West Indian Archaeology. 3. Ceramic Age - Springer Link

P1: FHR/FOZ Journal of Archaeological Research [jar]

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37

Style file version Nov. 19th, 1999

Journal of Archaeological Research, Vol. 8, No. 2, 2000

West Indian Archaeology. 3. Ceramic Age William F. Keegan1

Irving Rouse once calculated that more than 90% of all pre-Columbian artifacts from the West Indies are made of clay. It should, therefore, come as no surprise that the vast majority of research in the region has focused on the ceramic age cultures. The review begins by considering the early ceramic age peoples whose pottery is classified as part of the Saladoid series. These peoples entered the Antilles about 500 B.C. and settled all of the islands as far north as Puerto Rico. For as yet unknown reasons their northward progress was halted in Puerto Rico for nearly 1000 years. The post-Saladoid cultures of the Lesser Antilles, about whom very little is known, and the so-called “Ostionoid” peoples of the Greater Antilles and Bahama archipelago are discussed next. New, detailed studies of subsistence, settlement patterns, social organization, and iconography are contributing to a richer knowledge of the patterns and processes of cultural evolution in an insular setting. KEY WORDS: Caribbean; Saladoid; Ostionoid; Tainos.

INTRODUCTION Irving Rouse once calculated that more than 90% of all pre-Columbian artifacts from the West Indies are made of clay. It should, therefore, come as no surprise that the vast majority of research in the region has focused on the ceramic age cultures. My two previous Journal of Archaeological Research reviews have focused on the research that sandwiches the present review. The first examined the aceramic “Lithic” and “Archaic” cultures that were displaced, replaced, and/or assimilated when the ceramic age peoples swept through the Antilles between 500 B.C. and European contact (Keegan, 1994). The second discussed the native peoples at the time of the European invasion and the aftermath of the conquest (Keegan, 1996). 1 Florida

Museum of Natural History, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida 32611. 135 C 2000 Plenum Publishing Corporation 1059-0161/00/0600-0135$18.00/0 °


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37

136


Keegan

The present review examines recent investigations into the ceramic age cultures. Emphasis is given to publications since 1992, although some older publications also are cited. The review begins by considering the early ceramic age peoples whose pottery is classified as part of the Saladoid series (Rouse, 1992). These peoples entered the Antilles about 500 B.C. and settled all of the islands as far north as Puerto Rico (Fig. 1). For as yet unknown reasons their northward and westward progress was halted in Puerto Rico for nearly 1000 years. The postSaladoid cultures of the Lesser Antilles, about whom very little is known, and the so-called “Ostionoid” peoples of the Greater Antilles and Bahama archipelago are discussed next. The historic Tainos and Island Caribs were the subject of a previous review (Keegan, 1996), so they are not treated in detail here. Recent archaeological research has altered substantially our understanding of West Indian prehistory. New, detailed studies of subsistence, settlement patterns, social organization, and iconography are contributing to a richer knowledge of the patterns and processes of cultural evolution in an insular setting. These new data indicate the need for a substantial revision of what one reviewer called the “Saladoid migration hypothesis.” This hypothesis, which posits a single ceramic age migration from South America from which all subsequent cultures developed, emerged from Rouse’s efforts to counter alternative multiple migration hypotheses (see Siegel, 1996b). In its current form the Saladoid migration hypothesis overemphasizes shared modes and ignores the cultural diversity that has now been recognized in this region. The present review seeks to highlight this diversity. EARLY CERAMIC AGE The West Indies were first settled by at least two migrations of preceramic colonists. The first migrants crossed the Yucatán Passage into Cuba around 4000 B.C. and spread eastward into Hispaniola (Wilson et al., 1998). The second apparently moved through the Lesser Antilles and into the Greater Antilles about 2500 B.C. and spread westward across Puerto Rico into Hispaniola (Keegan, 1994; Rouse, 1992; Veloz Maggiolo, 1991). There appears to be some mixing of these populations in Hispaniola and Puerto Rico, but their material cultures remained distinctive. When the early ceramic age peoples entered the Antilles about 500 B.C., there were aceramic foragers living on Cuba (Dacal Moure and Rivero de la Calle, 1996), Hispaniola (Veloz Maggiolo, 1991), Puerto Rico (Rouse and Alegr´ıa, 1990), and at least some of the Lesser Antilles. Until recently, it was generally assumed that the dispersal of pottery-bearing peoples into the West Indies involved an island by island, northward expansion of a single Saladoid culture. Recent investigations indicate instead that there was a direct jump from Trinidad/Venezuela to the Leeward Islands, U.S. Virgin Islands (St. Thomas, St. Croix, and St. John), and eastern Puerto Rico (Callaghan, 1995; Keegan, 1995). Calibrated radiocarbon dates from the Hope Estate site

P1: FHR/FOZ

West Indian Archaeology, 3

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


137

Fig. 1. Map of the West Indies.

Journal of Archaeological Research [jar]


138

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


Keegan

on St. Martin and the Trants and Radio Antilles sites on Montserrat indicate that they were settled around 500 B.C. (Hofman and Hoogland, 1999; Petersen, 1996). In his compilation of settlement data and radiocarbon dates, Jay Haviser (1997) noted that the earliest ceramic age sites (500 B.C. to A.D. 1) are located on Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands, and the Leeward Islands. The only exceptions are the uncalibrated radiocarbon dates from the Fond Brulé site on Martinique and sites on Grenada and Dominica that are attributed to this period by artifact comparisons (see Haviser, 1997). Moreover, with the exception of Puerto Rico, 54% (n = 8) of the sites are located on the northern half of the islands, which suggests a northward-looking focus. Between A.D. 1 and A.D. 500, there was at least one site established on every major island (Haviser, 1997). The Leeward Islands and the U.S. Virgin Islands, perhaps by virtue of their earlier colonization, have an inordinate number of sites relative to their size. In addition, sites established at this time show a marked shift to the southern half of the islands (80%; n = 24). This shift occurred even on islands with only one site, so it was not simply a response to the preceding phase during which north coast locations were preferred. Movement was so rapid that arrival in eastern Puerto Rico was almost simultaneous with departure from Trinidad/South America. It could be argued that these patterns are an artifact of the available data and that future research will show that each island was colonized in turn as the colonists made their way northward from the mainland. However, this possibility can be rejected by calculating the reproductive potential of the human colonists; the colonists could not have reproduced fast enough to settle the islands in sequence (Keegan, 1995). After reaching Puerto Rico further expansion to the west ceased. From eastern Puerto Rico population growth fueled dispersal south into the Virgin and Leeward Islands, which may account for the north–coast emphasis in settlement locations. The conditions that promoted population expansion out of South America are the subject of debate (Siegel, 1991). One possibility is that the populations living along coastal Venezuela and the Guianas reached a density that “pushed” people out into the Antilles (Roe, 1989). The alternative is that the abundant resources of the Antilles “pulled” people out to the islands (Keegan, 1995). Whatever the cause, it is likely that the conditions that stimulated the initial migration into the Antilles continued to fuel dispersal from South America. Given the large areas of South America over which general pottery series were shared (Oliver, 1989; Rouse, 1992, p. 53), it is likely that a number of different “local groups2 ” entered the Antilles at this time. 2 Following

Haviser (1991), Hofman (1993), and Hoogland (1996), I use the concept “local group” to distinguish smaller sociopolitical units. In Rouse’s taxonomy, “subseries” and “styles” are used to identify smaller cultural units; however, it is not clear that pottery decoration adequately reflects meaningful social units. As Hofman (1993) points out, smaller sociopolitical units emerged within the stylistic areas at the end of the Saladoid in the Lesser Antilles.


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37



139

At present, the best evidence for such cultural, local-group differences is the absence of painted pottery at the Sorcé site on Vieques Island east of Puerto Rico (Chanlatte Baik and Narganes Storde, 1990) and the presence of zoned punctate pottery at Hope Estate, St. Martin (Haviser, 1997; Hofman and Hoogland, 1999). These two sites, along with the Punta Candelero site in eastern Puerto Rico, show that at least some groups did not produce the full range of Cedrosan Saladoid pottery motifs (Rodr´ıguez, 1997; Cedrosan Saladoid is described below). In the same way that some groups continued to use Cedrosan Saladoid motifs after these were abandoned in other areas, the absence of painted pottery may reflect an earlier expression of local group identity. It should be noted that most Saladoid pottery is not decorated. At the Trants site (480 B.C. to A.D. 300), Montserrat, only 7.5% of the pottery was decorated (Petersen and Watters, 1995, p. 136). Moreover, both zoned-incised crosshatching and white-on-red painting cooccurred throughout the deposit. The cooccurrence of these motifs indicates that both were part of the Cedrosan subseries and that the absence of one or the other at specific sites reflects an expression of local group identity. Because the majority of pottery in Saladoid sites is undecorated, it is possible that the highly decorated Cedrosan Saladoid series, especially the painted pottery, is actually a veneer shared by local groups. This veneer, a sort of pottery lingua franca, would have acted to reinforce social ties between islands and over long distances. Such ties are crucial for small populations seeking to mediate the risks associated with island colonization and for maintaining an adequate spouse pool (Keegan and Diamond, 1987). When viewed as a social process, Cedrosan Saladoid pottery may be telling us more about the social alliances required to survive an isolated existence than it tells us about the local groups who used it. In other words, Saladoid pottery may not represent a “people and culture” (sensu Rouse, 1992). However, because most investigators use the term Saladoid to describe their results, I follow that convention. Early Ceramic Age Local Groups Most research in the West Indies is structured by Irving Rouse’s (1992) methods of time–space systematics. In this system, the characteristic “modes” of pottery at a site have been used to identify a “style” that usually bears the name of the first site at which it was described. For the smaller islands, there is often only one style per time period. Local pottery styles that share sufficient similarities are grouped into subseries (denoted by an –an suffix), and subseries are grouped into series (denoted by an –oid suffix). Rouse (1992, p. 182) uses this classification to identify “peoples” and “cultures,” which are “two sides of a coin, one consisting of a local population group and the other of the cultural traits that define the group.” This system has created the impression that during the ceramic age the West Indies


