'Unwanted' is My Name: Culture, Patriarchy and Gender Bias ...

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‘Unwanted’ is My Name: Culture, Patriarchy and Gender Bias Surrounding the Nakusa Girls of Maharashtra

Sociological Bulletin 66(1) 58–74 © 2017 Indian Sociological Society SAGE Publications sagepub.in/home.nav DOI: 10.1177/0038022916687063 http://journals.sagepub.com/home/sob

V.P. Shijith1 T.V. Sekher2 Abstract This study tries to explore the shocking ‘Nakusa’ phenomenon in the Satara district of Maharashtra by analysing the factors responsible for discrimination against girl children. Many parents have named their daughters as ‘Nakusa/Nakoshi’ means ‘unwanted’ in local Marathi language, in the hope and under the superstition that the next child will be a boy. A survey of ‘Nakusa’ households was carried out in 2013 in the selected villages besides case studies of parents and their ‘unwanted’ daughters. Most ‘Nakusas’ were either third or fourth daughter of their parents. ‘Nakusa’ girls are experiencing discrimination and socio-psychological problems, and are the silent victims of the most visible and crudest form of gender bias still persisting. Women called ‘Nakusa’, who have suffered on account of their name all through their lives, will they ever want to have a daughter? Keywords Gender discrimination, culture, patriarchy, Nakusa, unwanted daughters Discrimination against the girl child in India is a well-documented reality and it reflects serious gender-based differences, inequalities and neglects. The general perception is that in most families girls suffer deprivation from ‘womb to tomb’. The complex structure of the culture and socio-economic factors prevalent in patriarchal society is responsible for this persistent discrimination. The family attitudes towards children are shaped by the powerful culture of the community,

1 2

Indian Institute of Technology, Hyderabad, India. International Institute for Population Sciences, Mumbai, India.

Corresponding author: T.V. Sekher, International Institute for Population Sciences (IIPS), Deonar, Mumbai 400 088, India. E-mail: [email protected]

Shijith and Sekher 59 and it leads to different treatment based on their sex (Miller, 1981). Cutting across regions and different strata of society, neglect of the girl child is widespread in India. Some studies show that girls are given less food, healthcare and education than boys, a situation highly prevalent in some parts of India. Even worse, in the era of sophisticated medical technology, girl children are not even allowed to be born. According to the 2011 Census, a further decline in the child sex ratio (particularly 0–6 age group) reflects a bitter truth. By analysing the male–female ratio, Sen (1990) in his pioneering paper titled ‘More than 100 Million Women are Missing’, highlighted the nature and magnitude of increasing gender discrimination in Asia, including India. The general attitude about the value of girl children in India is reflected clearly in a Tamil saying—‘having a daughter is like watering a flower in the neighbor’s garden’ (Sekher & Hatti, 2010a). The naming practices of girl children represent behaviours that form a much more concrete measure than attitudes and opinions. According to Sue and Telles (2007): selecting a name for a child represents an important cultural decision. Names oftentimes signify ethnic identity, particularly the identity that parents expect for their children. Given names have obvious long-term consequences; as labels they influence the socialization of children and contribute to the development of personal identities. Although parents may choose from an apparently boundless number of names, their choices are shaped by social and cultural influences. (pp. 1383–1384)

The present study examines the naming of girls in the Satara district of Maharashtra by analysing the factors responsible for the discrimination against them, including choosing their names. In the Indian context, most of the names of people are inherited from ancient scriptures and Hindu mythology. A peculiar practice still exists in rural Maharashtra of naming a girl child as ‘Nakusa/Nakoshi’, which means ‘unwanted’ in the local Marathi language. In the context of the study area, naming a girl ‘Nakusa’ is a clear manifestation of parental attitude towards daughters. Though this practice has been prevalent for many decades, it received attention only recently when a renaming function was organised by the district administration of Satara in 2011, in which more than 280 ‘Nakusas’ got new names. The new names defined a new ‘identity’ for these girls and were registered with the local civic authority. During the renaming function, parents took an oath to protect girls, discourage discrimination and refrain from using the name ‘Nakusa/Nakoshi’. The vast literature on sociocultural factors responsible for the discrimination against the girl child in India indicates many factors which play a role in this discrimination. In an era of overall improvement of female status and socioeconomic changes, daughters in India are still vulnerable to social and cultural discrimination. Even if the socio-economic transformations have challenged the foundations of the culturally established beliefs that have been perpetuating son preference, the institutional changes regarding the relationship between generations still hold enough sway to perpetuate the belief that a son is necessary for the family and a daughter cannot replace a son. The phenomenal increase in the dowry transactions across the country has certainly reinforced the perception that

