grounds. The Police Force was machinated to intimidate UPGA candidates and party supporters at rallies and where they failed, they resulted to neutral roles or unlawful silence in the face of provocations and incidence of inter party feuds stage-managed by thugs and opposition party men. This situation consistently reared its ugly head leading to public disturbance across the region to the extent of renaming the West as the Wild West. Eventually UPGA was stifled for a time. I then contested at the A.G shadow election routinely and defeated Barrister Lambert Akinyede by 22 to 2 votes at the Ado District bye-election and restored the UPGA task force in Ekiti with the cooperation of Chief B.A Ajayi, Chief Ade Akomolafe, Chief J.A Ajayi and Mr. Ayo Okusaga. Thereafter, the AG leadership set up a vigilant team to monitor the electoral processes across Ekiti division and to penetrate into the NNDP strongholds. Chief Babatola’s comment on election fraud at Ado-Ekiti in 1964/65: I remember an instance when I was accompanied by a staunch AG woman leader, Mrs. Theodosia Fehintola Adeyemi, (wife of Chief Joshua Adeyemi a.k.a. Ayemi) to submit a memorandum on the election frauds in 1965 to the Regional Electoral Commissioner, Mr. E.E. Esua at Ibadan. In the memoranda, I complained about my discovery of several ballot papers in the possession of NNDP supporters illegally processed and stuffed with Ballot boxes in anticipation for a switch into the actual poll boxes on Election Day. Many of them were subsequently arrested following the tip-off but freed at bay on the orders of their party leaders and public functionaries without further investigation and prosecution.

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I also recounted that prior to the Election Day, the returning officer for Ado districts, one M.B Bamgbopa (an employee of WNHC) had been lodged at the expenses of the NNDP party government at chalet No 4 of the Catering Rest House, Akure. He later removed to Princess Hotel where he met Chief Fani-Kayode, Mr. Lekoni Lakanmi and Mr. Akande to conspire and hatch electoral frauds. The vigilance of party members led to a leakage of the plot hatched at Akure. It included the instruction to reject nomination papers of UPGA candidates especially my own, to forestall any chances of being returned to the House. I had contacted Eddie King and my cousin, Richard Olojede, who escorted me to the hotel amidst strong party members in the anticipation of any scuffle or rejection. Bamgbopa was surprised to see me, but he instantly pleaded for the delay in accepting my nomination paper, a situation caused by the murder of Mr. Oke (at Ibadan). Bamgbopa issued me a receipt of my application and an accreditation covering me and one counting agent, as against the normal three issued to my rivals. At the close of nominations, three candidates were billed for the election, namely Babatola (UPGA), Ajibola (NNDP) and Omo Sanya (NCNC: Independent). It took the great effort of me and other loyal party supporters to fault (without ending success) the various designs of the NNDP official party supporters locally to procure an unfair and lawful advantage over me. For instance, polling booths were not completed at the voting time while others were missing. Between the 3rd and 9th October, 1965, Chief Fani Kayode renewed his political quest across Ekiti land holding meetings with the electoral personnel. At a meeting held at the special rest house, Ado-Ekiti on the October, a handful of local leaders of NNDP, the police force, returning officers posted across Ekiti Division and the NNDP 7th

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Youth leader, Mr. Lakanmi who is his right hand man “Alajobi’ (political Kinsman), were in attendance. The meeting resolved to pursue a design of dumping and swapping of illicit ballot papers and boxes in favour of NNDP candidates. Fani Kayode secured the release of the electoral materials from Ibadan a day to the election. It took my combined efforts with Messrs Ariyibi Ajibade, Oke and Akinyede to alert our supporters and gather in a large crowd along Ado-Akure road to prevent the entry of Chief Fani Kayode and his illegally procured electoral materials. Chief Fani Kayode came back to Ado-Ekiti after 2 a.m. with an army of thugs armed to the teeth and dressed in police uniform inside a van. They had forcibly cleared our road block scaring away our vigilantes, before driving to the police station located close to the local authority dispensary. At the police station, one of Fani-Kayode’s men dislodged an arms shot on the stationery car of Chief Okeya packed in the premises. Chief Fani Kayode had instructed the police officer in change of election, Mr. Adewa, with the persuasion of Mr. Odofin Bello to surrender the ballot boxes at his disposal and he subsequently drove towards the quarter of the Senior Electoral Officer, where preparations were made with other electoral personnel to ensure mass rigging. Unfortunately, the team failed to apprehend Messrs. Adeparusi and Ajibola caught distributing ballot papers in a car with License plate Number WZ 333 because it was impossible in the circumstance of a heavy police protection and party thugs that accompanied them. Many of the fake electoral materials found their way to Akure, Ikole, Otun, Ido/Osi districts. At the counting station at Ado-Ekiti on the Election Day, armed police and soldiers of Northern Nigerian origin stood guards, condoning the area off from party stalwarts. I was not allowed into the premises until the arrival and intervention of Mr. Akinbiyi, the police officer in charge of Ado-Ekiti, while other candidates had taken their positions. I

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was accompanied by my counting agent during the exercise. Although, I won by an absolute majority of vote cast in 23 out of 24 polling centres in the constituency as an UPGA candidate with my votes ranging between 225 and 410 in each of these centres, while my rival did not exceed 170 votes, except one station at Iyin Ekiti, yet the election result were not made public at the counting centre on instructions of the presiding officer, Mr. Ojerinola. When it was made public at Ibadan on the next day, the NNDP candidate was credited with over 12,000 votes contrary to about 1,200 votes collated at Ado –Ekiti. Ojerinola was the greatest human tool used by the NNDP to rig the election result with impunity through the retrenchment and displacement of electoral personnel and materials, the withholding of results at counting stations, reduction of UPGA counting agents at counting stations, the debarment of candidates from possessing writing materials to keep record or compile results of the stations and the open swapping of ballot boxes in front of candidates in a circumstance which rendered most UPGA candidates helpless The experience of electoral fraud was a recurrence across the region at that time. Infact, I recounted that I was detained by security personnel at a counting centre in a dramatic manner for over 30 minutes after the voting exercise. The aftermath of the election was a return of Chief S.L. Akintola as Premier of Western Nigeria, having been considered to have illegitimately won the majority of votes declared. Chief Babatola’s experience on election fraud in UPN Primaries of 1982: When the result of 1982 Ondo State Gubernatorial nomination exercise (Primaries) in UPN was announced and Chief M.A. Ajasin emerged as the winner based on the declaration of Chief Sebastian Umoren, we contested the validity of the published result as a false computation, insisting that Chief Akin

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Omoboriowo won the election from all valid votes counted as follows: Candidates a. Chief Akin Omoboriowo b. Chief Michael Ajasin c. Prof. Banji Akintoye

Valid Votes Recorded 531 Votes 479 Votes 64 Votes

Final Votes Announced 531 Votes 707 Votes 94 Votes

The results of the primaries were unacceptable to Omoboriowo Group because we documented cases of malpractices in the conduct of the primaries as identified below: a.

b.

c.

Some Constituencies in the State did not hold election as claimed because they were not aware of the change of time for the primaries, though they were either disenfranchised because they constitute the bulk of Omoboriowo Group or awarded results in favour of Ajasin Group, when no election was held there Some Constituencies in the State that held election for Candidates underwent massive irregularities and their elections which ought to be voided and cancelled were upheld because they belong to the Ajasin Group from which Chief Ajasin received only 479 Votes as against 707 that was announced. In fact, Chief Sebastian Umoren was hosted throughout his visit by Chief Ajasin and was seen severally between Owena Motels and Government House, making deals and exchanging favours with Chief Ajasin, in a manner that clearly showed that the election results were either pre-determined or negotiated for rigging. He was not open or reachable to Chief Akin Omoboriowo, his team, other party leaders and members until the evil had been done.

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Understandably, Chief Akin Omoboriowo wrote a letter to Chief Awolowo dated 12th November, 1982 to state the total invalid votes cancelled but recorded by Chief Umoren Panel in favour of Ajasin and Akintoye. The Omoboriowo Group then appealed against the conduct of the Chief Umoren Electoral Panel with their facts and figures and the Party sent back Comrade Ebenezer Babatope to review the exercise. However, Chief Babatope also failed to do justice to the issue as he followed the same path of fraud by depriving Chief Akin Omoboriowo of his rightful place as the UPN Party flag bearer. Following Ebenezer Babatope’s failure in 1982 to expose the electoral frauds of Umoren Team, Chief Obafemi Awolowo accepted the position presented to him by the Party electoral teams. Chief Babatola experience on election in 1983: On 16th August, 1983, the Federal Electoral Commission (FEDECO) in Ondo State under Col. (Rtd) Ayo Ariyo declared Chief Akin Omoboriowo as winner of the State Gubernatorial election based on the results forwarded by the Returning Officer, Chief Dapo Alibaloye. Subsequent upon the declaration of Chief Akin Omoboriowo as winner, the violence that erupted in the State was catastrophic. It was the Supreme Court that later reversed the victory in favour of Chief Ajasin. I must put it on record that regardless of the frauds that might have attended the 1983 election in Ondo State, it was glaring that Governor Ajasin stole the mandate of Chief Omoboriowo in the 1982 UPN primaries.

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CHAPTER ELEVEN

MY RISE AS A POLITICIAN Chief Babatola recounts his early adventure into politics thus: In 1954, I was elected unopposed on the platform of the Action Group to the Ado District Council as the Councilor of Ward G (Oke Ila). At the Action Group party meetings held in Ado-Ekiti in 1955, I was also nominated as the first Chairman of the Ado District Council, but I declined the offer and campaigned for Dr. Samuel Aluko (the renowned Professor of Economics) from Ode-Ekiti in Gbonyin area. I preferred Dr. Aluko to become the Chairman for many reasons among which was my preference for a non-Ado indigene to become the Chairman so as to allow for fair-play in council politics at a time when Ado-Ekiti was the Council headquarters. I knew also that another opening would soon occur to contest the seat to the Western House of Assembly and I was ready to contest it instead of the local council Chairmanship. At the Ado District Council where I was the Chairman of its Education Committee, I initiated the Council policy for the award of bursaries and scholarship to needy and brilliant pupils who were indigenes of the Council area. I also served on the Council’s Establishment, Finance and General Purposes Committees whereby I submitted a memorandum to the Ado District Council Chieftaincy Committee in 1956 when it faced the task of deciding the categories and number of chiefs entitled to receive stipends on the pay roll of the council due to endless flood of applications. I used then the 1952 census figures to chart a ratio 16:7:5:3 formula for the payment of

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stipend and it was adopted and implemented as council policy on which later decisions were based. At the constituency level, I increasingly won the hearts of many party members by the time its campaign began in 1955 to nominate and present the party’s candidate for the election to the Western House of Assembly. It was not therefore difficult for me to be favoured above the other two opponents in person of Mr. (later Chief) Awodimula (of Ode-Ekiti) and Mr. (now late) Familoni (of Ido Faboro). The later took ill and died before the shadow election took place. For the purpose of this election, a list of 111 voters was made to correspond with the respective numbers of persons that had voted for the Party from the four constituent parts of the Parliamentary Constituency. Accordingly, voters conceded to Ado Ekiti town and its farmsteads were 48, Gboyin 21, Irepodun 14, Ifelodun 8 and Ido/Osi District Council 40. The shadow election took place on 19th December 1955 whereat I defeated my opponent Mr (later Chief) Awodimula with 74 votes to 37 respectively. Between June 1956 and February 1957, I continued to serve simultaneously as a member of the Western House of Assembly and as the Principal of Ekiti Divisional Teachers College, Ikere Ekiti. I also remained a Councilor in the Ado District Council area until December 1956 when a law forbade Assemblymen from simultaneously serving as Councilor. Chief Babatola recounts opposition against his appointment as Cabinet Minister thus: When Chief Awolowo nominated me to succeed Chief Anthony Enahoro as a Cabinet Minister, Chief Akin Deko and Chief Oshuntokun fought against the nomination.

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At a Cabinet meeting where the issue of my appointment as a Cabinet Minister was presented, Chief S. O. Sogbein was said to have described the opposition mounted by Hon. Osuntokun against me as an effrontery and an attempt to humiliate me because I had earlier exposed the corrupt practices of members of the Ekiti Divisional Council for which reason, it was dissolved to the chagrin of their god-father (Osuntokun). Oba C. D. Akran also cornered Hon. G. Akin-Deko for becoming too sentimental about my appointment as he queried him for his inability to have confronted me on political issues until I was nominated as a Cabinet Minister. Alhaji S. D. Adegbenro paid glowing tributes to my contributions to the party successes and government programmes at the leadership and parliamentary caucuses, party meetings and campaigns, cabinet deliberations and public forums, in the Ministry of Local Government, at the legislative house, on tours and delegations and then advised Chief S.L. Akintola to dismiss all the opposition which he regarded as petty conspiracy, jealousy and baseless accusations, while cautioning Akin Deko and Oshuntokun against breeding conspiracy within the party rank and file. At the Provincial level, Hon. Akin-Deko launched a large scale opposition against my appointment because I felt I was one of the persons that prevented him from establishing a firm grip and a frivolous hegemony over the party in Ondo province. However, the opposition failed to secure any sympathy because Akin Deko had also opposed the appointment of Chief Akintola himself as Premier. In the case of Hon. Oshuntokun, he resented any political equality with him and was displeased at sharing the prestige and political promotion to a Cabinet Minister’s status with another Ekitiman although I had earned it through my superior political activities and contributions calculated to uplift the Party and its

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leadership in Ekiti Division. Many people told him that they preferred me because he was rather egoistic and less approachable as a Cabinet Minister. When Hon. Osuntokun sponsored opposition from the Gbonyin sector of my constituency to allege total neglect of their communities, I was invited to several meetings and parleys to refute the allegation so as to secure my appointment as a Cabinet Minister and to gain a return ticket for the 1960 election, while curtailing the emergence of the candidate groomed in the offing by party opponents from Gbonyin. On 18th December 1959, I was sworn in as the Cabinet Minister of Home Affairs and Information by the Governor of the West – HRM Oba Sir Adesoji Aderemi in the presence of the Premier, Chief S.L. Akinola. Chief Babatola’s various futile efforts made to make him cross carpet into the Opposition during Chief Awolowo’s imprisonment: Certain events occurred in March, 1964 which included Chief S.L. Akintola and his deputy, Chief Remi Fani-Kayode. They in fact made several unsuccessful attempts to get me to cross carpet on the floor of the house, though NCNC members and a small number of AG members capitulated and joined Akintola’s UPP. On two different occasions, I was contacted by the agents of Chief S.L. Akintola and Chief Fani-Kayode, namely S.A Tinubu and O.K Olumofin and the visits though coincidental, nearly resulted in a brawl between the two emissaries soliciting for my defection to their separate sides. On a particular occasion, Chief S.A Tinubu was accompanied by one Lakanmi (from Ogbomosho) to prevail on me to meet Chief S.L. Akintola and resolve our differences. When the meeting was arranged for that purpose, I requested Chief Akintola

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to first reverse his effrontery against Chief Awolowo and to stop the leadership tussle and humiliation of AG party leaders across the region as a pre-condition for working with him. Unfortunately Akintola found the issues overwhelming and beyond his consideration. He would rather apologize to me to join him and plead with Ekiti people against any atrocities committed against them by his party or government in the process of forcibly coopting them into his regime. He then promised to stop the victimization of Awolowo’s loyalists, if I openly defect. Chief Akintola admitted that he now acknowledged me as the leader of Ekitis whose weight across Ondo province and the entire region has enormous impression beyond what was erroneously communicated to him by my opponents in his government. Akintola then offered to elevate me as Cabinet Minister of Agriculture and Natural Resources and as NNDP Publicity Secretary which were then held by Dr. (later Prof.) Sanya Onabamiro and J.O. Osuntokun respectively. To cap it all, he offered a compensatory gift of 10,000 pounds which I was to collect from Oba C.D Akran. However, on sensing the danger of making an outright rejection of the offer at the meeting venue, I requested Chief Akintola to oblige me an opportunity to travel to Ado-Ekiti and consult with my royal father, HRH Oba Daniel Aladesanmi IIEwi of Ado-Ekiti and my family before making a formal statement of acceptance of his offer. However, I never went back. Chief Fani-Kayode also sent Mr. J. Akinola (the Clerk of the Western House) and Mr. Cole (Permanent Secretary) to offer me the position of Cabinet Minister of Education, a Mercedes Benz car, a cash gift of 2,000 pounds and a senior leadership position in his party in order to cross the carpet to his side, but I rejected their offers too.