140

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


Keegan

were colonized by a single culture and that the descendants of this culture were the only ceramic age peoples to occupy the islands. Rouse (quoted by Siegel, 1996b) has worked hard to maintain this impression in opposition to those who have viewed each new style as evidence for a new migration of peoples from the mainland. Rouse (1992) has defined two pottery subseries for the first centuries of the first millennium. These are the predominantly zone-incised, crosshatched pottery of the Huecan subseries and the painted and modeled-incised pottery of the Cedrosan subseries (described below in the section on Saladoid material culture). There is a mixing of Huecan and Cedrosan Saladoid elements at a number of contemporaneous sites (Chanlatte Baik, 1995; Petersen and Watters, 1995; Righter, 1997, p. 74). However, Huecan materials have been found exclusively at the Sorcé site, Vieques Island, and Punta Candelero site, eastern Puerto Rico. At these Huecan Saladoid sites, which date between 200 B.C. and A.D. 200, there is a distinctive material assemblage. The diagnostic characteristics of the Huecan subseries are pottery decorated with zoned-incised crosshatching and the complete absence of painted pottery. In addition, there is a remarkable lapidary industry in which small zoomorphic pendants and beads were produced from exotic, nonlocal lithics. Luis Chanlatte Baik (1981), the principal excavator of the Sorcé site, has proposed that the Huecan subseries represents a direct migration from the central Venezuelan coast. Rouse (1992) disagrees and instead believes that it is a component of the Cedrosan Saladoid migration out of the lower Orinoco River basin. It has also been suggested that these materials reflect a distinct ethnic group, or a sector of the population, that specialized in commerce and trading, particularly of exotic (nonlocal) stone (Rodr´ıguez, 1997). Bowls with nasal tubes for inhaling narcotic snuff attest to the South American practice of using drugs to communicate with the spirits (Chanlatte Baik, 1981). Zoomorphic pendants, including frogs, turtles, bats, lizards, and a bird carrying a human trophy head, made from exotic stone (Narganes Storde, 1995), most of which likely originated in South America (Watters, 1997), are quite common. Huecan deposits at the two known sites consist of small mounds. The seven small mounds at the Sorcé site are in a horseshoe shape (Narganes Storde, 1995). Their small size, in comparison to the much larger, contemporaneous Hacienda Grande style sites, argues for a modest occupation (Roe, 1989, p. 275). The people who occupied the Sorcé site practiced a mixed economy of horticulture, hunting, and fishing. Griddles attest to the cultivation of yucca (Manihot escuelenta) for the preparation of cassava bread. Other cultigens were certainly grown. Animal remains include abundant land crabs and snails, hutias, iguanas, fishes, and birds (Narganes Storde, 1995). Sorcé is currently the only site at which the spiny rat (Heteropsomys insulans) has been identified. Manatee and sea turtle, though uncommon, also occur. Marine fish represent 52% of the vertebrate fauna with


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37



141

groupers and snappers contributing one-half of that amount. Marine mollusks were not commonly used.

SALADOID PERIOD, 500 B.C. TO A.D. 600 Saladoid Settlement System Cedrosan Saladoid sites occur on both volcanic and limestone islands in the Lesser and Greater Antilles (see Fig. 1). These islands have a tropical monsoontype climate, with high temperatures all year and annual rainfall over 80 in. The south and west coasts of the Greater Antilles and most elevations below 400 m in the Lesser Antilles have a tropical wet and dry climate with high temperatures most of the year. The climate is distinguished by a definite dry season of 4 to 6 months during the cooler part of the year. These dry periods are never entirely without rain, but they are sufficient to induce seasonal patterns in the vegetation. Paleoecological evidence indicates that up to A.D. 450 the climate was substantially more arid than today (Curtis and Hodell, 1993; Hodell et al., 1991). All of the islands receive strong easterly trade winds, and there are occasional tropical storms and hurricanes during the summer and fall. It was at one time believed that the earliest ceramic age sites in the West Indies were located inland on river drainages to take advantage of prime agricultural land (Keegan and Diamond, 1987). However, recent studies have shown that coastal settlements are more common (Haviser, 1997; Versteeg et al., 1993), although both inland and coastal locations were used simultaneously (Curet, 1992a; Siegel, 1992). In the R´ıo Loiza drainage on Puerto Rico, for example, the Hacienda Grande site is located near the coast and was the base from which population spread upstream (Rodr´ıguez, 1990; Rouse and Alegr´ıa, 1990). Villages were relatively large and were occupied continuously for centuries (Watters, 1994). The Trants site, Montserrat, for example, is very large and may have been occupied by as many as 200–300 people for 800 years (Petersen, 1996; Watters, 1994). In Puerto Rico, the sites are distributed at regular intervals along the coast (Siegel, 1995), and there is no evidence of site hierarchy until late in this period. Large houses, occupied by extended families, were arranged in oval or horseshoe-shaped villages around a central plaza (Curet, 1992b; Watters, 1994). In many cases the plaza served as a cemetery (Siegel, 1996a). The most complete evidence for housing comes from the Golden Rock site, St. Eustatius, which dates to the end of the Saladoid. Eight large and six small structures were excavated (Versteeg and Schinkel, 1992). The large structures were circular to oval with diameters ranging from 4.5 to 19 m. Several of these have alignments of smaller posts extending from one or two sides as windscreens. Prehistoric structures have been compared to the modern Amazonian maloca (Versteeg et al., 1993). The


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37

142


Keegan

largest structures could have housed up to 60 people. At the Maisabel site, Puerto Rico, there is a rectangular ditch feature about 11.5 × 7 m, which may be the remains of a somewhat later Ostionoid structure (Siegel, 1992). Saladoid Subsistence Economy The Saladoid peoples practiced a mixed economy of root crop horticulture, hunting of land animals, fishing, and mollusk collecting (Keegan, 1999; Petersen, 1997). The presence of clay griddles is used to infer that bitter manioc was cultivated for cassava bread at this time, as it was at contact (Veloz Maggiolo, 1997). Sweet potatoes also were grown at contact, but there is no archaeological evidence for root crops before the contact period [e.g., En Bas Saline, Haiti (Newsom, 1993)]. Fruits including guava, guaba, cockspur, mastic-bully, Manilkara, and palms, and potherbs including trianthema and primrose have been identified in archeobotanical samples (Newsom, 1993). A wide variety of other fruits, tubers (e.g., Zamia), and seeds (e.g., Panicum grasses) was available (Vega, 1996; Veloz Maggiolo and Ortega, 1996). It generally has been assumed that the early Saladoid settlement of the Lesser Antilles reflects the first human impacts on these islands (Reitz, 1994, p. 297). However, the lack of extirpated species, especially birds, at Trants and other sites suggests that the Archaic peoples who preceded the Saladoids had a significant impact on the islands’ ecology (Pregill et al., 1994; see Steadman, 1995). Animal remains at the Ostionan Coralie site on Grand Turk support this interpretation (Carlson, 1999). Thus, whether the Saladoids were attempting to recreate their mainland economy or not (Siegel, 1992), they entered already degraded insular environments. The islands have a depauperate terrestrial fauna, the most important of which were a variety of small rodents (e.g., Oryzmys, hutias), iguanas, and land crabs (Pregill et al., 1994; Reitz, 1994; Reitz and Dukes, 1995; Wing, 1995). It is possible that hutias (Geocapromys sp.), a cat-size rodent, were domesticated along with guinea pigs (Cavia porcellus) (Wing, 1993). Marine resources were far more important than land animals. A diversity of fishes, sea turtles, mollusks (especially queen conch), and occasional marine mammals was exploited (Wing and Wing, 1995). Results of stable-isotope analysis indicate that during the first half of this period the diet was focused on terrestrial sources of protein (hutia, iguana, land crabs, freshwater fish) but that marine sources of protein became increasingly important over time (deFrance et al., 1996; Reitz, 1994; Stokes, 1995). Stokes (1998) has demonstrated that island biogeography had a significant influence on the relative percentage of marine and terrestrial foods in the diet. Through all time periods there was a greater contribution of terrestrial foods in the diets of people living on large and volcanic islands.


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37



143

Human remains indicate a strong and generally healthy population. At several sites the skeletal population had numerous dental problems (Budinoff, 1991; Coppa et al., 1995). Extreme wear of the occlusal surfaces of molars was common to men and women; its cause is uncertain because later populations exhibit less tooth wear. Second, wear along the interiors of incisors is found only in females and may result from processing vegetable fibers. Saladoid Material Culture Saladoid technology was simple and apparently was available to everyone. There is evidence for wood, stone, bone, and shell working, as well as lapidary, weaving, and pottery making (Righter, 1997). Although the household probably manufactured most articles, some individuals were likely renowned for their craftsmanship, and some activities, such as canoe building, would have required the cooperative efforts of several individuals. Cedrosan Saladoid pottery is composed of well-made vessels including complex shapes decorated with red, black, white-on-red, and polychrome painting; zoned-incised crosshatching, incision, and punctation; modeled and incised zoomorphic adornos; and strap and loop handles (Alegr´ıa, 1993; Petersen and Watters, 1995; Rouse, 1992). Made predominantly from local soils, pottery is the most common artifact in West Indian sites. Within the islands there is evidence for the movement and exchange of pottery vessels especially between volcanic and limestone islands (Fuess et al., 1991; Gustave et al., 1991). Cedrosan pottery is among the finest quality and most elaborately decorated pottery in the Americas. There is a homogeneity of style in decorated Cedrosan pottery that is a sign of intense interaction (Hofman, 1993, p. 207), while at the same time individual artisans were free (and perhaps encouraged) to combine elements and motifs in unique ways. There is obvious repetition in complex vessel shapes and in the motifs and designs used to decorate them, yet each vessel is distinctive. Moreover, even though the number of different elements was limited, individuals demonstrated enormous personal creativity and artistry in creating a vessel, while at the same time preserving the modes of the culture (Roe, 1989, 1995b). In Barbados and the Grenadines, stacks of Saladoid pots with their bottoms knocked out have been found in coastal swamp settings. These have been interpreted as well heads that may have been created to avoid salt intrusion due to rising sea levels (Harris and Hinds, 1995; Hinds and Harris, 1995; see Tanner, 1992). Axes and adzes were made of Strombus shell and of ground and polished metamorphic rock, often greenstone. There also are expedient chipped stone chert tools (Bartone and Crock, 1991), stingray-spine projectile points, bone needles, and shell atlatl spurs. Gourd containers and woven baskets were used. Scrapers, hammers, picks, net gauges, and gouges were made from Strombus and other shells. Canoe paddles, seats, fishhooks, and mortars were made of wood. Two


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


144

Keegan

wooden amulets were recovered from the Morel site, Guadeloupe (Petitjean Roget, 1995). There was an active and sophisticated lapidary industry utilizing exotic raw materials such as amethyst, carnelian, quartz, aventurine, serpentinite, and jadeite in the manufacture of small amulets and beads (Watters, 1997). Beads and other ornaments also were made of Strombus shell and mother of pearl. The lapidary industry provides evidence of extensive trade within the islands and between the islands and South America (Watters and Scaglion, 1994). Mainland rocks also were used to make polished petal-shaped celts. Connections with South America are prominent in the appearance of Barrancoid influences in the southern Lesser Antilles between A.D. 350 and A.D. 500. Such connections are less pronounced toward the end of this period as local styles became more distinctive (Curet, 1996, 1997; Rodr´ıguez, 1992). Saladoid Sociopolitical Organization and Worldview The Saladoid peoples are inferred to have had a tribal-based organization that is often described as egalitarian (Curet, 1992b, 1996; Siegel, 1992), although Petersen (1996, p. 356) has argued that they were more socially complex than previously suspected. Because people lived in relatively large, independent villages, it is likely that one lineage in each village occupied a superior position. It was out of this lineage-based hierarchy that chiefdoms began to emerge by the beginning of the Ostionoid period (Keegan et al., 1998; Wilson, 1997). Large-scale constructions such as the stone-lined plazas and stable community plans are evidence of social control (Curet, 1992a; Petersen, 1996). The planning and coordination of long-distance trading expeditions by canoe also reflect a measure of social control. Collective activities such as the construction of multifamily houses and the manufacture of ocean-going canoes also required individuals to coordinate activities. Villages were built around a central plaza where community rituals could have taken place. The small size and wide distribution of ritual objects suggest a more personal and less communal character to ceremonies (Curet, 1992a). The central plazas also were carefully planned cemeteries (with hundreds of interments and few overlapping burials) that were an element in the ancestor worship practiced at this time (Siegel, 1997). There is no fixed pattern to the orientation of burials, although two-thirds of those at the Punta Candelero site, eastern Puerto Rico, faced east (Rodr´ıguez, 1997). There are few grave goods with any of the burials, and those that occur are not spectacular. However, they are highly personal possessions of the dead and seem highly selective. They include artifacts for communicating with the spirits (beer bottles and nostril bowls), food for use in the spirit world, and necklaces that may reflect personal status (Righter et al., 1995). At the Maisabel site, one individual was found with a stingray-spine projectile point between his ribs, which has been interpreted as evidence for raiding or warfare (Siegel, 1992).