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Sociological Bulletin 66(1)

having daughters is a liability whereas having a son is a necessity. The improvements that have taken place in almost all spheres of socio-economic life have so far contributed very little towards reducing the bias against girls. Gender inequality in Indian society is interconnected with the culture of patriarchy and traditional stereotyping. Different kinship systems of India have both adverse and positive situations for women. The marriage systems also vary considerably across regions with different implications for female autonomy. The northern part of the subcontinent had more exogamous marriages and the southern part had more endogamous and egalitarian marriage systems with matrilineal family forms (Dyson & Moore, 1983). Culture is a significant determinant in deciding the position of women in the society. Where the culture is female-friendly, the survival chances of the girl children are better (Agnihotri, 2000). The term ‘son preference’ refers to the parental attitude that sons are more important and more valuable than daughters. In many parts of India, parents value their sons for economic, religious or social reasons (Clark, 2000). Generally, there are three major cultural and religious reasons that are broadly discussed by researchers for the preference for sons over daughters in India, namely, aspects of inheritance, old-age support and rituals (Croll, 2000; Das Gupta, 1987; Larsen, 2011; Miller, 1981). Bumiller (1990) observed that the birth of a boy is a time for celebration, but the birth of a girl is often viewed as a crisis in many traditional Indian households. Daughters themselves experience lesser expectations and lesser worth than their brothers, and parents have the feeling that they are bringing up girls just for another family’s advantage (Croll, 2000). Marriage costs are the most imperative cultural motivation for strong preference for sons. Hence, it is assumed that daughters are associated with loss or double-loss due to the burden of expenses of her upbringing and marriage. A daughter leaves the natal family after her marriage and the benefits from investment made on her upbringing go to the new family, so it is considered a loss by the natal family (Croll, 2000; Hatti, Sekher & Larsen, 2004). A woman who herself had a bad childhood experience (in terms of discrimination in all spheres including food, education, mobility, etc.) had less autonomy and felt high instability in her married life, is usually more responsible for discrimination against the girl child, leading to a vicious cycle of gender discrimination and deprivation. The most immediate form of female discrimination at birth is the practice of female infanticide which has customarily been deployed to limit the number of females and to determine the gender composition of families (Croll, 2000; Sekher & Hatti, 2010a). Infanticide in India was prevalent among certain communities during the 19th and early part of the 20th century. In some ways, female infanticide was the earlier version of a phenomenon now prevalent among Indians: the use of prenatal tests to determine the sex of a child and opting for sex-selective abortions. According to Sen (2003), there have been two opposite movements: female disadvantage in mortality has typically been reduced substantially, but this has been counterbalanced by a new female disadvantage—that in natality—through sex-specific abortions aimed against the female fetus. The availability of modern techniques to determine the sex of the fetus has made

Shijith and Sekher 61 such sex-selective abortion possible and easy, and it is being widely used in many societies. (p. 1297)

In many parts of India, both infanticide and fatal female neglect have been replaced by sex-selective abortions (Sekher & Hatti, 2010b). Furthermore, as social norms are changing towards smaller families, the availability of and access to new technologies provide an easy way for parents to achieve such goals (Hatti et al., 2004; Larsen, 2011). During the last two decades, micro-level studies and surveys reveal the wider distribution, privatisation and commercialisation of medical technologies, such as prenatal diagnosis tests and abortion facilities which have mushroomed in India, primarily used to avoid the birth of daughters (Croll, 2000; Patel, 2004). Ultrasound scanning for sex detection has become a huge industry. With every new technological advance, elimination of female foetus becomes much easier and more efficient (Aravamudan, 2007). Designed for the detection of genetic abnormality in the unborn child, technologies of amniocentesis and sonography have put into the hands of ‘son-crazy’ parents and unscrupulous medical practitioners, a means to detect and summarily eliminate female foetuses. Almost all the foeticide victims were the second or third daughters of the family. A significantly higher proportion of women who had less number of children ever born with no male child experienced abortion than women who have one or more male child (Agarwal & Unisa, 2010). Realising this, the Government of India banned the tests at national level with the Prenatal Diagnostic Techniques (Regulation and Prevention of Misuse)—PNDT Act in 1994. Bhat’s research explains the century-long trend of a falling proportion of females in the Indian population by identifying the age groups, regions and social categories of the estimated 21 million females gone ‘missing’ between 1901 and 1991. The accelerated fall in the child sex ratio after 1981 seems largely due to the diffusion of prenatal sex-selection techniques in regions with well-entrenched gender bias (Bhat, 2002). Most of the studies on girl child discrimination in India mainly analyse socioeconomic factors including income and educational characteristics of parents, economic value of children, son preference, imbalance in sex ratio, masculinity of the population and sex-selective abortions. A detailed examination of deeply rooted cultural assumptions about gender identity and its relation to the girl child discrimination has still not been attempted in India. Some researchers emphasised the cultural aspects of discrimination against the girl child and concluded that son preference occurs not only because of economic factors but also due to strong cultural postulations. As Goffman (1963) proposes, a stigma is an attribute on the other who does not come under the societal stereotypes established by the society itself. This attribute is called virtual social identity as opposed to actual social identity. In order to get a personal identification of someone, we make use of his/her social identity and all other things in the society he/she is associated with. A stigma discredits a person into an abnormal one. Goffman talks about three types of stigmas. One is because of the physical deformities people were treated differently. Second is because of

