Hum Ecol (2012) 40:301–313 DOI 10.1007/s10745-012-9471-x
Vernacular Taxonomy, Classification and Varietal Diversity of fig (Ficus carica L.) Among Jbala cultivators in Northern Morocco Y. Hmimsa & Y. Aumeeruddy-Thomas & M. Ater
Published online: 29 March 2012 # Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2012
Introduction Interactions between societies and their natural environment have led to the development of complex traditional agroecosystems with a high level of agrodiversity (Brookfield 2001) linked to landscape mosaics which favour sustainability (Perfecto and Vandermeer 2010). In the Mediterranean region, ecological and evolutionary interactions since the Neolithic between humans and biodiversity have produced coupled bio-cultural landscapes (Blondel 2006). Domestication in that region took place through selection of biological traits for a large diversity of crops including cereals, pulses and trees (Zohary and Spiegel-Roy 1975). Crop intraspecific diversity in traditional farming systems contributes to risk avoidance strategies through the selection of adapted agronomic properties. Crop diversity also relates to sociocultural values and functions such as food preferences, ceremonial uses, identity or patrimony (Gibson 2009; Heckler and Zent 2008), as well as levels of interest within each society among individuals (Emperaire and Peroni 2007) and the reproductive biology of specific crops. Mediterranean fruit trees are allogamous and vegetative propagation is a major
Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (doi:10.1007/s10745-012-9471-x) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users. Y. Hmimsa : M. Ater University Abdelmalek Essaadi, Tétouan, Morocco Y. Aumeeruddy-Thomas (*) Centre d’Ecologie Fonctionnelle et Evolutive, CNRS UMR 5175, Montpellier, France e-mail:
[email protected]
method for selecting and maintaining advantageous traits (Zohary and Spiegel-Roy 1975). Feral or wild crop relatives of Ficus carica, Olea europaea or Castanea sativa are preserved in traditional agroecosystems for a variety of purposes ranging from religious to practical uses, favoring gene flow between the wild or feral and clonally propagated varieties. Sexual recombinations between wild, feral and clonally propagated varieties favor the emergence of new varieties (Aumeeruddy-Thomas 2010; Aumeeruddy-Thomas et al. 2012). Studies pertaining to other vegetatively propagated crops, especially tubers in tropical regions, demonstrate the complementary role of vegetative and sexual reproduction in producing new cultivars (Caillon et al. 2006; McKey et al. 2010). In the Mediterranean region, figs, olives, dates, grapes and almonds were the first perennial plant species to be domesticated (Zohary and Hopf 2000). Compared to the roles of cereals the importance of tree interspecific and intraspecific diversity for the development of Mediterranean societies has been little discussed (Bouby and Ruas 2012). The existence of 1275 olive cultivars described to date in the Mediterranean region (Bartolini et al. 1998) shows the importance of olive intraspecific diversity at the regional level. In Morocco, 194 fig and 60 olive genotypes are known (Khadari et al. 2008b; Achtak et al. 2010). Intraspecific diversity of fruit trees in the Mediterranean region has been attributed to their cultural, economic and religious importance since ancient times. Condit (1947) monograph on the fig provides a comprehensive account of the importance of Ficus carica in legends and folklore. The sociocultural importance of fruit trees is discussed by numerous authors in classical texts on agronomy (e.g., Plinius Natural History and Columnella De Re Rustica) and in historical and ethnobotanical studies (Gsell 1914; Bellakhdar 2003). Nevertheless, no comprehensive study examines the underlying sociocultural
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processes and concrete practices supporting the existence of intraspecific tree agrodiversity in contemporary Mediterranean societies. We examine cultivation in northern Morocco of Ficus carica, the Mediterranean fig, one of the earliest trees to have been domesticated in Eastern Mediterranean region (Zohary and Hopf 2000). Kislev et al. (2006) trace fig domestication to 11000 B.P. in the Eastern Mediterranean region, suggesting that easy propagation of fig trees by cuttings would have facilitated early domestication. Ficus carica is naturally distributed around the Mediterranean Basin. It is a dioecious tree that has a specific interaction with Blastophaga psenes L., a pollinating wasp that completes part of its life cycle in the male fig (Kjellberg et al. 1987), as well as a specific parasite (Philotrypesis caricae L.) (Joseph 1958). Some fig varieties produce two crops, a first crop of parthenocarpic figs in spring and parthenocarpic or non-parthenocarpic figs in summer-autumn while other varieties produce only one summer-autumn crop. Parthenocarpy is known to be a syndrome of domestication for Ficus carica. Our research, which was undertaken as part of an interdisciplinary project with geneticists (Khadari et al. 2008a; Achtak et al. 2010), shows that cultivated Moroccan fig varieties are closely related to wild varieties from the western Mediterranean region, which, together with evidence of the presence of wild fig tree populations prior to domestication, suggests that the fig was also domesticated in this region (Khadari et al. 2005). Based on the identification of 194 genotypes among 277 cultivated fig trees throughout Morocco, Achtak et al. (2010) argue that fig varietal and genetic diversity in Morocco is mainly the result of selection of varieties from individuals originating from sexual reproduction and more marginally from somatic mutations over a long time span. This paper aims at developing our understanding of present day farmers’ knowledge and practices regarding fig diversity and selection processes and at gaining a better understanding of the roles of fig intraspecific diversity in a local Mediterranean society. We worked in the Rif, an area in northern Morocco that has the highest level of fig diversity in the country (Ater et al. 2008).1 Northern Morocco, identified in historical sources as a fig cultivation area, is still today the most important fig cultivation area (Léon L’Africain 1908; Oukabli 2002). The area is inhabited by three major sociocultural groups, the Jbala, the Ghomara and the Zenete.