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Chief Babatola reviewed his role in the Second Republic Politics of Nigeria: Looking at the immediate past as at 1978, I supported the candidacy of Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin to become the party flag bearer and ultimate Governor of Ondo State. After the election and swearing in of Chief Ajasin as the Governor, he began to offer offices to selected members without a general consultation with Leaders. He offered me a post of Commissioner in his Cabinet, but I turned it down because as a State Commissioner, I would be unable to perform my duties both as the President of the Cooperative Federation of Nigeria (CFN) and the Chairman of the West African Sub-Regional Council of the International Cooperative Alliance (ICA) with its headquarters at Abidjan where I had to stay away for two weeks every two months. However, I accepted to be Chairman of Ondo State Housing Corporation on condition that its No. 1 Director would deputize for me during my absence and stay in Abidjan. My role in the Ondo State politics during the Second Republic at championing the platforms for Ekiti Leaders to wrestle policy decisions at party levels and in the Government under the incumbent Imperial of Ondo politics, Chief Adekunle Ajasin, was a clear indication of the frustrations witnessed by many of our people who although were Ajasin’s genuine allies yet also wanted to protect the common interest of our people. Most of the steps taken to make the point clear to Chief Ajasin were however met with stiff opposition and a challenge and an unparalleled consistent propaganda by the cronies and agents of the Government. The results were the unending increase in political opposition and unpredictable volatile situation across the State which invariably damaged and defamed leading political personalities. The most criminal and unpardonable political occurrences were the many unresolved political assassinations and

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arsons committed against fellow politicians and even presumably innocent persons in the course of the crisis. When I ultimately helped to promote the political platform which brought Chief Akin Omoboriowo to the fore, since all avenues to redeem the political situation under Chief Ajasin had failed, it led to the quest for leadership change and a sharp divide between the Ekitis and the non-Ekitis. The first significant disgruntlement within the UPN party hierarchy came to my notice in January 1980 during the party’s post-election conference held at Akure when some party elements called upon me to denounce some unfavouable actions of Chief Adekunle Ajasin, on the ground of abuse of office which was detrimental to the party’s interest in the State. When I heard their complaints on the ways and means of appointment of various appointees and the neglect of Ajasin’s cocontestants and supporters after the 1979 shadow election of the party, which was contested by Senators Ayo Fasanmi and Banji Akintoye (the two from Ekiti) with Chief Ajasin (non –Ekiti), I felt Chief Ajasin should not have penalized those co-contestants and their supporters by by-passing them in the distribution of several posts especially in the appointment of Commissioners, Board Chairmen and board members. Another major allegation which stood on its on merit was that Chief Adekunle Ajasin vetted and changed the appointment of the Rector appointed by the Governing Council of Ondo State Polytechnic, Owo, from one Prof. Adeyemi (from Iyin Ekiti) who scored 63.5% to favour one Dr. Adeyeri (from Owo) who scored 61%. I was dejected by these developments because academic appointment ought to have been made on merit and not based on either place of origin or personal relationship.

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When I met Chief M.A. Ajasin to discuss the issue, he reacted negatively to my peaceful overtures as he saw it as a challenge to his position as the Chief Executive in the party and the State. Consequently, members that were not considered at all or insufficiently compensated with appointments began to distance themselves from the Governor to avoid further controversy since the intervention of the Deputy Governor had also alienated him from his boss. The Ajasin-Omoboriowo crisis was an off-shoot of several personal encounters with the sidelined groups and the later reactions of Chief Ajasin himself which Chief Akin Omoboriowo felt were dangerous for the party. Attempts by Chief Akin Omoboriowo to become an arbiter or to intervene at all in the crisis made him to begin to suffer similar fate. As political activities continued to escalate during Babangida’s era, I totally avoided any engagement or involvement in partisan politics, even when approached. I decided to distance myself from the new political adventurers of fortune, whom I sometimes regarded as neither patriotic nor interested in the well– being of the people.

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CHAPTER TWELVE

MY RISE AS A LEGISLATOR: A GOOD SPEAKER AND UNBEATABLE DEBATER Chief Babatola recounts some of his early legislative duties and challenges: On the 30th day of May, 1956, I joined my elected counterparts from other constituencies in Western Nigeria at Ibadan to be sworn-in as Honourable members of the Western Nigeria House of Assembly. From June 1956, when the house reconvened for its business, it discussed and passed several motions on various aspects of the budget speech from the throne and I contributed to the various matters on the floor of the House by focusing principally on the development of Agriculture, Natural Resources and Forestry in the region. Obviously, I treated government issues with facts and figures as I should. I was able to handle the Customary Court (Amendment) Bill, the Magistrate Court (Amendment) Bill and the Local Government (Amendment) Bill which passed through the House within a short time. I also called for an immediate afforestation of the hill slopes across the region where they were ‘denuded of their vegetation by farmers, timber contractors and natural disasters, especially at Erin Ijesha in Oyo province, Efon Alaye and Oke-mesi in Ekiti Division of Ondo province. I also proffered preventive and remedial measures. I usually exchanged my thoughts with the opposition bench who were constantly in the habit of playing with government policies, especially the fiscal plans, which they often misrepresented to the public at political platforms and in the pages of the West African Pilot.

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In 1958, I addressed the House during the debate on Income Tax Law and implored all legislators to educate their people on the relevance of the Income Tax Law while considering the needs of the government to develop and improve the towns, enlarge the labour force as well as considering increased remuneration for managing higher workers’ and legislators all of which are impossible without sufficient funding. The theme of my address was that “EVERYONE WHO RECEIVES OR TAKES MUST GIVE”. Looking at party politics in Western Nigeria during the colonial era and at the time of independence in 1960, I expressed at a House session in 1958 that experience had shown us that during elections and after elections, the NCNC was noted for its unwarranted attacks on opponents, its ruthlessness and recklessness in its display of physical violence and the infliction of injuries, which the AG continue to endure in the Region. In the Western House, I was appointed at a time to chair a Parliamentary Committee to examine the factors militating against the teaching profession in Western Nigeria. The 5 man committee included Hon. Edeki and Hon. J. Oye. Our report was later adopted by the Western Nigeria Government as the guidelines for Banjo’s Commission to do a full scale inquiry into the administration of education and college funding in the Region. During the house debate of 10th April 1961, I commented on the sentiments of the Opposition Bench with regard to the composition and institution of customary courts in the region, which I described as a necessary adjunct to the Judiciary. I stated that a radical and violent change in our native system of administration of justice would be undesirable from the point of view of our people themselves and from the point of view of the expenses certainly to be involved in replacing all the customary courts with magistrate’s courts. I then submitted that the employment of magistrates was a factor, while their qualifications

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and experience were another. This saved our customary courts from total extinction and abolition. I opposed the move of Akintola’s government in 1964 to create Provincial Councils and appoint Provincial Commissioners to assist the party government. I further countered that the proposed Provincial Councils would only consist of politicians and office seekers who, of course, would seek the selfish interest of our politicians, which is a retrograde step in the already advanced state of civil administration initiated during the Awolowo regime to encourage the public to participate effectively in the administrative and civil nature of the constituencies. Chief Babatola recounts how the Action Group became a Party of the PROGRESSIVES: In 1958, I led a five man delegation of the Western Nigeria Government including Chief Bajomo to an International Conference on African Administration organized by the Colonial Office in London and it was well attended by representatives of various Governments of the British Colonies in Africa and their respective Home Affairs Minister and other participants and observers from the United Nations, United States, France and interested British Colonies outside Africa. I presented four different memoranda on my own at the Conference and was elected to preside over five plenary sessions including the closing session – a privilege accorded me only among the other overseas delegates due to my superior contributions and performances generally. My memoranda written and delivered personally received wide acclaim and were adopted as standard essays to help all participants to improve the administration of their respective colonies.

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The Colonial Office (London) later issued a Special Report in March 1959 which highlighted my role and performances at the 1958 Conference and described me as a dynamic representative and an intellectual leader in the Government of Western Nigeria. The report concluded that the Government of Western Nigeria was “the most progressive African government” that participated in the conference. This most especially gave rise to the coinage of the word ‘progressives’ among Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s rank and files hitherto from 1959.

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CHAPTER THIRTEEN

MY PERFORMACE IN PUBLIC OFFICE Chief Babatola recounts his early role in public offices: When I became the Parliamentary Secretary (Minister of State) for the Ministry of Local Government and Justice on March 1st 1957, my ministerial functions included the following; a. Presentation of government programmes and bills in the House b. Answering of questions on government programme and bills in the House c. Dealing with briefs from the party, the government and the House beyond the papers usually prepared by civil servants As a well traveled Minister in Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s Cabinet, I made great impact on the electorate all over Western Nigeria; I thereby produced unprecedented and genuine publicity for government policies and the Action Group party programmes at visits to schools, meetings of social and religious bodies and community associations. Chief Babatola recounts his activity in various Ministries: The cabinet reshuffle of 1958 led to the splitting of the Ministry of Local Government and Justice. The Premier, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, then transferred me to the Ministry of Local Government Affairs as its Parliamentary Secretary (Minister of State). In May 1959, Chief Awolowo transferred me to his Office, the Office of the Premier of Western Nigeria as the Parliamentary

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Secretary in charge so that I could assist him directly on political matters. This opportunity increased my daily direct communication and very regular interactions with Chief Obafemi Awolowo as I handled several political affairs in his office including several issues of policy requiring Chief Awolowo’s own attention and action as may be deemed necessary. Chief Babatola recounts some of his activities as a Cabinet Minister: In my ministerial capacity, I conducted the administration of local government police affairs in the region as a member of the Nigeria Police Council. The Federal Prime Minister, Alhaji Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, usually appreciated my contributions and proposals at the Police Council deliberations. It was my proposal that led to the introduction of police permit from May 1960 to enable drivers to pursue their profession whenever their driving licenses were impounded for any traffic offence, pending the determination of their cases by a court of law and it assisted drivers to continue their jobs unhindered in the interim. In the Western Region, I carried out reforms at the local government police force to improve their conditions of service and standard of operations which invariably assisted later in the integration of their service into the Nigerian Police Force. I also introduced similar reforms into the operations and working conditions of the Western Nigeria Fire Service and the subsequent 1960/61 prison reforms which were basically drawn from my various proposals. In May, 1960, I hosted a televised reception of prominent Western Nigeria Obas and Chiefs “on the stage” at the studio of the WNTV-WNBS as Minister of Home Affairs and Information. Traditional rulers and Chiefs on parade at the occasion were Oba

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Sir Adesoji Aderemi (The Ooni, Ile-Ife), Governor Designate, Oba Bello Gbedegesin (The Alaafin, Oyo), Oba Akenzua (The Ereduwa, Benin), Oba Sir Olateru Olagbegi (The Olowo, Owo), Oba Ladapo Ademola (The Alake Egba, Abeokuta), Oba S. L. Adetona Ogbagba II (The Awujale, Ijebu Ode), Oba Agunlejika (The Owa Obokun Adimula, Ilesha), Oba Erinwa II, Chief S. L. Akinola (The Premier), myself - Chief Hon. J. E. Babatola, Chief Sowole and Chief Fadayiro. During Nigeria’s Independence celebration I was the Chairman of the Western Nigeria Independence Celebration Committee and I supervised the various programmes for the celebration activities which included: a.

b.

c. d. e. f. g. h.

Construction of a permanent effigy of independence dedicated to Chief Obafemi Awolowo Release of grant of varying amounts to district councils in proportion to their school or natural population to participate in the celebration in their areas Voting of 49,000 pounds to feast school children throughout the region. Hosting of foreign guests Production of the literature to advertise the people and cultures of the region. Arrangements for state worship and civic receptions Formal commissioning of the Liberty Stadium on the 30th September, 1960 by Chief Awolowo. Exhibition of arts, crafts and cultural displays

On assumption of office as the Minister of State in the Justice Department midway in 1960, I introduced sweeping reforms into the customary courts division through:

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a. The classification, grading and areas of jurisdiction of the customary courts b. The re-classification and training of the staff and judges of customary courts c. Directives for Local Government Service Board with regard to the appointment and discipline of customary court judges. In 1962, when I became the Minister of Labour in Western Nigeria, I extended a hand of cordiality to my regional counterparts and the Federal Minister of Labour, Chief J.M. Johnson. The relationship between me and Chief Johnson grew to the extent that the latter appreciated my contributions at various joint labour consultations and inter-ministerial meetings to design workers’ incentives and negotiate on workers demands and to plan the all Nigeria consultative cum ministerial labour meetings proposed for 1963 in Lagos, Nigeria, in preparation for the All African Labour Ministers Conference that took place then. Chief Babatola recounts some of his activities as a Civil Commissioner: In September 1971, Brigadier Oluwole Rotimi appointed me as a Commissioner in the Western State. I was assigned the portfolio of Commissioner of the Ministry of Works and Transport and later in September 1971, I moved to Government quarters in Ibadan. I owed this and other previous appointments to number of public supports, the Alake of Egbaland, HRM Oba Gbadebo, his wife and my wife, Modupe. As the Commissioner of Works and Transport in the Western State, I was beset with financial problems as a result of budgetary discipline of the administration since General Adebayo’s regime left huge debts unpaid to several contractors for road and building construction contracts.

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Many of thee awarded contracts were uncompleted and we had several request to complete the projects or rehabilitate the completed ones. Non-contractual projects could be pursued under such circumstances, but others needed contract assessment and I had to summon several contractors to resolve how to settle their debts. I also persuaded the Military Governor and the Executive Council to set aside a substantial amount of money for partial settlement of the debts and the continuation of major abandoned projects. Within six months of assumption of office, I was able to boast of the recruitment of competent hands in the Road and Building Divisions of the Ministry, while contractors started to express their satisfaction with the new financial deal and working scheme. I also mandated the ministry taskforce to undertake direct supervision of all community development projects and to report weekly to me on their progress or as the situation warranted. I insisted on prudent financial management to combat fraud in the Ministry with issuance of financial instructions that all purchasing officers should place complete embargo on the issuance of LPO unless it passed through all the appropriate authorities for verification and approval. Construction of roads and rural electrification projects in a number of towns and villages in the remote parts of the state were the next step of action that I took while directing memos to the Military Governor and the Federal Commissioner of Works and Transport on the need to establish a National Road Commission to cater for the construction, maintenance, rehabilitation and safety of designated federal and state truck roads alike. I also commenced a state wide project on beautifying road sides, construction of pedestal walkways, parks and gardens and the installation of street lights in major towns and cities.

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I also launched various schemes designed to ensure road safety of road users and revitalized the Vehicle Inspection Unit of the Ministry, while introducing building line regulations stipulated in the Road traffic laws for strict compliance and removal of new buildings and structures from roadside. I also introduced measures to redesign roads to reduce traffic congestion and ensured the construction of vehicle inspection stations all over the state. I held public forums in the major towns like Ibadan, Abeokuta, Shagamu, Ilaro, Ijebu-Ode, Ondo, Okitipupa, Akure, Owo, Ado-Ekiti, Ikole, Ikare, Ile-Ife, Ilesha, Osogbo and Oyo to achieve reasonable success for the ministry programmes and in return to synthesize the opinion of the people and acquaint myself with their problems and demands. In the area of provision of portable water, we designed and created several Water extension schemes and got the State Government to award contracts for the construction of 54 portable water supply stations across the state. In a short while, provision of water supply schemes extended to Abeokuta, Ifon, Erin Ilobu, Ibadan, and some towns in Osun division. We completed the Asejire Water Dam Project which was dubbed to supply an average of 71/2 million gallons of water daily into Ibadan City, as well as the Eleyele Water Scheme constructed to supply over 5 million gallons of water daily. The Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon did the commissioning of these two projects in November 1972. In 1973, I was transferred to the Ministry of Trade and Cooperatives as Commissioner and I began to embark on rigorous public education on the doctrines of the Cooperative Movement and the cooperative initiatives towards self help projects, thrift and credit services. I consulted with cooperative leaders across the state to ensure a proper policy formulation and implementation of cooperative affairs and advised the Board of Directors of the

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Cooperative Bank to assert their supervisory influence on the bank. I also suggested various recovery plans for bank loan facilities on periodic basis. In order to sustain public education on cooperative ideals, I launched the cooperative education scheme to train cooperative secretaries, managers and members. Trainees were drawn from the various localities and societies of the cooperative movement. My belief in constant preaching of the democratic principles of the cooperative to the cooperators changed their fortunes drastically. In 1974, I led the Nigerian delegation to the International Trade Fair at Sofia, Bulgaria. At the end of the fair, the Bulgarian government commended the Nigerian delegation and a congratulatory letter was sent to me by the Federal Military Government. The improvement of home tourism also fascinated me into identifying and developing several Tourist Centres and Parks across Western Nigeria such as: a. b. c.