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the character of the person (dishonesty, unnatural passions, addictions, etc.). Third is ‘tribal stigma’ of nation, race and religion which spread like an epidemic from generation to generation and infect every family member. In the case of ‘Nakusas’ in Maharashtra, the sole reason for imputing the name ‘Nakusa’ (unwanted) is her gender. Taking Goffman’s views, there are huge discrepancies between ‘actual social identity’ of the female gender and the ‘virtual social identity’ (being worshipped as mother goddess). ‘Nakusas’ are the living examples of discrepancies between theories that establish society and its praxis. As stigma theory predicts, the person is reduced in the eyes of other ‘from a whole and usual person to a tainted, discounted one’ (Goffman, 1963, p. 3).

Rationale of the Study The present study becomes relevant as it looks into the discrimination of the girl child from a different perspective by analysing the belief behind the naming of the girl child. Pronounced traditional customs of the society reflect gender bias; several parents in the Satara region of Maharashtra have named their daughters as ‘Nakusa’ which means ‘unwanted’ (in the local language), in the hope that the next child will be a boy. By rejecting daughters, parents try to provoke the gods into giving a son. The present study intends to: 1. Examine the belief behind the naming of girl children by analysing the factors responsible for such a practice. 2. Examine the socio-economic profile of the families who named their daughters as ‘Nakusa’ (unwanted). 3. Examine how far naming of girls reflects discrimination against daughters. 4. Understand the discriminatory experiences of ‘Nakusa’ girls in their own households and in the village community.

Methodology The present study is primarily based on a sample household survey conducted in Satara district. The fieldwork was carried out from January to March 2013. The household survey was conducted based on available information from a list of girls whose names are changed recently through a renaming campaign of ‘Nakusa’ girls by the Satara district administration. The list of 280 girls from eleven tehsils of Satara district, whose names were changed was collected from the Zilla Parishad office and used as sampling frame for identifying the respondents. The list includes information about the present names of ‘Nakusa’ girls, their age, place of residence, village as well as tehsil. From the list of ‘Nakusas’ of seven tehsils of the district namely Satara, Jaoli, Mahabaleshwar, Phaltan, Koregaon, Karad and Patan, 100 ‘Nakusa’ households, spread across many villages, were selected randomly. The parents of ‘Nakusa’ girls from these selected households were interviewed using a structured interview schedule.

