Mike Parker Pearson f. J. N. Tho{pe. BAR International Series L374 ... Los Angeles (Schulte im Walde et a|.1986; Hedges et al. 1989: 211; Orschiedt 1998).
Warfare, Violence and Slavery in Prehistory Proceedings of a Prehistoric Society conference at Sheffi eld lJniversity
Edited by
Mike Parker Pearson f. J. N. Tho{pe
BAR International Series L374 200s
The head burials from Ofnet cave: an example of warlike conflict in the Mesolithic Jörg Orschiedt Archäologisches Institut, University of Hamburg
The absolute dating of the skull clusters has long been disputed but has been resolved by C1a accelerator dates. A date in the Late Mesolithic is confirmed by four dates from Oxford as well as two other dates from Cologne and Los Angeles (Schulte im Walde et a|.1986; Hedges et al. 1989: 211; Orschiedt 1998).
The circumstances of discovery
During the excavations by Robert Rudolf Schmidt at Grosser Ofrret in 1908, two.'skull clusters' were discovered in the immediate vicinity of the cave entrance (Schmidt 1909; l9l2:34-42;1913). The heads had been deposited in two pits which were situated within the Magdalenian layer VI. The 'skull clusters' came from the Mesolithic layer VII, only 5cm thick, which cut into the underlying layer (Fig. l). The pits lay only about lm apart and both were filled by a thick sediment stained with red ochre and interspersed with flecks of charcoal and calcified bone. The large skull cluster had a diameter of 0.76m and, according to new, revised calculations, contained the heads of 28 individuals. The smaller cluster, of unknown diameter, contained six individuals. All the skulls were oriented on the same line of sight,
The human remains
During the examination of the material, the skull and fragments of the mandible of a neonate (designated 9A')
were identified amongst the skeletal remains of Individual 9 (a four or five year-old child). The skeletal remains thus consist of 34 crania with mandibles and82 cervical vertebrae in total.
All the individuals
were apparently deposited very soon after death occurred, as not only the lower jaw but also the cervical vertebrae were found to be still articulated.
facing west.
The skulls are in a quantatively variable state of preservation, whereas the qualitative preservation is
Several other human skeletal remains, probably from the Bronze Age or Iron Age, were also found near the skulls within Ofrret cave (Weissmüller 1982:37,71,187, figs 9, 12). The relationship between the skull clusters and one
of
these other skull fragments (accompanied
by
designated as good to very good. In some cases there is major damage to the children's skulls which can be explained by the lack of robustness of the bone. The age
a
determination (Table 1) shows a preponderance of individuals in the age group 'infant I' (ages l-6; 16 individuals;46%). Likewise the age band 'young adult'
mandible and a fragment of cervical vertebra) from Oskar Fraas' 1875 excavation is unclear (Fraas 1876; Schlitz 1912:241). 1 rt--
FIcunr 1.
lll0rn.--+
Cross-section of the cave entrance area at Grosser Ofiret, showing the skull clusters (Schmidt
67
I9l2: fig.
6).
WanranB, VtotnNCE AND Sraveny
rN
PnBrusroRy
(Litho glwus naticoides, Neritina fluviatis L., Columb ella rustica and Carinifex multiformis). The teeth were described as actually cemented together in some cases; some of them were lying on top of the skulls, as were individual shells. In the majority of cases, however, the teeth and the shell ornaments were found lying beneath the neck region (Schmidt I9l2: 37). Twenty stone
elderly older mature adult mature adult
artefacts found from the burial level and within the pit fill are not to be viewed as offerings but rather they denote a component of the culture layer VII. Like the artefacts
older adult
from layer VII, they belong to the Eaü and Late Mesolithic (Müller-Beck 1983: 396). Among the
young adult
artefacts described more specifically were two geometric triangles which are dated to Beuronian A or B (Naber t974:78-9).
