want to do the right thing but what is it?": White

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This qualitative study examines 26 White middle school teachers' perceptions of their experiences in a predominantly White middle school with a growing ...
The Journal of Negro Education, 81 (ï), 148-161

"/ want to do the right thing but what is it?": White Teachers' Experiences with African American Students Malik S. Henfield Ahmad R. Washington

The University of Iowa The University of Iowa

This qualitative study examines 26 White middle school teachers' perceptions of their experiences in a predominantly White middle school with a growing African American student population. Utilizing in-depth focus group interviews, teachers elaborated on their experiences with navigating racial, ethnic and cultural boundaries as they attempted to promote academic success for all students. • The constant comparative methodological approach was utilized to analyze the data. Through this process, three overarching themes were generated: (a) awareness of diversity, (b) reactions to diversity and (c) systemic issues and barriers to forging relationships. Finally, suggestions for teachers and other educators experiencing similar circumstances in their schools are provided. Keywords: White, Black, teacher, middle school, culturally relevant pedagogy, color-blindness In 2012, Keaton (2012) reported that during the 2010-2011 academic year, 45.1 percent of all students in American public K-12 schools were identified as minority students (e.g. Hispanic; Black; Asian and Pacific Islander; Amierican Indian and Alaska Native). Conversely, an examination of the teacher workforce during the 2007-2008 academic year revealed that 82.9 percent of all teachers in this country are categorized as White (Aud et al., 2011). Additionally, although there has been a slight increase in the representation of racial and ethnic minority teachers (National Center for Education Information, 2005), this increase may be short-lived given the overrepresentation of White females in teacher education programs across the country (Gay & Kirkland, 2003). Given this reality, the question of whether a predominantly White teacher workforce can effectively educate culturally and raciaüy different students, including African American students, has been posed (Mihier, 2006; Thompson, 2004). While the answer to this question appears to be yes in certain circumstances (Ladson-Billings, 2006), it is, nevertheless, important to examine White teachers' perceptions of their experiences with students of color (Picower, 2009). To explore the issue scientifically, this qualitative study examines White teachers' perceptions of their experiences teaching in a predominantly White midwestem middle school with a growing African American student population. LITERATURE REVIEW

Perhaps the greatest concem is that many of White teachers have limited personal and professional encounters with individuals who are racially, ethnically, linguistically and culturally different from themselves (Gay & Kirkland, 2003; Ladson-Billings, 2005; Tatum, 1997). Literature suggests several teachers are inadequately prepared to work within multiracial classrooms (Ladson-Billings, 1994, 2006), while pre-service teachers have expressed dissatisfaction with their preparation for teaching diverse students (Gay, 2002). This unfamiliarity with diverse students can leave teachers ill-prepared to function effectively in multiracial schools (Gay & Kirkland, 2003). It would be erroneous to presume these differences prevent White teachers from successfully educating African American students. Studies have found some African American 148

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students (Dickar, 2008) and parents (Ladson-Billings, 1995) are satisfied with White teachers. Similarly, it would be naive to suggest these differences are irrelevant disparities in the lived experiences of many White and Black people in this country (Mclntosh, 1989; Wise, 2008). Therefore, teachers must be cognizant of their racial and cultural backgrounds, how these factors impact their beliefs about education, and employ strategies that support rather than alienate minority students (Dickar, 2008). Much literature has been generated on White teachers' interactions with African American students. Overwhelmingly, these explanations explore pedagogical strategies for instructing African American students or provided variables impinging on the educational experiences of this group (Howard, 2006; Milner, 2006). Deficit thinking, decreased academic expectations and the implementation of a culturally relevant curriculum constitute some of the most frequently discussed and debated theories/practices regarding White teachers and Afiican American students. Additionally, the notion of a color-blind society has created an educational environment where notions of meritocracy and egalitarianism are blindly accepted. Consequently, when academic difficulties arise, the victim is often blamed. These explanations and how they pertain to White teachers will be discussed in further detail. DEFICIT THINKING AND ACADEMIC EXPECTATIONS