Shijith and Sekher 63 Due to seasonal migration and unavailability of the household members, only seventy-seven families were contacted and interviewed. Among them, fortytwo ‘Nakusa’ girls (aged 10 years and above) were also interviewed. The interview schedule had three parts namely household information, parental attitude towards ‘Nakusa’ girls and a section particularly for interviewing ‘Nakusa’ girls. The interview schedule comprised questions on socio-demographic and economic characteristics of the households, factors behind the naming of the daughter and manifestations of neglect and discrimination against ‘Nakusas’. Apart from the household survey, two case studies of parents of ‘Nakusa’ girls and five case studies of ‘Nakusa’ girls were also conducted. Key informant interviews were conducted with non-governmental organisation (NGO) activists, social workers and government officials who are directly involved in the renaming campaign of ‘Nakusas’ in Satara. More than half of the ‘Nakusa’ girls belong to Maratha caste and also from poor households (Table 1). Most of the ‘Nakusa’ girls (61 per cent) interviewed were in the age group of 10–19 years. Only 8 per cent had more than 11 years of education (Table 2). At the time of survey, more than half of the (56 per cent) ‘Nakusa’ girls were students and 10 per cent were working, mostly as wage labourers. Based on the survey, we found that naming the girl ‘Nakusa’ was reported among Hindu households only. The list provided by the Zilla Parishad also reveals that all the ‘Nakusa’ cases were reported from the rural areas only. More than 90 per cent of the parents interviewed admitted that they were expecting a boy and not a girl. Unfortunately, they got a girl and they named her ‘Nakusa’, in the belief that next child will be a boy. We observed that this belief is still prevalent among the rural communities in Satara district. A mother of a 12-year-old girl said—‘at the time of Nakusa’s birth, I was expecting a boy and was very upset when I got a girl’. She said that compared to her other children, she did not particularly care for ‘Nakusa’ during her childhood. Sometimes she left for work without paying much attention to her daughter. According to her neighbour, ‘mothers usually give golden earrings to their daughters, but “Nakusa” did not receive any such signs of affection’. A majority of ‘Nakusas’ are either the third or fourth child of their parents (Table 3). These parents desperately wanted a son, but unfortunately got a daughter. So they felt that the girl was an ‘unwanted’ arrival and hence named her as ‘Nakusa’, hoping that their dream would be fulfilled and that they would get a son soon. Among the surveyed households, twenty-six ‘Nakusa’ girls had three elder sisters and twenty-three girls had two elder sisters. Twenty-six ‘Nakusas’ had at least one younger sister, five had two younger sisters and four had three younger sisters. Ninety per cent of parents interviewed admitted that they were actually expecting a boy when the ‘Nakusa’ was born. According to many, her birth was a great disappointment for the entire family. A social activist explained the factors behind this naming practice: ‘If the first few children are girls, then parents surely need a boy. In this situation if once again a girl is born, then parents name her “Nakusa”’. During childhood, most girls do not know the actual meaning of their name. Once they start going to school, their friends start teasing them. Parents do not have a problem explaining to others why they have named their daughters ‘Nakusa’. One father stated, ‘We don’t want

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Table 1. B ackground Characteristics of Households and Parents Having at Least One Girl Named as ‘Nakusa’ Background Characteristics Type of family Joint Nuclear Caste category Scheduled Castes (SCs) Scheduled Tribes (STs) Other Backward Classes (OBCs) Others Name of the caste Maratha Dhangar Mang Ramoshi Others Type of house Kachha Semi-Pucca Pucca Monthly income of households Up to `2,000 `2,000 to `10,000 Father’s education Illiterate Primary Upper primary High school and above Mother’s education Illiterate Primary Upper primary and above Total

%

Frequency

26.0 74.0

20 57

13.0 23.4 11.7 52.0

10 18 9 40

52.0 14.0 8.0 5.0 21.0

40 11 6 4 16

8.0 82.0 10.0

6 63 8

65.0 35.0

50 27

30.3 33.3 16.7 19.7

20 22 11 13

71.2 19.2 9.6 100.0

52 14 7 77

Source: Survey data.

this girl; and that is why we kept this name for her’. They told this to neighbours and even to strangers. They also talked about it in front of their own daughters without any hesitation. One parent during the interview said, ‘This is “Nakusa”; we gave this name to her because we were actually expecting a boy instead of her’. Interestingly, many parents do not even have any regrets for naming their daughter as ‘Nakusa’. When the parents were asked why they named their daughters ‘Nakusa’, most of the respondents revealed they already had daughters and do not want a girl child again. Some stated that they kept this name because of the suggestions from elders, grandparents and relatives. Many of them had a belief that if they keep the name ‘Nakusa’ for their daughter, then the next child would be a son (Table 4).

Shijith and Sekher 65 Table 2. Socio-demographic Profile of the ‘Nakusas’ % Age at the time of survey Below 5 years 4.0 5–9 years 18.2 10–19 years 61.0 20 years and above 17.0 Years of schooling completed (those above 6 years of age) No schooling 13.0 1–4 years 32.5 5–10 years 46.8 11 years and above 7.8 Source: Survey data.