juvenile
infant ll infant
In the analysis of the distribution of grave goods and their association with particular individuals, certain difficulties arise. Judging by the excavation methodology, it is in the
I
first place probable that not all grave goods
neonate
05101520 T,tnr,r 1. The age
it is necessary to take into account later
incomplete recording of the grave goods can be deduced from the fact that, during the recent preparation of the skeletons, a total of eight pieces of shell jewellery, seven flints and 26 fragments of animal bone were identified. Furthermore, uncertainties arise regarding the association of grave goods and individuals made during the original excavation. The tightly packed context of the skulls and the excavation methods of the time leave it open to doubt whether the grave goods can be ascribed to individual
(20-30 years) is well represented with 10 individuals
(29%). The entire age range extends from neonate (0-1 year old) to elderly (60-70 years old).
of the skulls (see Table 1)
produced a distinct predominance of females (although this analysis is restricted by the presence of nine children for whom sex could not be determined). From this unequal distribution, it can be concluded that, for the skeletal remains at issue here, it is not a question of a
complete population
in the conventional
skeletons. Red deer teeth as grave goods can be assigned securely to 62%o of the individuals and shell ornaments to 7I%o. For
demographic
6l). Moreover, the timespan between the isolated Cla dates leaves a sufficient period of time for repeated deposition to have occurred at the site. Accordingly the proposition that the deposition of the skull clusters was a single occrlffence is not sense (Esenwein-Rothe 1982:
only two individuals were there no identified offerings. In contrast to the shell jewellery, the teeth were counted out so their distribution can be more closely differentiated. With respect to the quantity of grave goods, there is a distinct disproportion between adults and children (Table 2). With 19 individuals, children make up half the total number of individuals present, yet only 54 teeth are associated with them, in contrast to 167 items counted for the adult individuals in total. Nonetheless, 607o of children and 64%o of adults were
maintained.
Furthermore, for Late Mesolithic hunter-gatherers in the early Atlantic, a small group size is to be expected. As the forests advanced, the game animals changed and no longer appeared in herds. With this change in the
provided with red deer teeth as grave goods. Furthermore it is evident that among the adults, it is above all the female individuals who possessed the greater share of the teeth (Table 2).
environment, the mobility ratio would have increased, leading to a reduction in group size which, according to ethnographic data (Müller-Beck 1983: 401: Helbling 1987: 218), comprises an average of 25 people for modern hunter-gatherers. On these grounds it is to be assumed that the skull clusters in the Grosser Ofnet cave represent the repeated use of a burial site by one or more
Less clear are the proportions for the shell ornaments. Here the children are equipped quantatively more abundantly than are the adults. Shell jewellery was detected irrespective of age with 77Yo of the females, 75Yo of males and 57%o of individuals of indeterminate sex. On further inspection differentiating by age, it is apparent that 65% of children and 85% of adults were
groups.
The grave goods
Among the grave goods were 215 pierced teeth of red
deer (Cervus elophus) and 4,250 shell
museum losses
resulting from the very small size of the artefacts. The
and sex determination of the Ofnet skulls.
The sex determination
were
retrieved- As well as losses during the excavation itself,
omaments
provided with shell ornaments as grave goods.
68
Jönc Onscnmor: THn
HEAD BURIALS FRoM
OnNrr cAVE: AN EXAMpLE oF wARLTKE coNFLICT IN THE MESoLITHTc
Schmidt's data, cut-marks were apparent on two further individuals. These findings could not be verified since the relevant bones could no longer be located and appear to be missing. Nevertheless, a photograph survives of one of these items that allows us to distinguish
unmistakable cut-marks (Schmidt 1912: pl. XII.16). From this evidence, it is reasonable to accept Schmidt's statement. Therefore there appear to be nine individuals in total with cut-marks on the cervical vertebrae.
inf
(m)
inf
(f)
(indet.) inf (indet.)
ad - eld
(m)
The absence of cut-marks on the cervical vertebrae of the remaining individuals is not to be interpreted as evidence of a distinctive method of decapitation. Removal of the head from the body must unavoidably leave cut-marks on the cervical vertebrae, notwithstanding the fact that this is
ad - eld (f)
Tasr,r 2. The distribution of red deer teeth according to age group.