The Site and the People The Rif is a mountain chain forming a concave arc open towards the Mediterranean Sea. The physical environment is 1
Of the 194 fig genotypes Achtak (2009) identified throughout Morocco he found 122 in the Rif.
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highly heterogeneous. In association with the mountains facing it in Spain, it forms a hot spot of biodiversity, the Baetic-Rifan complex (Médail and Quézel 1999). The inhabitants live in basic territorial units known as Qabila (Munson 1981). Each Qabila comprises different patronymic groups of different origin. The Berbers were the major inhabitants of Morocco prior to the arrival of the Arab Muslims in the seventh century (Camps 1983). Their arrival resulted in changes in a number of aspects of Berber society, e.g., heritage systems and the adoption of Arabic language. Spanish influence, resulting first from the expulsion of the Muslims and Jews from Andalusia at the end of the fifteenth century and later from the colonial annexation of the Rif by Spain (1912– 1956), also impacted culture and agriculture. The Rif mountains are divided into three sociogeographical areas (Fig. 1): & & &
The Jbala, who speak dialects of Arabic, inhabit the Atlantic slope and the north-western part of the Mediterranean border. The Ghomara, who speak dialects of both Berber and Arabic, inhabit the central western Mediterranean side. The Zenete, contemporary Rifian Berbers who speak a dialect of Berber, inhabit the eastern Mediterranean mountains.
Methods A survey was conducted throughout the Rif in 189 villages, including 116, 50 and 23 villages in the areas occupied by the Jbala, Ghomara and Zenete respectively (Fig. 1). We inventoried fig varietal names and recorded their morphological characteristics by direct observation and according to specific traits mentioned by farmers. In addition to this preliminary survey, a detailed study of the naming approaches, classifications and concrete practices applied to fig trees was conducted in the Jbala area, in the Bni Ahmed Qabila (Province of Chefchaouen) and more specifically in the village of Talandaoued, which covers 52.2 km² and has a population of 10365 (RGHP 2004). The ethnobotanical survey in Talandaoued was based on direct observations and interviews carried out during 14 visits of 10 days over three years (2006–2008). We identified fig varieties with a sample of 70 men chosen through snowball sampling (Salganik and Heckathorn 2004): farmers with a reputation for their knowledge of trees were interviewed individually and in turn identified further informants. We asked farmers during visits to the field to make a list of varieties they knew and to note those they actually planted. We then held open discussions on specific characteristics of each variety (phenology, morphology, naming system, criteria of differentiation among varieties, uses,
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Fig. 1 Map showing villages visited for fig survey in the Rif, northern Morocco
cultivation practices), which we noted together in the field. In each case we complemented the data collected during interviews at homesteads with old and young women, who were more willing to talk indoors than in the fields, men as well as children. We used ethnobotanical methods based on semistructured and open interviews, and cross-checked information with at least three informants (Martin 1995). To understand fig ethno-taxonomy, we analyzed semantic categories or lexemes revealing the meanings of fig names used by the farmers (both men and women), which we compared with the meanings in Arabic or Berber. We distinguished motivated lexemes (those having a meaning locally) from non-motivated lexemes (those having no meaning locally). Motivated categories can be studied through analyzing (i) their etymology, (ii) the semantic fields to which they belong and (iii) the social contexts in which they are used (Colombel and Tersis 2002). We identified the local system of classification of fig varieties on the basis of the lexemes used and of the differentiations made between varieties in current discourse showing either oppositions or analogies between categories or descriptors. Thus we aimed at identifying categories that are hierarchically similar for describing fig varieties (e.g., parthenocarpic as opposed to non-parthenocarpic). This method is based on the computational approach which consists in grouping categories together when they relate to a
common level of recognition by people (Wallace and Atkins 1960). All values, uses and practices attached to specific varieties or all fig varieties were noted. Repeated interviews with a large number of persons enabled us to cross-check names given to each morphological type and to group different names together when they referred to the same fig type (on the basis of fruit morphology), thus revealing cases of synonymy. A quantitative approach was used to identify frequencies and abundance of fig varieties cultivated by 10 Bni Ahmed families in order to understand variations at the household and individual levels in fig diversity.