According to Sleeter and Grant (2007), "The deficiency orientation focuses on what one believes members of another group lack . . ." (p. 40). The deficit perspective was originated "by eugenics advocates and proponents of biological determinism and hereditarianism" (Thompson, 2004, p. 14) who insisted intellect or the lack thereof determines one's station in life. Thompson argued the historical emergence of the deficiency orientation has impacted our contemporary understanding of intelligence and how it is assessed (e.g. standardized tests); therefore the deficit perspective must be adequately understood. In the classroom deficit thinking manifests as a preoccupation with African American students' differences and categorizes these differences as impediments to leaming (Grantham & Ford, 2003). Deficit-thinking can also cause teachers to lower their expectations for African American students (Ford, 2004). Anagnostopoulous' (2003) case study on teacher's experiences in urban Chicago high schools illustrates deficit thinking. Anagnostopoulous found teachers watering down the curriculum and lowering expectations for minority students by eliminating assignments and required readings. Also, these teachers attributed students' failure to what they perceived to be chaotic home environments that complicated leaming. Unfortunately, the existence of deficit thinking among in-service and pre-service teachers seems consistent with research findings of the past (e.g.. Carter & Goodwin, 1994; Irvine, 1990). Culturally Relevant Pedagogy Ladson-Billings wrote that culturally relevant teachers exhibit confidence in African American students' ability to learn by maintaining high academic expectations and affirming "their cultural identity . . ." (Ladson-Billings, 1995). Culturally relevant teachers harness the power inherent to their occupation to confront institutional and systemic practices which disempower students of color. For these instructors, education becomes a liberatory exercise where classroom assignments become opportunities to teach for social justice. Additionally, culturally relevant instructors place tremendous emphasis on supporting African American students' of academic achievement (Ladson-Billings, 2006). Far from sympathetic, this support represents a sincere desire to take the necessary measures so the educational experience is germane to these students' lived experiences. Lastly, Ladson-Billings asserts that culturally relevant instructors must embody sociopolitical consciousness. Sociopolitical consciousness is an orientation toward social activism to eliminate social inequities (Ladson-Billings, 2000). Taken together, these ingredients are integral and inseparable from the teaching enterprise, especially when that enterprise is rendered to students of color (Ladson-Billings, 2000; Thompson, 2004). ©The Journal of Negro Education, 2012, Vol. 81, No. 2

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Whiteness and Color-blindness Wise (2008) stated 'Whiteness' does not refer to biological characteristics, but beliefs, presuppositions, and attitudes derived from the cultural perspective of the dominant culture. What's more, these beliefs, presuppositions, and attitudes are projected as neutral and universal with little consideration for the worldviews of racially and ethnically different people (Lea & Sims, 2008). Within education, 'Whiteness' operates as color-blindness, culturally neutral meritocratic schooling, and deficit thinking, which may run counter to the experiences and pattems of socialization of minority students (Leonardo, 2002). Bonilla-Silva (2006) finds that colorblindness obscures the impact of racism and diverts conversations away from exposing systemic discrimination that non-Whites experience. As these practices play an integral role in the performance of African American students, it is essential for teachers to consider their impact. Broaching race and Whiteness with teachers, however, has not come without certain challenges. Uneasiness and obliviousness are hallmarks of 'Whiteness' within educational settings (Lea & Sims, 2008; Mclntosh, 1989; Sleeter & Grant, 2007), while defensiveness among White teachers is not uncommon when notions of 'Whiteness' and White privilege are invoked (Sue, Capodilupo, & Holder, 2008). Teachers often exhibit confusion and frustration when conversations about race and their relevance to classroom instruction are initiated (Solomon et al., 2005) because they often do not identify as members of a racial group (Lawrence & Tatum, 1997; Tatum, 1997) or the beneficiary of uneamed racial privileges (Mclntosh, 1989). Wise (2008) found that reticence has prevented many White Americans from considering the privileges their racial classification affords them. In regard to White privilege. Wise, a White male himself, offer this insightful analogy: "Privilege, to us, is like water to the fish, invisible precisely because we carmot image life without it" (p. 241). Therefore, some practicing White teachers have infrequently considered the implications of racial privilege or the dominant cultural perspective has on culturally diverse students (Lea & Sims, 2008). Therefore, 'Whiteness' is the conceptual framework for this study because it facilitates an examination of teachers' "overall understanding of their racial identity; the ideologies with which they enter the classroom" (Solomon et al., 2005, p. 149). PURPOSE OF THE STUDY

While research on White teachers' experiences with African American students exists, there is little research on White teachers charged with educating African American students in predominantly White schools, specifically. Since the election of President Barack Obama, the United States has been described as a 'post-racial' society (Wise, 2010). As such, the purpose of this study is to analyze teachers' perceptions of their experiences in a school with a growing African American population using a critical theoretical lens. Such information can potentially help pre-service teachers particularly those with few multicultural experiences develop skills to work with African American students. Currently employed teachers may also benefit from reading about both unsuccessful and successful attempts at teaching African American students. Theoretical Framework Critical race theory (CRT) is the theoretical framework for this study. It contends that race and its meanings are socially constructed and function as a powerftil aspect in social life (LadsonBillings & Täte, 1995). Using CRT as a framework is useful for examining race, and how the meanings attached to race influence the educational context for students of color (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). CRT was used in this study as a means to critique meritocracy, egalitarianism and colorblindness in education.