Idanre Hills Ikogosi Warm Spring Imesi-Ile waterfall

Chief Babatola recounts some of his activities as Board Chairman in Ondo State Housing Corporation: Governor Ajasin appointed me to the helm of affairs of the Housing Corporation in 1979. However, owing to the financial crisis that beset the Ajasin’s administration, like many others across the country, the government was unable to find loan for the business of the Housing Corporation i.e. Property and Estate development. The subventions enjoyed from the government to undertake projects were inadequate, but I designed a scheme to mount pressure on chronic loan defaulters through civil summons

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to dialogue with occasional pleasant response and renegotiation of loan repayments. I also joined hands with the likes of Chief Kuti who chaired Ogun State Property Development Corporation and other Chairmen of State Property Development Companies, Housing Corporations and Housing Authorities across the country to meet regularly to discuss, share ideas, update, design and operate Housing policies and prototypes for National Housing and Property Development along with the Federal Housing Authority and the Federal Ministry in charge of Housing. When Ajasin later claimed that the Corporation was mismanaged, I requested him to come out with his facts, but he failed. I was later cleared by the Special Investigation Panel put in place by Buhari-Idiagbon Military Junta. Looking at the published Financial report of the Housing Corporation in 1988, it was obvious that in a period of 10 years (1976 to 1986), it was after I left office that funds were made available to the Corporation in an unprecedented manner, though little or nothing was achieved with the funds other than for the Ajasin Government to find another platform to take the funds out. When I was in the helm of affairs, I managed the affairs of the Corporation very well. It was evident that Assets acquired during my period of service nearly ranked pari pasu with the liabilities, whereas I did not receive fantastic grants such as accrued to the others before or after me on the ‘scale of economies’ to run the Corporation and achieve its objectives appropriately. I leave it to posterity to judge if my achievements as the Chairman of the old Ondo State Housing Corporation did not surpass and exceed those of my predecessors and even as yet outshine those of my predecessors both in their quantum and quality. In this regards I refer for example to my creation of land banks and new estates in different localities through out the State. No where, however, did I mismanage the resources involved in the provision of the amenities.

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CHAPTER FOURTEEN

EKITI AFFAIRS AND LEADERSHIP Chief Babatola recounts his early challenges as an Ekiti leader: In 1954, I got the assistance of Chief Adepoju Akomolafe among others to be elected as the Action Group Constituency leader for Ado and Ido/Osi districts. This enabled me to have a firm grip on party members in the Ado District Council area which was divided into four zones in November 1955 based of my proposal for a workable political arrangement. With the extensive influence wielded among the electorates in 1955, the foundation was laid for my next successes in the political arena. In the years ahead, I was close to many Ekiti Obas and Chiefs and took their views and interest into account when consulted on any matter of importance either to their domain or personal well being. At the same time, I was able to expose overtime, the corrupt practices of members of the Ekiti Divisional Council and thereby get it dissolved. Chief Babatola recounts opposition from Chief Oshuntokun as Ekiti leader: In Ekiti, Hon. Oshuntokun resented any action or move towards political equality with himself, even though by me who was his senior at Christ’s School and older than him age wise. Because he became Cabinet Minister earlier than I, he was displeased at sharing the prestige and political honour of a Cabinet Minister with me and he never hid it all along. Yet, I earned the promotion through hard work in politics and by my various

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contributions to the party with the support of Party leaders and Traditional Rulers throughout Ekiti Division. In January 1960, there was a thanksgiving service officiated by the Reverend Osanyin at Emmanuel Church, Ado Ekiti, in commemoration of my appointment as a Cabinet Minister and it was attended by HRH Oba Aladesanmi II, the Ewi of Ado Ekiti; HRH Oba Adetula Adeleye II, the Elekole of Ikole Ekiti; HRH Oba Fabikun, the Ogoga of Ikere Ekiti; HRH Oba Olayisade II, the Olojido of Ido Ekiti; HRH Oba Owolabi, The Oluyin of Iyin Ekiti; HRH the Onire of Ire and the Sajowa of Ikole Ekiti among other Ekiti Obas and Chiefs. Later on I undertook official visits to several towns and villages in Ekiti Division and was well received by the community leaders and party stalwarts who either expressed their gratitude for my assistance in securing government educational and health facilities for their area or made demands for the tarring of roads, provision of portable water and electricity for their areas and award of the government scholarships up to the University level for their children. At Cabinet level, I used my position to benefit Ekiti and secure several employments for qualified Ekitimen and indigenes of Ondo Province in the Ministries, specifically as Information Officers, Pressmen, Prison Warders, Fire Fighters, Caterers, Local Policemen, Foresters, Broadcasters and Civil servants. I also assisted some of them to get employment at educational and research Institutes and even in the private sector. Before my appointment as Cabinet Minister, Ekitis hardly found themselves in the board membership of Corporations and parastatals in Western Nigeria. I therefore made it a task to get board membership appointments for notable leaders and party men.

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Chief Babatola recounts his early adoption as Ekiti leader: In April 1960, Ado District Council hosted me to a party attended by several Ekiti Obas and Chiefs to honour me in appreciation of my substantial service to Ekiti. At the occasion, I was presented with a Certificate of Distinguished Service to Ekitiland. Thereafter, Obas, Chiefs and Community Leaders who attended held a close door meeting and decided to invest me with a chieftaincy title to be recognized in all towns and villages of Ekitiland. The Ewi of Ado Ekiti, Oba Daniel Aladesanmi Anirare II was then empowered to perform the task after securing my consent. A few weeks later, Ado Ekiti entertained a large spectrum of Ekiti Obas, Chiefs and Community Leaders, Action Group leaders and party members to witness the conferment of the chieftaincy title of the “Olugbaye of Igbaye” (one of the number of Chieftaincy titles for Princes of the Ewi of Ado Ekiti with authority over any of the farmsteads). A few of note among the infrastructures and social services which I as Minister ensured that the Government embarked upon in Ekiti were as follows: a. b. c. d.

e.

Construction of some the Local Government Police Station in the Ekiti Division Construction of a new rediffusion transmitting station at Efon Alaye to benefit the entire division Afforestation and erosion control in certain places in Ekiti Division Tarring of Iworoko-Igbemo-Ilumoba 15 miles of road, tarring of Ado–Ilawe road and Construction of AyeIkun-Otun road Citing of a farm settlement at Ido/Osi Ekiti axis

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f. g.

h. i. j.

The bridging of Ero River Construction of roads, bridges and culverts at Ijero, Ipoti, Ikoro, Oke Ayedun, Ipawo in Ekiti West and Ekiti North Divisions Construction of dispensaries at Are and Osi-Ekiti Construction of a maternity hospital at Agbado Ekiti Provision of electricity and pipe borne water for Iyin Ekiti, Igede Ekiti, Igbemo Ekiti and Afao Ekiti

Chief Babatola recounts how he used his Leadership role to sustain Action Group in Ekiti during the rebellion of Chief S.L. Akintola: In Ekiti, when Chief Hon. J. Osuntokun mounted a campaign to discredit Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s leadership and secured support for Chief Akintola aspirations with the aid of Mr. (Now Oba) F. Ala (of Ayedun), Chief G.B. Akinyede and Chief B.A. Ajayi prior to the reconciliation meeting to settle the AwolowoAkintola differences on 9th February 1961, I opposed their unreasonable conspiracy with all the means at my disposal. I made sure that the allegations levied against Chief Awolowo by Osuntokun and his group on the neglect of Ekiti Division in comparism with the development of Ijebu area and other parts of Ondo province during his regime as Premier were dispelled by holding separate meetings with a larger spectrum of Party leaders in Ekiti Division to discredit the conspirators by a genuine disapproval of all their allegations. It was a successful outing when I pointed out that the major amenities enjoyed by the Ijebu people predated Chief Awolowo’s tenure as Premier of the region and that under Chief Awolowo, the Ekitis also benefited from the construction of many miles of tarred roads even more than what the people of Remo Division had ever been supplied with and that Ekitis benefited substantially from the 1956 free primary education programme.

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From then onwards, I was rather in the vanguard of political leadership of the Ekiti people because Oshuntokun started to lose relevance the more as long as he remained in opposition under Akintola. Chief Babatola expiates on his Leadership roles re-enacted in the Second Republic politics: Considering my roles in the UPN crisis in Ondo State, when open disaffection arose against Chief Ajasin in the party in 1980, I attempted to reach a compromise with him after holding series of meetings with Ekiti UPN party leaders at Ado-Ekiti. The result of the meeting was the selection of a 9-member delegation from the geographical spread of Ekiti and it was led by me to present a memorandum of our grievances to him. The delegation could not meet Ajasin until after cancellation of five appointments. We submitted our memoranda to Governor Ajasin and reminded him of the fact that all allocations of funds from the Federal Government to Ondo State gave due consideration to the 1963 census figures and that the numerical strength of the Ekitis should not be sidelined in policy making by the government. We insisted that Ajasin should uphold the integrity of party leaders and reverse the scandalous appointment of Dr. Adeyeri as the Rector of Ondo State Polytechnic, Owo. Governor Ajasin already angry and discomfited responded in a hostile manner. In fact, he would not accept the plea of the delegation as friendly or productive. Chief Akin Omoboriowo was not the over-ambitious Deputy Governor as many were made to believe in the Second Republic. It was a decision painstakingly taken by Ekiti leaders and his group in the UPN, that because Ajasin’s attitude towards us in Ekiti was not negotiable, Akin Omoboriowo had no choice other than to align

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with us in opposition to Ajasin’s hostile political designs for Ekiti people. When I led Ekiti party leaders to Chief Ajasin, we recall that he was fond of making wrong allegations against me (Babatola) and other Ekiti Federal and Regional Ministers of the First Republic (i.e. Babalola, Osuntokun and Olusola) by stating that we influenced and rigged the actual head count of the 1963 census whenever I called his attention to issues of population in the distribution of amentias at meetings. This was annoying and it estranged me and some Ekiti political leaders from him. This battle of outwit between us and Ajasin caused him to descend on party leaders like myself and to remove one member of his cabinet and two chairmen of parastatals who were indigenes of Ekiti. It should be noted at this juncture that I stopped active participation in partisan politics at the end of the Second Republic. The situation worsened after my political leader of many years, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, died in May 1987. Chief Babatola’s Leadership after the Second Republic: During the preparation for the 1991 census, I noticed that the arrangements for the head count in Ekiti towns and villages were not conclusive to a favourable and proper registration of the people for an accurate population census. I therefore wrote memos of protest on my findings. In fact when the census results were published I was not surprised at the disparities they contained in respect of the towns and villages in the Ekiti area on the one hand and those in the nonEkiti sector. Whereas in the previous census count of 1963 while the Ekitis were counted to be 2,161,382, the non-Ekitis numbered 1,829,356 a situation which was now (in 1991) curiously changed

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into one where the Ekitis have less than 2 million citizens as against 2½ millions in the other sector! Consequently, I attempted to get the 1991 census count in Ekiti area of the old Ondo State rejected. From the time of the Second Republic, few Ekiti indigenes in the higher civil service saw the need to defend Ekiti over all interest and to respond to our needs. The general attitude of many of them was to either put our complaints in closed files or to pay lips service to them. It was disheartening that most of our people in the government service now look only for what they would gain from services rendered or what their immediate communities could gain and no more. This order of the day has killed the true spirit of Ekiti nationalism. Chief Babatola’s Leadership role in the Creation of Ekiti State: On 1st October 1996, Late General Sanni Abacha, the then Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria announced the creation of Ekiti State. The road to the creation of Ekiti State was never one that was ploughed before the creation of the old Ondo State in 1976. In fact, the political system and the constitutional development in Nigeria or even in Western Nigeria did not help politicians to envisage and call for the creation of Ekiti State, except for its expansion into divisions. These were largely harmonized and extended during successive military rule into other components of Ekiti and transformed into Local Government Councils in 1976 as part of efforts in line for the creation of Ondo State. Efforts of the Ekiti leaders to come together and provide a master plan for the development of Ekiti were made only by political associations and the leaders of the constituencies, regardless of their relevance or capabilities to succeed and champion their best interest as a people. No doubt, I as a political leader and my own constituency followers contrived an approach with broad based discipline,

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discipleship and political loyalty for the people of Ekiti where all the leaders eventually came together and worked for the progress and development of the Ekiti during the Ajasin era. In my own case, I remained undisturbed while I continued to be guided by the philosophy propounded by Chief Awolowo in finding solutions to political problems even in the face of great perils. Circumstances, ambition and need for subsistence however made several others to capitulate, reverse, turn aside or turn elsewhere. Chief Awolowo always identified Ekiti as one of the political components of the proposed Western State but retained the idea of making the Yorubas an invisible and indissoluble entity within the Nigerian federation. The political leadership provided by Awolowo was strictly adhered to and served by me without questioning for so long until Ajasin’s era. During the tenure of Brigadier Oluwole Rotimi, I strove hard to represent the interest and support the demands of the people of the entire Ondo province, as well as the best interest of my political constituency (the Ekitis) with the support mustered in Government and out of government in concert with other Ekitis and non-Ekiti leaders. Indeed, the Muritala-Obasanjo administration placed Ondo Province in the scheme of things and created Ondo State in April, 1976. In the years after and until the differences began to emerge clearly between the interest of the Ekitis and the non-Ekitis in Ajasin’s government, little efforts were made from any angle to actually agitate for a separate Ekiti State, since everything was done on merit and as circumstances dictated. However, when Ajasin came into power and began a political elimination of the people of Ekiti origin systematically in the public service and within the political leadership and follower

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ship, I was forced like many others to re-think the destinies of the Ekiti people and begin to agitate for their political freedom and autonomy. No doubt, an intellectual renaissance came to life during the years when Monsignor Oguntuyi (of Iworoko) was gathering the useful materials for his History of Ekiti, which he later published with me (Babatola) as the writer of the Foreward thereof apart from the role I played with regard to Chieftaincy matters at the Morgan Commission. In addition to these political developments and reactions witnessed during the struggle for the creation of Ekiti State, we held various discussions and made proposals for the consideration of Ekiti leaders while the initial memorandum on the creation of Ekiti State originated from me in 1980/81 and it was signed by key political representatives of Ekiti in the National Assembly and the State House of Assembly. The memo brought Ekiti leaders together particularly members of the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) to agitate for an Ekiti State in 1981 and even laid the basis for later steps taken by Groups headed by Chief Afe Babalola and Chief Deji Fasuan and other Ekiti Traditional Rulers and the Committee of Ekiti Chiefs and Community Leaders to actualize the creation of Ekiti State. Chief Babatola’s Leadership role after State Creation: Several Ekiti Elders began to meet with the view to promote the agenda for good governance and leadership polity under the auspices of Ekiti Leaders’ Conference in 1998 and I was made the Patron of the Group with General Adebayo as the Chairman. A similar attempt to bring Ekiti Elders and leaders across the various divide together came again in June 2002 when the Yoruba Council of Elders Protem Officials invited me to chair their

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monthly meeting at the Inland Club hall, Ado-Ekiti on 3rd July, 2002. In April, 2004, the Ekiti Council of Elders was inaugurated and I was made the Patron while Chief Idowu Odeyemi became the Secretary at a meeting I could not attend. Thereafter, the Council met severally at my residence with a 7- Points agenda as a nonpartisan group committed to ensure that the Federal Government no longer marginalizes Ekiti State in its budgetary provisions for the economic and social development of the nation. Later, I implored the Council to pursue other noble objectives and it concurred. This was the position until Chief Deji Fasuan emerged with a parallel Council which led to another crisis and Fayose’s several threats and assaults on my relevance as a social leader in Ekitiland.

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CHAPTER FIFTEEN

AKINTOLA AND BALEWA IN THE WILD WEST Chief Babatola’s recall on the earliest point of differences between him and Chief Akintola: During the state visit of the British Secretary of State for the Colonies to Nigeria in preparation for the Independence Day in 1960, he was received at Ibadan by the Action Group government functionaries at a public reception when he publicly commended me as a senior Cabinet Minister who evinced a sense of duty with its demanding task and challenges. This no doubt led Chief Akintola later to relocate me to another Ministry after the 1960 election. In July 1960, polarization of the Cabinet emerged as Ministers considered as Pro-Awolowo or who placed Awo above others as the pre-eminent political leader of Western Nigeria began to lose favour with Chief S.L. Akinola, the Premier and I was penciled down for elimination. At several party and cabinet meetings, I was particularly earmarked and cautioned for a show-down, in view of my persistent publicity of Chief Obafemi Awolowo as the Leader of the party and the party Government. To show Chief Akintola’s displeasure towards me and to serve as deterrence to the others, the Cabinet formed by Chief S.L. Akintola on 15th August, 1960 after the regional election had me as Minister of State in the Ministry of Justice headed by another Minister. Both Akintola’s aides and Awolowo’s sympathized with me on the account of the slight, but I was not bothered.