While interviewing a mother about the reasons for naming her daughter as ‘Nakusa’, the daughter was sitting beside her. The mother said—mala hi mulgi nako pahije (I don’t want this girl). After hearing this, the girl started weeping. But the mother did not bother and continued the conversation. When we asked the mother again if she knew the meaning of ‘Nakusa’, first she refused to give a proper answer and replied that she did not know the meaning; but when the question was repeated, she revealed the meaning of the ‘Nakusa’—she said that it meant nako aslely mulgi (‘unwanted girl’). Though she did not have any regrets for naming the daughter as ‘Nakusa’, her daughter would always ask her why she had been named so. Mother, however, did not pay much attention to her questions. Interestingly, many parents believe that because of naming the daughter as ‘Nakusa’, later they were blessed with a son. According to a father: ‘I had three girls. No boys. When the third daughter was born, I decide to name her as “Nakusa”. I didn’t want any more girls’. Everybody in the household agreed to his suggestion. Why? He continued. ‘Three girls, and no boy, and I asked myself—Do you want Vamshacha Diva (bearer for the family name) or not?’ He finally decided to name his daughter ‘Nakusa’ and continues to call her that. During interviews, we observed that whenever parents started explaining about the reasons behind the name ‘Nakusa’, the ‘Nakusa’ girls became very emotional. Their facial expressions indicated that they were upset. When parents consider their own child as ‘unwanted’, it is bound to leave lasting scars. Other derogatory names given to girls in this region are ‘Dagadi’ and ‘Dondi’ means stone. The naming ceremony (Barse) is one of the important customs in the community after a baby is born. When a male child is born, the naming ceremony is celebrated in a grand manner by inviting relatives and the entire village and distributing special meals to all. But for a girl’s naming ceremony, the function is very simple and very few are invited. We also observed that after many girls, when a son was born in the family, parents give their sons the names of gods. For this, some parents gave the following explanation: ‘After many girls, a boy was born; we believe it is a gift of God’. We also found that there are many more girls in these villages having the name ‘Nakusa’ than listed by the Zilla Parishad.

16.0 25.8 36.4 19.0 2.8 77

11 18 23 13 2 67

1 1 5 3 0 10

4 5 11 8 1 29

No 6 12 15 6 1 40

One 2 4 2 0 0 8

Two

Number of Younger Brothers 1 0 0 0 0 1

No 11 1 0 0 0 12

One 0 18 5 0 0 23

Two 0 0 25 1 0 26

Three 0 0 0 13 0 13

Four

Number of Elder Sisters

Source: Survey data. Note: This table is based on the actual number of sons and daughters of the households interviewed.

Second Third Fourth Fifth Sixth Total No.

Birth Order

Distribution Number of Elder Brothers of Nakusa (%) No One

Table 3. Birth Order of ‘Nakusa’ Girls with the Number of Brothers and Sisters

0 0 0 0 2 2

Five

5 10 17 9 1 42

No

3 10 9 3 1 26

One

3 0 0 2 0 5

Two

2 1 1 0 0 4

Three

Number of Younger Sisters

Shijith and Sekher 67 Table 4. The Parental Reasons for Naming Daughter as ‘Nakusa’ Rank

Reasons

1 2 3 4

We already had girl/girls; we do not want another girl Elders, grandparents, and relatives suggested this name If we name her as ‘Nakusa’, the next child would be a boy It is our request to God to give us a son, instead of a daughter again


In majority cases, the name ‘Nakusa’ was suggested by parents and grandparents of the girls (Table 5). More than 81 per cent of the parents interviewed believed that naming their daughters as ‘Nakusa’ would naturally end the birth of girls and a boy would be gifted next. Only few stated that they never had any such beliefs. The majority of the parents are still addressing their daughters as ‘Nakusa’, even after renaming their daughters. It may be partly due to the habit of using that name for many years. Sometimes, it is very difficult to remember a new name. Most of the respondents said that out of habit, they still use the name ‘Nakusa’. Second, they justified doing this because ‘Nakusa’ was the original name given by the parents (Table 6). Some parents accepted that it was due to lack of knowledge and superstition that they had named their daughters as ‘Nakusa’. Although the name was changed, they continue to call her ‘Nakusa’. ‘Why should I call her with a new name? Her old name was habitual to us. When the Government starts giving us financial support, then I will call her with the new name’—said one father. The renaming did not have much effect in many villages. Most of the neighbours and villagers were still using the name ‘Nakusa’. More than 61 percent of the parents stated that the girl child is a burden to the family. Financial constraints are the most important reason reported by the parents. ‘Bringing up girls is so expensive. It is very difficult to afford their education and then getting them married’. A mother of ‘Nakusa’ was trying to justify why she did not want a girl. ‘We have to give so much dowry for a daughter’s marriage; otherwise her husband’s family may create problems later on’. One father explained ‘I have five girls and one son. Because of these girls, I have so much tension. I have no job or money. My situation is very pathetic. The marriages of three of my daughters were performed in a temple in a simple manner due to financial difficulties’. Table 5. Who Suggested ‘Nakusa’ Name to Girls? % Grandparents Parents Relatives Neighbours Others Source: Survey data.