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Research Questions The research questions framing the study are as follows: 1. How do White teachers perceive their experience of teaching African American students? 2. How do White teachers perceive the experience of teaching in a school with rapidly growing African American student population? METHODOLOGY

Participants The primary researcher first infroduced the research project to teachers during a school professional development seminar where issues, including diversity, were discussed. During this seminar, teachers were informed of the purpose of the research study and invited to participate. Acting as a research facilitator and liaison, the school counselor communicated information to the secondary researcher about teachers who agreed to participate and later compiled a list of interested teachers. At that time, informed consent documents were forwarded to the school counselor who forwarded them to potential research participants. After teachers completed and retumed the documents to the school counselor, these documents were given to the researchers. The researchers then contacted participants by e-mail to make arrangements to proceed with the research study. They were also informed they would not receive compensation for participating in this study. Thirty-seven White teachers contacted the school counselor and expressed an interest in participating in the study. Of the 37 teachers, 26 were chosen to participate based on whether they had experience teaching African American students. Of those chosen as the fmal purposeful sample, 19 were females (73%) and seven were males (27%). Twelve teachers (46%) had previously received what they described as academic or professional development multicultural frainings. Participants taught at the school for varying amounts of time; for instance one teacher taught at the school for only six months, while another taught at the school for 30 years. These teachers instmcted a number of different classes including science, language arts, foreign languages, as well as family and consumer sciences. State, District and School Setting The U.S. Census Bureau (2010) indicates that Black residents constitute 2.9% of the Iowa's estimated 3,046,355 residents. In stark confrast, the percentages of White residents in the four cities feeding this school are 99.1%, 98.1%, 96.6%, and 98.9%, respectively. The percentage of African American residents in the counties immediately surrounding this school are 3.5% and 3.9%. The Iowa Department of Education (2010) documented that during the 2007-2008 school year, there were 237 Black students in this school district. At the time of data collection, 945 students were enrolled in the school: 34 Black males and 33 Biack females accounted for 7.1% of the total student population, while 831 White males and 445 White females represented 88% of the total student population. The rest of the school's population was comprised of students from various racial backgrounds (Asian, Latino/a, etc.). Procedures Focus group interviews. According to Patton (2002), focused groups are conducted among homogeneous groups with no more than eight participants and use open-ended research questions. Rossman and Ralhs (2003) stated that successful focus group interviewing occurs when researchers' create an environment where members are invited and encouraged to elaborate on the topic(s) of discussion. ©The Joumai of Negro Education, 2012, Vol. 81, No. 2

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A semi-structured interview protocol was used during the focus group interviews. Semistmctured questioning enables the researcher to pose previously constmcted questions and follow-up probing questions to elicit additional insights (Patton, 2002). Semi-stmctured interviewing allowed the primary researcher to follow up immediately on responses offered by the research participants. The five focus groups were comprised of four to eight members. The researchers did not assign teachers to focus groups; instead, assignment to a focus group was dictated by pre-existing teacher teams. Before each focus group, the researchers informed the research subjects that if they participated, their responses would be confidential. Specifically, audiotapes and informed consent paperwork were secured in a locked file cabinet in the secondary researchers' office. The primary researcher informed the teachers that although the interviews would be audio recorded, the audiotapes would be destroyed following data analysis. Teachers' demographic information was stored on the primary researchers' personal computer in which no one else had access. Observations. During data analysis, the secondary researcher had periodic formal and informal interactions with African American students in the school. As part of a clinical intemship, the primary researcher met with African American male students once per week for individual and group counseling sessions at the request of the school counselor. According to her, these were students who could benefit from an intervention lead by an African American male. In addition, the secondary researcher observed them, as well as other African American students during their lunch and recess periods. These interactions proved useful and served as a method of triangulation to increase the tmstworthiness of the study (Patton, 2002; Rossman & RaUis, 2003). Instrumentation When conducting qualitative research, it is understood that the researcher serves as the instmment. To ensure tmstworthiness, steps must be taken beginning with transparent representation of the instmments used to collect data—the researchers. Both researchers are African American men. Throughout their lives, issues associated with race, including racial stratification and America's attempts at atonement for past transgressions, have been integral components of socialization and personal identity. The researchers have been sensitized to issues of race through personal encounters with blatant and subtle forms of racial discrimination. Furthermore, they have made a concerted effort to address issues of race as they pertain to the educational experiences of African American students. They acknowledge that these experiences and personal and professional orientation could obscure the manner in which these data were gathered and analyzed; therefore, the researchers conversed periodically with one another and two extemal auditors about the interviews so personal biases did not compromise the tmstworthiness of the study. Patton (2002) iterated, "the tmstworthiness of the data is tied directly to the tmstworthiness ofthe person who collects and analyzes the data" (p. 570); therefore, trustworthiness is essential for rigorous qualitative research. To minimize bias and ensure tmstworthiness, the primary researcher solicited a White female doctoral student and an Asian female university faculty member familiar with quahtative methods to serve as extemal research auditors (Guba & Lincohi, 1981). Both auditors viewed open and axial codes, posed questions, and provided feedback regarding the data. Auditors provided feedback on three separate occasions during the course of the data analysis process. An eighty-five percent (85%) congmency rate between auditors' codes and those ofthe primary researcher was achieved during each auditor check. Triangulation is when qualitative researchers consult diverse sources of information (e.g., people, literature, etc.) to acquire an accurate portrayal of the phenomenon under investigation. The researchers used source, analyst, and theory/perspective triangulation in conducting this study (Patton, 2002, Rossman & Rallis, 2003). 152