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Chief Babatola’s role at AG Jos Convention to thwart Akintola’s scheming: At the Action Group Convention held in Jos, between 2nd and 5th February 1961, I was among the Ministers intentionally left out by Chief S.L. Akintola to attend the caucus where the deposition of Chief Obafemi Awolowo as the Party Leader was muted and planned. The strategy proposed was to use unqualified delegates to fill the floor of the convention hall and explore the absence of genuine delegates from several constituencies across the nation to the discomfiture of Chief Awolowo who thereby lose his leadership position. This took place at one of the secret meetings held at the Government House and it leaked to me. I worked vigorously with some aides of Chief Awolowo to thwart the attempt and we succeeded. I later organized meetings in the Province and at Ekiti to ensure that Akintola lost his foothold here. Prof. Sanya Onabamiro then came to accuse me of non-cooperation with the Premier, Chief S.L. Akintola, which could result to my removal from office as a Government Minister, but I replied that my removal as a Minister does not replace my position in the House and that I could not be cowed by such a low accusation because Akintola had more to lose than gain by making me his opponent. Chief Babatola’s moves against Chief Akintola’s Government: In June 1962, Chief Akintola formed the United People’s Party (UPP) in opposition to the Action Group (AG) and the Supreme Court declared his dismissal as Premier invalid. The Federal Government’s support of Chief S.L. Akintola as the Premier of Western Nigeria contrary to the mandate of the electorate of the region was but a rape of our constitution and democracy at large.

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On January 1st 1963, Chief J.O Fadahunsi, the Governor of the Western Region, revoked my appointment as a Minister of the Government of Western Nigeria. Thereupon, I began campaigns against the Akintola Government’s side in the Western House. Naturally, as the de facto contact party man, it was my responsibility to inform and coordinate various mass organizations within and outside the party committed to the resurrection of democracy. My persistent newspaper attacks led to the removal of the Minister of State (Education) in Akintola’s government. Indeed, I began to bear many a political burden of the Action Group in the circumstance of the trial and tribulations of Chief Awolowo and several other Action Group leaders who were tried in 1963 on charges of treasonable felony and imprisoned till the end of the First Republic. Although, public meetings were banned for political parties in 1962, I called several meetings to private premises to avoid attendance by numbers of party men. I had to keep party meetings alive at the regional, provincial, divisional, constituency and district levels in Ondo province and in some parts of Western Nigeria with the assistance of Field Officers and Organizing Secretaries of the party between 1963 and 1965. By the time Chief Akintola was again declared as Premier in October, 1965, he sent emissaries to me between November and December for his support, but I did not move an inch from my loyalty towards AG party and Chief Awolowo. No doubt, Chief S.L. Akintola was remarkably an adequate and reasonable Yoruba leader who could have succeeded in government if not for the way and manner at which he handled the differences between himself and Chief Obafemi Awolowo.

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Chief Babatola recalls Balewa’s role in the Western Nigeria Crisis: The role of the Federal Government and other parties in opposition to Action Group deepened the crisis in the West. The Action Group intra-party quarrel busted into public disorder when attempts were made to nib Akintola’s wings in the bud as members of his faction led by Chief Lekan Salami attacked the loyalists of Chief Obafemi Awolowo inside the House of Assembly on 19th May, 1962. When the House reconvened on the 25th May 1962 to pass a motion of confidence on the newly appointed Premier, Alhaji S.D. Adegbenro and remove Chief S.L. Akintola as Premier, the house business was again disrupted in a manner that showed the complicity of the Federal Government in the entire political drama. That invasion of the House and the ensuing duels between the two opposing sides, one of which had the questionable support of the Federal Government, constituted a scenario of shame to our democracy. The Federal Prime Minister, Alhaji Tafawa Balewa, subsequently used the situation to declare a State of Emergency on the Western Region by appointing his personal physician, Dr. Moses Majekodunmi as the Administrator of Western Region. The emergency order led to the restriction of my movements and several Action Group leaders till the end of August 1962. In October 1962, the Balewa government announced its discovery of a plot to overthrow the Federal Government with Action Group members as the major actors. Thereafter Balewa’s Government arrested and arraigned Chief Obafemi Awolowo and 26 others for a trial on 12th November, 1962 after pruning down the list. Thereafter the alliance between Balewa and Akintola’s government made possible a lot of infamous and retrogressive measures such as the following:

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a. b.

c.

The amendment made to the constitutional powers of the Governor by the Western house The imprisonment of Chief Awolowo, Enahoro and others which was an “act of political cowardice” that conflicted with public will. The capitulation of the judiciary to the whims and caprices of the Executive that invariably eroded its integrity and independence, especially at the customary and magistrate courts levels.

In several cases, party members were framed up by the Opposition and convicted on flimsy excuses and I had to assist some of them within my limited financial resources to appeal their conviction. When Chief Awolowo lost the appeal at the Supreme Court in July 1964 to secure his release, the tempo at which Action Group followers were harassed increased with the effective use of thugs and the cooperation of the policemen and public servants in several District Councils in the region.

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CHAPTER SIXTEEN

NIGERIA’S MILITARY Chief Babatola’s view on Military intervention in Nigeria in 1966: I forewarned Alhaji S.D. Adegbenro in October 1965 after our arrest and detention sequel to a visit paid on us by Chief Akintola’s emissaries that a military putsch would definitely take place in Nigeria. True to my word, the military occupation took place in January 1966. The most outstanding reaction to the political events of 1961 to 1965 was this military intervention of 15th to 18th January, 1966. The coup de’tat led to the overthrow of the Federal Government, the abduction and elimination of several National leaders including Prime Minister Balewa, Finance Minister Okotie Eboh, Northern Premier Ahmadu Bello, and Western Premier Samuel Akintola. The January 1966 coup de’tat received popular support of the masses, youth organizations, the press, trade unions and disbanded political parties in Southern Nigeria, Middle Belt and North Eastern regions. It proved the obvious fact that the Nigerian political situation by December 1965 had called for a change or an intervention to avert a total break-up of Nigeria through a civil war. The new regime fortunately appointed an Ado-Ekiti son, Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi, as the Military Governor of Western Nigeria in January, 1966. Fajuyi was a dedicated professional solider, highly intelligent and reserved administrator tutored in the British Military traditions. Col. Fajuyi contacted me upon

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assumption of office through his Private Secretary, Mr. Babatunde to serve as his private major policy adviser until the administration ended in June 1966. Apparently, Col. Fajuyi appreciated my services and ensured that I was neither victimized nor troubled along with other AG loyalists by any authority at the national level. On July 29th 1966, Governor Adekunle Fajuyi was murdered alongside Gen. Ironsi through another military putsch which took place at Ibadan while the Head of state was deliberating with Traditional rulers from Western Nigeria after doing same in the North. The activities of several powerful Northern elements could not pass my suspicion the way the coup was carried out. The July 1966 event emanated from the promulgation of Decree No. 34 of 24th May, 1966 and the inability of Northern elites under the military administration to have their way or to deal with coup plotters of the failed January 1966 coup among others. The fear of the Northerners grew out of their inability to hold unto the reins of power after Decree No. 34 promulgation that led to violent demonstrations in the North between 29th May and 1st June 1966. The resultant effect led to the summoning of Conference of Northern Emirs and Chiefs in Kaduna on 2nd June and the 18th June 1966. No doubt, Gen. Ironsi took to the advice by undertaking familiarization tours of the regions and meetings with traditional heads while coup plot was going on simultaneously with a tragic end at Ibadan. On the fateful day of Fajuyi’s assassination, I was informed of the incident at Ibadan Grammar School by Mr. S.S. Olajiga. The vacuum created by Fajuyi’s exit paved way for a successor in the person of Colonel Robert Adeyinka Adebayo, a native of Iyin Ekiti on 2nd August, 1966. Chief Babatola’s view on participation in Military rule in Nigeria: When General Adebayo took over, he began to turn around some of the major policies of Fajuyi government including the re-

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organization of ministries, appointment of his personal friends and associates into political offices, pronouncement of Chief B.A. Ajayi as Ekiti leader against my preference by most politicians at the time, removal of Babatunde (of Ado-Ekiti) as his Private Secretary in the Governor’s Office, sudden displacement or replacement of several civil servants, relegation of all accorded rights of prescribed authorities enjoyed previously by the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti among Ekiti Obas and Chiefs, public disagreements with me and people as the basis for accusation of undermining his government and breeding war with Iyin-Ekiti This situation continued until March 1967, when I openly confronted Governor Adebayo at a reconciliation patch-up between him and myself sponsored by Chief J.A. Ani and Prince Samuel Adejugbe. The praise worthy acts of the General Adebayo as our Governor was: a. Attempt at unifying Yoruba Leaders out of their political differences of the 1st Republic, b. Presentation of a common front for Yorubas to protect their interest c. Use of Yoruba Leaders to cause a peaceably settlement of quarrel between the Head of State, Col. Yakubu Gowon and the Military Governor of the East - Col. Emeka Ojukwu, d. Patriotic act of influencing the release of Chief Obafemi Awolowo from prison; and e. Adoption of Chief Awolowo as Asiwaju of the Yorubas and hosting of the Conferences of Yoruba Leaders of Thought at Ibadan. I was able to serve in Brigadier Oluwole Rotimi’s Cabinet between 1971 and 1974 and it was a very pleasant time of political achievements where I rather gave myself to public service and desirable leadership rather than coping with political oppositions and distractions. I took up the challenge because I was fit to serve

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my people and more so that many other political leaders were coopted and served in the military government either at federal or state level. I could not reject the offer as a result of these facts. When I was leaving the Government in November, 1974, a send-off party was arranged by the Government where the Governor Rotimi extolled my qualities and achievements as Commissioner and commended me as a leader, ambassador and administrator per excellence whose services were highly profitable to the administration in a wide dimension. He said I possessed a superior knowledge in management of local government and chieftaincy matters, the affairs of people and their communities. He commented further that through my fact finding tours and meetings. I had performed my assignments as if he were satisfying the needs of a political party of the electorates of his constituency while seeking a re-election. The Governor therefore presented me with a silverware plaque of honour for my loyal and distinguished services to the Western State in my capacity as a Civil Commissioner. Chief Babatola’s view of Military and political stability in Nigeria: Delving into issues of political instability in Nigeria, I commented on the take over of General Buhari’s administration by General Babangida in a palace coup in August 1985 by stating that Buhari’s administration like Muritala Mohammed’s regime made necessary efforts to exercise self-discipline and restraint in public affairs by resisting the urge of mammonic greed, selfishness, and corruption in the service to the nation. However, it is indefensible for any military administration to condemn democratically elected but ouster civilian regime for any acts of indiscipline, extravagance or illegal wealth, if they had also constituted themselves into a man-mountain of corrupt powers and abuse of authority that swims in an ocean of undemocratic and unpopular tendencies.

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Way into the Third Republic politics in 1992, I also predicted the failure of Nigeria’s political class in its attempt to outwit the growing and powerful Nigeria’s military aristocracy that demonstrates corrupt tendencies in its attention to social values. My withdrawal from active engagement and participation in partisan politics is not misplaced with the creation of the two party systems of SDP and NRC by Babangida’s government. The Third Republic came and I continued to ponder on the likely outcome of various policies of the military government of the day which I considered disastrous to the best interest of Nigerian citizens. It was strange to me that the Military Government could put in place elected civilian Governors while they remained in office at the helm of affairs. When June 12, 1993 election was annulled by Babangida, I maintained the sanctity of the election as the most free and fair election ever conducted in Nigeria since all Nigerians have voted M.K.O. Abiola into the Presidency. I hopefully believed that if Babangida and his cohorts could allow democracy to prevail, I should be a witness to the implementation of policies fashioned to promote the unity of the nation, its peace and development by Abiola’s administration. Naturally it could be an end in sight to habitual and frivolous expenditure by Nigeria’s administration at the Federal, State and Local Government levels. In June 1993, I addressed memos to some Nigerian leaders on the political impasse created by General Babangida which had brought the nation to the brink of total disintegration stating that the ensuing battle must not be fought against the Military except through a well organized and articulated opposition because the weapons and instruments at the disposal of combatants who can employ tanks, airplanes, battle ships or even missiles and nuclear weapons would prolong their absolutism and dictatorship over an army of unarmed Nigerian citizens who dare to challenge the continued stay of an unpopular General in office a day beyond August 27, 1993.

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When Babangida was replaced by the Interim National Government headed by Chief Ernest Shonekan, I again retorted with the following remarks: ‘…little or nothing has shown now for the great fraud and disruption of democratic values initiated by Babangida’s government….Nigerians voted M.K.O Abiola into Presidency and expected him in office so that his mandate would not be swept away with the wind bring about a great injustice to Nigerians, in particular the Yoruba race…What we are left with is a Greek gift in Shonekan who never contested any election…’ In 1999 when General Olusegun Obasanjo was elected in place of Chief M.K.O. Abiola, I noted that Obasanjo had suffered under the past military rule, but Obasanjo’s choice might not have been the best compensation for the Yorubas in the service of Nigeria.

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CHAPTER SEVENTEEN

THE COOPERATIVE MOVEMENT Chief Babatola’s early membership of Nigeria’s Cooperative: I joined the Cooperative Supply Association (CSA) in 1957 and was registered as a member No.168 of Ado Ekiti Cooperative Multipurpose Society in 1973 when I became Commissioner for Trade and Cooperatives in confirmation of my belief in the cooperative ideals. In 1973, I also organized Ora family members and friends into the Ora Community Cooperative Investment and Credit Society Limited and we received Certificate of Registration on 14th August, 1974 with me as the President. I bore the financial and physical commitments of the Society until its formal registration in 1974 and the Society joined the Ekiti Ifetayo Cooperative Multipurpose Union in August 1976, where I was very prominent and later elected as President on a return ballot annually for 14 successive years (i.e. 1976-1990). I have been actively involved in the internal management of cooperative affairs since 1973 and I used my position as a Commissioner to direct the Ministry to amend the Cooperative Bye-laws so as to legitimize their venturing into multipurpose businesses. I also enjoined cooperative bodies to subscribe to shares in cooperative apexes like the Cooperative Bank Limited, Cooperative Press Limited, Cooperative Transport Limited and Cooperative Supply Association Limited.

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Chief Babatola’s emergence Cooperative Movement:

in

Nigeria’s

leadership

of

As a result of my contributions to the Nigeria’s Cooperative Movement, I was elected as President of the Cooperative Federation of Nigeria (CFN) at its National Convention held at Enugu in January 1978, through the support of the Chairman of Ondo State Cooperative Federation, Chief (Sir) Adeola Ayoola (now the President of Cooperative Federation of Nigeria). As Head of Nigeria’s Cooperative Movement, I introduced various development measures into Cooperative Management at the society, union, zonal, state and federal levels through memoranda and consultations with government and donor agencies in the years 1978 to 1983. In that capacity and in those years I attended ICA meetings and seminars scheduled for the benefit of different world cooperative bodies at Bonn, Magdeburg and Frankfurt in West Germany, New Delhi in India, Korea, Singapore, Stockholm in Sweden, Montréal in Canada, Moscow in (USSR), Versailles in France, London in Great Britain, Helsinki in Finland, Rome, Italy, Cairo in Egypt, Monrovia in Liberia, Accra in Ghana, Banjul in Gambia and Abidjan in Cote D’Ivoire (Ivory Coast). Chief Babatola’s achievements as Nigeria’s Cooperative leader: I need to reiterate that I tried to bring the Nigerian Cooperatives out of their cocoons in the first place. Accordingly the following achievements followed: a.

A rapid promotion of Cooperative business in Nigeria and the West African sub-region resulting to my recognition and election into the Board of International Cooperative Alliance [ICA] as a regional delegate on the Central committee and the 2nd African member on Board

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b.

c. d.

e.

f.

g.

h.

of the ICA Executive Committee and as the Chairman of the Cooperative Regional Council for the 16 West African Countries under the aegis of the International Cooperative Alliance (ICA), an affiliate of International Labour Organization [ILO] Cooperative Education on a larger scale. I attended and presented papers on cooperative education in and out of West African countries and organizing of cooperative forums and seminars through the CFN secretariat and the Federal Cooperative College, Ibadan. Special contribution towards Nigeria’s and Pan African Cooperative Development Enabling the Cooperative Federation of Nigeria (CFN) to gain access to the International Labour Organization (ILO) and United Nations International Development Organization (UNIDO) as major UN donor agencies to fund ICA seminars and training courses along with the Cooperatives of Norway, Sweden and Germany Lobbying and wooing the Federal Government of Nigeria and various State Governments to support my plans for Cooperative development Having unprecedented audiences with Nigeria’s Heads of State to resolve problems of Nigerian Cooperatives and the need to amend obsolete provisions of the 1935 Cooperative Ordinance based on the recommendations in Caxton Idowu’s Paper. Successful call by me for the inauguration of the National Council for Cooperative Development to replace the National Advisory Council for Cooperative Development and my inclusion as member to represent the Cooperative Federation of Nigeria on the new council and effective contributions to the National Council for Cooperative Development on cooperative matters My product participation on the Board of Management of Ondo State Cooperative Federation where I served on

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i.

the General Purposes and Building Committees and also chaired the Ekiti Zonal Board of the State Union. Regular assistance to Cooperatives in writing memoranda presented to the State Government for promotion of cooperative democracy and development in Ondo State and the Ekiti Sector and also my membership of Ekiti Cooperative Leaders’ Committee on Growth and Development and chairmanship of the Provisional Council of Ekiti Cooperative Movement, prior to the creation of Ekiti State.