Results Naming the Figs We found 191 lexemes corresponding to 133 morphotypes or varieties reproduced by vegetative propagation, in 189 villages surveyed. Of the 133 varieties, 39 % had one or more synonyms, with 16 %, 13 % and 10 % of fig types having synonyms in Jbala, Ghomara and Zenete respectively. The fact that two different languages, Arabic and Berber, are used in the Rif explains some but not all synonymies. Indeed, some people are conscious that the names they use differ from those given by their immediate neighbors
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speaking the same language, for the same variety. Names may vary from one locality to another for the same morphotype, with the exception of 30 commercially important varieties, each of which is known throughout the Rif by a single name (Tables 1 and 2). There are also variations in names resulting from the berberization of the Arabic name of the variety or arabisization of Berber names which were grouped as a single variety names. Locally, all fig varieties are grouped into an inclusive semantic category, kermous, which is used only for economic purposes, or once the figs have been dried or are prepared as food. When listing fig varieties farmers use basic terms (e.g., messari, lemdar) which define the varieties. The latter may be differentiated with a determinant which defines a slight difference in morphology. Our results show that some terms carry everyday meanings whereas others do not have any specific meaning. Since neither a Jbala plant lexicon nor a linguistic atlas of Jbala (Arabic dialect) or Berber (Tariffit dialect) is available, it is difficult to trace their etymology. Non-motivated Basic Terms Out of 133 varieties collected throughout the Rif, 48 % have a motivated basic term, 52 % are non-motivated with 46 % of simple terms and 6 % having a basic term plus a determinant (Fig. 2). Local explanations for non-motivated categories relate to the way the Jbala perceive their history. Informants repeatedly expressed the following idea: “it is not us, present-day farmers who have given these names; the fig trees were here before we [meaning ‘our patrilineage as well as the group of patrilineages that form the community’] arrived and already had names,” indicating their perception that over a long period of time different groups arrived from different places (cf. Jamous 1981). Although this is not a precise historical reality, it reflects the way families identify themselves as
Table 1 Distribution of varieties bearing distinct basic terms among the three sociocultural groups of the Rif, northern Morocco. Shaded cells indicate varieties in each naming category shared by 3 or 2 groups. Non-shaded cells indicate varieties distributed in only one group
forming part of patrilineages originating from different places. Chronologies of their arrival are said to be different, some recognized as having settled prior to others. In this context, people claim that the meanings of names of some fig varieties that were already present have been transformed or lost over time. Non-motivated basic terms may have motivated determinants. They refer mainly to the color of the fruit (Table 3). We consider that this secondary level of naming has occurred to facilitate memorization and transmission. These determinants may also have been applied to a slightly different new morphotype (e.g., one arising from somatic mutations or incorporation of recombinant individuals). Farmers are aware of variations that occur accidentally in a fig variety they have known since childhood. However, we identified only one case where a farmer noticed that a fig variety, lemkai, was giving fruits with a different color than expected and immediately took a cutting and planted this “new” lemkai in another orchard to test whether this characteristic would be maintained. Such experiences are rare because somatic mutations occur only on a part of a tree (e.g., on one branch) and the probability that a farmer actually sees it or is interested in the changes is low. Nevertheless, both the use of motivated determinants and the precision of knowledge of the diversity of varieties known by farmers tend to show that selection processes have taken account of mutational events, and continue to do so. Motivated Basic Terms Out of the total of 48 % of basic terms that are motivated, 16 % refer to specific morphological characteristics, 16 % to a geographic origin or a person, 15 % are analogous to a domestic object, an animal or people, and 1 % refer to use characteristics (Fig. 2). Basic terms referring to morphology or organoleptic characteristics can be divided into two groups. The first
Naming system Varieties with distinct basic terms (and determinants) and morphological types
Jbala 35
Ghomara 18 30
Zenete 21
25 4 Subset of varieties bearing motivated Arabic basic terms (and determinants)
14
5 13
2
7 0 Subset of varieties bearing motivated Berber (or arabisized) basic terms
5
4
2 8
2 2 16 Subset of varieties bearing distinct non-motivated basic terms
9
15 3
16 2
Subset of partially non-motivated terms and varieties
6