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Analysis The constant comparative method of data analysis was used in this study (Glaser & Strauss, 1967), which is where the researcher analyzes data as it is acquired. Following each focus group interview, the primary researcher replayed the audio recordings, reexamined field and interview notes, and refiected on the interviews to retain information related to the study. This refiexivity facilitates a tmstworthy and unbiased study (Patton, 2002; Rossman & RaUis, 2003). Next, a local university employee transcribed the interviews. When the audiotapes had been transcribed, the primary researcher hstened to the tapes to ensure that interviews had been transcribed accurately; no such inaccuracies or inconsistencies occurred. After transcribing, open coding (Sfraus & Corbin, 1990) began. Open coding entails a systematic process of assigning logical tags to discrete pieces of data (Straus & Corbin, 1990). Following open coding, axial coding (Straus & Corbin, 1990) was performed; these codes were eventually synthesized to constmct a more comprehensive view of the data. The primary researcher used these axial codes to produce three broad themes. These three themes—awareness and challenges of increasing diversity, reaction to diversity, and systemic/institutional issues— are presented in the following section. RESULTS

In the following pages data from the focus groups are presented. To ensure confidentiality, pseudonyms for the teachers and the facilities were created. Some of the semi-stmctured interview questions are: (a) What is it like to teach at your school; (b) what is it hke to teach African American students; and (c) in what ways has your school changed since you first started teaching? A wareness and Challenges of Increasing Diversity With few exceptions, teachers discussed the increased presence of racially and ethnically different students in their school. One female teacher talked about the changes that have occurred: I think it's changed in the past. Like, I student-taught here back in '93 [when working on my degree], I tbink it was. It's very different here than it was then. Like you [in reference to another focus group member] said the population's become more diverse . .. This sentiment was shared by other teachers within and outside of this group: . . . we knew we were growing and we knew we were diversifying . . . Well, that's not always the case, and it varies within but there are some characteristics that you can see from the different economic levels that we need to be aware of and we need to start working on. While teachers were aware that racially, ethnically, and linguistically different students were entering their classrooms, they also discussed the challenges associated with the changing student demographic and how they attempt to respond to these challenges effectively: As we grow more diverse, we are dealing with more .. . different kinds of issues than we've ever dealt with. I haven't been here that long, but from talking to everybody, I think we've got more issues and more complication and cultural differences than we've ever had. So I think we're all leaming how to best deal with, with all the situations.