When the nation celebrated the golden jubilee of the Cooperative Movement in 1985, I served on several committees of the celebration and also compiled commemorative brochure for the Ekiti Ifetayo Multipurpose Cooperative Union. I have noted earlier that the development of Cooperative Movement in Nigeria from the colonial era has affected for good the economic and social conditions of many Nigerians particularly the common man. The activities of Nigeria’s Cooperative Movement has extended to marketing of produce, thrift and credit business, fisheries, consumer and distributive trade, group farming, transport business, printing and book industry, banking and insurance, among others. Thus Cooperatives have come to promote both economic and social welfare of the citizens. In the social context, the concept of democratic management and control at the grass root level through the principle of one man, one vote, has continued to distinguish the cooperative as a better forum for citizen’s mobilization towards social activities and economic development.

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CHAPTER EIGHTEEN

THE SECOND REPUBLIC Chief Babatola’s comment on the political crisis that disturbed Ondo State in the Second Republic: The net effect of the crisis was the sacrifice of the public interest and goodwill of our people on the altar of social irrelevancy, organized political cults, yellow journalism and character assassination fuelled by over ambition and pursuit of selfinterest by cabals of political opportunists, ignorant or incalcitrant loyalists and mischievous elements of a newly emerging Yoruba Mafia. The most disturbing part of the crisis was the role of the crisis managers in LOOBO States at implementing a well articulated plan to retain the cannon fodders in the body politic without addressing the truth or righting the wrong. A lot of hue and cry rented the atmosphere with the political changes and realignments across Ondo State in the Second Republic. Several events were misinterpreted while series of changes were misreported and misrepresented to the mass of both the educated and the illiterates, both old and young alike, who were within or outside the political arena. At those times, the unfortunate turn-around of events against our laudable roles made our reasoning and actions look unjustifiable. There was a lack of sincerity and honesty expected of those in the helm of affairs among Ondo State politicians. Some of them employed puerile and concerted efforts to confuse the world at large about the problems which divided the State to the extent that political realignments that were inevitable and imperative caused great damage and suffering, though no one could help the situation, when it got out of control.

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A lot of those events may never be read on the pages of history books owing to the magnitude of ignorance that shrouded our understanding. No one could deal logically with fanatics. I hope that period of the Second Republic would remain the Dark Age of Yoruba politics. I always believe in the doctrine of the rights of man and the extension of man’s privileges while their actions determine their fundamental claims to freedom. This is why my political leaning and philosophy in the First Republic as a Minister and Legislator supported a development process that was not based on mere sentiment, but rather on reasoned and objective statement. The same did not change in the Second Republic when I supported the move by Ekiti people to take their destiny in their own hands and to oppose any oppressive and discriminatory policies introduced by Chief Adekunle Ajasin’s administration. Chief Babatola’s view on the role a Deputy Governor in Nigeria and the type of politics that characterized Ondo State in the 2nd Republic: The 1979 Nigeria’s Constitution failed to assign any specific function to the Deputy Governor. Then however, Chief Akin Omoboriowo was assigned responsibility for the parastatals by Governor Ajasin. However, it became obvious within a limited period of time that the Deputy Governor began to operate in a situation whereby every brief or presentation made by a Board or Board Chairman to his office must receive the Governor’s pleasure before it could be approved for implementation, thereby reducing the Deputy Governor to a mere private advisor or an errand of the Governor. It was a situation that could frustrate a dynamic and younger person like Chief Akin Omoboriowo and a direct insult on

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party leaders with equal or even greater abilities as political actors in the State and beyond. With my parliamentary background, my democratic approach to socio-political issues added to my proper grounding in the knowledge of party politics, the new experiments in the political administration of Chief Ajasin was to me very alien and utterly undemocratic. Chief Babatola’s view on Party Leadership in the 2nd Republic politics of Ondo State: I admitted in one of my memoirs that a lot ought to be done at fine tuning our party’s constitution and in re-orientating the ideology/ideas of leaders to ensure that party discipline was maintained in preference to personal considerations and positions. Indeed, the party constitution which combined the functions of the UPN State Chairman with the post of the Governor in one individual was capable of making any incumbent of the dual position to transform to a dictator anywhere. Notwithstanding the good intent of the framers of the party constitution who had focused their attention on intra-party discipline and orderliness, they failed to foresee the bad effect of such concentration of power in one person. The combination of the powers of a Chief Executive with that of Party Chairman has become dangerous and liable to be abused by inconsiderate administrators. The geo-political set-up of Ondo State would in many respects require good leadership that could deal with the usual jealousy or bitterness among the ethnic groupings without sentiments or punitive reactions, in order to operate without opposition. Chief Ajasin was faced with this great challenge but he never fully mastered it. On the contrary, he acted as an Imperial with the State as his Empire, where his authority extends to assigning posts to men and women in the different areas not

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necessarily in accordance with the party conventions or a fixed guideline, but in accordance with the measure of loyalty displayed towards him. This led to conspiracies which eventually polarized the party membership. It started as Ekiti versus non–Ekiti affairs, but changed from its character to become Ajasin Group versus AntiAjasin Group and lastly as the Ajasin versus Omoboriowo Group by September 1982. Eventually this conflict transformed into the meetings and fresh relationships among political actors representing familiar or similar political interests in different constituencies. The paramount issue which fuelled the crisis and engaged my initial attention was the manner and criteria used in the distribution of public offices and positions in 1979 contrary to the party guidelines and assumed gentlemanly respect existing among the party leaders based on the facts that appointment into public positions ought to have followed basic principles to avoid conflicts, such as: a. b. c. d. e.

f.

Membership strength of the party in the various constituencies Member’s attendance at meetings Member’s contributions to party electoral success morally and financially. Personal merit of members who distinguished themselves in the past towards the development of their areas. Special talents, training or remarkable records attributable to an appointee i.e. Attorney General, Speaker and Public Service Commissioner. Other special and justifiable opinions of the Governor for some appointments to certain posts.

However, these issues were not properly addressed and the overtures to caution and redress the situation merely resulted to

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personality conflicts and worsening measures that made the conflict to assume newer dimensions in course of time. Chief Babatola’s view on the economic implications of the 2nd Republic politics in Ondo State: On several occasions I took steps to revert what had gone amiss or thwarted by non-cooperation or conspiracy of other leaders and their collaborators. The State continued to face serious economic conditions in the rural areas while the State capital reveled in ostentatious affluence. A socio-economic block created by the Ajasin’s Ondo State Mafia came into birth and interfered in the management of State finances and economy to the disadvantage of majority of the citizens, particularly from Ekiti Sector. Ekiti Sector was largely excluded from the enjoyment of distributable benefits of the State, while it was the source of 51% of the Western Nigeria’s revenue from the sales of the state’s major cash crop i.e. Cocoa. Obviously only a few of our leaders in Ekiti stood up to demand the right of their people. Of course, a majority of the few fell out of favour for attempting what could destroy or jeopardize the people’s confidence in the party’s political leadership or the State. But such treatment ran counter to the principles of social democracy and fair play. Chief Babatola’s view on Chief Ajasin’s anti-Ekiti agenda in the 2nd Republic politics of Ondo State: I was reliably informed and I later discovered that Governor Ajasin gave private instructions to some higher civil servants and his political aides to disregard the 1963 population census in allocating facilities to communities and in making prepayments to individual contractors.

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For instance, Chief A. Adefarati, the Commissioner for Local Government Affairs (who later became Governor of Ondo State) was able to propose the creation of 19 Local Government Councils for the non-Ekiti area but only 14 for the Ekiti area, even though the latter had a larger population. Another is the way Chief Ajasin acted against Ekiti people and how he could not justify all his actions against Ekiti leaders in the UPN. When Chief Ajasin removed an Ekiti leader in the status of Chief S.A. Akerele (Chairman of the State Broadcasting Corporation) from office in a Press Statement, he merely justified his action by saying that he found that Akerele failed to work with him because he had become a veritable instrument for undermining his administration by preventing Radio announcements of UPN supporters who paid money to the Corporation to advertise their party’s activities. When Ajasin removed Dr. Bode Olowoporoku (an Ekiti man) from office, he only labeled him as disloyal element who found it impossible to work with all Permanent Secretaries and Senior Officers and who testified against the Government at a Commission of Inquiry where he ought to have protected the Government. The same allegation came against the summary removal of another Ekiti man, Prof. C.S. Ola (of Efon Alaaye Ekiti), as Secretary to the State Government. Chief Babatola’s comment on political victimization and oppression that befell Akin Omoboriowo Group in the Second Republic: I was a victim of the political victimization and oppression meted out to the Omoboriowo Group. Several attempts were made to exterminate my life without success. I had two consecutive road accidents in mysterious circumstances and I was trailed on several occasions by suspected assassins before I was finally attacked by well known UPN thugs and agents at Ado-Ekiti on 2nd May, 1983.

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I narrowly escaped being killed by thugs who used iron rods and clubs other dangerous weapons against me with but little success. I sustained a fractured limb and pain in my ribs as a result of the attack and went into momentary coma, which my attackers thought was the end and left in a hurry. The culprits were identified, but not apprehended by the Police. Later, I was arrested and detained with one of my sons, Segun Babatola and later my wife, over the allegation of conspiracy in the assassination of 3 UPN members at Ado-Ekiti on 25th May, 1983 by unknown thugs. It was most absurd to have linked me with such a dastardly act in the first instance. Nonetheless, the truth prevailed and we were all discharged and acquitted. Another dimension came to it when Niyi Oniororo alleged that I was responsible for the burning of his Press Office at Ibadan, when I was residing at Ado-Ekiti and far away from the scene of the crime. In fact, Oniororo offended so many people and I was the least of those who could now consider burning down his Press as the only solution, when I had taken up a libel suit against him in the Court of law over his blackmails, evil and destructive publications in the Peoples’ News against my person and my family at that time. I wanted him to suffer by litigation and payment of compensatory damages, if not that the matter was settled when he appealed to me after the military take over in 1984 for an out of court settlement. Records speak for themselves and there is no logical excuse for the bugbear of tyranny displayed by Niyi Oniororo in the Second Republic reporting because facts are sacred. History must be balanced and reported to put records straight. Our astonishing achievements of the past should not be rubbished by anyone who fails to possess the substance to do so, not even among our own and other people. Posterity will judge those who did right and those who did badly.

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The return of the Military again in 1984 and the incarceration of political actors of the Second Republic, including Chief Adekunle Ajasin and other Governors of LOOBO States on allegations of misrule and misappropriation of public funds, led to several petitions by my political detractors to get the new military regime to incarcerate me without success. Anonymous letters full of spurious accusations sent to the Nigerian Security Organization’s (NSO) headquarters to fabricate all sorts of lies against me failed because the security agency did thorough investigations and could not establish any case against me. Later on, the Military set up a Panel of Inquiry at the State level to look into the allegations of mismanagement leveled against me by Ajasin’s Government when I served as Chairman of Ondo State Housing Corporation. However, the Panel found all the allegations to be untrue, ill and politically motivated and therefore cleared me of all allegations of financial misappropriation and mismanagement of public funds. Chief Babatola’s comment on why Akin Omoboriowo Group failed to defeat Ajasin in the Second Republic: The re-nomination of Chief Ajasin in 1982 for the general election of 1983 heightened the tension when the peace overture of Chief Obafemi Awolowo failed to reconcile the two groups. Omoboriowo group therefore put up Omoboriowo as opposition candidate for the governorship and both sides completely became separate political groups and Omoboriowo group later joined the NPN and trouble broke out throughout the State with thuggery as the order of the day. From May 1983 Ado-Ekiti, Akure and Ondo towns became centres of battle between the UPN and the NPN members. In June 1983, Chief Adekunle Ajasin in a broadcast to the people of Ondo State accused the NPN leaders and their members and supporters of evil doings including the seizure and burning of UPN flags and

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that NPN leaders‘ at Ado-Ekiti were the murderers of three UPN leaders – Iginla, Ilukun and Fatoba. A deeper reflection on these acts show that the successes recorded by Ajasin’s government through UPN party rank and file and other sympathizers with Awo’s legacies in propagating violence, threats to life and vehement verbal oppositions against the leadership of the Omoboriowo Group invariably led in turn to acts of terrorism and genocide, whether they were selective attacks or mob actions. The unfortunate aspect is that whereas my colleagues and I were rather interested in the emancipation and liberation of Ekiti people, many of our people were unable to understand and appreciate the point and objectives of our struggle. Many felt it was a betrayal of Awo’s leadership or ideology, a failure or envy or worse still a result of over ambition. Even in circumstances where people were confronted with facts and figures, the unseemly division, irrational sympathy and self interest of some of the people and leaders of Ekiti prevented them from coming together to close their ranks, encourage and support the formidable leadership platform presented by me for the Omoboriowo’s candidacy. We were therefore left with no other option than to rely on the support mustered by the Omoboriowo Group in Ekiti and Ilaje as well as the comradeship extended to us by the federal ruling party to continue the struggle. The support derived from the Ilajes was really to give them an opportunity to break off the shackles of Ajasin’s and declare enmasses for the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN). I lost millions of Naira worth of property and documents when my Olora’s Palace and buildings were razed down by UPN members and hired mercenaries (thugs) during the 1983

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disturbance. I led several delegations to the Presidency and the National Emergency Relief Agency (NERA) under Shagari’s administration and other subsequent military and civilian regimes to secure relief for the political arsons and destruction of properties of victims of 1983 political disturbance in Ondo and Ekiti State without success. Chief Babatola’s comment on why NPN failed to succeed in the political leadership of Nigeria in the Second Republic: Looking at the problems encountered by Shagari’s administration, several woes of the NPN government that led to the fall of the Second Republic were due to the manufactured propaganda of UPN stalwarts like Professor Okeke, Chief Ajuluchukwu, Senator Ayo Fasanmi, Chief Ebenezer Babatope and Mr. Smart Omodunbi who used the austerity measures of the NPN government as a hit back. The NPN government was a SCAPEGOAT for the ills of the entire globe arising from a world recession which affected even farmers in USA struggling through their worst recession since the 1930’s. The recession of the world economy and its impact on developing and less productive and virtually non-manufacturing countries like Nigeria actually brought the economy of Nigeria and Shagari’s regime to its waterloo and not as a result of mismanagement. The same propaganda of the UPN henchmen was used virtually in every facet of Nigerian politics to denounce what is good unless it is acceptable to those manufacturing the lies to make Government unpopular and unacceptable. This is why Ondo State was put in political bondage and Ekiti people continued to suffer neglect for many years in Ondo State until we got our own State in 1996.

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CHAPTER NINETEEN

UNIVERSITY OF ADO-EKITI Chief Babatola’s reiterate the controversies surrounding the location of and acquisition of land for the University of AdoEkiti: In 1976, the Ewi in Council set up an ad hoc committee to create a land bank as a gift to the Ondo State Government from which its Ministries would thenceforth secure land for their different projects. One of the lands thus banked is the area later allocated to the Ondo State University (now University of AdoEkiti) in 1981. It lies between River Elemi (in the South) and Osekita Estate (in the North). When in 1981 the Ewi was approached by the representatives of the Government earmarked to plan the University take off for the gift of land for the proposed University, the Ewi in Council decided that the area between River Elemi and Iworoko farmland (in the area of Osekita Estate) which already was one of Ado town farmland already donated and offered to the State Government for its use should be made available by the Government to the University especially because the Government had not yet surveyed it and had not planned any project thereupon. The recommendation was accepted and I (as Chief Olora) and Chief Eleyinmi as representative of the families that owned the lands banked in the area were sent to go and show the University representatives (headed by Prof. Ade AJayi) the site involved. Unfortunately, however, the surveyor who surveyed the site on behalf of the University made a grievous mistake by starting work from River Offin which is located about two kilometers

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southward of River Elemi and thereby included over 180 hectares of extra farmlands in addition to the vast area earmarked for the University already. The situation was however rectified in December, 1982 when the State Commissioner for Lands and Survey at a meeting at the Ewi’s Palace agreed that the extension of the University land south of River Elemi was wrong and should be returned to their family owners. However, certain government officials have since year 2006 taken surprising actions to re-acquire the land already retrieved for their traditional owners and in addition to extend the area involved still southward of River Offin! The situation has now worsened the plight of the families affected because they have become altogether landless. The Olora Chieftaincy family members and the Kujere family members in particular are people so badly affected. Government had not even considered payment of compensations for the vast land acquired over time. Chief Babatola looked at the controversy surrounding the creation of the University of Ado-Ekiti: Coming back to the events that took place prior to the establishment of the University at Ado-Ekiti it would be correct to say that a long battle was fought between Governor Adekunle Ajasin and the political leaders of Ekiti people led by me before Ekiti people won the contest to have the institution sited in Ekitiland, precisely at Ado-Ekiti town. To begin with it was the NPN that first muted the idea of giving Ekiti people a university to be sited in their domain. Chief Afe Babalola SAN, OFR welcomed and became a champion of the proposed university. Unfortunately however Chief Adekunle Ajasin did not like the idea of locating the University in Ekiti part of the State. Without ever discussing it either at the cabinet and the

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Executive meeting of the UPN, he announced at one of his official meetings to his audiences that he was ready to create a multicampus university with its faculties sited at different locations all over the State. It was radio reports of the plan that made people aware of it for the first time. Chief Babatola position on the multi-campus policy at the creation of the University of Ado-Ekiti before its reversal: My immediate reaction to Chief Ajasin’s multi campus university was one of anger and a wish to frustrate the plans whereby he intended to cheat Ekiti people of our right to have one indivisible university which should become the only industry thus far located in the Ekiti Division of the State by a Governor who had concentrated all industrial projects of his administration in the nonEkiti sector of the State. I then summoned a meeting of Ekiti leaders of the UPN to my house where we discussed the matter and decided to appeal to Chief Obafemi Awolowo to intervene so that the university might be located in Ekiti and in only one town thereof rather than making it multi campus affairs. Among our reasons for one Campus University were the following: 1.