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Table 2 Non-motivated basic terms used for fig varieties among the three sociocultural groups, Rif, Northern Morocco Sociocultural groups
Jbala
Ghomara
Zenete
Jbala, Ghomara
Ghomara, Zenete
Jbala, Ghomara, Zenete
Abghorto (Amghorto), Mrighi, Ferzaoui, Aaroune, Dar zilane Aachir, Abatssi, Amdjor, Basic terms, Akroune, Chaari, Amakouk, Atabant, Tamrekht Tahadakt, (Rzilane), El aroui, Amjh, Azoundri, Daachiah, synonyms Jaadi, Kharraza, Bzemiane, El heih, Tarzint Hambri, Hlaoui, Erguel (Irgui), Jaghjogha, in brakets Lemki, Lemthel, Granzi, Kartit, Koutti, Mlatou, Mzoukane, Markit (Tamarkith), Ljouhri, Mahesni, Tamartitah, Ziato Mazakho, Mezdak (Amezdak), Larchane, Lassoune, Ouchri, Sendlouj, Maalmous, Makoutiya, Sabador, Tabouzraar, Sersri, Sheili, Silfaf, Mentouf (Melhtouf), Tachamlicht (Tachemlalet, Smouni, Tadeout, Oonbayze (Mokhbize), Tachemratech), Tasekrat Zenfough Rzilane, Taïhmet
group is based on a ‘direct naming’ process in relation to visible morphological aspects of the fruit, its organoleptic characteristics or its capacity to bear a first crop of parthenocarpic spring figs (Table 4). In this group, most varieties are denoted by basic terms referring to color attributes: blue, red, green, black and white. Basic terms which refer to aspects of the leaf (one variety) and organoleptic characteristics (two varieties) are rare. In everyday life, people often refer to the level of sweetness of a variety. This trait is currently used to differentiate varieties but rarely appears in the naming system, because it is not constant. Finally, the basic term bakor, which refers to the spring parthenocarpic fig, is used in reference to the capacity of some varieties to produce a first crop of figs in spring. The second group of terms is composed of metaphors establishing an analogy with another object. This group comprises names which refer to people, plants, animals Fig. 2 Percentage of distinct types of fig varieties basic terms and determinants, Rif, northern Morocco
including insects and mammals, household objects, musical instruments and even coins (Table 5). These metaphors relate to morphological analogy to specific objects (e.g., the variety el aawada (flute) is long and narrow) or to people. Gnaoui is a black variety named after the blackskinned Gnaoua social group living in different parts of Morocco and in the well-known city of Essaouira. The metaphors are also built on associations with an activity (e.g., a food preparation, with the varieties chwenzi (fritter) and ghoubzi (bread)). Finally a variety may refer to a feeling, such as massaaour, meaning crazy. The perceived geographical and sociocultural origin evoking a place is also used to name figs (Table 6). People link the names of such varieties to another area of origin, sometimes giving some elements of oral history. Yet these same varieties, while bearing non-local names, may paradoxically be considered local. Some
306 Table 3 Partially non-motivated basic terms and determinants of fig varieties, Rif, northern Morocco
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Basic term (Synonyms)
Meaning of basic term
Determinant
Meaning of determinants
Name of the variety
Origin among the three sociocultural groups (Jbala (J), Ghomara (G), Zenete (Z)).
Bakhoukhi
–
byed
White
Bakhoukhi byed
Z
Ajdi
–
aberkane
Black
Ajdi aberkane
Z
Mdar (lemdar, landbare)
–
hor hmar
Pure Red
Lemdar hor Lemdar hmar
J, G, Z
khal byed
Black White
Lemdar klhal Lemdar byed
byed khal
White Black
Warnaksi byed Warnaksi khal
Warnaksi (ourenksi)
–
basic terms evoke the name of a person who has a particular link with this variety (e.g., aïcha), indicating a significant level of individual relationship to intraspecific diversity. Seasonality and temporal scales are also used to name some varieties. For example chetoui (rainy) is a late autumn variety.
J, G, Z
Jbala Classifications of Fig Diversity Classification relates to naming as well as to other forms of categorizations that are not explicit in names but are expressed in discourse and practices (Fig. 3). Within the cultivated areas many varieties are propagated by cuttings (chjar or kermous), although trees growing spontaneously from seedlings (nabout)
Table 4 Motivated basic terms and determinants of fig varieties related to morphological, organoleptic or specific biological characteristics, Rif, northern Morocco Basic terms and synonyms
Meaning of basic terms
Determinant Meaning of determinants
Names of the varieties
Zerki (Zreki, Zrirek, Tazegzet)
Blue
–
–
Zerki (Zreki, Zrirek, Tazegzet)
Hamri (Hmimer, Hommir, Houmri) Baghi (Dbaghi, Kahoule) El kohli (El kahli, Takherchachet, Taberkanite, Teberchint) Ghouddane (Taghouddanit, Aghouddanit, Aghdiden) El khodri (El khadri, Azogga) Bayda (Baydi, Bayoud)
Red Black
– – –
– – –
Harchi (Horrich, Aharchi, Taharchit) Mechloukh (Mrachek, Acharoti) Soleikh (Masloukh) Aassale (Aasslia, Ratli, Tassaad, Lamti, Marji) El har (Ahorri) Bakor (Tabakort, Abakor)
Tazalet
– Green White
– – rzina
el horra Rough or coarse – khal byed Streaked – Denuded Honey
– –
Bitter – First crop, Virgin – or«Which el horr comes early » byed Fig (in berber) –