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37



145

The representation of South American flora and fauna on pottery vessels suggests that a mythological connection was maintained with the mainland (Roe, 1995b). Three-pointed stones made their appearance at this time. These three pointers are associated with the Taino cult of the cemi and, in particular, with the chief Taino deity called Yocahu (McGinnis, 1997; Petitjean Roget, 1993; Walker, 1997). The origin of these cemis in the Saladoid shows historical time depth in native belief systems. Bowls with nostril tubes for inhaling narcotics, small biomorphic dishes for inhaling snuff, bottles used as alcohol containers, and incised cylinders used as incense burners or “brûle parfum” are widespread. These reflect the use of narcotics to communicate with the supernatural. Numerous very small and widely distributed stone and shell amulets and beads occur. Their size and distribution argues for household versus communal ritual use, while their repetitive character reflects a complex iconographic symbolism (Curet, 1996; Roe, 1995b). THE LESSER ANTILLES AFTER THE SALADOID, A.D. 600–1500 At the end of the Saladoid the populations of the Greater and Lesser Antilles diverged culturally. In the Greater Antilles a new episode of cultural expansion, called Ostionoid, commenced. In the Lesser Antilles there were a series of changes in material culture leading up to the invasion of mainland peoples, called Island Caribs, in the centuries prior to the arrival of Europeans. Because debates surrounding the identity of the ethnohistoric Island Caribs were reviewed in the previous segment (Keegan, 1996), these discussions are not repeated here (see Allaire, 1997b; Cooper, 1997; Petersen, 1997). By A.D. 500, the homogeneity of style observed in Saladoid pottery was replaced by a diversity of styles. Changes in styles were not simultaneous from one island to another. Saladoid decorations disappeared at different times on different islands (Hofman, 1993, p. 208; Versteeg et al., 1993). It has been suggested that the cultural changes observed at this time were stimulated by climatic changes based on evidence for hyperarid conditions (Curtis and Hodell, 1993; Hodell et al., 1991) and a “mega” ENSO phenomenon (Meggers, 1996). Although environmental conditions may have promoted independence and more distinct ethnic identities, the timing differences may instead reflect differences in population densities on islands. For example, Keegan (1989) has shown that subsistence changes on St. Kitts and on the middle Orinoco may have occurred when population density doubled from about 1.5 to 3.0 persons per km2 . Curet (1998) recently has proposed new methods for estimating population numbers which should improve our ability to make such comparisons. On the islands of Guadeloupe, Martinique, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, Barbados, and Grenada, between A.D. 500 and A.D. 1000, there was a marked decrease in the quality of the pottery. Rouse (1992) has defined these changes as a new pottery series, called Troumassoid. The Troumassoid series developed out of the


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37

146


Keegan

Saladoid series, with inputs from South America. The series displays many stylistic similarities shared with later Barrancoid styles of coastal Venezuela (Allaire, 1997a, p. 25). The diagnostic elements are red, black, and white painting, often outlined with curvilinear incised lines; also unpainted curvilinear incision and wedge-shaped lugs. The pottery is cruder and plainer than found during previous time periods, and zoomorphic adornos and loop handles for the most part disappeared. Vessels are fitted with legs, pedestals, or annular bases; griddles are fitted with legs. Clay spindle whorls first appeared at this time. The Paquemar site on Martinique is the most completely excavated site of this period (Allaire, 1997a). Suazoid Series, A.D. 1000–1450 The decline in pottery reached its climax after A.D. 1000 in the Suazoid series (Rouse, 1992). Suazey pottery devolved out of Troumassoid. It is characterized by simple and bulky plain vessels, finger-indented rims, and finer red painted and incised wares. There also are occasional flat human-head adornos with flaring pierced ears (Allaire, 1997a, p. 26). Suazoid sites were located in arid regions. In Martinique, the wetter northeastern part of the island was abandoned as settlement moved to the more arid southeast (Allaire, 1991). Settlements were situated along the coast where they were close to mollusk-rich mangrove habitats and offshore coral reefs. Massive footed griddles attest to manioc cultivation and the making of cassava bread. Allaire (1991) has suggested that Suazoid culture is best understood as an Amazonian adaptation to a tropical island environment. As he points out, Suazoid subsistence is based on the same slash-and-burn cultivation of bitter manioc, complemented by hunting and fishing (Allaire, 1991, p. 716). Their settlements reflect a movement from the humid tropical forests of the north coast to the arid south coast. The reasons for this shift in settlement patterns is enigmatic, although two factors merit consideration. First is a possible emphasis of arid climate products, such as cotton and salt, in the Suazey economy (Allaire, 1991, p. 720). Second is the conclusion of a “mega-ENSO” event around A.D. 1000 that was followed by an apparent return to wetter conditions throughout the West Indies (Hodell et al., 1991; Meggers, 1996). Permanent sites are found along the coast close to water sources; there was a preference for level terrain and good agricultural land (Boomert, 1996). Although Suazey was originally identified as the pottery made by the ethnohistoric Island Caribs (Bullen, 1964), it now seems certain that Suazey is an entirely pre-European contact phenomenon. There are no Suazey radiocarbon dates after A.D. 1450, and European trade goods are entirely absent from Suazey sites (Allaire, 1997a). Moreover, the large number of elements from Ostionoid iconography point to a common Saladoid ancestry (Allaire, 1991). Boomert (1996, p. 115) notes a drastic decline in population following the Suazoid series on Tobago. It remains a


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37



147

mystery as to why the Suazey culture disappeared, although it should be noted that there may have been a general decline in native populations in the century prior to European contact (see Curet, 1992a). Present evidence suggests that there was an “ethnic revolution” in the Windward Islands in the 15th century as Arawakanspeaking “Island Caribs” moved into the vacuum left by the disappearance of the Suazey culture (Allaire, 1997a, p. 27; Allaire and Duval, 1995). Although the Windward Islands exhibited increasing association with the South American mainland (Boomert, 1995), the Leeward Islands were evolving pottery styles more similar to those found in the Greater Antilles (Allaire, 1997a). In the Leeward Islands these Mamorean cultures, named for the Mamora Bay pottery assemblage on Antigua, are poorly known, but their pottery is simpler than previous styles (Rouse et al., 1995). Versteeg et al. (1993) express doubts that anything changed after the Saladoid period except the pottery decoration and the percentage of decorated ceramics. Taino influences, in the form of Chican Ostionoid trade wares from the Greater Antilles, have recently been recovered from the Kelbey’s Ridge site on Saba (Hofman, 1993) but are absent from neighboring Antigua. Hofman (1993) notes the permeability of the boundaries between various styles and suggests that progressive differentiation led to the rise of smaller sociopolitical units within stylistic areas. Several investigators have explored possible “interaction spheres” encompassing several small islands in the northern Lesser Antilles (Haviser, 1991; Hofman, 1995). These interaction spheres have been defined on the basis of exchanged goods, which Haviser (1991) views as evidence for elaborate alliance patterns among neighbors. Hoogland (1996, p. 218) argues that the region was characterized by complex tribes that lacked a hereditary centralized authority. He concludes that the sociopolitical integration of the post-Saladoid societies oscillated between extremes in the range of tribal social organization: “Large social units and settlement systems, formed under successful leadership, may have contrasted with small-sized units and shortly occupied settlements originating from the fission of groups” (Hoogland, 1996, p. 220). OSTIONOID PERIOD, A.D. 600–1500 The Long Pause in Puerto Rico Returning to the Greater Antilles, recent radiocarbon dates indicate that eastern Puerto Rico may have been settled as early as 430 ± 80 B.C. (uncalibrated radiocarbon date from the Tecla site, I-13856) and was certainly settled by 150 B.C. (Haviser, 1997). Yet there is no evidence that Saladoid peoples emigrated from Puerto Rico into the rest of the Greater Antilles and the Bahamas until around A.D. 600. The reasons for this nearly 1000 year pause have not been adequately addressed (Keegan, 1995).


148

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


Keegan

Two things are clear. First, there was a well-established Archaic population in Hispaniola and Cuba, if not in Jamaica and the Bahamas, which could have constrained expansion into these islands by early ceramic age peoples (Keegan, 1994; Rouse, 1992; Veloz Maggiolo, 1991). Nevertheless, Archaic peoples also occupied Puerto Rico and at least some of the Lesser Antilles where they did not prevent the immigration of Saladoid peoples. Second, there was sufficient interaction across the border between early ceramic age and Archaic peoples to allow the diffusion of pottery making and other cultural elements. This combination of pottery, with decorations lifted from Archaic stone work, and an Archaic lithic technology is a widespread phenomena in Hispaniola and Cuba, where it is classified as belonging to a protoagricultural period (500 B.C. and A.D. 500) (Dacal Moure and Rivero de la Calle, 1984; Guarch Delmonte, 1990; Keegan, 1994; Veloz Maggiolo, 1993; Veloz Maggiolo et al., 1991). During the long pause in Puerto Rico, Saladoid pottery went through a series of transformations. In western Puerto Rico the end product was thin, hard, and smooth pottery that is largely undecorated except for red painting, red slipping, and black smudging. For this reason it is often called redware. This pottery has been classified as Ostionan, after the Punta Ostiones type-site (Rouse, 1952). Ostiones is the first style in the Ostionoid series, the series that is associated with the ethnohistoric Tainos. Ostionan Ostionoid pottery is characterized by straight-sided open bowls and boat-shaped vessels with loop handles on either end that rise above the rim. These attributes replaced the bell-shaped bowls and D handles of the Saladoid (Rouse, 1992). Simple modeled lugs and geometric figures on vessel walls were uncommon at the beginning of this period but increased in frequency and complexity over time. From the beginning there was an obvious division between the finer-quality redware and a coarser ware (Goodwin and Walker, 1975). Both became thicker and coarser through time, especially in eastern Puerto Rico, where there was a dramatic decline in the quality and aesthetics, and where the styles are sufficiently different to recognize a distinct subseries termed Elenan Ostionoid (Curet, 1992a). During the early Ostionoid a wide variety of distinct local styles developed. In Rouse’s (1992, pp. 52–53) culture–historical scheme there are sharp breaks between these styles as if everyone in an area suddenly abandoned the old style and adopted the new. Recent investigations have demonstrated far greater conservatism than Rouse’s scheme can accommodate. For instance, around A.D. 800 virtually every pottery subseries defined for the region was being produced. Cedrosan Saladoid pottery continued in use on Culebra Island, Puerto Rico, until after cal A.D. 642 (Oliver, 1995), on Saba until A.D. 850 (Hofman, 1993), and on St. Eustatius until A.D. 900 (Versteeg et al., 1993); at the same time Elenan (eastern Puerto Rico), Ostionan (western Puerto Rico, Jamaica, Cuba, and Grand Turk/Haiti), Meillacan (west from Haiti including Jamaica and Cuba), and Chican (southeastern Dominican Republic) subseries were in use. In the Bahamas, the shell-tempered Palmettan subseries (Granberry and Winter, 1995) also may