2.

3.

That the State itself had limited resources to run a multi campus university – which in fact that Ondo State was among the poorest in the Federation. That a multi campus would result in a situation whereby coordination would be difficult with regard to finance, curricular, personnel and discipline in general. That a multiplicity of campuses would certainly engender greater expenses than what one campus only would have to deal with.

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4.

To a multi campus institute was bound to be more productive of crises than another of only one campus.

Chief Babatola recalled Chief Obafemi Awolowo’s reaction to the multi-campus policy at the University of Ado-Ekiti at the time: When at last we Ekiti representatives met with Chief Awolowo at his residence at park Lane, Apapa, Lagos, to register our views against the decision of Chief Ajasin in relation to his multi-campus university, we presented to him our memorandum on the two issues involved with regard to the proposed university. We expatiated thereon to his admiration. He commended our maturity in the way we were reacting to the issues involved. He agreed that the university should have been an industrial project to be situated wholly in ekitiland as a first measure in correcting the existing imbalance in the allocation of development projects as between the two different sectors of Ondo State. He promised to arrange a meeting for Akure where a solution would be found for the dispute. When subsequently in the House of Assembly at Akure the matter and many other controversial issues were dealt with, Chief Awolowo condemned the idea of a multi campus university and the location of any other type of university of the State Government outside the Ekiti area where one of the dozen or more Government industries had been located. He added that he hoped that Ekiti people themselves would not attempt to scatter the faculties of the university among their own towns when it would be established in their Division and at Ado-Ekiti in particular. He further commended us for not making the mistake to either plan to separate our Division from the Ondo State which included our Division and that of the non-Ekiti people as a result of the misunderstanding then prevailing between our two factions.

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for the At the same time, I was the first Principal of the first higher institution in Ekiti, the Ekiti Teachers’ College at Ikere in 1953, long before Ekiti had its own tertiary institution, the University in 1982. A University coming to Ado-Ekiti is a further enhancement of Ekiti status and recognition of our investment in the education industry. It was a great joy and that was the reason why I gave out the Ajitadidun Campus for the take off of the University at a paltry sum in 1982. The University actually started its teaching activities on the Ajitadidun School premises on the Olora layout at Opopogbooro, Ado-Ekiti. Chief Babatola’s reviewing the challenges of the University at Ado-Ekiti as a citadel of learning: The University faces series of problems mainly in the area of funding, infrastructural development, provision of building for staff and students and landscaping. Government should assist the University management to reposition the university towards operating like its contemporaries as conventional institution where citizens can study in enabling environment just like other conventional Universities at Ibadan, Ile-Ife and Lagos.

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CHAPTER TWENTY

CHIEF DR. AKIN OMOBORIOWO Chief Babatola’s recount his earliest impression of Chief Akin Omoboriowo: Chief Akin Omoboriowo has become well known with his interest in politics from the University days. I came close to Chief Akin Omoboriowo in the mid 70’s as we prepare for the Second Republic politics. I saw in him sincerity of purpose and humility, loyalty to the ideologies of the leader – Chief Obafemi Awolowo and self determination and doggedness to pursue ideals that he believed in. He was an expression of the leading light which has taken us through the same path before him. It was therefore the most appropriate thing for me to support his candidacy as the Deputy Governor under Chief Adekunle Ajasin during the UPN party primaries. No doubt, Chief Omoboriowo remains a thorough bred and well versed intellectual with vision and zeal to champion the cause of his people and better the lots of mankind. These attributes caught my attention and admiration for him as a successive political leader of the rare species. As a leader in his own right, Chief Akin Omoboriowo displayed a zealous, inspiring, intelligent and thoughtful aspiration that made us to support his call to service in the political leadership of the time. When Chief Akin Omoboriowo promoted the ideas of Chief Awolowo in his book titled Awoism, he was ready to chart the course of sustaining the leadership and follower ship of Awolowo. This is an astounding credential and attribute which very few Ekiti leaders of his age and political status could compare or contend.

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Chief Babatola’s recount the position of Party Leaders in prompting Chief Akin Omoboriowo to take a leading role in the UPN Crisis: Ajasin-Omoboriowo crisis was an off-shot of my personal encounters with the sidelined groups and the later reactions of Chief Ajasin to it which extended to Chief Akin Omoboriowo when he attempted to revisit my position with Ajasin on the premise that it was unhealthy for the party to engage in crisis. It is most unfortunate that Chief Akin Omoboriowo, a peace loving and loyal supporter of the party leadership, who came into the disagreement as a genuine arbiter and lover of progress, came to bear the brunt of his peoples’ aspirations. Chief Akin Omoboriowo bore the cross of the party and made great sacrifice in our political history even in the face of betrayals from all sides during the politics of Second Republic in Ondo State. What compounded the role of Akin Omoboriowo as a Deputy Governor in a heterogeneous state like Ondo State was that he represented the majority ethnic stock but had a dwindled role to play with the enormous demands of him from his political constituency - The Ekitis. This was made poignant by the fact that the 1979 Nigeria’s Constitution did not assign any specific function to Deputy Governors within the State and as such, the Governor (Ajasin) made him to supervise parastatals. It was obvious that within a limited period of time that the Deputy Governor began to operate in a situation whereby every brief or presentation made by a Board or Board Chairman to his office must receive the Governor’s pleasure before it could be treated or approved, thereby reducing the Deputy Governor to a mere private advisor or errand of the Governor. This was rather intimidating and unacceptable to us from Ekiti Sector. In fact, it was against my parliamentary background, democratic culture and well grounded knowledge in party politics.

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To therefore see Chief Ajasin turning the State to an empire, where no one can determine issues or talk to him unless he was convinced and where he renders his Deputy Governor totally incompetent in office is an issue that we had to address. In fact, it was unacceptable to many of us who knew the abilities of Akin Omoboriowo and equally a direct insult on party leadership under Ajasin who had supported his ambition and those of Omoboriowo though we possess equal or higher abilities as political actors in the State to have occupied such position. We therefore decided to resist the experiments of political governance under Chief Ajasin which we saw as alien to democratic practices by calling on Chief Akin Omoboriowo to assert himself as a Deputy Governor and Deputy Leader of the Party representing Ekitis interest within the State polity. Chief Babatola’s recount the ambition Omoboriowo in the Second Republic:

of

Chief

Akin

Chief Akin Omoboriowo was not over-ambitious in his attempt to replace Chief Michael Ajasin as the party flag bearer. It was a decision painstakingly taken by Ekiti leaders and his group in UPN, after it was obvious and non-negotiable that Ajasin’s unfavourable attitude towards his youthful Deputy’s (Omoboriowo’s) popularity among party members largely influenced their estrangement. For instance, when the Governor was contesting power with the House of Assembly, the Deputy Governor, Chief Akin Omoboriowo, found himself in the position of an arbiter, when Governor Ajasin, had expected his Deputy to be a rigid lieutenant whose activities should have conformed with his whims and caprices as the Almighty Governor. The intra-party crisis continued to involve not only Ajasin and Omoboriowo but also others who represent our interest as

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party faithful and who intensely received banter for supporting me in the first place. When Chief Ajasin was on 2 months leave in January and February, 1981, he did not hand over the office of the Governor to him as the Deputy Governor. Rather Ajasin devolved the powers on civil servants, the Secretary to the State Government and his Private Secretary who performed the constitutional duties of the Governor and even attended public functions personally while Ajasin was on leave without recourse to him. The Deputy Governor had no choice than to take a position and make his stand known to Governor Ajasin on various issues demanded by fellow Ekiti leaders because he was nominated by them as Ajasin’s deputy. Attempt to resolve the problems created by Governor Ajasin created the birth of two groups more distinctively from the events at the Ondo State House of Assembly Debates of Wednesday 11th November, 1981. As the situation grew worse, Omoboriowo Group consisted mainly of Ekitis, Okitipupa and Idanre communities while the Ajasin Group came from Owo, Ondo/Ile Oluji and the larger parts of Akoko area. Akure was equally divided between the two groups. At the House of Assembly, the Anti-Ajasin Group swung into action by removing legislative officers who were sympathetic clouts of Ajasin’s administration. This was an attempt made to put the square peg in the square hole, though Chief Obafemi Awolowo came and intervened and yet the whole injustice continued unabated. Chief Babatola’s relationship with Chief Akin Omoboriowo after the Second Republic: I see Chief Akin Omoboriowo as an ally and co-traveler in the political destiny of this country, Yoruba race and Ekiti in general even though my non involvement in partisan politics and his reduced participation in local politics have made it impossible for us to relate regularly after the Second Republic. Since we are

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both aging and resolute in finding grace and benevolence of God, our distance to each other is not a barrier to our continued good relationship. When Ayo Fayose as Governor appointed Chief Akin Omoboriowo as Pro-Chancellor of the University of Ado-Ekiti, I was one of the well wishers at the celebration party at his Ijero Ekiti country home, where Fayose attempted to insult my intelligence though he failed. Chief Omoboriowo is a man of great virtues. After the last visit of Chief Akin Omoboriowo to my house on July, 2008, I decided to grant this interview to recount and document our relationship and his indelible and distinguished profiles. 29th

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CHAPTER TWENTY ONE

AARE AFE BABALOLA SAN, OFR, CON Chief Babatola’s recount his family relationship with Chief Afe Babalola: Chief Afe Babalola is my direct relation through my great grandmother - Alademeye, who gave birth to grandmother, Ojamolawe, the mother of Comfort Iwe Ibitayo, my mother. Chief Babatola’s spoke of the attributes of Chief Afe Babalola SAN, OFR: Chief Afe Babalola SAN, OFR is one of the earliest Ado-Ekiti highly educated indigene to succeed through dint of hard work. Though he went through his first degree in Economics and the Law degree by private study and under difficult conditions, yet he succeeded tremendously both as a private student and now as a proficient lawyer of great repute. Over the years, he distinguishes himself so that he is now a role model remarkable for commitment to career development in law. His chamber harbours industrious associates and pupil lawyers undergoing the study of law under their accomplished Gameliel. Chief Afe Babalola has succeeded in his career not only through his intellectual talent but also through his habit of hard work and moral quality of love for others. He has helped many individual persons financially to succeed over their indigent conditions either as students or artisans in need of cash.

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As a patriot several communities in Ado Local Government area and elsewhere in Ekiti State have received financial support for their worthy projects. This Christian aspect of his life has found outlet in his actions and behaviour towards communities beyond Ekiti State as in Oyo State where his contributions towards the development projects have earned him the love and affection of many Nigerians. An evidence for this is the award of the traditional title of Aare Bamofin of Oyo Empire bestowed on him recently by His Royal Majesty Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, the Alaafin of Oyo. Chief Babatola’s spoke of the role of Chief Afe Babalola in Ekiti State: In Ekiti State we have the fortune to have found him the champion of our development programmes to which he readily commits both his energy and financial resources. His invaluable contributions towards the battle of Ekiti people for the creation of the State are immeasurable. He has since become a rallying point and an enviable reference point for Ekiti people in the last fifteen years. He remains an unbeatable investor in the welfare and development of our people and communities. Illustrations of his efforts in this regard are the following: a. He facilitated the creation of Federal Polytechnic, Ado-Ekiti and the Federal University of Technology at Akure during President Shagari’s regime b. He strove hard to get Ekiti State created, contributing much needed fund and making such contacts as were necessary to achieve success for the project c. He championed the efforts of Ado-Ekiti people in the construction of facilities for the Faculty of Engineering of the University of Ado-Ekiti. In addition he personally constructed the Afe Babalola Faculty of Law Auditorium.

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d. The Ewi’s Palace Project of a large amphitheatre has received an encouraging amount of donation from Chief Afe Babalola e. Afe Babalola regard for Ado-Ekiti Traditional Authority and the helpful posture exhibited whenever useful legal advice is needed have made him a pillar of support for people over problems for which money and or legal advice must be found. In the performance of his vocation, Chief Afe Babalola SAN, OFR has penchant for truth and integrity. He is non-partisan on issues involved in contests for leadership. When two groups contested for the traditional leadership of Ekiti people he tried to restore peace and dignity among the leaders at a time that Ayo Fayose the Governor shamelessly assaulted one group and financed the opposing group. At all times, Afe Babalola gives deference to his elders and people in authority, including Traditional Rulers. He is a refined gentleman whose respect for Yoruba traditions and culture is fruitless. Chief Babatola and Chief Afe Babalola in mutual understanding and affection: Chief Afe Babalola was my strong supporter at home during the political crisis of the Second Republic. His positions on major issues at the time transcended partisan politics because he was objective, constructive and more accommodating than the average Ekiti leader. During the 1982/83 political turmoil a group of Ado eminent citizens and Chiefs invited me to the Ewi’s palace with the intention to persuade me to step out of active partisan politics. However, it was impossible for them to persuade me to yield to their demands as I contended that it would be unreasonable for me

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to step out of politics when Azikiwe, Ajasin and Awolowo were still in it. It was the support given to me at that meeting by Chief Afe Babalola SAN, OFR and Chief Ojo Falegan that helped me to remain unscathed in spite of the social disaffection engendered by that refusal and which also stopped the Ewi in Council from imposing sanctions on me. Chief Babatola’s relationship with Chief Afe Babalola over time: Chief Afe Babalola is a respected Ado-Ekiti son among highly placed citizens promoting the interest of Nigeria, Yoruba race, Ekiti and Ado-Ekiti in general when the need arises. On a personal level, he never hides his respect for me and I am indeed grateful to God for his status and achievements today. After Ayo Fayose was removed as Governor of Ekiti State, Chief Afe Babalola SAN, OFR recommended the appointment of one of my sons, Jadesola Babatola, to serve as a Commissioner under Brigadier Adetunji Olurin, the then Administrator of Ekiti State. I decided to grant this interview as part of the efforts to recounts our mutual relationship and his support towards the writing of my biography.