demonstrable on only a small proportion of the individuals from Grosser Ofnet, so it is to be assumed
It is clear that several of the conclusions
advanced by R.R. Schmidt must be re-examined. Contrary to his statements, offerings of red deer teeth were clearly given to male individuals. Moreover, there is no increase in the number of teeth with individuals of advanced age. The highest number of items - 69 in all - was found with a young adult woman (Ofnet 3), whereas 36 teeth (the next highest number) belonged to an old woman (Ofnet 18).
that the cervical vertebrae bearing the corresponding cutmarks remained with the torso.
During the reassembling and preparation of the Ofnet skulls by T. Mollison in the 1930s, numerous defects and injuries were recognized which could not be attributed to decay or post-depositional events (Mollison 1936). Mollison documented definite and probable ante-mortem slash wounds on a total of 2l skulls. Only five individuals showed the defects as definite slash wounds. In spite of the detailed descriptions recorded for these bone defects, the findings could not always be re-
Traces of skeletal injuries The occurrence of cut-marks on the cervical vertebrae of some individuals was first pointed out in the publication by Schmidt of the discoveries from Grosser Ofnet (Schmidt 1912: 37; Bdgouen 1912). A complete examination of all cervical vertebrae was not carried out atthat time. As a consequence of the search for traces of bone modification or iojnry, the surfaces of all cervical vertebrae have therefore been re-examined systematically with a binocular microscope (at up to x40 magnification) and with a scanning electron microscope (SEM). In order to make the completion of the investigation easier and to avoid damage to the original surfaces of the bone, the reexamination of recorded cut-marks under the SEM took place with the help of a two-phase method of making casts (Haidle and Orschiedt 1995).
confirmed. With the group of probable slash wounds, it was a problem to differentiate these injuries from damage
by taphonomic processes. For this reason, a complete re-investigation of all the skulls was undertaken, which considered differentially diagnostic features (Orschiedt 1998; 1999). Possible ante-mortem caused
skull injuries were analysed according to the conventional criteria of forensic medicine (Brückner and Hinze 1991 93-5; Polson 1965: 126-38; Maples 1986; Merbs 1989; Sellier l97l; Ubelaker l99I; Wahl and König 1987: 11226). As criteria for determining defects as definite antemortem skull injuries, the following points were applied:
l. 2. 3.
the shape of the fracture margin;
the funnel-shaped expansion formed from the penetration of the inner table of the cranial vault (a bevel); the occurrence of punched-out bone fragments in the centre of the fracture defect, caused by the force of a blow (comminution from blunt force trauma);
4. the occrrrence of
radiating and concentric fracture lines and/or fissures which lead outwards from the injury, on a regular and
rectilinear course.
Frcunr 2.
Cut-marks on the fourth cervical vertebra (C4) from Individual20 from Grosser Ofiret.
On the basis of this examination, 14 definite ante-mortem skull injuries were observed on a total of six individuals (Ofnet I, 2, Ll, 21, 24 and 30). On two further individuals (Ofnet 31 and 32) probable ante-mortem skull injuries were diagnosed. A precise conclusion was not
Cut-marks were determined on the body of the cervical
2). In five cases, the fourth vertebra shows cut-marks. According to vertebrae of seven individuals (Fig.
69
WenranB, VlotnNCE AND SlawRy
possible
rN
PRBnrsroRy
for
preservation
these two cases given the state of of the cranial regions in question. The
of Mollison's
The location of 64% of alI fatal skull injuries in the area of the back of the head (Fig. a) enables us to infer a
examination (1936) contain
situation involving a surprise attack, as can be shown for
numerous anomalies. The large group of defects that for him appeared to be probable slash wounds can be
the Bandkeramik mass grave at Talheim (Wahl and König 1987: 184). Only for the two adult men who exhibit the highest number of fatal skull injuries can an
results
identified &s,
for
example, unmistakable post-mortem
attack from more than one direction be calculated on the of the location of their wounds. All the remaining individuals suffered a single fatal injury to the back of the skull (Fig. s).