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One challenge associated with the presence of racially diverse students was the increased salience of race and race-related incidents. Discussions of race were uncomfortable and avoided at all cost. Frequently, teachers expressed discomfort when accusations of racism were made. As the following quote illustrates, these accusations left teachers uncertain about how to interact effectively with some of their African ^^merican students: I would say that one of my biggest concems about the whole deal is when you reprimand certain individuals they come back at you with "You're only doing this because of my color and because of my background and those different types of things. And here, you can do, I mean you can go through and do the same thing to everybody in the class and all of the sudden you're doing this to me because I'm this color, or I'm just different, that you're picking on me," that's probably the toughest thing to . . and then, you know how do you respond to that to see that you don't blow it into a whole big, a whole big argument and things like that? But you're certainly treating them the same way as the others, but they don't see it the same way. Another example of this reluctance to reprimand African American students can be seen here as well: Secondary Researcher: Well, what sorts of things happened, or what are you referring to in the hallways, what sort of observations have you made where race may have become an issue? Teacher: Well, the kids . . . Their comeback is that "It's because of my color," or whatever. The issue is groups of kids hanging out together, and you say it to anybody. "Girls let's get moving, boys let's get going," White, Black, anybody that's in a group, you say, "Come on, let's go." And there's a certain group that stands down by the, in the middle of the hallway, and if you address that group, that happens to be Black, then that's their comeback, that "You're going to teU me to move because it's three or four Black kids that are standing together." No, it's because there's a group, and you're late for class, so it's not . . . I think that's their perception, and that's not how or why we're addressing it, it's because classes started, we need to get moving, and we've addressed everyone else down the hallway. It's not for any other reason than, get to class. And that's where I see . . . that playing hard. Teachers felt confiicted about how to appropriately react in these situations. Teachers felt an obligation to enforce school rules, but were often apprehensive because of African American students' accusations of racial bias. Unfortunately, as teachers discussed the uncertainty precipitated by students' racial accusations, teachers often characterized these accusations as instances of "playing the race card." More than one teacher asserted that playing the race card was a frequent occurrence: Because in my classroom—I know both of you were saying that you don't have that problem with "Well, you're just saying that to me because I'm Black," or because I'm whatever... I do, but I have Tim's kids, and I think the more we get into general behavior issues of all students, the more we see that race card playing out. . . . I don't think you normally see that, just like you guys don't see a lot of the race card being played on the other end either, but when I have her [Tina] kids, I would say almost daily, that card is pulled and then what do you do? You know, I find it interesting this year, I have a higher number of racial issues this year—I have a Hispanic and Black students and White students in my classroom this year. I have worked with two different paraprofessionals in my classroom this year, one a White female and one a Black male, and if—routinely, almost daily, as you guys say, the White female says something, redirects those students of race, they pull the race card, "You're just picking on me because I'm Black, or because I'm dumb, or whatever." But when the African American paraprofessional was in my classroom—and I don't know if it's because he was of the same race, or because he was male but—much, much less retort from the students, and it was, "Why are you being so uncool?" it was that, rather than playing the race card. According to this teacher, her actions are not associated with a student's race and, therefore, should not be characterized as racist or racially biased. 154

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Reactions to Increased

Diversity

Teachers in the focus groups insisted that they would be more effective at educating African American students if they received prerequisite information about these students' backgrounds. This information was paramount because, as one teacher commented, "the majority of teachers are White, grew up in White schools. . . ." From this, one can infer that teachers perceived their rearing in racially homogeneous neighborhoods were qualitatively different from those of their African American students. Therefore, several teachers deemed this Information an indispensable component in rapport building with African American students: It's hard, but you've got to remember that that's, you know, the most important thing. Because if you've got a kid that's sitting in your class that's not going to work, you can take the time to build a relationship, or you can spend a hundred-and-some eight days fighting the kid the whole way. So, in the long run, it pays off, for the kid and for you. Teachers also mentioned that it was important to become more familiar with issues African American students confront (e.g., increased responsibilities in the home) because they can interfere with their schooling. Take for example the following comments: Secondary Researcher: Some teachers expressed that there's a lack of knowledge on their part about where the kids come from and how not having that knowledge prior to the classroom experiences makes it a little difficult to teach as effectively as they might, because there are so many variables that are important to establishing rapport that they don't have yet, so they find themselves trying to establish rapport in addition to teaching, and sometimes things get lost in cultural translation, so to speak. Does that—are those incidents ever [occurring], o r . . . ? Teacher: And I think we really don't have enough time to sit down. Sometimes we have who's at Timberlake, but I mean her story and the things that went on in her life, when she's talked to me just one on one, kind of helps me understand why she is kind of the way she is. I mean, she was out stealing for food and whatever else they could steal out of Walgreen's as a kid to help her mom and, you know; she's going home again and staying with grandma now, because mom's in jail. And not knowing that about her, you might think she's coming across kind o f . . . aggressive. . . . And I think she's had to be that way to survive so, I think I agree that knowing a little bit more about some of our kids would be very helpful. For teachers, this background information enhances their ability to better educate African American students. While teachers aspired to intervene in the lives of African American students, they believed their success was compromised by the lack of information they received about African American students' backgrounds. When adequate information about African American students' backgrounds was not acquired, teachers expressed regret for not seizing every opportunity to connect with African American students: I guess I think about, in years past, that had I known, you know, I get to the middle of the school year, and had I known some things about a student or a group of students that I was working with at the beginning of the year, things could have been different. I could have planned a little bit better for whatever it was, whatever unit or something that we were teaching or even just the relationship piece, had I known some of that prior to them being in my classroom. As these teachers' awareness of diversity and associated challenges increased, so too did their awareness of resistance to diversity. Several teachers described White students' limited racial awareness and how this precipitated racial insensitivity incidents. Apparently, White students in this school have made inappropriate comments toward African American students or had negative reactions when ethnic names were announced over the pubUc address system. Behaviors like these, which can make African American students feel unwelcomed, were conceming. Teachers felt compelled to address this lack of awareness through teachable moments: ©The Joumal of Negro Education, 2012, Vol. 81, No. 2