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CHAPTER TWENTY TWO NIGERIA: INTRIGUES AND DIVERSITIES Chief Babatola’s brief summary of Nigeria’s traditional political system: The different ethnic backgrounds of the various nationalities of Nigeria have in the main resulted in the plurality of their political culture. The TIVS and the IBOS (now popularly referred to as Igbo) are more egalitarian than most other ethnic groups. The Yorubas were under a government of communal interest in which at some point every adult had his say. This was at variance with the practice among Edo speaking peoples. The Oba of Bini ruled by divine right of kings. Most of the people regarded themselves as the obedient subjects of the Oba. In the far North, the Hausa-Fulani in their Emirates remained far more conservative than the southern peoples. The Emirs continued to maintain considerable power at the local level of government and even kept a hold on politicians through their control of nominations for elective offices. Because the politicians were often the kinsmen of the hereditary traditional rulers, they were able to maintain tight control over the administrative and the judicial sectors of government. This authority structure in the far north was strengthened by the strict adherence of both the leaders and the talakawas (the common people) to Islam whose doctrine supports leaders to proclaim and maintain their right to obedience by the common people. Chief Babatola’s views on the effect of Cultural Diversity on Political Instability in Nigeria: In colonial times, the British forbade the opening of Mission Schools in the Emirates and hence greatly delayed the spread of

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English type of education. Thus up till recently the states of the north had to recruit either southerners or foreignness (more often the later) to fill many posts which required people with advanced education. This situation strengthened the fears of the Northerners for Southern domination and fueled political conflict. Their conservation and lack education have made them to suspect southerners, with whom they had few common interests. Chief Babatola’s views on the effect of Ethnicity on Political Stability and Educational Development in Pre-Independent Nigeria: When in the forties Nigeria was divided into the Northern, Eastern and Western Regions and the Federal Territory of Lagos and the Southern Cameroon, several laws were enacted by the central government with some sections applicable to only the South. In a few cases application to the emirates of some sections were made dependent on the agreement of the emirs. This policy of the British to keep apart each political entity derived from the dominant position of Islam (in the far north) and Christianity and paganism (in the Middle Belt and the South) in order to allow them to develop at their own pace did not augur well for a harmonious development of the different ethnic groups into one nation. Of particular interest is the fact that northern politicians and their top government officials with the assistance of their powerful emirs have succeeded in unfair appropriation to themselves and their areas more material and other benefits for economic and social development. As a result southern politicians and civil servants in the South are often aggrieved and frustrated – a situation that breeds instability in politics and the running of the national government. If ethnicity and colonial government policy were responsible for political instability at the centre, the lack of harmony within individual Regions or States that succeeded them (between 1949

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and 1967) was also partly traceable to the adverse effects of ethnicity. Language differences – a product of ethnicity – had contributed to a lack of harmony among the different ethnic groups within each Region or State. In the Eastern Region the Ibo-speaking people who constituted the majority of the population controlled both the Regional government and the Houses of Legislature between 1954 and 1966. The Ibibio, the Efik and the rest of the minorities formed the opposition to the government and in the House of legislature. Major policies of government were stoutly opposed by them to the extent that many of the crises that occurred between 1954 and 1958 culminated in the 1958 riots. The riots were a result of what the opposition alleged to be a deception of the people by the NCNC party and its government in the matter of funding the Free Primary Education Programme. The Government of the NCNC (which was Ibo dominated) had failed to provide funds for the UPE and instead had resorted to a re-imposition school fees. The shock produced by the re-imposition of school fees led in late January 1958 to crowds of women who surged through Owerri town protesting the re-imposition of fees. The demonstration spread to other parts of Owerri and Onitsha provinces and in several instances school buildings were burnt and the homes of politicians were looted and threatened with destruction. The foreign press even reported the angry but shameful shouts of some demonstrators saying, “Down with black man rule!” Perhaps the instability in this case might be due more to the differences in the languages of the ethnic groups. However, it is a fact that it was the United People’s Party of the minorities – Efiks, Ibibios, etc – that masterminded the demonstrations against the NCNC of Premier Nnamdi Azikiwe and his Ibo followers. In the Western Region on the other hand instability did not assume the magnitude it did in the East over the introduction of the UPE because the Action Group government gave itself time enough to prepare the people for its policy programme. Nevertheless, the

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government was faced with opposition from the NCNC party that earned its support from Oyo and the Delta Provinces. Adelabu, the Ibadan Leader of the NCNC, whipped up the animosity of his people against the Action group government which he equated with Ijebu sub-ethnic administration He thus appealed to the prevailing sentiments of the Oyo sub ethnic group who hated what they usually considered sharp business practices of Ijebu traders. The animosity engendered by the campaign of calumny against Awolowo (an Ijebu) and his Action Group Government by Adelabu (an Ibadan) and his local political party (Ibadan People’s Party) was however contained and the likely disturbances and riots avoided by the efforts of patriotic educationists and leaders like the late Rev. (Ven.) Alayande, the late Rev. S.A. Banjo and the late S.T. Solarin. The Action Group Party leadership and these patriotic leaders most of whom were products of St. Andrews College, Oyo, cooperated to get the party’s policies on UPE modified to the extent that voluntary agencies were allowed to control 40% of the schools to be built under the UPE programme while the local Government Councils were allotted 60% of them. This modification averted any violent demonstration. In Ekitiland my efforts as an Ekiti member of the Western House of Assembly and those of Chief Hon. B.A. Ajayi prevented agitation against the payment of tax levied by the Action group in favour of the UPE and the free medical health for children less than 18 years of age. In this connection, however, a most serious political manipulation of anti-tax sentiment took place at Oyo where its ruler, HRM Oba Adeyemi, the Alaafin, was then embroiled in a dispute with the Action Group government. A communal party that sponsored the opposition to the tax levy used it to draw support for the Alaafin who was eventually deposed after riots in which several people lost their lives.

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Chief Babatola’s views on National Questions in the First Republic, Federalism and Problems that Arose from the Application of A Federal System of Government to Nigeria: The bane of Nigerian political system and a cause of instability since the First Republic is the Quota System. By its operation each state of the Federation is represented by indigenes appointed to posts in the Federal Government Administration (Civil Service and parastatals) and the Federal Judiciary. The inferior achievements in education by most of the appointees of northern origin meant that they would not have the merit for the posts they held in comparison with their counterparts from the south. Arising therefore from the quota system is the fact of the discontent and frustration that it breeds among southern civil servants (in the Federal civil Service) and the failure to perform adequately and completely among some political appointees and many civil servants of northern origin. The end result of this situation is political instability in Nigeria. Election malpractices led to public disturbances in the Western Region in 1965. The election was rigged massively by the NNDP and its ally, the NCNC. Consequently people no longer regarded votes cast at an election to be worthwhile. Since they therefore no longer had a feeling of belonging in a democracy, they took the path of anarchy, destruction of lives and property. In the Northern Region a large majority of the elites believed that “the masses in African countries are not yet capable of making rational choices at elections for national political offices”. About 35% of the elite favoured indirect election while one in seven would let technocrats run the country without popular mandate. No wonder then that the NPC (Northern People’s Congress) which was the majority party went ahead to rig elections unnecessarily. The official and private opinions in the party showed that the masses (the talakawas) were incapable of judging well and should

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therefore be prevented from enjoying the mandate given them by the electorate. On the issue of Nigerian federalism, I am of the opinion that the present federal structure practiced in Nigeria is incompatible with the principles of equitable and pragmatic federalism. To me, Nigeria is a multi-lingual state consisting of several communities which had developed divergent nationalities over a period of time. Therefore, the federal Republic should be organized in a manner to reflect the dual basis of cross-cultural affinities, regional and geopolitical continuities, linguistic harmony and the autonomy of the nationalities. I believe that Federalism per se is the system which shares and exercises the state power and authorities among the component units (for the federating state) and its supervisory centre. A Federation should be a union of separate autonomies who submit their common interest as object of existence for good neighbourliness, brotherhood and corporate identity at a centre which should moderate and monitor their peculiarities and commonweal. I therefore accept the assertion of Professor Ali Mazuri that Federalism is “an institutionalization of compromise relationship”. Tribalism became the bane of federalism in Nigeria, when the extent of differences among the constituent units extended to a level of apparent inequality and imbalance due to the manner of distribution of representation, power resources, amenities etc. I believe that a general consensus can only prevail when the threatening cynosure of tribalism is erased, with the readiness and reasonability of every component unit to circulate, share and enjoy its basic endowment, be it human, material or natural with one another, through a scientific process. Whatever would resolve our national problems must not evade the stark realities of our society.

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The evil effects of such problems may lead to another civil war designed to break up Nigeria into hostile national units. Therefore in my opinion, our federal government should rather be a centre for the coordination and promotion of defence, common interest of the states, the general well-being of all people and the instrument for the minimization of conflictive areas among the states. Every member of the Nigerian federation should be entitled to the autonomy not granted to the federal government in order to distinguish its interest and identity within the cooperative cum collective venture. If we must insist on even development and adequate representation as a pivot for harmonious federation, administration of federal matters should take a greater cognizance of equal regional representation in determination of all matters rather than the population within the regions (states) whose impact is better felt within the administration in each region (state) and not the nation at large. This would allay the fears of the less privileged, less populated, the minorities and the left or right winger. Any attempt to impose bureaucratic centralism in a federal state would erode the identity of the constituent units and their interests. There is the example of a federation which consists of 55 million people, multi-lingual, secular and democratic. A State has a population of 15 million and has agricultural resources, while the B State consists of 25 million with water resources as its own. The C State consists of 4.8 million and produces 95% of the mineral resources, whilst the D State consists of 10.2% million people with a vast commercial potential and sea power. The best form of administration of such a federation, whose 85% foreign reserves income accrue from the resources of C State is to ensure that the administration of the State is not organized or performed to the detriment of any single unit, since they all possesses various advantages. Hence, any democratic process in a federal state

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should protect the natural principles of co-existence and the equality of states. Chief Babatola views on problems of corruption in Nigeria public service: Service to the people should be the aim of a good government. Unfortunately, the love of money by the average Nigerian makes it difficult for people who are elected to political offices to serve their people. The average politician who holds political office has the intention of amassing wealth by all means, even civil servants indulging in fraud, mismanaging of public funds have foreign bank accounts into which they siphon Nigerian public funds. In spite of the reforms which President Obasanjo advocated during his regime, it continues to be very difficult to get the average Nigerian administrator to act as if he is the servant of people. His fraudulent act does not make people happy. People wants progress, people wants justice and this inordinate ambition to become wealthy has even motivated people in the judiciary, some judges have become corrupt. We have a long way to go in eradicating fraud and inordinate ambition to amass wealth. Chief Babatola’s interview on 25th Independence Anniversary Celebration of Nigeria in the National Concord Newspaper of 1st October 1985: At Independence, I saw a country that had just shed its colonial garb entering into an era of internal development economically, socially, culturally and politically. I conceived a Nigeria that would achieve greater national cohesion and the integration of its cultural and ethnic entities. Then too I expected Nigeria to attain the apex of the leadership of the sixteen or so countries of the West African sub-region and at the same time to have a controlling share in the management of the affairs of the entire continent of Africa. I saw in the distance of a few years my

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Nigeria whose voice would be respected among the nations of the world, particularly at the United Nations. This vision of Nigeria was never realized after 25 years of independence. The problems which beset the polity arose from gross indiscipline in every facet of national life. Indiscipline which ranks higher than illiteracy or any of our other national defects has constituted the greatest hindrance to Nigeria’s development. Indiscipline occurs in the individual and collective lives of Nigerians. It permeates the moral, religious, intellectual, social and economic aspects of our affairs. Indolence and an absence of patriotism and the inability to curb the appetites for luxuries and wealth have marred the social life of the people and the international image of Nigeria. We need a definite programme of campaigns against acts of indiscipline. The content of our education should be fashioned to the end that citizens shall become lovers of hard work, honest application of themselves to duty and self-reliance. The nation should also reward honest and meritorious service from time to time and encourage disciplined citizens in all walks of life by giving them necessary and adequate recognition.

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CHAPTER TWENTY THREE

A MODEL FOR NIGERIA’S CONSTITUTION Chief Babatola’s views on the appropriate roles for traditional rulers in Nigeria: When General Babangida came into office in 1985 and set up a Political Bureau (POLITBRO) to conduct researches for a new political and constitutional adventure in Nigeria, I decided to participate in the exercise by presenting a memorandum for the review of 1979 Constitution on ‘Appropriate Constitutional Roles for Traditional Rulers’. Part of my submission was that every community has its own fundamental moral values whose traditional custodians and champions throughout Nigeria have been the traditional rulers. The degree of involvement of traditional rulers therefore in the preservation and improvement of their people’s customs and conventions under this proposal will vary from place to place, but it is essential that the stamp of authority over what constitutes our correct fundamental social and moral heritage be given to or presumed possessed by our traditional leaders. I therefore advocated the involvement of Traditional Rulers across the nation in the political governance at the grass root through some of the following process: a. b.

Superintendence over matters of culture and tradition Constituting peace forum for settlement or preliminary investigation panel for any judicial action arising within a community, to help reduce congestion of cases in the law courts

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c.

d.

Mobilization of the people and the various communities for the success of government projects, which largely depend on their collaboration with the people for citing of projects of Federal, State or Local Government, the surrender of land and other possessions and support in form of fund raising and free labour. Creating avenues through traditional leaders in obtaining public cooperation in solving problems associated with public infrastructures, social services environmental development and regulations and the introduction of aggressive agricultural and agrarian policy reforms.

Chief Babatola’s Proposal for a review of the ideologies and Governance in Nigerian State: New ideologies and political measures needed to re-appraise and restructure the Nigerian State should be formulated towards achieving the following ends: 1. 2.

3.

4.

The revitalization and distribution of economic resources to cater for all. The identification and organization of nationalities in line with their geo-political regions to reflect and ensure full representation of all people of every community i.e. East, West, North and the minorities. The review of the Federal Character Principle to promote only competence, merit and equal opportunity as far as practicable so as to eliminate the quota system. The integration of cooperatives and extended services at all levels to promote food production, distribution and storage and the provision of road and water resources in the various communities as the basic foundation for building a self-reliant and viable industrial agricultural economy.

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5.

The maintenance and protection of public properties, the observance of labour discipline, the emancipation of women, the development of universal and compulsory primary education and the protection of the child.

The needs and demands of the greater Nigerian nation should be provided for by the national autonomies and individuals should enjoy the rights to live in a free and democratic society, where the absence of unlawful restraints and unequal opportunities would lead to the enlargement and liberation of the human personality and beliefs. We should be a national society in which both men and women would be virtually undivided into opposing economic interests at the political level and wherever such would occur it would be on an approximate condition that the state would ensure the socio-economic equality of all persons through welfare programmes. All individuals cannot be equal owing to different talents with which they are endowed or displayed by them, but naturally, every person must be given equal opportunity to make use of the available state resources to strive to be equal, all things being equal. To this end, I would concede that a social democratic government would be equitable for our national development on a large scale, if such a party government is committed to:i. ii.

iii.

The elimination of discriminatory practices on account of sex, religion, race or social class. The regulation and administration of national economy for the promotion of equal opportunities for the underprivileged classes, handicapped, sick, unemployed and the aged, and the betterment of all citizens. The rebuilding of the Nigerian society on the foundation of cooperation rather than competition and profit, to promote the dignity of labour and the general welfare of the people.

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iv.

v.

The adoption and observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedom; and The provision of housing facilities for all persons within safe hygienic and healthy environment and the attainment of a basic standard of education to cater for social justice and self- expression among all people.

Chief Babatola’s Model for the Constitutional Development of Nigerian State: Every society should be encouraged to develop the traits of a single nationhood in a systematic manner. The American model may fail in Nigeria because of the fear of domination of power by one sector on the others. This was proved by the June 12, 1993 election annulment. It did not encourage national identity and eventually led to a waste of national resources. The West Minster model of the First Republic failed because politicians created constitutional logjams and fuelled conspiracies that made the nation to witness threats to its national peace and security. No doubt, the West Minster is the better option if the Switzerland system fails to be adopted. On the whole, the best approach would be the creation of six Autonomous Regions as the constituent units of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The operations and organization of the Federation could be modeled after the Switzerland system. We cannot continue to operate Military Federalism or Unitarian system of government which exhibits palpable imbalance in the federal system. I believe that the only alternative model is the Collegiate Presidency (and not a Rotational Presidency) as shown below:

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1.

PRESIDENCY AND FEDERAL GOVERNMENT The Presidency of Nigeria should be vested in a Federal Council of 6 elected Members, one elected from each Autonomous Region and 2 other members, one elected from each of the Federal Territories of the Federation. The Chairmanship of the Council shall be rotated among the 6 members representing the Autonomous Regions on annual basis for a period of six years, while any Region or Territory may produce the Vice Chairman. The Chairman of the Council presides at Council deliberations and performs the ceremonial functions of the Head of state and Commander– in–Chief of the Armed Forces with the approval and consent of other council members. The Council should be elected by an electoral college of states and federal territories. The Council should appoint a Prime Minister for the Federation from among the members of the National Assembly as may be prescribed by law from time to time, during the life of a Parliament and shall reserve the right to remove and replace same simply by a Vote of no Confidence passed at duly convened Council sessions.

2.

LEGISLATURE The Federal Legislature should consist of a Senate and a House of Representatives. The Senate must consist of equal representation of each region including the representation of every ethnic nationality in the country, while the House should be elected on the basis of population census, preferably using the 1963

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census figure. (This is the best safeguard to the right of minorities where the majorities are probably in power). There should be an equal number of representatives of each region in the Senate, to offset any imbalance occasioned at the lower house where population is being used as a source of representation. 3.

JUDICIARY The present judicial system at the state and Federal levels are suitable. The only constitution reinforcement required should be directed towards the independence and integrity of the bench, and the eradication of Sharia system of justice, which is a threat to the corporate existence of the country. They should be allowed to directly supervise the Code of Conduct Bureau and Tribunal and the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission.

4.