damage caused by taphonomic processes.
basis The group of individuals with definite slash wounds is made up of two children in the age range 'infant l' (Ofnet 1 and 30) and four adults in the age bands 'young adult'
(Ofnet lI,2I and24) and 'mature adult' (Ofnet 2;Table 3). The comparison of age and sex of the individuals with definite slash wounds indicates that it is adult men above all who exhibit most skull injuries. The skulls of individuals 2 and 21 (Fig. 3) show a total of 11 slash wounds. In no case can any signs of the healing process be identified on the fracture edges, which demonstrates that there was an immediately fatal outcome to the wounds through injury to the brain, haemorrhage or cerebral oedema. For two individuals (Ofuet 2 and 24), however, traces can be distinguished of old skull injuries that did not perforate the cranial vault. eltbrly(m)
E antemortem skull
injuries
older mature (m)
I
olderm*rc(t)
number of individuals
matune (m)
mahre(0 young ad (m)
yotrsd(f) jw(m)
jw(0 inf ll inf
(D
l(irdet)
FIcunn 4. The location of injuries
inf I (0
on the skulls from
Grosser Ofrret.
neo (0
0246810 T,lBr,n 3. Age and sex of individuals with ante-mortem skull injuries.
Frcunn 3. Ante-mortem skull injuries on the
os
frontale of
Frcunr 5.
Individual2l from Grosser Ofnet.
Ante-mortem slash wound on the os occipitale of
Individual 1l from Grosser Ofrret.
70
Jönc ORscnIBpt: THB I{EAD
Frcunr 6.
BURIALS FRoM
OrNer cAVE:
AN EXAMpLE oF wARLIKE coNFLICT IN THE MESoLITHTc
4
rloatlch
t
rr lDl I ch
I
lntrar
A A
vrhrrcbr lnl
latrrr ltrlrr
Spatial distribution of the individuals with ante-mortem skull injuries (after Schmidt
The location within the skull clusters of the individuals with fatal slash wounds reveals that five such individuals were deposited on the left edge of the larger skull cluster
Scbürltrrrm lehtr tghLtltnrrr l9l2:
table
XIV).
reconstruction of events in the case of the Ofrret skulls cannot be accomplished since the postcranial skeleton was not buried with the skull. It is, however, conceivable that there were wounds from cutting weapons or from projectile points, as can be substantiated in other
(Fig. 6). From this positioning, it is probable that these heads were deposited together and that consequently a single depositional event becomes comprehensible.
examples (Vencl I99l Wahl and König 1987). Ethnographic research shows intra- and interethnic conflict occurs more rarely amongst hunter-gatherer groups than in sedentary populations (Schmidt 1993). Conflict within the group seldom occurs among huntergatherers and has a fatal outcome in very few cases. It cannot be ruled out that the death of six individuals from Grosser Ofrret is the rare result of a conflict over
The clearly discernible contours that the weapons have left behind on the crania are consistent only with the use of a chopper-like instrument as the death-dealing weapon. The stratigraphically certain existence of axes in the Early Mesolithic of southwest Germany is already known from two finds of flat axes similar in form to antler axes from the open site of Rottenburg Siebenlinden (Hahn and Kind l99L:21-8, fig. 5; Hahn et al. 1993:43-5, figs 1ll2). The new find of a flake from an amphibolite stone axe from the same findspot confirms the existence of polished stone axes at this time (Kind 2001). For the Late Mesolithic, examples of polished stone axes come from the Falkenstein cave (Peters 1935: pl. III.7) and the as yet unpublished excavation by W. Taute in the Jägerhaus cave (layer 7, in the form of two fragments of stone axes; Taute l97l: 97, pls 15, 19-20; Oeschger and Taute 1980). Furthermore, the richly equipped Late Mesolithic grave of a woman with an infant from Bad
resources between two groups.