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37



149

have appeared by this time (Berman and Gnivecki, 1995). See Rouse (1992) for a description of the pottery series and differences in pottery decorations. The terminal dates for these subseries also overlap to a larger degree than was previously thought. One reason is that calibration curves add nearly a century to dates from the eighth and ninth centuries (Davis, 1988). In addition, the greater conservatism on the periphery that Oliver (1995) noted for Culebra Island also seems to hold for Grand Turk (southeastern Bahamas), where Ostionan pottery was imported from Haiti until at least cal A.D. 1170 (Keegan, 1997), over 300 years after it was supposed to have disappeared west of Puerto Rico (see Rouse, 1992, pp. 52–53).

The Spread of Pottery Making in the Northern West Indies By the time Europeans arrived in the West Indies virtually every island and many small cays had been occupied. The major exception is the Cayman Islands, which apparently were not discovered by the native inhabitants (Scudder and Quitmyer, 1998; Stokes and Keegan, 1996). The processes that produced this distribution are, as yet, unclear. Three alternatives are presented below: (1) Rouse’s conclusion that developments in Puerto Rico “prepared the way for the Ostionoids to resume the Saladoid movement westward” (1992, p. 94); (2) Veloz Maggiolo’s conclusion that additional migrations from the South American mainland occurred at this time; and (3) my suggestions that cultural diversity during the Ostionoid can be accounted for only by a combination of diffusion, migration, and hybridization. In Rouse’s (1992) model of culture history there is a complete break between Archaic and ceramic age cultural traditions (represented by a solid black line in his time–space diagram). He proposed that all of the ceramic age cultures in the study area developed from Ostionoid colonists who breached the frontier in the Mona Passage and migrated from Puerto Rico about A.D. 600 (Rouse, 1986). Work by Marcio Veloz Maggiolo and his colleagues at the site of Punta Cana in the eastern Dominican Republic has called Rouse’s interpretation into question. Punta Cana, which is radiocarbon dated to between 340 B.C. and A.D. 830, has modeled and incised pottery that appears to be the precursor of the Meillacan Ostionoid subseries (Luna Calderón, 1996; Veloz Maggiolo and Ortega, 1996). The absence of pottery griddles in the site may reflect the absence of manioc and the use of a different plant, probably Zamia debilis, as the staple starch (R´ımoli, 1996). In addition, the discovery of a crude pottery known as el Caimito in the eastern Dominican Republic has been interpreted as further evidence for transculturation between the Archaic el Porvenir culture of the Dominican Republic and the early ceramic age Hacienda Grande colonists of Puerto Rico (Rouse, 1992, pp. 90–92). The site is radiocarbon dated at 305 B.C. to A.D. 120 and, with the exception of pottery, contains Courian Casimiroid (Archaic) tool types. Similar


150

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


Keegan

artifact assemblages have been discovered at the Honduras and el Barrio sites in the Dominican Republic (230 B.C. to A.D. 420) and at the Caimanes III site in eastern Cuba (A.D. 200) (Veloz Maggiolo et al., 1991). In Cuba, 12 additional sites have been assigned to this “protoagricultural” or “apropiadores ceramistas” phase, which dates to between 500 B.C. and A.D. 500 (Dacal Moure and Rivero de la Calle, 1984, p. 111; Reyes Cardero, 1997; Ulloa Hung and Valcárel, 1997). It is possible that the transition from the simple plain or red painted pottery of the Ostionan subseries to that of modeled and incised Meillacan pottery reflects the use of Archaic motifs that had been used to decorate other materials. For example, decorative motifs on Meillacan subseries pottery show marked similarities to incised designs on Archaic stone bowls (Rouse, 1992, pp. 90–92). Another possibility is that Meillacan pottery represents a separate migration of people from the South American mainland (Veloz Maggiolo et al., 1981; Zucchi, 1990). As an alternative to Rouse’s unilineal development model and Veloz Maggiolo’s migration model, I propose three distinct cultural traditions in the settlement of Hispaniola and the northern Caribbean. First, pottery making diffused to Archaic peoples in Hispaniola by 350 B.C. and became formalized in the Meillacan culture by A.D. 600, at which time Meillacan peoples occupied the central valleys and north coast of Hispaniola (Veloz et al., 1981). The result was a hybridization of Archaic and Saladoid cultures that helps to explain the rapid spread of pottery making through the northern West Indies. Around A.D. 600, people making Ostionan subseries pottery expanded out of Puerto Rico and established colonies in the Dominican Republic, Haiti, Jamaica, Cuba, and the Bahamas/Turks and Caicos. The speed with which this expansion took place suggests that settlements were small and widely scattered and that in some places these people interacted with the Meillacan peoples. The Punta del Macao site near Havana, with a single radiocarbon date of A.D. 620 ± 120, is characterized by plain, cream-color pottery similar to that from the early Ostionan pottery of Atajadizo and Guayabal in the Dominican Republic. This pottery was found overlying an Archaic tool assemblage (Mart´ınez Gabino et al., 1993). Finally, Chican subseries pottery developed from the Ostionan tradition in the southeast Dominican Republic around A.D. 800 and spread out from there with the expansionist Tainos, whose cacicazgos came to dominate the region by the time of European contact. In sum, we need to adopt a more complex view of the region’s culture history. According to Rouse’s time–space systematics, as each new pottery subseries was introduced the previous subseries was abandoned. Thus, he views the north coast of Haiti as characterized by Ostionan pottery from A.D. 600 to 800, Meillacan pottery from A.D. 800 to 1200, and Chican pottery from A.D. 1200 to European contact (Rouse, 1992, p. 53). Our work at the Coralie site (GT-3) on Grand Turk in the southern Bahamas archipelago has shown that Ostionan pottery continued to be imported to Grand Turk from Haiti until at least A.D. 1100. Meillacan pottery was imported to Grand Turk from Haiti until cal A.D. 1280 at site GT-2 and was in


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37



151

use at the site on Île a` Rat (in the mouth of the Bay de l’Acul, west of Cap Haitian, Haiti) until cal A.D. 1295, where it first appeared around cal A.D. 950. Thus, these styles actually coexisted for significant periods of time. A similar situation has been observed in the northern Lesser Antilles where Saladoid pottery continued in use long after it was supposed to have been abandoned (Hofman, 1993; Oliver, 1995). The major problem in sorting through these, and potentially other, alternatives is the lack of research conducted on sites dating between A.D. 500 and A.D. 800. Most of what is known of early Ostionoid culture comes from research in Puerto Rico. On Hispaniola, a few sites have been excavated in the Dominican Republic (Veloz Maggiolo, 1991), but virtually nothing is known for all of Haiti. In addition, Cuban archaeologists have followed a separate research agenda, and although some site reports are available (e.g., Alonso Alonso, 1995; Calvera et al., 1996; Trincado and Ulloa, 1996; Valcárcel et al., 1996), there have been no effort to integrate these results with work going on elsewhere in the West Indies (Davis, 1996). Information on Jamaican “redware” sites comes primarily from excavations by avocationalists with the Jamaican Archaeological Society, whose results have not been published in mainstream journals (Reid, 1992). For the Bahama archipelago, only two Ostionan deposits have been excavated (Berman and Gnivecki, 1995; Carlson, 1999).

Ostionoid Settlement System Settlements continued to be situated along coasts but also spread into interior valleys. For Puerto Rico, there was a hierarchy of sites and a pattern of nuclear villages with dispersed settlements (Curet, 1992a). At Punta Ostiones the community plan consisted of a horseshoe-shaped arrangement of five shell middens with a sixth shell midden between them (Rouse, 1952). At the beginning of this period houses were large enough to accommodate extended families, but by the end of this period in Puerto Rico houses had decreased to a size more appropriate for a nuclear family (Curet, 1992b). Recent investigations in Cuba, however, indicate that large multifamily structures still were being used at contact (Pendergast, 1996). In Puerto Rico, stone-lined plazas replaced the open plazas of the preceding period, and they were no longer exclusively located at the center of a village. Some villages had multiple stone-lined courts. In the Ostionoid period the settlement system was more functionally diverse, with habitation sites, specialized activity camps, and stone-lined plaza sites. The number of settlements also increased in the interiors of islands. Little else is known for the rest of the Greater Antilles. At the Coralie site on Grand Turk, the radiocarbon dates indicate a horizontal stratigraphy (Carlson, 1999). After an initial settlement close to North Creek, the site first shifted higher up the beach dune to the west (probably due to rising sea level). Over the next three centuries the site shifted progressively southward along the dune during several separate episodes.


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37

152


Keegan

Ostionoid Subsistence In addition to dramatic changes in pottery decoration marking the boundary between Saladoid and Ostionoid cultures, there also appears to have been a significant shift from land crabs to marine mollusks in the diet. This shift was so obvious that Froelich Rainey (1940) proposed that it represented the outcome of two separate migrations into the West Indies: one by a “Crab Culture” and the other by a “Shell Culture.” Investigations since then have demonstrated that marine foods were always a part of the West Indian diet (deFrance et al., 1996), and despite the fact that crab claws and mollusk shells dominated the deposits, neither made more than a minor contribution to the overall diet (Stokes, 1998). In addition, as the chronology has become tighter it is clear that the use of Ostionoid pottery began before the crab-shell shift (Rouse, 1992). Although the Ostionoid has been characterized as a period of population expansion and island colonization, the only example of an Ostionan colony in a territory that was not previously occupied by Archaic peoples is the Coralie site (Carlson, 1999; Keegan, 1997). Located on the western shore of North Creek at the northwest end of Grand Turk in the southern Bahama archipelago, the site has 11 radiocarbon dates that give a mean calibrated age range of A.D. 705 to 1170. All of the pottery is executed in the Ostionan style, and all of it was imported from Haiti (as determined from its noncarbonate tempers and petrographic analysis). The site is notable for its unusual collection of animal bones, especially sea turtle, which occur nowhere else in the region in such abundance. In addition to large quantities of sea turtle bones (Chelonia mydas), the bones of iguanas (Cyclura carinata and Cyclura sp.), snakes, birds, tortoises, and large fish (especially Scarus spp., Epinephelus spp., and Lutjanus spp.) were recovered. In terms of meat yields, 57% of the diet came from sea turtles, 24% from fish, 12% from iguanas, 5% from queen conch, and 1% each from birds, spiny lobsters (Panulirus argus), and other mollusks. Several locally extinct bird species [e.g., booby (Sula spp.), parrots (Amazona spp.), and thick-knee (Burhinus bistriatus)] and an extinct, new species of tortoise (Geochelone sp.) are providing insights into human impacts on fragile island environments (Carlson, 1999). In sum, the faunal remains are substantially different from those at later sites. As one would expect, the highest-ranked species were consumed first, and the occupants benefited from being the first humans to exploit a pristine resource base. Other Ostionoid sites present a strikingly different pattern of animal exploitation. The land animals and large fish that were present in the early sites were replaced by smaller fish, including bait-sized fish, which suggest a shift from hand-line and spear fishing to the use of traps and nets (Carlson, 1999; Winter and Wing, 1995). There was a continuation and elaboration of the horticultural economy. The staple crops were manioc and sweet potatoes, which were planted on mounds in large fields (Rouse, 1992). Several varieties of each were grown (Highfield, 1997,


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37



153

pp. 162–163). As many as 80 other plants, including fruits, nuts, medicines, fibers, and dyes, also were cultivated in house gardens and fields (Keegan, 1999; Newsom, 1993; Petersen, 1997). The first evidence for the cultivation of corn appears at this time (Newsom and Deagan, 1994), along with agricultural intensification in the form of hillside terraces (Ortiz Aguilú et al., 1991).