REGIONS AND AUTONOMOUS TERRITORIES TO BE CREATED The following regions should represent the geo-political autonomies of Nigerian federalism, namely; a. ADAMAWA REGION (comprising Yobe, Borno, Taraba and Adamawa States) b. BIAFRA REGION (comprising Ebonyi, Anambra, Abia, Imo and Enugu States) c. ODUA REGION (comprising Ekiti, Ondo, Oyo, Ogun, and Osun States) d. OIL RIVERS REGION (comprising Balyesa, Edo, Delta, Rivers, Cross Rivers and Akwa-Ibom states) e. PLATEAU REGION (comprising Nasarawa, Plateau, Niger, Benue, Kogi, Kwara and Kaduna States)

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f. SOKOTO REGION (comprising Zamfara, Kebbi, Sokoto, Katsina, Kano, Jigawa, and Bauchi States) There should also be 2 Federal Territories in Nigeria which should be allowed to operate functional Governments equated to the Regional Governments within their localities and should have representation in Federal legislature and non-voting members in Federal Council as follows: 1.

2.

5.

ABUJA should be declared as Federal Capital Territory of Nigeria being the Seat of the Federal Government and the Political Capital City of Nigeria. LAGOS should be declared as a Federal Autonomous Territory of Nigeria with equal status to Abuja and designated as the Mega Commercial and Economic Capital City of Nigeria.

POLITICAL PARTIES Nigeria should promote the registration of multi party system of 3 or 4 political parties. Ideally 3 strongly based parties should represent the ideological characteristics of the nation through its membership, affiliation and representation. These are: a. b. c.

The Conservative party (Republicans) The Liberal party (Independents) and The Welfarist Party (Social Democrats)

In a manner the total membership or leadership of each party should not exceed 40% of a single region, and every region should have at least 10% of the membership and leadership of each party. Parties should be registered on the account that they can convince the nation of their commitment to the realization of the national destiny, a destiny directed towards the integrity

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of the federal state, aversion to secession and a desire to preserve the corporate existence of the nation. Each party should provide a blue-print in manifestoes which would be beneficial to the citizenry on the basis of equality, justice, fair play and rewards and penalties for patriotic and unpatriotic citizens as the case may be. 6.

STATE LAWS Ideally each region should create its own constitution subject to the provisions of the Federal Constitution. Adequate arrangements and supervision should be exercised to guarantee the right of all people and communities within each region.

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CHAPTER TWENTY FOUR

CHIEF DEJI FASUAN AND AYO FAYOSE Chief Babatola’s position on his earliest conflict with Chief Deji Fasuan: Deji Fasuan was in Christ’s School as a student when I was a teacher there. He was one of the brilliant and well behaved. When I was the Principal of Ekiti Divisional Teacher Training College at Ikere Ekiti, he approached me for sponsorship for a degree course at a University. Already, I had conceived the idea of staff development by way of scholarship to train and develop staff. Hence, I presented the name of Mr. Oladeji Fasuan as a Teacher to the College’s Board of Governors for sponsorship for further studies. At that juncture, the Board agreed and sponsored Mr. Deji Fasuan to Fourah Bay College in Sierra Leone to undertake a degree course. His first year’s tuition fee was paid immediately. Later on, the Board of Governors met to review the scholarship granted to Mr. Deji Fasuan and decided to withdraw it because they found out that Mr. Fasuan had decided to study for a degree in Economics, which was not provided for in the Teachers’ College curriculum. The Board argued that since Mr. Fasuan’s qualification would not serve the curriculum need the College, the cost of the sponsorship would be a waste and of no benefit. The Board therefore directed that the scholarship given to Mr. Deji Fasuan be withdrawn in the second year to my utter helplessness. Consequently Deji Fasuan had to look elsewhere for assistance to complete his degree course at Fourah Bay. I don’t think Deji ever forgave the College Board or me for the incident, though I was not the cause of his disappointing.

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Chief Babatola’s position in the conflict with both Chief Deji Fasuan and Governor Ayo Fayose over Ekiti Council of Elders: Deji Fasuan was never a politician or political leader in my own understanding of that subject, though he was the Chairman of one of the organizations that fought for the creation of Ekiti State and did well. Other people and myself had been engaged in the fight while he was still a civil servant and so he would not qualify as Chairman of a bona fide Ekiti Council of Elders. The first attempt to bring Ekiti Elders and leaders across various divide together came in June 2002 when Yoruba Council of Elders Protem Chairman - Dr. S.A. Akeju and Protem Secretary – Chief F.A. Daramola invited me to chair its monthly lecture meetings at the Inland Club, Ado-Ekiti on the theme: The YORUBAS in the Nigerian Nation. In April, 2004, the Ekiti Council of Elders was inaugurated at a meeting which I did not attend but at which I was elected as its Patron by all the elders in attendance. Subsequent meetings were therefore held at my residence. Thereafter, a local tabloid, FORUM Newspaper in its October 1st 2004 published my interviews and on the efforts of Ayo Fayose’s Government and I commended him for the on-going dualization of Ado-Ekiti township main road and advised him to pursue people’s oriented programmes like the days of Chief Awolowo so as to bequeath a lasting legacy to posterity. In the same year 2004, Chief Akin Omoboriowo invited me to a reception at Ijero-Ekiti in honour of Governor Fayose after he was appointed as Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of Governing Council of the University of Ado-Ekiti. During the reception, Ayo Fayose stated that the only genuine leader for all Ekiti Elders is

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Chief Omoboriowo and that a hired leader was in their midst (invariably referring to me), but I did not react to the innuendo. In December 2004, a parallel Ekiti State Council of Elders under Chief Deji Fasuan as Chairman emerged with the agenda of to promote and popularize Ayo Fayose’s Government and its programmes. Fayose instantly gave official recognition to Fasuan’s Ekiti Elders Council and in The Nigerian Tribune publication of January 1st 2006, Fasuan influenced a commentary on former Ekiti political leaders who he said had failed during Awolowo’s regime to enable Ekiti to benefit from government provisions for economic advancement and referred to Chief J.O. Osuntokun as the only outspoken leader whoever fought for Ekiti agenda. It was a deliberate and false statement designed to defame me and my achievements as an Ekiti leader in Awolowo’s government. In government circle Governor Fayose began to label me as Ewi-in-Council agent during the disagreement between Ado-Ekiti people and Fayose over the attempted re-location of the State Ministry of Agriculture Secretariat to Afao-Ekiti aimed at depriving Ado-Ekiti of its rightful status as a full fledged State Capital and Seat of Government and also because of the attempted murder of Mr. Taiye Fasuba, the Ado-Ekiti Local Government Chairman. The role played by Segun Babatola at confronting Governor Fayose on the incident increased Fayose’s hatred for me as betrayed in his speeches during certain public rallies in Ise and Oye. At one of the meetings of Ekiti Council of Elders held in my residence, I implored the Council to pursue the following objectives: a. To commend the activities of the State Government wherever remarkable services are rendered for the

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benefit of the various communities and with a view to promote the development and the unity of Ekiti State. b. To pursue peace and harmony in Ekiti State c. To establish a communication line with the State Government whereby the Council’s useful deliberations and views on problems that may arise from time to time can be made known to the Governor. Thereafter the Council wrote to Governor Ayo Fayose intimating him with their aims and objectives but he did not acknowledge the receipt thereof. Later on, I wrote to him as the Patron in 2006, but he sent one of his civil servants to write an insulting letter back to me, to which I did not react. Ekiti Council of Elders’ activities under my auspices as the Patron and Chief Idowu Odeyemi as Secretary continued all the same. When President Obasanjo came to Ekiti the Council presented an address to him on the poor state of government projects in Ekiti. This later resulted into queries issued on me by the Government through the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti in an attempt to depose me and vilify the Ewi of Ado-Ekiti, himself. When Fayose found it difficult to do it alone, he attempted to co-opt the Ekiti Council of Obas led by HRH Oba James Adedapo Popoola, the Oore of Otun, and his deputy, Oba Ayo Ajayi, the Arinjale of Ise, and a rejoinder was published in the Newspaper condemning Ekiti Council of Elders led by me. Those actions were devoid of sense of history if only the incumbent Oore of Otun and Arinjale could go into the archives and see what I championed for their towns and districts as a Minister in Awolowo’s government and the close relationship and recognition given to me by their predecessors as an Ekiti Leader. It was just that the Obas nearly became a pawn in the hand of Ayo Fayose instead of avoiding to be drawn into such imbroglio.

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Nonetheless, I responded with equanimity to the query and the various publications against the Ekiti Council of Elders through the appropriate channels. Naturally I should wish Ayo Fayose well in office because he is a son to one of my students, Fayose (now Oluwayose) when I was a Teacher in Christ’s School as well as his new father or Uncle Deji Fasuan. Yet, he never had any reason to even interact with me or the Council before he made us his enemies. The rest is history. But I know that whoever attempts to curse grey hair fights against God. This is the word of God and whoever fails to honour the Elders may sooner than later end in perdition. When death threats came I was not afraid because I have faith in God by whose grace I have lived a life that His Spirit has continued to direct thus far and I knew He would therefore safeguard me from the cruel death designed for me by Fayose and his envious associates. I leave history to judge me and Fayose. For Deji Fasuan, I am happy that he has repented by joining me as an Ekiti member of the Yoruba Council of Elders to which my Ekiti Elders Council is affiliated.

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CHAPTER TWENTY FIVE

ALL SAINTS’ CHURCH (CON), ADO-EKITI Chief Babatola as a Churchman and Leader: At the church level, I was a happy and an active member of the Cathedral Church of Emmanuel, Okesha and St. Andrews’ Church, Oke Ila, Ado Ekiti for many years during the tenure ship of Rev. Osanyin and Rt. Rev. J. Abiodun Adetiloye (later Archbishop Metropolitan of Nigeria) before I conceived the idea of starting All Saints Church (CON), Opopogbooro, Ado-Ekiti with the support of my family and some of our neighbours with the approval of the Lord Bishop Adetiloye in 1978. In the Olora Chieftaincy family layout, we made extensive reservation for places of worship, schools and private hospitals. This hastened the gift of land to the Diocese on which All Saints Church building and its Sunday school hall now stand. The land of the defunct Anglican High School of New Ora Home was another gift to the Anglican Community from the Olora Chieftaincy family. Chief Babatola recounts the idea behind the creation of the Church: The initial idea arose because new satellite quarters and layouts began to spring up in Ado-Ekiti with the creation of churches to compliment them. St. Peter’s Church was sponsored by the Falegan families at Ado-Ilawe Road while the Baisaya and Asa Chieftaincy families offered land to the Diocese for St. Jude Church along Ado-Iyin Road. The Bishop had then shared his plan to strengthen the young and weak Anglican churches of Our Saviour’s Church, Irona, St. James Church at Ijigbo and St. John’s Church, Erinfun through its evangelical drives.

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In 1978, I allocated 2 acres of land on the Ora family layout to the Anglican Church for a church building and it led to the commissioning of the All Saints’ Anglican Church, Opopo Gboro, Ado-Ekiti. The established church was supported by my late wife Modupe. I pursued it after the experiences my guests had during the thanksgiving service held in commemoration of my 60th Birthday anniversary on Sunday, 25th November, 1978 at Emmanuel Church Cathedral, Okesha, Ado-Ekiti. Chief Babatola speaks of the early activities in the church: The church started at the conference hall of Olora’s Palace on the suggestion of my wife in 1978. A letter was sent to the Provost and a delegation went with the letter to the Bishop to come and consecrate the hall for divine worship and he agreed. The inaugural and consecration service was held on Wednesday 27th December, 1978 by the then Lord Bishop of Ekiti, Rt. Rev. J.A. Adetiloye with the clergy including Very Rev. S.A. Oyelade (later Bishop of Kabba Diocese), the Presentor – Rev. B.A. Ajayi, Rev. M.A. Ojurongbe and his 11 ordained mates. The service was attended by 127 people in all including my children and wards like Mojisola, Ayodeji, Olatunji, Dolapo, Jadesola and Tejumade; members of the Olora Chieftaincy family, and other people from all walks of life. The church was started and planted at my Olora’s Palace residence where it germinated before moving into its permanent site to grow as an octopus place of worship. Earliest members who joined us at Sunday services were the Adepetu family, the Oluyemi family, the Ajayi family, the onibode family, the Awodigede family, the Apata family, the Salami family and Okikiolu family. Rev. M.A. Ojurongbe started the church service in 1978 until Rev. K.O. Omoju took over on 3rd October 1979 as the vicar. In 1980, the church set up a building committee headed by my junior

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brother, Col. (Rtd.) S.A. Babatola and the ceremonial laying of the foundation of the church was done by the Lord Bishop in December, 1980 while the construction of the temporary church (now church hall) stated in January, 1981. Rev. L. Ajulo completed the construction of the temporary church and the church services relocated from Olora’s Palace before he was transferred in November, 1983 to Odo Owa. These constitute the early phase of the church growth in brief. Chief Babatola speaks on the Church leadership style and principles: My role and contributions to the church growth in the early stages naturally conferred the status of a defacto Church Leader and Elderly Patriarch (Baba Egbe Ijo) on me even though the congregation did not adopt the usual patriarchal system by which the elders are installed as Babaegbe, Otun, Iyaegbe etc positions that correspond to those of Chiefs in the local administration parlance. On the whole I was a member of the Parochial Church Committee (PCC) from 1978 to 1994 where I rendered such services as expected of a committed church leader and whose aim was to see that his church attained an all round growth and development in terms of membership, size of church building, scriptural privilege and evangelical programmes. May the good Lord by His Holy Spirit continue to guide His Church as one fold, one flock without strife or dissension, Amen.

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APPENDIX: SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY A.

BOOKS AND MONOGRAPHS

Adeniyi, G.O. HRH Oba : A Royal Input Into the Creation of Ekiti State, United Star, Ado-Ekiti, 1997 Akinyede, G.B.A. The Political and Constitutional Problems of Nigeria, Lagos, 1957 Awolowo, Obafemi : Awo, The Autobiography of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, Cambridge, 1960 Azikiwe, Nnamdi : Ideology for Nigeria: Capitalism, Socialism or Welfarism, Macmillan Press, Lagos, 1979 Cole, Taylor et al (eds). : The Nigerian Political Scene, Durham, 1962 Coleman, J.S. : Nigeria: Background to Nationalism, University of California Press, Los Angeles, 1960 Crowder, Michael : A Short History of Nigeria, New York, Praeger, 1962 Dudley, B.J.O. : Nigeria 1965: Crisis and Criticism, Ibadan University, 1966 Fafowora, Adeniran and Dare (Eds.) : Nigeria: In Search of Leadership, Spectrum Books, Ibadan, 1995 Fasuan, Oladeji : Creation of Ekiti State, IMNL, Ado-Ekiti, 2002 Forde, D. : The Yoruba Speaking Peoples of South Western Nigeria, Oxford Press, London, 1951 Garba, J.N. : Fractured History: Elite Shifts and Policy Changes in Nigeria, Sungai Book, Princeton, 1995

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Lucas, J.O. : Religion of the Yorubas, Church Missionary Society, Lagos, 1948 Oguntuyi, A. Monsg : History of Ekiti, Bisi Books, Ibadan, 1979 Ojo, G.J.A : Yoruba Culture: A Geographical Analysis, University of London Press, 1966 Okoroma, James : Omoboriowo, Storm Rider, Premier Press, Abuja, 2005 Omoboriowo, Akin : Awoism, Evans Publishers, Ibadan, 1982 Peil, Margaret : Nigerian Politics: The People’s View, Cassell & Co, 1979 Sklar, R.L. : Nigerian Political Parties, Princeton University Press, Princeton, 1963 Uwanaka, C.U. : Zik and Awolowo in Political Storm, 4th Ed.. Lagos 1955

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B.

JOURNALS AND OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS

Annual Report of Ministries in Western Nigeria, 1957-1962 Annual Report/Finances of Ondo State Housing Corporation, 1976-1988 Court/Tribunal Records in cases involving Chief J.E. Babatola between 1966 and 2006 Development Plan of the Western Region of Nigeria, 1956-60, Ibadan, 1958 Diaries and Memoirs of Chief J.E. Babatola (1956-1998) House of Assembly Debates (Hansards), Ondo State of Nigeria 1979-82 House of Assembly Debates (Hansards), Western Nigeria 1956-65 Memos of Schools/Colleges, Ministries/Boards served by Chief Babatola 1957 to 1981 Profile of the Government, Ibadan, 1960 Progress Report on the Development of the Western Region of Nigeria, 1955-60., 1959 Publications of Ekiti Council of Elders, 2006 and 2007 Reports on the Nigeria Federal Elections, 1959 and 1964, Lagos, 1965 Report on the 2nd General Election in Western Nigeria, Ibadan, 1957 Report of the Resumed Nigeria Constitutional Conference held in London in September and October 1958, Government Press, Lagos, 1958 Report on Prison reforms in Western Nigeria, Ibadan, 1961 Report on National Labour Ministers’ Conference, Lagos, 1962 Report on the 1956 Parliamentary Elections of the Action Group, Ibadan, 1957

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