Deposition
of
heads as
a burial rite in the Late
Mesolithic The dating of the find from Grosser Ofnet to the Late Mesolithic through Cta analysis allows us to identifu a specific, tangible grave site involving head-burial in southern Germany (Orschiedt 1998; 1999: 151). What
needs to be highlighted here are the painstaking deposition of heads, the evidence of anatomically informed decapitation, the use of red ochre and the provision of grave goods. Although an anomaly remains
Dürrenberg yielded evidence for the existence of polished flat axes for the early Late Mesolithic of middle Germany (Geupel 1977; Hedges et al. 1992: 345-6; Orschiedt 1999:126-30).
with regard to the occrurence of ante-mortem cranial injuries in the skull deposits from Ofnet and on the three contemporaneous skulls from Hohlenstein-Stadel (ibid. 1998; 1999: 131-51), it is not possible to interpret the find from the Ofiret cave as evidence of a Mesolithic
The motivations for warlike behaviour in the Mesolithic are not easy to determine. Moreover a complete
7l
Jönc ORscHrBnt: TUB I{EAD
Frcunr 6.
BURIALS FRoM
OrNer cAVE:
AN EXAMpLE oF wARLTKE coNFLICT IN THE MEsoLITHTc
I
rloallch
t
rr lDl I ch
I
lntrar
A A
vrhrrcbr lnl
latrrr ltrltr
Spatial distribution of the individuals with ante-mortem skull injuries (after Schmidt
The location within the skull clusters of the individuals with fatal slash wounds reveals that five such individuals were deposited on the left edge of the larger skull cluster
$cbürltrrrm lehtr tghLtltnnr l9l2:
table
XIV).
reconstruction of events in the case of the Ofrret skulls cannot be accomplished since the postcranial skeleton was not buried with the skull. It is, however, conceivable that there were wounds from cutting weapons or from projectile points, as can be substantiated in other
(Fig. 6). From this positioning, it is probable that these heads were deposited together and that consequently a single depositional event becomes comprehensible.
examples (Vencl I99l Wahl and König 1987). Ethnographic research shows intra- and interethnic conflict occurs more rarely amongst hunter-gatherer groups than in sedentary populations (Schmidt 1993). Conflict within the group seldom occurs among huntergatherers and has a fatal outcome in very few cases. It cannot be ruled out that the death of six individuals from Grosser Ofrret is the rare result of a conflict over
The clearly discernible contours that the weapons have left behind on the crania are consistent only with the use of a chopper-like instrument as the death-dealing weapon. The stratigraphically certain existence of axes in the Early Mesolithic of southwest Germany is already known from two finds of flat axes similar in form to antler axes from the open site of Rottenburg Siebenlinden (Hahn and Kind l99L:21-8, fig. 5; Hahn et al. 1993:43-5, figs 1ll2). The new find of a flake from an amphibolite stone axe from the same findspot confirms the existence of polished stone axes at this time (Kind 2001). For the Late Mesolithic, examples of polished stone axes come from the Falkenstein cave (Peters 1935: pl. III.7) and the as yet unpublished excavation by W. Taute in the Jägerhaus cave (layer 7, in the form of two fragments of stone axes; Taute l97l:97, pls 15, 19-20; Oeschger and Taute 1980). Furthermore, the richly equipped Late Mesolithic grave of a woman with an infant from Bad
resources between two groups.
Deposition Mesolithic
of
heads as
a burial rite in the Late
The dating of the find from Grosser Ofnet to the Late Mesolithic through Cta analysis allows us to identifu a specific, tangible grave site involving head-burial in southern Germany (Orschiedt 1998; 1999: 151). What
needs to be highlighted here are the painstaking deposition of heads, the evidence of anatomically informed decapitation, the use of red ochre and the provision of grave goods. Although an anomaly remains
Dürrenberg yielded evidence for the existence of polished flat axes for the early Late Mesolithic of middle Germany (Geupel 1977; Hedges et al. 1992: 345-6; Orschiedt 1999:126-30).
with regard to the occrurence of ante-mortem cranial injuries in the skull deposits from Ofnet and on the three contemporaneous skulls from Hohlenstein-Stadel (ibid. 1998; 1999: 131-51), it is not possible to interpret the find from the Ofiret cave as evidence of a Mesolithic
The motivations for warlike behaviour in the Mesolithic are not easy to determine. Moreover a complete 71
WanranB, VroreNCE AND SLevgRy
rN
PRBrusroRy
massacre (Frayer 1997: 212) given the absence of traces of injury on the remaining skulls.