34.0 34.7 14.0 13.0 4.3

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Sociological Bulletin 66(1) Table 6. Reasons for Addressing Daughters as ‘Nakusa’, Even after Her Name Was Changed (According to the Parents) 1 2 3 4

Due to habits/practice of many years ‘Nakusa’ was her original name It is very difficult to remember and call her with a new name Everybody calling her by old name, we also do so


Experiences of ‘Nakusa’ Girls in Family and Community This part of this article presents the experiences of the ‘Nakusa’ girls mainly due to the name they possess. Apparently, they were exposed to many problems and humiliations. A ‘Nakusa’ said ‘Wherever I go, I face the same question “Why is your name Nakusa”’? Until the Class 10, I did not know the real meaning of ‘Nakusa’. But when I finally understood the meaning, I was shocked. I kept on wondering whether I am really an unwanted one to my parents. ‘Why I am an unwanted daughter?’ She was troubled with these thoughts for a long time. Then, she decided that never to behave like she was ‘unwanted’ in front of the people. She said ‘But the feeling of “Nakusa” still there somewhere in my mind’. She could not erase this feeling even after changing her name. Recently, she got a new name ‘Namrata’ in the function organised by the Zilla Parishad. ‘I am happy with my new name and you can call me with this name’ she requested. When asked ‘What was your feeling when you came to know the actual meaning of your name?’ another ‘Nakusa’ (19-years old) answered—jeva mala ‘Nakusa’ cha arth kalala tevha majyavar aabhal kosalyasarkha votala (I felt like the sky was falling down on me when I came to know the actual meaning of my name). She was afraid of revealing her name to others because people laugh at her. ‘People used to call me ‘Nake’, a short form of ‘Nakusa’’. She really wanted to change her name in school. Now her name has been changed, but still all her certificates bear the old name. ‘I always felt that my friends and siblings have nice names but only my name is very bad. Why did it happened to me?’ She was confident that one day she would prove to her parents that she is a wanted daughter to them. Table 7 shows the various reasons as stated by the girls interviewed for their name as ‘Nakusa’. The most cited reason for having the name as ‘Nakusa’ is that there are many girls already in the family. The other reasons are the parents needed a boy, not a daughter, and parents do not want any more girl children. A ‘Nakusa’, who is now 32-years old, was very upset. ‘I feel I am really an unwanted girl in the family’, she said very angrily and looking at her mother, she continued. ‘My mother and father were concerned about my brothers only. I was always given different treatment. That is the case, it would have been better for them to kill me in the beginning itself’ she said and started crying. The difference in treatment experienced by ‘Nakusa’ girls and their brothers were also probed (Table 8). Sixty-nine per cent of the ‘Nakusa’ girls interviewed had a brother. About 50 per cent of the girls felt that their brothers get preferential treatment from their parents.

Shijith and Sekher 69 Table 7. Why the Name ‘Nakusa’ Was Given (Opinions of the Girls Interviewed) Rank

Reasons

1 2 3 4 5

Many girls were already in the family Parents needed a boy, instead of a daughter Parents do not want a girl at all Parents believed they would get a son, if they name the daughter as ‘Nakusa’ Grandmother’s name was ‘Nakusa’


Table 8. The Differences in Treatment Observed/Experienced by ‘Nakusa’ Girls in Comparison to Their Brothers 1 2 3 4 5

All facilities for boys first, then only for girls Parents are ready to fulfil boy’s wishes only More attention and care for boys When giving food, parents give preference to boys, then only girls Parents give preference to the demands of boys but do not do so when girls want something


A ‘Nakusa’ (19 years) shared the experiences of the ill-treatment of girls in her family. When guests or relatives come home, we are not allowed to go in front of them, whereas boys can. The society and the family consider boy as a ‘vamshacha diva’, but at the same time girls in the family are considered as a burden. The boys are given respect in the family. They get priority in each and every aspect like education, health care, etc. Even in the case of marriage, I was forced to accept the decisions taken by my parents. I was never consulted even in the selection of my life partner (husband).