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I think sometimes our students haven't had the awareness or opportunities, and just to open that up and have them understand that there are ways of thinking and doing things different than their own and that there's isn't only the right way to do things or the right idea . . . Our math book uses a lot of multicultural names, and kids will kind of make fun of the names. They have no clue why other than it's different than some of the names, than their own name, really. And so that's one time when it does come up to talk a little bit about the names, if nobody knows the pronunciation and how it might be pronounced and just kind of, rather than making fun of it and just being mean, it's kind of a discussion. Teachers hypothesized that White students' insensitivity was attributable to familial and community socialization: I have some kids who I don't think are very tolerant of people of color. They just—I can't say it's what they say, it's just kind of what they're doing and their actions and that, but I don't think that comes from here. I think some ofthat comes fïom home . . . We're culturally aware as much as we can be, but you know, yeah, it goes back to who are you hanging out with, you know, where's your family from. Teachers conceded it would be difficult to undo what White students were being socialized to believe about African American students at home and in their respective communities. Despite this, teachers articulated strategies they believed would minimize, and potentially alleviate, these racially insensitive behaviors. One teacher interjected: But this has to start before they get to middle school too. We need to get, this needs to start, this teaching of multiculturalism, this needs to be more elementary to make sure it's part of their life. For this teacher, efforts to heighten White students' multicultural awareness and racial sensitivity should not be postponed until middle school. Teachers believed it would be advantageous for all students if culturally diverse materials were infused into classroom curriculum. Two examples of this were expressed in the following passages: I'd like to present a multiple way of seeing the world and taking them out of where they're at, their perspective, and seeing it from a different viewpoint. This is the classroom, it's the nature of our job, to reach out and to teach children, and we keep stressing, you know, what's their background knowledge and then teaching towards that and using that in our lessons, and developing and creating lessons that use their background knowledge .. . Researchers support this assertion and contend multicultural awareness is a means of promoting social justice and a fundamental prerequisite for academic success and effective functioning in a democratic society (Banks, 2001; Banks et al., 2005; Sleeter & Grant, 2007). Several teachers considered professional development opportunities to be key resources in enhancing their effectiveness with African American students. Teachers stated a desire for professional development opportunities because they facilitated two interrelated objectives: (a) adding tools to their repertoire of techniques and (b) enhancing African American students' academic performance: I think one in-service day, and I don't know if you two were here at that time, but speaking about Ruby Payne [and understanding poverty], we had an in-service or part of an in-service day where we looked at, they gave us like surveys about like the upper class, the middle class, and then the lower pov—^you know, at the poverty—and we had to answer these questions. Middle class, yeah. Well most all of us, as you said, have come from middle class homes and communities, and it was a huge eye-opener to me to see what kinds of things people in poverty—I mean, what they're worried about. What those kids are coming to school with every single day thinking about. And we're trying to teach them reading and math and writing, and they're thinking about, well, "Where am I going to go 156

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after school, because my mom didn't pay the rent," or something, there's a lot more that I did not even, I think that was my second year here, that I had not even really thought of. So that was a huge, huge eye-opener for me, and I wish that we would have more of those kinds of opportunities, you know, the leaming than we do. And that was probably four, five years ago that we did that. Although teachers described previous professional development presentations as "eye-opening", they were frustrated because administrators had not responded to their requests in-service trainings conceming cultural issues.

Institutional Expectations and Constraints As teachers in the focus groups confronted the challenges associated with diversity, they commented on systemic issues in the school that complicated their work. Of these issues, administrative duties and time constraints were of particular concem: We're chasing test scores, and sometimes the other stuff [discussions of diversity] kind of falls by the wayside. Similar concems were expressed in this manner: We've got this, this, we've got so much of this to do that we don't visit that kind of stuff because we're chasing the test scores, we're all required to do so many things, we're in charge of so many committees, you've got so many things to prepare for besides your classroom that sometimes that stuff just doesn't get done. Teachers believed their superiors prioritized other professional expectations which limited the attention they could dedicate to the needs of African American students. Teachers also expressed frustration with these professional obligations because they constituted tasks that principals expected them to accomphsh, obligations to which they ultimately succumbed. These ancillary professional obligations were prioritized over issues of multiculturalism and diversity, which left teachers to question whether administrators were genuinely invested in these issues. Some teachers seemed skeptical that this project would translate into tangible and sustainable improvements. One teacher commented that "talk is cheap." This led teachers to question whether this initiative would also be replaced by a more urgent issue. DISCUSSION