Ostionoid Sociopolitical Organization and Worldview It is at this time that the contact-period Taino cacicazgos began to develop. Keegan et al. (1998) have proposed that the Tainos were organized into avunculocal chiefdoms. If this is accurate, then simple chiefdoms with matrilineal inheritance and matrilocal residence must have prevailed at this time. There is evidence for an increase in trade, especially within the region. The final expression of Taino political organization has been reviewed previously (see Alegr´ıa, 1997; Hulme, 1993; Keegan, 1996; Wilson, 1997). During the Saladoid, there was an emphasis on individual, personal presentation as reflected in small objects of exquisite workmanship that needed to be seen close up (Roe, 1995b). About A.D. 600 there was a decline in the frequency of personal adornments, although these reappeared in the centuries before European contact (Dacal Moure and Rivero de la Calle, 1984; Jardines Mac´ıas and Calvera Rosés, 1997). As the pristine Caribbean chiefdoms developed (Redmond and Spencer, 1994), they used the preceding egalitarian ceremonial structure of the Saladoid and emphasized its communal aspects (Curet, 1992a; Keegan et al., 1998; Petersen, 1996). Nostril bowls for ingesting hallucinogens continued in use. Burials were placed in cemeteries within settlements or in caves, and simple grave goods are present but uncommon (Curet and Oliver, 1998; Guarch, 1996; La Rosa Corzo, 1995). Caves also were decorated with paintings and petroglyphs, reflecting the Taino origin myth that claims caves as the source of human beings (Arrazcaeta and Garc´ıa, 1994; Arrom, 1997; Dubelaar, 1995; Eichholz, 1995; Pagán Perdomo, 1996; Petitjean Roget, 1994; Robiou-Lemarche, 1994). Petroglyphs were carved into rocks along river courses close to ceremonial centers, such as Plaza de Chacuey, Dominican Republic, where an aboriginal road connects the site to the petroglyphs (Weeks et al., 1996). In a similar vein, carved monolithic stones that line a ball court at the large ceremonial site of Caguana in Puerto Rico have been shown to represent graphically the Taino origin myth (Oliver, 1997, 1998). Efforts also have been made to identify the people who decorated caves with carvings and paintings (Haviser, 1995; Meléndez, 1995; A. Rodr´ıguez, 1995; Scaramelli and Tarble, 1995; Tarble and Scaramelli, 1995). Siegel (1997) notes that ball courts and plazas replaced cemeteries as the axis mundi of Ostionoid sites and that some burials continued in plazas while others were located in nearby mounds (Curet and Oliver, 1998). These burials serve


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37

154


Keegan

to highlight the connection of caciques (chiefs) to their ancestors. In addition, caciques replaced behiques (shaman) as the religious leaders, by assuming greater control over access to the gods (Alegr´ıa, 1995; Roe, 1997, p. 157). Ball courts in Puerto Rico are clustered on political boundaries where they served to manage political relations between cacicazgos (M. A. Rodr´ıguez, 1995). Such courts have been discovered in the southern Bahamas (Middle Caicos) and St. Croix, reflecting the eastern and western boundaries of the “classic” Tainos (Keegan, 1997; Morse, 1997; Rouse, 1992). Taino mythology has been a major focus of recent archaeological studies. Roe (1997) has described the transition from Saladoid to Ostionoid in terms of the materials used as media on which iconographic symbols are represented. In addition, he has shown how animal symbols from the West Indies (e.g., frogs, bats, dogs, and owls) replaced Amazonian animals in the mythology (Roe 1995a, 1997; see also Garc´ıa Arévalo, 1997; Petitjean Roget, 1994, 1997). Wooden objects, such as stools known as duhos (Ostapkowicz, 1997) and zoomorphic statues (Saunders and Gray, 1996), also have been studied to identify their symbolic meaning. Threepointed stones continued in use and became larger and more elaborate (McGinnis, 1997; Petitjean Roget, 1995; Walker, 1997). CONCLUSIONS The present review suffers from the need to present pre-Columbian West Indian societies as belonging to either a Saladoid or an Ostionoid culture. In doing so I have retained a taxonomic system that overstates similarities in pottery designs and downplays similarities and differences in other aspects of culture. This organizational struture also maintains the overly simplistic “Saladoid migration hypothesis,” which views all West Indian societies as evolving from a single South American propagule. What is needed is a more comprehensive culture historical framework that will facilitate the explication of sociopolitical organization as more than the product of migration and diffusion. Recent investigations document a much greater diversity to native West Indian societies than has been admitted previously. To capture some of this diversity I have suggested that we begin to explore the “local groups” that have been lumped into series and subseries by Irving Rouse’s taxonomy. In doing so I am following the lead of archaeologists working in the Leeward Islands (Haviser, 1991; Hofman, 1995; Hoogland, 1996; Versteeg et al., 1993). Given the scale and speed of island colonization during the early ceramic age (circa 500 B.C. to A.D. 100), it is likely that a number of distinct local groups entered the islands. They are united by a common use of Cedrosan Saladoid pottery, but this may be a veneer that has masked underlying variability. It is also clear that they intermingled with diverse, indigenous Archaic populations at least upon entering the Greater Antilles, and possibly during their expansion through the


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37



155

Lesser Antilles. This cultural diversity may be reflected in the diversity of ceramic styles that were present in the West Indies around A.D. 800, although as Versteeg et al. (1993) point out, it remains to be demonstrated that anything other than pottery decoration changed. The cultural diversity observed around A.D. 900 has its roots in the middle of the first millenium. Sometime around A.D. 500, there began a period of upheaval and rapid change. Pottery making spread to the far ends of the northern West Indies, sites that had been occupied for centuries were abandoned, a diversity of new pottery styles emerged, and the foundations were laid for the development of the complex chiefdoms that were encountered by Europeans at the end of the 15th century. One might go so far as to describe this time as a punctuation in cultural evolution. The processes that were in operation at this time have not yet been identified. This is the challenge for the new millennium.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I greatly appreciate the assistance of all of my colleagues in the West Indies who have freely shared their work. Without their assistance this review would be far less complete. The Hispanic Division of the Library of Congress assisted in obtaining reference materials. In addition, Betsy Carlson, L. Antonio Curet, Peter O’B. Harris, Gary Feinman, and an anonymous reviewer provided detailed reviews and offered numerous suggestions that substantially improved the paper. Ultimate responsibility for interpretations and any omissions rests with the author.

REFERENCES CITED ˜ pintado de la cerámica Saladoide de Puerto Rico, Colección de Alegr´ıa, M. P. (1993). El diseno Estudios Puertorriqueños, San Juan. Alegr´ıa, R. E. (1995). La vestimenta y los adornos de los caciques Ta´ınos y la parafernalia asociada a sus funciones mágico-religiosas. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 295–310. Alegr´ıa, R. E. (1997). The study of aboriginal peoples: Multiple ways of knowing. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 9– 19. Allaire, L. (1991). Understanding Suazey. In Haviser, J., and Ayubi, E. N. (eds.), Proceedings of the XIII Congress of the International Association for Caribbean Archaeology, Cura¸cao, pp. 715– 728. Allaire, L. (1997a). The Lesser Antilles before Columbus. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 20–28. Allaire, L. (1997b). The Caribs of the Lesser Antilles. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 177–185. Allaire, L., and Duval, D. T. (1995). St. Vincent revisited. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 255–262.


156

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


Keegan

Alonso Alonso, E. M. (1995). Cueva del Arriero: un estudio arqueológico sobre comunidades abor´ıgenes del occidente de Cuba, Editorial Academia, La Habana. Arrazcaeta, R., and Garc´ıa, R. (1994). Guara: una región pictográfica de Cuba. Revista Arqueologica 15: 22–31. Arrom, J. J. (1997). The creation myths of the Ta´ınos. In Bercht, F., Brodsky, E., Farmer, J. A., and Taylor, D. (eds.), Taino: Pre-Columbian Art and Culture from the Caribbean, Monacelli Press, New York, pp. 68–79. Bartone, R. N., and Crock, J. (1991). Flaked stone industries at the early Saladoid Trants site, Montserrat, West Indies. In Cummins, A., and King, P. (eds.), Proceedings of the XIV Congress of the International Association for Caribbean Archaeology, Barbados Museum and Historical Society, Barbados, pp. 124–146. Berman, M. J., and Gnivecki, P. L. (1995). The colonization of the Bahama Archipelago: A reappraisal. World Archaeology 26: 421–441. Boomert, A. (1995). Island Carib archaeology. In Whitehead, N. L. (ed.), Wolves from the Sea: Readings in the Anthropology of the Native Caribbean, KITLV Press, Leiden, pp. 23–36. Boomert, A. (1996). The Prehistoric Sites of Tobago: A Catalogue and Evaluation, Alkmaar, The Netherlands. Budinoff, L. (1991). An osteological analysis of the human burials recoverd from an early ceramic site on the North Coast of Puerto Rico. In Robinson, L. S. (ed.), Proceedings of the XII Congress of the International Association for Caribbean Archaeology, Martinique, pp. 117–134. Bullen, R. P. (1964). The Archaeology of Grenada, West Indies, Contributions of the Florida State Museum, Social Sciences, No. 11. Gainesville. Callaghan, R. T. (1995). Antillean cultural contacts with mainland region as a navigation problem. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 181–190. Calvera, J., Serrano, E., Rey, M., Pedroso, I., and Yparraguirre, Y. (1996). El sitio arqueológico Los Buchillones. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 59–67. Carlson, L. A. (1999). First Contact: The Coralie Site, Grand Turk, Turks and Caicos Islands, Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville. Chanlatte Baik, L. (1981). La Hueca y Sorce (Vieques, Puerto Rico): primeras migraciones agroalfareras antillanas, Taller, Santo Domingo. Chanlatte Baik, L. (1995). Presencia huecoide en Hacienda Grande, Lo´ıza. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 501–510. Chanlatte Baik, L. A., and Nargenes Storde, Y. M. (1990). La nueva arqueolog`ıa de Puerto Rico (su proyección en Las Antillas), Taller, Santo Domingo. Cooper, V. O. (1997). Language and gender among the Kalinago of fifteenth-century St. Croix. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 186–196. Coppa, A., Cucina, A., Chiarelli, B., Luna Calderon, F., and Mancinelli, D. (1995). Dental anthropology and paleodemography of the precolumbian populations of Hispaniola from the third millennium B.C. to the Spanish contact. Human Evolution 10: 153–167. Curet, L. A. (1992a). The Development of Chiefdoms in the Greater Antilles: A Regional Study of the Valley of Maunabo, Puerto Rico, Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Arizona State University, Tempe. Curet, L. A. (1992b). Estructuras domésticas y cambio cultural en la prehistoria de Puerto Rico. La Revista del Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe 14: 59–75. Curet, L. A. (1996). Ideology, chiefly power, and material culture: An example from the Greater Antilles. Latin American Antiquity 7: 114–131. Curet, L. A. (1997). Technological changes in prehistoric ceramics from Eastern Puerto Rico: An exploratory study. Journal of Archaeological Science 24: 497–504. Curet, L. A. (1998). New formulae for estimating prehistoric populations for lowland South America and the Caribbean. Antiquity 72: 359–375. Curet, L. A., and Oliver, J. R. (1998). Mortuary practices, social development, and ideology in precolumbian Puerto Rico. Latin American Antiquity 9: 217–239.



PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


157

Curtis, J. H., and Hodell, D. A. (1993). An isotopic and trace element study of ostracods from Lake Miragoane, Haiti: A 10,500 year record of paleosalinity and paleotemperature changes in the Caribbean. Geophysical Monograph 78: 135–152. Dacal Moure, R., and Rivero de la Calle, M. (1984). Arqueolog´ıa aborigen de Cuba, Editorial Gente Nueva, La Habana. Dacal Moure, R., and Rivero de la Calle, M. (1996). Art and Archaeology of Pre-Columbian Cuba, Sandweiss, D. H. (trans.), Sandweiss, D. H., and Watters, D. R. (eds.), University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh. Davis, D. D. (1988). Calibration of the ceramic period chronology for Antigua, West Indies. Southeastern Archaeology 7: 52–60. Davis, D. D. (1996). Revolutionary archaeology in Cuba. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 3: 159–188. deFrance, S. D., Keegan, W. F., and Newsom, L. A. (1996). The archaeobotanical, bone isotope, and zooarchaeological records from Caribbean sites in comparative perspective. In Reitz, E. J., Lee A. Newsom, L. A., and Scudder, S. J. (eds.), Case Studies in Environmental Archaeology, Plenum Press, New York, pp. 289–304. Dubelaar, C. N. (1995). The petroglyphs of the Lesser Antilles, the Virgin Islands, and Trinidad. Publications of the Foundation for Scientific Research in the Caribbean, No. 35, Amsterdam. Eichholz, D. W. (1995). Rock art from Juana Diaz, Puerto Rico. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 559–570. Fuess, M. T., Donahue, J., Watters, D. R., and Nicholson, D. (1991). A report on thin section petrography of the ceramics from Antigua, northern Lesser Antilles: Methods and theory. In Cummins, A., and King, P. (eds.), Proceedings of the XIV Congress of the International Association for Caribbean Archaeology, Barbados Museum and Historical Society, Barbados, pp. 11–24. Garc´ıa Arévalo, M. A. (1997). The bat and the owl: Nocturnal images of death. In Bercht, F., Brodsky, E., Farmer, J. A., and Taylor, D. (eds.), Taino: Pre-Columbian Art and Culture from the Caribbean, Monacelli Press, New York, pp. 112–123. Goodwin, R. C., and Walker J. B. (1975). Villa Taina de Boqueron, Inter-American University Press, San Juan, Puerto Rico. Granberry, J., and Winter, J. (1995). Bahamian ceramics. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 3–14. Guarch Delmonte, J. M. (1990). Estructura para las comunidades abor´ıgenes de Cuba, Ediciones Holgu´ın, Holgu´ın, Cuba. Guarch, D. J. M. (1996). La muerte en las Antillas: Cuba. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 12–25. Gustave, S., Habau, M., Belhache, P., Fabre, J., Ney, C., and Schvoerer, M. (1991). Composition eléméntaire d’une série de tessons recueillis sur les sites préhistoriques de Vivé et du Diamant (Martinique). In Cummins, A., and King, P. (eds.), Proceedings of the XIV Congress of the International Association for Caribbean Archaeology, Barbados Museum and Historical Society, Barbados, pp. 40–48. Harris, M. H., and Hinds, R. (1995). Pottery from Maxwell, Barbados. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 511–522. Haviser, J. B. (1991). Development of a prehistoric interaction sphere in the northern Lesser Antilles. New West Indian Guide 65: 129–151. Haviser, J. B. (1995). Test excavations at the Savonet rock paintings site, Cura¸cao. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 571–580. Haviser, J. B. (1997). Settlement strategies in the early ceramic age. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 57–69. Highfield, A. R. (1997). Some observations on the Taino language. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 154–168. Hinds, R., and Harris, M. H. (1995). Pottery from Mustique. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 459–470.


158

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


Keegan

Hodell, D. A., Curtis, J. H., Jones, G. A., Higuera-Gundy, A., Brenner, M., Binford, M. W., and Dorsey, K. T. (1991). Reconstruction of Caribbean climate change over the past 10,500 years. Nature 352: 790–793. Hofman, C. L. (1993). In Search of the Native Population of Pre-Columbian Saba (400–1450 A.D.). Part One. Pottery Styles and Their Interpretations, Ph.D. dissertation, Leiden University, Leiden. Hofman, C. L. (1995). Inferring inter-island relationships from ceramic style: A view from the Leeward Islands. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 233–242. Hofman, C. L., and Hoogland, M. L. P. (eds.) (1999). Archaeological Investigations on St. Martin 1993: The Sites of Norman Estate, Hope Estate, Anse des Peres, Direction Régionale des Affaires Culturelles de Guadeloupe, Service Régional de l’Archéologie, Basse-Terre, Guadeloupe. Hoogland, M. L. P. (1996). In Search of the Native Population of Pre-Columbian Saba (400–1450 A.D.). Part Two. Settlements in Their Natural and Social Environment, Ph.D. dissertation, Leiden University, Leiden. Hulme, P. (1993). Making sense of the native Caribbean. New West Indian Guide 67: 189–220. Jardines Mac´ıas, J. E., and Calvera Rosés, J. (1997). Estudio téchnico-estil´ıstico de objectos de carácter superestructural de los grupos aborigénes agroceramistas de las Antillas. El Caribe Arqueológico 2: 50–63. Keegan, W. F. (1989). Transition from a terrestrial to a maritime economy: A new view of the crab/shell dichotomy. In Siegel, P. (ed.), Early Ceramic Population Lifeways and Adaptive Strategies in the Caribbean, BAR International Series 506, Oxford, pp. 119–128. Keegan, W. F. (1994). West Indian archaeology. 1. Overview and foragers. Journal of Archaeological Research 2: 255–284. Keegan, W. F. (1995). Modeling dispersal in the prehistoric West Indies. World Archaeology 26: 400– 420. Keegan, W. F. (1996). West Indian archaeology 2. After Columbus. Journal of Archaeological Research 2: 265–294. Keegan, W. F. (1997). Bahamian Archaeology: Life in the Bahamas and Turks and Caicos Before Columbus, Media, Nassau. Keegan, W. F. (1999). History and culture of food and drink in the west. Section 2. The Americas. C. The Caribbean (including northern South America and eastern Central America). In Kiple, K. F., and Ornelas-Kiple, C. K. (eds.), Cambridge History and Culture of Food and Nutrition, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (in press). Keegan, W. F., and Diamond, J. M. (1987). Colonization of islands by humans: A biogeographical perspective. In Schiffer, M. B. (ed.), Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, Vol. 10, Academic Press, San Diego, pp. 49–92. Keegan, W. F., Maclachlan, M., and Byrne, B. (1998). Social foundations of the Taino caciques. In Redmond, E. (ed.), Chiefdoms and Chieftaincy in the Americas, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 217–244. La Rosa Corzo, G. (1995). Costumbres funerarias de los abor´ıgenes de Cuba, Editorial Academia, La Habana. Luna Calderón, F. (1996). Caracter´ısticas del cementerio ind´ıgena de Punta Cana, República Dominicana. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 15–28. Mart´ınez Gabino, A., Vento, E., and Roque, C. (1993). Historia aborigen de Matanzas, Ediciones, Matanzas. McGinnis, S. (1997). Zemi three-pointer stones. In Bercht, F., Brodsky, E., Farmer, J. A., and Taylor, D. (eds.), Taino: Pre-Columbian Art and Culture from the Caribbean, Monacelli Press, New York, pp. 92–105. Meggers, B. J. (1996). Possible impact of the mega-Niño events on precolumbian populations in the Caribbean area. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 156–176. Meléndez, J. R. (1995). Reevaluación del estudio sobre el arte rupestre realizado por Alphonse Pinart



PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


159

en el siglo XIX en Cayey, Puerto Rico. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 595–606. Morse, B. F. (1997). The Salt River site, St. Croix, at the time of the encounter. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 36–45. Narganes Storde, I. M. (1995). La lapidaria de la Hueca, Vieques, Puerto Rico. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 141–154. Newsom, L. A. (1993). Native West Indian Plant Use, Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville. Newsom, L. A., and Deagan, K. A. (1994). Zea mays in the West Indies: The archaeological and early historic record. In Johannessen, S., and Hastorf, C. A. (eds.), Corn and Culture in the Prehistoric New World, Westview Press, Boulder, CO, pp. 203–217. Oliver, J. R. (1989). The Archaeological, Linguistic, and Ethnohistorical Evidence for the Expansion of Arawakan into Northwestern Venezuela and Northeastern Columbia, Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Illinois, Champaign–Urbana. Oliver, J. R. (1995). The archaeology of Lower Camp site, Culebra Island: Understanding variability in peripheral zones. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 485–500. Oliver, J. R. (1997). The Taino cosmos. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 140–153. Oliver, J. R. (1998). El Centro Ceremonial Caguana, Puerto Rico, BAR S727, Oxford. Ortiz Aguilú, J. J., Rivera Meléndez, J., Pr´ıncipe Jácome, A., Mélendez Maiz, M., and Lavergne Colberg, M. (1991). Intensive agriculture in pre-Columbian West Indies: The case for terraces. In Cummins, A., and King, P. (eds.), Proceedings of the XIV Congress of the International Association for Caribbean Archaeology, Barbados Museum and Historical Society, Barbados, pp. 278–285. Ostapkowicz, J. M. (1997). To be seated with “great courtesy and veneration”: Contextual aspects of the Ta´ıno duho. In Bercht, F., Brodsky, E., Farmer, J. A., and Taylor, D. (eds.), Taino: Pre-Columbian Art and Culture from the Caribbean, Monacelli Press, New York, pp. 56–67. Pagán Perdomo, D. (1996). El estudio del arte rupestre en el contexto de la arqueolog´ıa como ciencia social. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 29–33. Pendergast, D. M. (1996). The Los Buchillones site, north coastal Cuba. NewsWARP (The Newsletter of the Wetland Archaeology Research Project) 19: 3–6. Petersen, J. B. (1996). Archaeology of Trants, Montserrat. Part 3. Chronological and settlement data. Annals of the Carnegie Museum 63: 323–361. Petersen, J. B. (1997). Taino, Island Carib, and prehistoric Amerindian economics in the West Indies: Tropical forest adaptations to island environments. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 118–130. Petersen, J., and Watters, D. (1995). A preliminary analysis of Amerindian ceramics from the Trants site, Montserrat. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 131–140. Petitjean Roget, H. (1993). Les pierres a` trois pointes des Antilles: essai d’interprétation. Espace Cara¨ıbe 1: 7–26. ´ ements pur une e´ tude comparèe des mythologies Ta¨ınos et Cara¨ıbes Petitjean Roget, H. (1994). El´ Insulaires (Kalinas) des Antilles. Espace Cara¨ıbe 2: 91–107. Petitjean Roget, H. (1995). Note sur deux amulets de bois trouvées a` Morel, Guadeloupe. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 417–422. Petitjean Roget, H. (1997). The Taino vision: A study in the exchange of misunderstanding. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 169–176. Pregill, G. K., Steadman, D. W., and Watters, D. R. (1994). Late Quaternary Vertebrate Faunas of


160

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


Keegan

the Lesser Antilles: Historical Components of Caribbean Biogeography, Bulletin of Carnegie Museum of Natural History, No. 30. Rainey, F. G. (1940). Porto Rican Archaeology: Scientific Survey of Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands, New York Academy of Sciences 18, No. 1. Redmond, E. M., and Spencer, C. S. (1994). The cacicazgo: An indigenous design. In Marcus, J., and Zeitlin, J. F. (eds.), Caciques and Their People: A Volume in Honor of Ronald Spores, Anthropological Papers, No. 89, Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, pp. 189–225. Reid, B. (1992). Arawak archaeology in Jamaica: New approaches, new perspectives. Caribbean Quarterly 38: 17–20. Reyes Cardero, J. M. (1997). Estudios dietarios de cinco sitios “apropiadores ceramistas” del suroriente cubano. El Caribe Arqueológico 2: 41–49. Reitz, E. J. (1994). Archaeology of Trants, Montserrat. Part 2. Vertebrate fauna. Annals of the Carnegie Museum 63: 297–313. Reitz, E. J., and Dukes, J. A. (1995). Use of vertebrate resources at Trants, a Saladoid site on Montserrat. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 201–208. Righter, E. (1997). The ceramics, art, and material culture of the early ceramic period in the Caribbean Islands. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 70–79. Righter, E., Sandford, M. K., and Sappelsa, L. (1995). Bioarchaeology investigations at the Tutu site, St. Thomas, USVI: A preliminary report. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 243–254. R´ımoli, R. (1996). Informe sobre la fauna de las fases Punta Cana y El Barrio. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 12–14. Robiou-Lamarche, S. (1994). Encuentro con la mitolog´ıa Ta´ına, Editorial Punto y Coma, San Juan, Puerto Rico. Rodr´ıguez, A. (1995). A survey of the petroglyph collection in the “Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña,” San Juan, Puerto Rico. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 625–634. Rodr´ıguez, M. A. (1990). Arqueolog´ıa del R´ıo Loiza. In Pantel Tekakis, A. G., Vargas Arenas, I., and Sanoja Obediente, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XI Congress of the International Association for Caribbean Archaeology, La Fundación Arqueológica, Antropológica e Histórica de Puerto Rico, San Juan, pp. 287–295. Rodr´ıguez, M. A. (1992). Diversidad cultural en la tard´ıa prehistoria del este de Puerto Rico. La Revista del Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe 15: 58–74. Rodr´ıguez, M. A. (1995). Centros ceremoniales ind´ıgenas en Puerto Rico. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 27–44. Rodr´ıguez, M. A. (1997). Religious beliefs of the Saladoid people. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 80–87. Roe, P. G. (1989). A grammatical analysis of Cedrosan Saladoid vessel form categories and surface decoration: Aesthetic and technical styles in early Antillean ceramics. In Siegel, P. E. (ed.), Early Ceramic Population Lifeways and Adaptive Strategies in the Caribbean, BAR International Series 506, Oxford, pp. 267–382. Roe, P. G. (1995a). Eternal companions: Amerindian dogs from Tierra Firme to the Antilles. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 155– 172. Roe, P. G. (1995b). Style, society, myth, and structure. In Carr, C., and Neitzel, J. E. (eds.), Style, Society, and Person, Plenum Press, New York, pp. 27–76. Roe, P. G. (1997). Just wasting away: Ta´ıno shamanism and concepts of fertility. In Bercht, F., Brodsky,



PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


161

E., Farmer, J. A., and Taylor, D. (eds.), Taino: Pre-Columbian Art and Culture from the Caribbean, Monacelli Press, New York, pp. 124–157. Rouse, I. (1952). Porto Rican Prehistory: Excavations in the interior, south, and east, chronological implications. Scientific survey of Porto Rico and the Virgin Islands. New York Academy of Sciences 18: 463–578. Rouse, I. (1986). Migrations in Prehistory, Yale University Press, New Haven, CT. Rouse, I. (1992). The Tainos, Yale University Press, New Haven, CT. Rouse, I., and Alegr´ıa, R. E. (1990). Excavations at Maria de la Cruz Cave and Hacienda Grande Village Site, Loiza, Puerto Rico, Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 80, New Haven, CT. Rouse, I., Morse, B. F., and Nicholson, D. (1995). Excavations at Freeman’s Bay, Antigua. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 445–458. Saunders, N. J., and Gray, D. (1996). Zem´ıs, trees, and symbolic landscapes: Three Ta´ıno carvings from Jamaica. Antiquity 70: 801–812. Scaramelli, F., and Tarble, K. L. (1995). Las pinturas rupestres del Orinoco Medio, Venezuela: contexto arqueológico y etnográfico. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 607–624. Scudder, S. J., and Quitmyer, I. R. (1998). Evaluation of evidence for pre-Columbian human occupation at Great Cave, Cayman Brac, Cayman Islands. Caribbean Journal of Science 34: 41–49. Siegel, P. E. (1991). Migration research in Saladoid archaeology: A review. The Florida Anthropologist 44: 79–91. Siegel, P. E. (1992). Ideology, Power, and Social Complexity in Prehistoric Puerto Rico, Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, State University of New York at Binghamton, Binghamton. Siegel, P. E. (1995). The archaeology of community organization in the tropical lowlands: A case study from Puerto Rico. In Stahl, P. W. (ed.), Archaeology in the Lowland American Tropics, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 42–65. Siegel, P. E. (1996a). Ideology and culture change in prehistoric Puerto Rico: A view from the community. Journal of Field Archaeology 23: 313–333. Siegel, P. E. (1996b). An interview with Irving Rouse. Current Anthropology 37: 671–689. Siegel, P. E. (1997). Ancestor worship and cosmology among the Ta´ıno. In Bercht, F., Brodsky, E., Farmer, J. A., and Taylor, D. (eds.), Taino: Pre-Columbian Art and Culture from the Caribbean, Monacelli Press, New York, pp. 106–111. Steadman, D. W. (1995). Prehistoric extinctions of Pacific Island birds: Biogeography meets zooarchaeology. Science 267: 1123–1131. Stokes, A. V. (1995). Understanding prehistoric subsistence in the West Indies using stable isotope analysis. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 191–200. Stokes, A. V. (1998). A Biogeographic Survey of Prehistoric Human Diet in the West Indies Using Stable Isotopes, Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville. Stokes, A. V., and Keegan, W. F. (1996). A reconnaissance for prehistoric archaeological sites on Grand Cayman. Caribbean Journal of Science 32: 425–430. Tanner, W. F. (1992). 3000 years of sea level change. Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society 73: 297–303. Tarble, K. L., and Scaramelli, F. (1995). Una correlación preliminar entre alfarerias y el arte rupestre del municipio autónomo Cedeño, estado Bol´ıvar, Venezuela. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 581–594. Trincado, F. M. N., and Ulloa, H. J. (1996). La communidades meillacoides del littoral sudoriental de Cuba. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 74–82. Ulloa Hung, J., and Valcárcel, R. (1997). La comunidades apropiadoras ceramistas del sureste de Cuba. Un estudio de su cerámica. El Caribe Arqueológico 2: 31–40. Valcárcel, R. R., Agüero, H. J. C., Guarch, R. E., and Pedroso, R. (1996). La ornamentación incisa en la cerámica aborigen del centro-norte de Holgu´ın, Cuba. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 46–58.