This question was posed to ‘Nakusa’ girls: ‘Why does your brother get preferential treatment over you at home?’ The answers to this question include the following responses: most parents prefer boys over a girl, he was the only boy in the family, parents feel that girls really do not belong to the family and go away to another family after marriage, etc. (Table 9). ‘Nakusa’ girls, because of their peculiar name, have experienced various problems. The most common problem experienced by ‘Nakusas’ is that they feel bad when someone call them ‘Nakusa’. Second, when friends start teasing them, they feel sad and angry. In many cases, ‘Nakusa’ girls find it difficult and uncomfortable to tell their name to others, including schoolmates (Table 10). A ‘Nakusa’ (15 years) said that when people call her ‘Nakusa’, she felt like she did not want that name. However, she was helpless and could not force others not to call her that name. Even after her renaming, when people call her ‘Nakusa’, she tells them that her name is changed to ‘Aiswarya’. But they told her that ‘Nakusa’ is tondvali (always in our tongue, due to many years of use). One day, she heard

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Table 9. Reasons for Preferential Treatment Given to Brothers (According to ‘Nakusa’ girls) 1 2 3 4 5

Parents always prefer boys over girls He is the only boy in the family Girls do not belong to the family and will go away after marriage Boys are more powerful than girls Boys can take care of parents in old age


Table 10. Problems Experienced by ‘Nakusa’ Girls because of Their ‘Peculiar’ Name 1 2 3 4 5

Feel bad when someone calls ‘Nakusa’ (unwanted) Friends tease her because of her name; she feels sad and angry Feel uncomfortable in telling the name to others When people tease by name, it is irritating Feeling nervous and tensed while interacting with others


one of her classmates talking to another, ‘You know her name is “Nakusa”; she is an unwanted child to her mother and father, then why should we care for her?’ When I heard this, I became speechless and felt very sad. After that incident, I became more and more introvert; I could not speak properly with my classmates. When I really understood the meaning of ‘Nakusa’ from one of my teachers, I felt very upset. I could not sleep properly that night. Why would my parents choose this name? There are so many good names for girls and they could have selected a better one for me—she wonders.

Table 11 shows the extent of humiliation experienced by ‘Nakusas’ because of their peculiar name. More than 68 per cent of ‘Nakusa’ girls interviewed reported as facing humiliation outside their homes. The villagers and relatives humiliate them. Nearly one-third of them are facing some sort of humiliation during social and public gatherings. A woman aged 25 years narrated her bitter experience during her schooldays. When she was in sixth standard, her teacher was lecturing on grammar. As part of it, he had given her the homework of splitting the word ‘Nakusa’, which in fact was her own name. She could not do that exercise. The very next day, when teacher asked her about that homework, she told him that she does not know how to do it. He became angry and wrote her name on the blackboard by splitting it into three words. ‘Nakusa’ = nako asleli mulgi (‘unwanted girl’). ‘Was it my mistake having such a name? My name is the biggest problem and humiliation in my life’. ‘If our society is treating girls like this, I do not want to have a daughter at all. Why should she also suffer like me?’ Another ‘Nakusa’ girl said: Whether in school or outside, everyone is calling me the same old name. Nobody is calling me by new name. Some of my classmates and teachers tease me by saying ‘Nake

Shijith and Sekher 71 Table 11. Humiliation Experienced by ‘Nakusas’ because of Their Name % Whether experienced humiliation? Yes No From where (multiple responses) Schoolmates Teachers Relatives Villagers Social/public gatherings

68.3 33.4 26.2 9.5 55.0 64.3 33.3


Nako’ which really hurt me a lot. When they are teasing me by calling Nake, I feel it is much more painful than ‘Nakusa’; what can I do?

Another girl was attending a function in her neighbourhood. During the naming ceremony, one relative asked her, ‘“Nakusa”, shall we give your name to this new born girl?’ Then all the women gathered there started laughing. ‘I really felt suffocated during social gatherings’—she narrated her predicament. Humiliation is the foremost problem experienced by ‘Nakusa’ girls, followed by inferiority complex and stress. No one is happy with the name. A ‘Nakusa’, who is now working as a teacher, stated that she could now very well understand the bad things that have happened in her life. Most girls from villages may undergo similar agony and distress. The feeling of ‘undesirability’/‘unwantedness’ may haunt them throughout their life. ‘It is not my mistake that I was born in this world as an unwanted one; why I am being blamed for that?’ Another ‘Nakusa’, now renamed as Padmaja, said, ‘One thing always comes to my mind that I was born as an unwanted child to my parents. I now understand how bad my name was. I feel angry about those who call me “Nakusa” even now’. They are happy that their names are changed now and they have new names. However, most people continue to call them ‘Nakusa’. Most of these girls have accepted the reality that the ‘renaming’ has had very little impact in their life. They wanted to change their names earlier, but their parents were not ready. The government officials and social activists behind the ‘renaming’ campaign believe that new names will help to end the ‘humiliation’ faced by these girls to certain extent and will boost their self-esteem and confidence (Shijith and Sekher, 2015).