Teachers in this middle school spoke about their inexperience with African American students. White students' racial insensitivity, and the institutional factors that threatened their abihty to engage African American students more effectively. On more than one occasion, teachers discussed how their personal and professional inexperience made it difficult to confront issues of diversity, race, and racism. Whether the issue was exhibiting confidence amid accusations of racism or challenging racial insensitivity, teachers felt compelled to do what was expected of them. Several teachers articulated a lack of confidence in their ability to connect with and effectively educate African American students. Specifically, teachers felt a lack of information about African American students impeded their ability to forge constructive relationships with them. While the teachers acknowledged that possessing information about all students' background is certainly important, their limited interactions with African Americans made information about African American students' personal/cultural backgrounds critically important. Furthermore, this lack of information about African American students' background was exacerbated by African American students' accusations of racial bias. To combat this, teachers requested more consistent in-service training to assist in their work with African American students. Rather than provide the knowledge teachers needed, administrators prioritized other professional responsibilities (e.g., "chasing test scores"). This "top-down ©The Joumal of Negro Education, 2012, Vol 81, No. 2

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imposition of policies and programs" (Solomon, 1995) seemed to consfrain teachers' creativity, destroy morale, and create cynicism toward other initiatives, including those regarding diversity. While the aforementioned issues posed challenges to teachers' ability to connect with racially diverse students, their comments illusfrate the subtle nature of 'Whiteness' and White privilege. 'Whiteness' and White privilege were manifested in the teachers' atfribution of White students' racial insensitivity to their homes which absolves the school's complicity, no matter how small, in perpetuating the racial insensitivity they witness. This complicity was evidenced when teachers avoided conversations of racial discrimination and their lack of responsiveness toward White students' insensitivity. Failure to engage subjects like racial discrimination prevent White teachers from truly empathizing with African American students. Gay and Kirkland (2003) contend that reflective thought and personal critique enable White teachers to effectively educate African American and cotinteract White privilege. Teachers' complicity was also witnessed in their description of school mies as "neutral" and their characterizations of African American students' accusations of discrimination as defense mechanisms. Teachers' belief in the neutrality of educational practices negates the fact that school standards refiect the race and class interests of the dominant culture (Young, 2006). Describing African American students' accusations of racial bias as "playing the race card" or "defense mechanisms" reinforces existing racial stereotypes and compromises White teachers' ability to connect with some African American students. It would not be outside of the realm of possibility to believe that some of these students' accusations are unfounded; however, it would be problematic to categorize all accusations of discrimination as "playing the race card" or "defense mechanisms." This tension between African American students and White teachers is a microcosm of society where "most White Americans believe that discrimination is on the decline, that racism is no longer a significant factor in the Uves of people of color, that they are personally free of bias... " (Sue et al, 2008, p. 330). Within educational settings. White privilege and White denial are problematic because of the profound consequences they have on African American students' (Solórzano & Yosso, 2001; Tatum, 1997). Whiteness and White privilege including the race card analogy and colorblind perspectives are diversionary tactics that invalidate minority group members' experiences with racism and discrimination (Tatum, 1997; Wise, 2008). As Lea and Sims (2008) suggest these seemingly benign characterizations represent obstacles White educators must overcome as they work with students from different backgrotmds. Teachers' dismissal of African American students' accusations of racism refiects power differentials between Whites and non-Whites in the school and society. Educators who deny the existence of racism in educational settings are less likely to be sensitive to African American students' academic needs. Therefore, researchers have emphasized the importance of increasing White teachers' awareness of how 'Whiteness' impinges upon the academic performance of minority students (Cochran-Smith, 2000; Solomon et al., 2005). RECOMMENDATIONS

The objective of this study was to gain insight into White teachers' experiences at a predominantly White middle school with a growing number of African American students. Data analysis revealed that teachers confronted challenges when working with African American students (e.g. unfamiliarity with African American students' backgrounds, discomfort with conversations of race and accusations of racism) and held low appraisals of their adminisfrators' responsiveness to their requests for multicultural professional development. School administrators need to create more professional development opportunities on diversity and African American students so teachers can become more effective in teaching African American students. If teachers are not afforded these opportunities, the onus should be on them to seek professional development opporttmities. Topics of interest should be: 158

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White privilege; racism; low expectations of African American students; deficit-thinking; cultural competence; and classroom cohesion.