Origin among the three sociocultural groups (Jbala, Ghomara, Zenete) J, G
Hamri (Hmimer, Hommir, Houmri) Baghi (Dbaghi, Kahoule) El kohli (El kahli, Takherchachet, Taberkanite, Teberchint) – Ghouddane (Taghouddanit, Aghouddanit, Aghdiden) – El khodri (El khadri, Azogga) – Bayda (Baydi, Bayoud) Originating from Bayda Rzina Bni Rzine Pure Bayda el horra – Harchi (Horrich, Aharchi, Taharchit) Black Harchi khal White Harchi byed – Mechloukh (Mrachek, Acharoti)
G J, G, Z J, G, Z J, G, Z J
– –
J, G J, G
– – Pure White –
Soleikh (Masloukh) Aassale (Aasslia, Ratli, Tassaad, Lamti, Marji) El har (Ahorri) Bakor (Tabakort, Abakor) Bakor el horr Bakor byed Tazalet
J, G J, G, Z J J, G, Z J J, G, Z G
J J, G, Z J, G, Z J, G, Z G
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Table 5 Motivated basic terms and determinants of varieties based on metaphors, Rif, northern Morocco Basic terms and synonyms
Meaning of basic terms
Determinant
Meaning of determinants
Name of the varieties
Origin among Jbala, Ghomara, Zenete
Chwenzi
Fritter
–
–
Chwenzi
J
Ghoubzi Gnaoui
Bread Inhabitants of Essaouira (Mogador)
– –
– –
Ghoubzi Gnaoui
J J
Lwizi
Old gold coin
–
–
Lwizi
J
Kaytone El aawada
Tent Flute
– –
– –
Kaytone El aawada
G J
Tabli (Tobli)
Drum
–
–
Tabli (Tobli)
J, G
Gouzi (Gaouzi) Taoumi
Like an almond Garlic
– –
– –
Gouzi (Gaouzi) Taoumi
J, G, Z Z
Chtabarra
Blastophaga (fog pollinating insect) –
–
Chtabarra
G
Onk Hafer (Ahafer, Ahafath, Hafri)
Neck Lower part of the
hmam –
Dove –
J, G, Z J, G, Z
bghal
Mule
Onk Hmam Hafer (Ahafer, Ahafath, Hafri) Hafer Bghal
J, G, Z
Dromedary Ane
Hafer Jmel Jeld Hmar
J, G, Z J
Jeld
Skin
jmel hmar
Masaaour Kallal
Mad Pottery
– –
– –
Masaaour Kallal
G J
Tahzamt Maaynek (Bouaanayek) Rakhsi Rkak
With a beard With a neck Not expensive
– – –
– – –
Thin
kerrat
Tahzamt Maaynek (Bouaanayek) Rakhsi Rkak kerrat
El hawla
Somebody who is equivocal
–
Gold measure unit«karat » – El hawla
Z J J J
are also found there. Both fig trees growing from seedlings and from cuttings are differentiated into male (dokkar), which are actively used by farmers for caprification, (see below) and female (kermous, meaning fig) types. Here local taxonomy is congruent with the biological classification of the dioecious tree into male and female. Males and females may both be propagated by cuttings and are differentiated into early, intermediate and late categories, although such categories are not used to name varieties but are only used in discourse. Among the female varieties, people distinguish those which bear one crop, the summer-autumn figs, from those which bear two crops, the parthenocarpic spring fig (bakor, meaning pure or virgin) and summer-autumn figs. The latter may also be either parthenocarpic or non-parthenocarpic. Non-partehnocarpic figs require active transfer of male figs from a male tree to a female tree in order to facilitate pollination and therefore maturation of the figs. This practice is known as tedkar (meaning bringing the dokkar) or caprification: every day over the course of about one week household members collect male figs which contain active pollinating wasps (Blastophaga psenes), which have completed part of their life cycle inside the male figs, and place them on female trees. The farmers time caprification for each variety according to the size of fruits and recognition of a
G
period during which the variety is receptive, depending on whether it is an early, intermediate or late one. Only three male varieties, hlou, an early variety, followed chronologically by morre and then lwizi, are cultivated. In the male variety hlou (sweet or soft) the pollinating wasps (Blastophaga psenes) are affected by a parasite locally known as chenwila. This is the specific parasite of Ficus carica (Philotrypesis caricae) and is distinguished locally on the basis of a distinct morphological trait, a long ovipository organ, in addition to the red hue of its abdomen, which distinguishes it from the good insect. Farmers’ descriptions are congruent with the morphology of these two insects (Joseph 1958). Dokkar Hlou is the least valued by farmers for caprification for this reason even though it is an early variety required to caprify the early female varieties. Morre (bitter) locally indicates good quality and strength of the Blastophaga accompanied by a lower percentage of parasites. Lwizi (a reference to old gold coins) is the latest and rarest variety, but is more infested by the parasite than the other two varieties. The survey in Talandaoued recorded 15 varieties of fig within the village territory, of which 40 % yield one crop of summer-autumn figs and 60 % yield spring plus summerautumn figs. Eighty-seven per cent require caprification and
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Table 6 Basic terms of fig varieties referring to characteristics of origin, Rif, northern Morocco Basic term and synonyms Meaning of basic term
Determinant Meaning of determinant
Name of the variety
Origin among the three socio-cultural groups (Jbala, Ghomara, Zenete)
Messari (Souffir)
Originating from Bni Messara
–
–
Messari (Souffir)
J, G
Saaidi
Originating from Bni Saaid
–
–
Saaidi
J, G, Z
Ghzaoui (Aazaoui) Mtioui