Concluding Observations This study carried out in the selected villages of Satara district found that the naming of girl ‘Nakusa’ was reported among various Hindu communities. The list of ‘Nakusa’ girls gathered and prepared by the Zilla Parishad reveals that all cases were reported from rural areas only. Majority of the households are poor

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(about 65 per cent of the households have their monthly income of less than `2,000). Interestingly, it was found that the ‘Nakusas’ are mostly between 4 and 48 years of age, indicating this naming practice was old and still prevalent in these villages. Most of the ‘Nakusa’ girls are either third or fourth daughter of their parents. Only seven ‘Nakusa’ girls had at least one elder brother and forty ‘Nakusa’ girls had at least one younger brother. Importantly, twenty-six ‘Nakusa’ girls had three elder sisters. Most parents interviewed stated that, they already had girls, so they did not want a girl again. Owing to beliefs, they gave the name ‘Nakusa’ to the daughter hoping that the next child would be a son. Due to severe financial constraints, majority of the parents consider girls as a burden and liability to the family. ‘Nakusa’ girls experience various socio-psychological problems due to their peculiar name. The most common problem experienced by ‘Nakusas’ was that they felt really upset when someone calls them as ‘Nakusa’. Furthermore, when it takes the form of teasing, it really irritates them. In many cases, ‘Nakusa’ girls find it very difficult and uncomfortable to reveal their name to strangers. Humiliation is the foremost problem experienced by the ‘Nakusa’ girls, followed by inferiority complex and mental stress. The hierarchical structure of the patriarchal society and its gender considerations and prejudices discriminates against the girl child. The low status of the girl child continues mainly because of existing cultural ethos and value systems. This study illustrates how strong the prevailing son preference among parents, and traditional beliefs as well as sex-segregated norms leads to deliberate discrimination against girls. The parents naming their daughters as ‘unwanted’ is the most visible and crudest form of gender discrimination. So, it is very clear that the naming of a person itself signifies the influence of the culture and beliefs. When the intention behind the naming of a person is more than identity, then ‘Nakusa’ girls are the living examples of strong gender bias still exist in the society. It is also an indication of how little value is placed on girls in our societies. This study indicates that even after changing their names, the discrimination and humiliation still continue for ‘Nakusa’ girls. Many parents have a strong belief and faith that if they name their daughter as ‘Nakusa’, the next child would be a son. The ‘Nakusa’ girls are facing many problems socially, emotionally and economically. This study highlights the need for socio-psychological as well as economic support to these girls. Special programmes need to be implemented to improve the socio-economic conditions of these ‘unwanted girls’. If they are unable to get much needed support in education, healthcare and socialisation, they may continue to feel ‘unwanted’ throughout their life. They need to be given the opportunity to prove that they are not at all unwanted and that they are valuable assets to their family and society. Since the renaming of the girls itself does not change the attitudes of parents and community towards the girls, there is an urgent need for the implementation of special programmes to tackle this practice. Regular campaigns, particularly against the beliefs/superstitions, are the need of the hour. The government should come out with an appropriate mechanism for changing their names on all records/ certificates at the earliest. Though renaming of ‘Nakusas’ is a new beginning, much more needs to be done to support these unwanted and unwelcome girls. As

Shijith and Sekher 73 evident from other studies, financial incentive schemes (conditional cash transfer programmes) aimed at girl children can lead to positive impact on parents in enhancing the value of girls in families and society and also changing the parental attitudes (Sekher, 2010, 2012). The Maharashtra government may consider a special package for financially supporting these girls, who are the silent victims of the most visible and the crudest form of gender discrimination.

Acknowledgements We are thankful to the faculty and students of Yashwantrao Chavan School of Social Work, Satara, for helping us to conduct the data collection in selected villages. The interactions with officials of Satara Zilla Parishad and district administration, NGOs, panchayat members, activists and school teachers were very useful. The comments of the reviewer of the journal were very useful.

Note 1. The final revised version of this article was received on 29 August 2016—Managing Editor.

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