Lastly, higher education institutions training teachers to develop skills associated with cultural diversity need to offer more degrees with multiculturalism as a central focus (e.g.. Teaching with an emphasis in Urban Education). These institutions should also offer more individual courses focusing on training teachers to more effectively teach African American students (e.g.. Building Rapport with African American Students, White Privilege in the Classroom, etc.). LIMITATIONS

Despite the potentially useful data gleaned from this study, several limitations exist. One limitation is that the primary researcher was unable to return to the research setting to conduct follow-up individual interviews. The catastrophic fiooding of 2008 throughout the Midwest made follow-up interviews impossible. Another limitation of this study is the fact that African American students were not systematically interviewed. Although both researchers conversed with several African American students during data collection and data analysis, they were not questioned directly about their interactions with White teachers at this school. CONCLUSIONS

In order for Black students to be academically successful, they must be taught by teachers who are multiculturally competent. Given the oftentimes invisible intricacies associated with crosscultural dynamics in general and those between White teachers and Black students, in particular, this article represents a timely exploration. This research study has highlighted many biases that, if manifested in the classroom, could be detrimental to Black students' success. Therefore, it is hoped the results and recommendations will prove to be useful in helping educators and policymakers understand the need to continuously explore teachers' deeply rooted perceptions of Black students as common practice. In addition, it is hoped educational administrators will provide professional development interventions designed to help teachers begin, or continue, to view Black students in terms of the strengths they bring to the educational environment. REFERENCES

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Leonardo, Z. (2002). The souls of White folk: critical pedagogy. Whiteness studies, and globalization discourse./face £'//i«ícííyíiní/£¿/Mca//on, 5, 29-50. Mclntosh, P. (1989). White privilege: Unpacking the invisible knapsack. Peace and Freedom, 49,10-12. . Miber, H. R. (2006). But good intentions are not enough. In J. Landsman & C. W. Lewis (Eds.), White teachers/diverse classrooms: A guide to building inclusive schools, promoting high expectations, and eliminating racism (pp. 79-90). Sterling, VA: Stylus. National Center for Education Information. (2005). Profile of teachers in the U.S. 2005. Washington, DC: Author. Patton, M. Q. (2002). Qualitative research & evaluation methods. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Picower, B. (2009). The unexamined Whiteness of teaching: How White teachers.maintain and enact dominant racial ideologies. Race, Ethnicity, and Education, 12, 197-215. Rossman, G. B., & Rallis, S. F. (2003). Leaming in the field: An introduction to qualitative research. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Solomon, R. P. (1995). Beyond prescriptive pedagogy: Teacher inservice education for cultural áiversity. Joumal of Teacher Education, 46, 251-258. Solomon, R. P., PortelH, J. P., Daniel, B., & Campbell, A. (2005). The discourse of denial: how White teacher candidates constmct race, racism and 'White privilege.' Race, Ethnicity, and Education, 8, 147-169. Solórzano, D. G., & Yosso, T. J. (2001). From racial stereotyping and deficit discourse toward a critical race theory in teacher education. Multicultural Education, 9, 2-8. Sleeter, C. E., & Grant, C. A. (2007). Making choices for multicultural education: Five approaches to race, class, and gender. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley. Strauss, A. & Corbin, J. (1990). Basics of qualitative research: Grounded theory procedures and techniques. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Sue, D. W., Capodilupo, C. M., Holder, A. M. B. (2008). Racial microaggressions in the hfe experiences of Black Americans. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 39, 329336. Tatum, B. D. (1997). "Why are all the Black kids sitting together in the cafeteria?" and other conversations about race. New York: Basic Books. Thompson, G. L. (2004). Through ebony eyes: What teachers need to know but are afraid to ask about African American Students. San¥Tancisco,CA: Jossey-Bsiss. United States Census Bureau. (2010). Iowa quickfacts [Data file]. Refrieved from http://quickfacts.census.gOv/qfd/states/l 9000.html Wise, T. (2008). Speaking treason fluently: Anti-racist reflections from an angry White male. Berkeley, CA: Soft Skull Press. Wise, T. (2010). Colorblind: The rise of post-racial politics and the retreat from racial equity. San Francisco, CA: City Lights. Young, I. M. (2006). Education in the context of stmctural injustice: A symposium response. Educational Philosophy and Theory, 55, 93-103. AUTHORS

MALIK S. HENFIELD is Associate Professor in the Counselor Education and Supervision Program in the College of Education at The University of Iowa in Iowa City, Iowa. AHMAD R. WASHINGTON is a Holmes Scholar and doctoral candidate in the Counselor Education and Supervision Program at The University of Iowa in Iowa City, Iowa. > All comments and [email protected]

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