Originating from Ghzaoua Originating from Mtioua
– –
– –
Ghzaoui (Aazaoui) Mtioui
J J
Lkhomsi
Originating from Lkhoms
–
–
Lkhomsi
J, G
Aznassen Tafoufrahet (Boufrah)
Originating from Bni Znassen Originating from Bni Boufrah
– –
– –
Aznassen Tafoufrahet (Boufrah)
Z G
Arifi
Originating from Rif
–
–
Arifi
J
Sebti El fassi (Afassi)
Originating from Sebta Originating from Fes
– –
– –
Sebti El fassi (Afassi)
J, G, Z J, G, Z
Arinaam
Originating from the village Arinaayem –
–
Arinaam
G
Taberrint Berret Aïcha
Originating from the village Taberrint – Related to Aïcha
– Aïcha –
– Taberrint name of a girl Berret Aïcha – Aïcha
G, Z G, Z J
Hajjaje Issa Barrani
Related to Hajjaje Related to Issa The foreigner
– O Daoued –
– Hajjaje of name a boy Issa o Daoued – Barrani
J Z J, G
Nabout (Aghaddo Imghi)
That grows spontaneously
– azegza ihemaren
– Green Red
only two varieties, Ghouddane and Lassoune, are parthenocarpic. Non-parthenocarpic varieties are distinguished locally into two large groups according to their color when dried (black varieties, kallal to assale, and white varieties, lemdar to aïcha) (Fig. 4). White dried figs are largely preferred for trade. They are perceived as more attractive and their light hue makes it easier to see whether they have been properly dried. Among the white and black dried figs, farmers distinguish three categories: (1) bad ones, kbibha, including any variety of small size and not dried properly, which are intended for sale to distil the fig alcohol mehia, to prepare a coffee substitute, or to feed animals; (2) average quality figs, marjouaa, are mainly intended for sale, but a small amount is kept for family consumption and for gifts and donations; (3) high quality, sbibha (a diminutive of sabouha, radiant in Arabic) are kept for family consumption and gifts. Surpluses of the two latter varieties fetch high prices. Bni Ahmed farmers consider only the black variety ghouddane and the white variety koutti as sbibha.
Nabout (Aghaddo Imghi) J, G, Z Nabout azegza Nabout ihemaren
also intermediate wholesalers of dried figs, are either permanent merchants (4) or itinerant buyers (6) who buy figs from each of the weekly souks across the whole Qabila. They either sell immediately to brokers from larger cities, or further sort the fig qualities, separating black and white, low, medium and high quality. The two high quality varieties, ghouddane and koutti, are made into long strings and sent to merchants in larger cities (for more details see Supplementary materials). At the household level, large quantities (difficult to estimate accurately) of fresh spring figs are eaten in the field and fresh figs are consumed at almost all meals during summer-autumn fig season. Dried figs are consumed throughout the year. A few handfuls of figs, olives and bread constitute the main meal while working in the fields. Dried figs are also rehydrated and added to soups. An average family of six or seven consumes 200–300 kg of dry figs per year and preserves 50 to 70 kg for donations. The consumption of dried figs is the highest during the month of Ramadan (500 gr. to 1 kg/day).2
The Economic, Social and Religious Role of Figs in Bni Ahmed 2
Figs represent a major input in the economy of Bni Ahmed. The weekly market (souk Tlata—Tuesday souk) is one of the seven markets of the Qabila. At souk Tlata, buyers who are
According to Hart (1976), in Central Rif figs are the second staple after barley. The climate in western Rif (Jbala area) is better for fig cultivation than in Central Rif. Dried figs represent a major staple food for the Jbala who produce larger quantities of figs than in the inhabitants of Central Rif.
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Classification of fig varieties
Propagated by cuttings : chjar Cultivated male fig trees : dokkar (grafts or cuttings)
Early
Growing spontaneously by seedlings : nabout Kermous
Female fig trees : kermous
Intermediate
Early
Late
Intermediate
Spring and autumn figs
Dokkar
Late
Autumn figs only
Non-parthenocarpic
Parthenocarpic
Pollination and trade All varieties including nabout, kermous eaten fresh locally according to preferences, fig quality, color, and patrimony at family and individual levels Relative quantity of pollinating insects
Relative quantity of parasites
Morphological characteristics: color, shape, analogy to natural and domestic objects
Organoleptic characteristics: taste, more or less sweet
Origin
Some varieties dried preferentially for trade
Quality
Specific use: medicinal vegetable, spring figs for gifts
Color: black and while
Pollination and trade All surpluses of all varieties dried and sold for making alcohol or given to goats and cattle as fodder
Leaves of all varieties used as fodder after pruning
Fig. 3 Vernacular classification of fig varieties according to biological, agronomic and use characteristics, Rif, northern Morocco