Hahn, J., Kind, C.-J. and Steppan,
As another example of the custom of head-burial, we can turn to the find of a young adult male's skull, dating to the same period but not yet dated by Cto, from the Hexenktiche ('Witches' Kitchen') at Kaufertsberg near Lierheim (Kr. Nördlingen). This was discovered in 1913
III (Vorbericht). Fundberichte in BadenWürttemberg l8:29-52. Haidle, M.N. and Orscheidt, J. 1995. Die Verwendung von Repliken der bei rasterelektronenmikro skopischen Untersuchung von osteologischem Material. Archäologische Korrespondenzblätter 25 : 265 -7 3 . Hedges, R.E.M., Housely, R.A., Law, J.A. and Bronk Ramsey, C. 1989. Radiocarbon dates from the Oxford AMS system: Archaeometry datelist 9. Archaeometry
Rentierjäger in
Ofnet and Hohlenstein-Stadel (Birkner 1915:125). This skull was likewise found with the mandible and the first
two cervical vertebrae still articulated. Although the stratigraphic position of this find has frequently been discussed (Naber 1974: 79; Kaulich 1983: 29-97;
3l:207-34. Hedges, R.E.M., Housely, R.A., Bronk Ramsey, C. and van Klinken, G.J. 1992. Radiocarbon dates from the
Schröter 1983: 99-101), a Mesolithic classification of the find is likely. On neither the find from Kaufertsberg nor
Oxford AMS system: Archaeometry datelist
the find from Mannlefelsen at Oberlarg in Alsace are there any discernable ante-mortem skull injuries or cut-
J. 1987. Theorie der Wildbeutergesellschaft: eine ethnosoziologische Studie. Frankfurt & New
Helbling,
York: Campus Forschung 521. Kaulich, B. 1983. Das Paläolithikum des Kaufertsberges bei Lierheim, Gem. Appetshofen, Ldkr. Donau-Ries. Quartär 3314:29-97.
Kind, C.-J. 2001. The Mesolithic open air sites of Siebelinden, Rottenburg, Kr. Tübingen, Baden-
From the find of the head-burials from Grosser Ofnet and other similar results, we can prove in consequence not only the existence of a specific burial rite in southern Germany during the Late Mesolithic but also evidence for warlike activity during this period.
Württemberg, Germany. http //www. landesdenkmalamt-bw. de/english/ :
archaeoVsiebenlinden/
Maples, W.R. 1986. Trauma analysis
anthropologist.
C. 1912. Quelques observations sur la döcapitation aux temps prdhistoriques. Bulletin de la Sociötö Pröhistorique Frangaise 9 : 336-40. Birkner, F. 1915. Der Eiszeitmensch in Bayern. Beiträge fi)r Anthropologie und Urgeschichte Bayern 19. Brückner, H. and Hinze, M. 1991. Frakturen, Luxationen,
of Lfe -fro* the Skeleton. New York: Wiley-Liss. 161-89. Mollison, T. 1936. Zeichen gewaltsamer Verletzungen an den Ofnet Schädeln. Anthropologischer Anzeiger 13: 79-88. Müller-Beck, H. 1983. Die späte Mittelsteinzeit. In H. Kennedy (eds) Reconstruction
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H. and Taute, W. 1980. RadiokarbonAltersbestimmungen zum süddeutschen Mesolithikum
und deren Vergleich mit der geschichtlichen Datierung.
Mesolithilatm in
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spätmesolithischen Kopfbestattungen
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B egl eitv
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