Beyond sale and consumption, interest in different fig varieties reflects farmers’ patrimony, especially the fact that great-grandparents transferred these varieties. Vegetative propagation is an explicit means of perpetuating the specific traits selected by the forefathers. The control of vegetative propagation, as well as control of all other techniques, is held to be an element of patrimony. The fact that some members of the younger generation are not interested in this knowledge is the cause of much anxiety locally. Fig. 4 Dendrogram showing the classification of varieties according to their most salient features by the Bni-Ahmed, Rif, northern Morocco
Figs are also an important social resource. Figs are at the centre of gift exchanges (fresh or dried) with family and friends, especially during religious festivities. Religious representations link fig gifts to the idea of baraka, a concept central to Rif social life (Jamous 1981) that, among other attributes, relates to transmission of good luck through carrying an item bought in an area of pilgrimage inhabited long ago by a holy person. For example, in the Bni Ahmed area a two-day meeting takes place each year centered on the
Aïcha Barrani Lemki Koutti Messari Lemdar Assale Harchi El aawada Fassi Ferzaoui Hamri Kalal Ghouddane Lassoune 0,0
0,5
1,0
1,5 Dist. Agrégation
2,0
2,5
310
Hum Ecol (2012) 40:301–313
mausoleum of a local holy person, Moulay El Arbi, where visitors buy dried-fig necklaces and thus carry back home the good luck linked to his divine grace. Dried figs also accompany burial rites. Shortly after the night of the 27th day of Ramadan, the close relatives distribute dried figs and bread at the door of the cemetery. The villagers believe that each consumed fig erases the sins made during the life of their deceased parents. Intra-village Variations of Fig Varieties Female and male fig trees are present in the 21 agricultural plots surveyed and are always planted in poly-varietal associations. The number of distinct plots among the farms varies from 4 to 14 (Table 7). The number of plots in which each variety is found defines the frequency of each variety and the abundance of each variety is the number of individuals per variety in all the plots of each farm. The varieties differ in both their frequencies and their abundance on each farm (Fig. 5). While some are planted by the majority of the farmers (e.g., koutti), others are cultivated by only one farmer (fassi, aawada). Some varieties are abundant (koutti) and others rare (e.g., barrani). These variations reflect personal tastes and strategies of individual farmers, in particular relating to the time required for drying and pollinating, the variety’s precocity and commercial value. Farmers show quite distinct levels of interest in the varieties (Table 7); They are interested in keeping those transmitted by their forefathers, although some may have become rare at the expense of varieties with higher commercial value. Koutti is the most abundant variety because, in addition to having a double crop and being white, it is in greatest demand in the dried fig market. A popular black variety, ghouddane, has a double crop, is very sweet, has good drying characteristics, medicinal value and is parthenocarpic, but is not as abundant as koutti, possibly because current market demands favor white varieties. Table 7 Preferences shown by 10 families among 15 fig varieties, Bni Ahmed, Rif, northern Morocco
Farmers
Age
Sex
Discussion and Conclusion We argue here that fig intraspecific diversity is a key element of Rif agroecosystems and plays an important role in many dimensions of social, economic and religious life. It structures the agro-sylvo pastoral system of this region, and is important for household diet and animal fodder, in addition to being an important source of income through trade in dried figs. Following Garibaldi and Turner (2004), due to its multiple social, cultural and economic roles we consider Ficus carica a cultural keystone species. Fig intraspecific diversity has been maintained to a large extent despite the negative effects of the expansion of cannabis cultivation on agrodiversity in the Rif (Hmimsa 2009). The high level of intraspecific diversity, the complexity of the naming system of fig varieties and classification system, associated with high sociocultural and economic values contrasts with a much lower level of olive diversity (only seven local varieties, Hmimsa and Ater 2008) in the same agroecosystems in the Rif. This low level of diversity, associated with the existence of one clone, the Picholine marocaine, which is dominant throughout Morocco (Khadari et al. 2008b), may be related to government agricultural policies, at least since the French protectorate period (1912– 1956) (Aumeeruddy-Thomas unpublished data), which have favored olive plantations and olive oil production for export. Fig cultivation, however, has never been promoted by agricultural policy, probably due to the difficulty of developing trade in fresh figs, and this could have contributed to the maintenance of highly localized intraspecific diversity. Similarly the use of many synonyms (different names for a similar morphotype) may be attributed to the low level of long distance trade. A binary naming system based on color differentiation into black and white dried figs is used for trade, regardless of the fresh variety names, except for a few varieties which have a wide reputation.
Preference Spring fig
Fresh fig
Dry fig Ghouddane, Harchi, Messari Koutti, Lassoune Koutti
1
45
M
Ghouddane, Harchi, Lassoune
Aassale, Harchi, Koutti
2 3
30 22
F M
Aassale, Ghouddane Ghouddane, Messari
Lassoune Lassoune
4
48
M
Messari
5
80
M
Ghouddane, Lassoune
6 7 8
92 36 42
M M M
Ghouddane, Harchi, Messari Ghouddane, Messari Ghouddane, Messari
Fassi, Ghouddane, Lassoune, Messari Aassal, Hamri, Kallal, Lemdar, Messari Kallal, Koutti, Messari Ghouddane, Messari Aassale, Koutti, Lassoune, Messari,
Koutti Ghouddane, Kouttti Kallal, Koutti Ghouddane, Koutti Ghouddane, Koutti
Hum Ecol (2012) 40:301–313
311
Fig. 5 Histogram of frequencies and abundance curve of fig varieties recorded in the Bni Ahmed area, Rif, northern Morocco
120%
150 Variety frequencies
140
Variety abundance 130 100% 120 110 80%
100
80 60% 70
Abundance
Frquence
90
60 40%
50 40 30
20% 20 10
Aa wa da
i
Fa ss i
Fe rz aw
Le m ki
ch a
Ba rr a ni
Ai
Aa ss al
Ha m ri G ho ud an e La so un e
Ha rc hi
La m da r
es sa ri
ka ll a l
0
M
ko ut ti
0%
Variety of fig
The number of synonyms for the same variety reflects the fact that fig clones from a particular patrilineage tend to be kept within its territory. Patrimonial management of clonally propagated plants has been highlighted by other authors in relation to tubers (Caillon et al. 2006; Emperaire and Peroni 2007; Heckler and Zent 2008). The interest of each social group in keeping and maintaining its own sets of named varieties is a sociocultural process that underpins the highly localized diversification pattern in Morocco described by Achtak et al. (2010). However this interest in maintaining inherited varieties does not eliminate innovative processes (incorporation of varieties originating from mutational events or from other areas), thus showing farmers’ great interest in diversity. The tension created between conservation of local patrimony and farmers’ capacity to incorporate varieties from elsewhere is at the center of diversification processes. A large array of color attributes of fresh fruits (5 to 6 different colors) is used to distinguish among fig varieties. Color attributes form either basic terms to name varieties or determinants attached to a non-motivated basic term of a given variety. As discussed in many studies (e.g., Benz et al. 2007; Gibson 2009), color is one of the most prominent characteristics enabling farmers to distinguish landraces and facilitate their maintenance and transmission through specific propagation practices. In addition to color attributes, our survey showed that the naming system covers a diversity of lexical fields. Motivation facilitates memorization and intergenerational knowledge transmission following three naming procedures: 1) analogical; 2) metaphor linking to objects, animals, humans, seasons, numbers, showing intricate linkages between human domestic life and fig names; 3) linkage to perceived
origins. Fig tree varieties named for their places of origin are also seen as local. We see here a locally constructed analogy of the incorporation of people to form present territorial social groups with varieties of fig trees, both originating from another place as well as having local identity. This particular importance given to frontiers in shaping identity as well as environment and landscapes has also been highlighted by Simenel (2010) regarding Berber communities from southern Morocco. A motivated lexeme is a label with a precise meaning. Non-motivation, on the contrary, indicates either lexical loss (Hill et al. 2003) or names which have been borrowed from other places and which do not have a meaning locally. Movements of people, on one hand, and of fig tree varieties, on the other, can in part explain non-motivated categories. Recombinant individual fig varieties propagated by cuttings are named nabout, “spontaneous seedling” (Aumeeruddy-Thomas 2010). This suggests their recent incorporation in the portfolio of varieties reproduced by vegetative propagation, which is generally used for other tree species, such as olive and chestnut, and an on-going diversification process from selection of seedlings similar to that described by McKey et al. (2010) for other clonally propagated plants. The complex biology of dioecious Ficus carica and its co-evolution with a specific pollinating insect (Kjellberg et al. 1987) also form the base for the complex local classification system, thus adding to overall varietal diversity. The existence of double-crop varieties, parthenocarpic and nonparthenocarpic varieties, resulting from long-term selection and domestication processes (Zohary and Hopf 2000) constitutes another level of complexity and opportunity to maintain variations.
312
The reasons why the Jbala communities maintain such high levels of diversity appear to be: 1) the inherent complexity of the biology of Ficus carica; 2) patrimonial factors; and 3) selection and naming of varieties linked to multiple factors (agronomic, cultural, economic). Intraspecific diversity is the result of incorporation of varieties rising from somatic mutations occurring on existing varieties, incorporation of new varieties originating from sexual recombination, cumulating varieties from heritage and transmission as well as incorporation of varieties from other localities. Although these practices tend towards an increase of diversity over time, our research also shows that some old and renowned varieties may become rare because farmers favor varieties that have higher commercial value. Variations among farmers’ portfolios of varieties suggest the importance of inter-family preferences and individual preferences in shaping diversity. The analysis of intravillage variations shows that, beyond the discourse about the importance of varieties transferred by forefathers, farmers cultivate more intensively high value varieties. Potential loss of traditional varieties due to modern market demands highlights the importance of developing in situ conservation approaches which reconcile the economic requirements of farmers and their desire for innovations with the importance of maintaining patrimonial varieties. Acknowledgements We thank the Centre d’Ecologie Fonctionnelle et Evolutive, CNRS, UMR 5175, Agropolis Fondation, RTRA N° 07042 “FigOlivDiv” and GDRI BIOME (CNRS) for their support. We also thank the Bni Ahmed people for welcoming our work and their availability during the study as well as all the inhabitants of the Rif who have generously taken some time to discuss about their fig varieties with us. Many thanks also to Pr. Doyle McKey, Dr. Finn Kjellberg and Dr. Bouchaib Khadari for their thoughtful comments on an earlier version and to Marco Pautasso and John Vandermeer for their suggestions for improving the manuscript.
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