162

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


Keegan

Vega, B. (1996). Frutas en la dieta precolombina en la isla Espaniola. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 48–85. Veloz Maggiolo, M. (1991). Panorama histórico del Caribe precolombino, Edición del Banco Central de la República Dominicana, Santo Domingo. Veloz Maggiolo, M. (1993). La Isla de Santo Domingo antes de Colon, Banco Central de la República Dominicana, Santo Domingo. Veloz Maggiolo, M. (1997). The daily life of the Ta´ıno people. In Bercht, F., Brodsky, E., Farmer, J. A., and Taylor, D. (eds.), Taino: Pre-Columbian Art and Culture from the Caribbean, Monacelli Press, New York, pp. 34–45. Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Ortega, M. J. (1996). Punta Cana y el origen de la agricultura en la isla de Santo Domingo. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 5–11. Veloz Maggiolo, M., Ortega, E., and Caba Fuentes, A. (1981). Los Modos de Vida Meillacoides y sus Posibles Origenes. Museo del Hombre Dominicano, Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic. Veloz Maggiolo, M., Ortega, E., and Calderon, F. L. (1991). Los ocupantes tempranos de Punta Cana, República Dominicana. In Cummins, A., and King, P. (eds.), Proceedings of the XIV Congress of the International Association for Caribbean Archaeology, Barbados Museum and Historical Society, Barbados, pp. 262–277. Versteeg, A. H., and Schinkel, K. (eds.) (1992). The Archaeology of St. Eustatius: The Golden Rock Site, Publication of the St. Eustatius Historical Foundation, No. 2, St. Eustatius. Versteeg, A. H., Schinkel, K., and Wilson, S. M. (1993). Large-scale excavations versus surveys: Examples from Nevis, St. Eustatius and St. Kitts in the northern Caribbean. Analecta Praehistorica Leidensia 26: 139–161. Walker, J. B. (1997). Ta´ıno stone collars, elbow stones, and three-pointers. In Bercht, F., Brodsky, E., Farmer, J. A., and Taylor, D. (eds.), Taino: Pre-Columbian Art and Culture from the Caribbean, Monacelli Press, New York, pp. 80–91. Watters, D. R. (1994). Archaeology of Trants, Montserrat. Part 1. Field methods and artifact density distributions. Annals of the Carnegie Museum 63: 265–295. Watters, D. R. (1997). Maritime trade in the prehistoric eastern Caribbean. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 88–99. Watters, D. R., and Scaglion, R. (1994). Beads and pendants from Trants, Montserrat: Implications for the prehistoric lapidary industry of the Caribbean. Annals of the Carnegie Museum 63: 215– 237. Weeks, J. M., Ferbel, P. J., and Ram´ırez Zabala, V. (1996). Rock art at Corral de los Indios de Chacuey, Dominican Republic. Latin American Indian Literatures Journal 12: 88–97. Wilson, S. M. (1997). The Ta´ıno social and political order. In Bercht, F., Brodsky, E., Farmer, J. A., and Taylor, D. (eds.), Taino: Pre-Columbian Art and Culture from the Caribbean, Monacelli Press, New York, pp. 46–55. Wilson, S. M., Iceland, H. B., and Hester, T. R. (1998). Preceramic connections between Yucatan and the Caribbean. Latin American Antiquity 9: 342–352. Winter, J., and Wing, E. (1995). A refuse midden at the Minnis Ward site, San Salavador, Bahamas. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 423–434. Wing, E. S. (1993). The realm between wild and domesticated. In Clason, A., Payne, S., and Uerpmann, H.-P. (eds.), Skeletons in Her Cupboard: Festschrift for Juliet Clutton-Brock, Oxbow Monograph 34, Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 243–250. Wing, E. S. (1995). Rice rats and Saladiod people as seen at Hope Estate, St. Marteen. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 219–232. Wing, E. S., and Wing, S. R. (1995). Prehistoric ceramic age adaptation to varying diversity of animal resources along the West Indian archipelago. Journal of Ethnobiology 15: 119–148. Zucchi, A. (1990) La serie Meillacoide y sus relaciones con la cuenca del Orinoco. In Pantel Tekakis, A. G., Vargas Arenas, I., and Sanoja Obediente, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XI Congress of the


PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37



163

International Association for Caribbean Archaeology, La Fundación Arqueológica, Antropológica e Histórica de Puerto Rico, San Juan, pp. 272–286.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF RECENT LITERATURE Agorsah, E. K. (1993). An objective chronological scheme for Caribbean history and archaeology. Social and Economic Studies 21: 119–147. Agorsha, E. K. (1995). Vibrations of marrons and marronage in Caribbean history and archaeology. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 401–416. Alonso, E. M. (1995). Fundamentos para la historia del Guanahatabey de Cuba, Editorial Academia, La Habana. Alvarado, C. G. (1996). Arqueolog´ıa del espacio urbano capitalista: excavaciones en un monumento histórico de Caracas. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 151–155. Anderson Córdova, K. (1995). Aspectos demográficos de los cacicazgos Ta´ınos. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 351–366. Berman, M. J. (1995). A chert microlithic assemblage from an early Lucayan site on San Salvador, Bahamas. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 111–120. Carlson, L. A. (1993). Strings of Command: Manufacture and Utilization of Shell Beads Among the Taino Indians of the West Indies, M.A. thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida, Gainesville. Carlson, B. (1995). Strings of command: Manufacture and utilization of shell beads among the Taino. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 97–110. Cassá, R. (1992). Los indios de las Antillas, Editorial MAPFRE, Madrid, Centro de Antropolog´ıa, Cuba. Clement, C. O. (1995). Landscapes and Plantations of Tobago: A Regional Perspective, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Florida, University Microfilms, Ann Arbor. Cobo Abréu, A., Lor´ıe, G. A., and Jiménez, S. J. (1996). Primeras consideraciones antropológicas y forenses sobre un protoagricultor o ceramista temprano en el Caribe. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 26–30. Cody, A. (1995). Kalinago alliance networks. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 311–326. Crespo, E., and Giusti, J. (1995). Análisis osteológico de dos restos esqueléticos humanos descubiertos durante las excavaciones del Cuartel de Ballajá, San Juan. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 533–546. Crock, J. (1995). Preceramic Anguilla: A view from the Whitehead’s Bluff site. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 283–294. Cummins, A. (1997). European views of the aboriginal population. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 46–56. Cunningham, R. L. (1997). The biological impacts of 1492. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 29–35. Deagan, K. (ed.) (1995). Puerto Real: The Archaeology of a Sixteenth-Century Spanish Town in Hispaniola, University Press of Florida, Gainesville.


164

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


Keegan

Delvoye, L. (1994). A reconnaisance of Corre Corre Bay, St. Eustatius. In Versteeg, A. H. (ed.), Between St. Eustatius and the Guianas: Contributions to Caribbean Archaeology, Publications of the St. Eustatius Historical Foundation, No. 3, St. Eustatius, Netherlands Antilles, pp. 43–52. Devaux, R. J. (1995). Mountains in the Arawak culture. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 327–334. Direction Régionale des Affaires Culturelles Guadeloupe (1998). Bilan scientifique de la région Guadeloupe, 1996, Ministère de la Culture et de la Communication, Basse Terre. Dominguez, L., and Rives, A. (1995). Supervivencia o transculturación en el siglo XVI antillano. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 393–400. Drewitt, P. L. (1995). Heywoods: Reconstructing a preceramic and later landscape on Barbados. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 273–282. El Museo del Barrio (1997). Ta´ıno: Pre–Columbian Art and Culture from the Caribbean, exhibit catalog, El Museo del Barrio, New York. Farr, S. (1995). Gender and etnogenesis in the early colonial Lesser Antilles. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 367–376. Febles, J., and Rives, A. V. (eds.) (1991). Arqueolog´ıa de Cuba y de otras a´ reas antillanas, Editorial Academia, La Habana. Fonseca Zamora, C. (1996). La conformación de los espacios históricos, el caso de América Central y noroccidente colombiano. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 100–121. Fontanez Aldea, R. (1995). Documentación del precio del Alicante, la Parguera, Puerto Rico: proyecto de registro de sitios. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 547–558. Fuess, M. T. (1995). Preliminary archaeological research of prehistoric Amerindian sites on Antigua, northern Lesser Antilles. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 173–180. Gnivecki, P. L. (1995). Rethinking ‘first’ contact. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 209–218. Gonzalez, N. L. (1997). The Garifuna of Central America. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 197–205. González Acabá, D. (1995). The Ciboney culture complex in Cuba: An ecological perspective. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 263–272. Gullick, C. J. M. R. C. (1995). Communicating Caribness. In Whitehead, N. L. (ed.), Wolves from the Sea: Readings in the Anthropology of the Native Caribbean, KITLV Press, Leiden, pp. 157–170. Haviser, J. B. (1995). Towards romanticized Amerindian identities among Caribbean peoples: A case study from Bonair, Netherlands Antilles. In Whitehead, N. L. (ed.), Wolves from the Sea: Readings in the Anthropology of the Native Caribbean, KITLV Press, Leiden, pp. 139–156. Haviser, J. B. (1995). In Search of St. Martin’s Ancient Peoples: Prehistoric Archaeology, July Tree Books, St. Martin. Haviser, J. B., and Simmons-Brito, N. (1995). Excavations at the Zuurzac site: A possible 17th century Dutch slave camp on Cura¸cao, Netherlands Antilles. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 71–82. Hoff, B. J. (1995). Language contact, war, and Amerindian historical tradition: The special case of the



PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


165

Island Carib. In Whitehead, N. L. (ed.), Wolves from the Sea: Readings in the Anthropology of the Native Caribbean, KITLV Press, Leiden, pp. 37–60. Hulme, P. (1995). Elegy for a dying race: The Island Caribs and their visitors. In Whitehead, N. L. (ed.), Wolves from the Sea: Readings in the Anthropology of the Native Caribbean, KITLV Press, Leiden, pp. 113–138. Jardines, J. E., and Guarch, R. J. J. (1996). Patrimonio arqueológico de una región de Cuba. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 39–45. Jiménez, S. J. F. (1996). Nuevos aspectos sobre el poblamiento aborigen de la llanura CautoGuacanayabo. In Fernández Pequeno, J. M., and Hernández, J. L. (eds.), El Caribe Arqueológico (Annuario publicado por la Casa del Caribe como extensión de la revista Del Caribe), pp. 68–73. Joseph, G. (1997). Five hundred years of indigenous resistance. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 214–222. Keegan, W. F. (1995). Columbus was a cannibal: Myths and the first encounters. In Paquette, R., and Engerman, S. (eds.), The Lesser Antilles in the Age of European Expansion, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 17–32. Keegan, W. F. (1997). “No man [or woman] is an island”: Elements of Taino social organization. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 109–118. Kiple, K. F., and Ornelas, K. C. (1996). After the encounter: Disease and demographics in the Lesser Antilles. In Paquette, R. L., and Engerman, S. L. (eds.), The Lesser Antilles in the Age of European Expansion, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 50–67. Lago Vieto, A. (1994). Los Abor´ıgenes de Bayamo, Editorial de Ciencias Sociales, La Habana. Louwe Kooijmans, L. P. (1994). Interpreting Golden Rock: The view of an Old World archaeologist. In Versteeg, A. H. (ed.), Between St. Eustatius and the Guianas: Contributions to Caribbean Archaeology, Publications of the St. Eustatius Historical Foundation, No. 3, St. Eustatius, Netherlands Antilles, pp. 27–42. Maiz, E. (1996). La fauna ornitológica de la familia columbidae en el sitio arqueológico Hernández Colón de Puerto Rico. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 90–99. Mar´ıa, N. T. F. (1996). El aborigen y la formación de la nacionalidad cubana. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 100–103. Marchena, D. M. (1995). Naturaleza generosa versus naturaleza mezquina: los casos de la Toruga y del Caimán del Orinoco, según Gumilla. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan de Puerto Rico, pp. 335–342. Morban Laucer, F. (1995). Canibalismo ritual. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 523–532. Morse, B. F. (1995). The sequence of occupations at the Salt River site, St. Croix. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 471–484. Nicholson, D. V. (1995). Blood and mud: The naval hospital and underwater artifacts,English Harbour, Antigua. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 45–60. Olazagasti, I. (1997). The material culture of the Taino Indians. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 131–139. Payne, T. M. (1995). Research progress report, Robin Bay site (12V Aml-27) St. Croix, U.S.V.I.: A site in the Ceramic age. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 435–444. Pantel, G. (1996). Nuestra percepción de los grupos pre-agr´ıcolas en el Caribe: cambios en nuestra percepción sobre el modo de vida de los grupos pre-agr´ıcolas en el Caribe antillano. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 86–89.


166

PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


Keegan

Pantel, A. G. (1996). Nuestra percepción de los grupos preagr´ıcolas en el Caribe. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 8–11. Pedro, P. G. (1996). La arqueopoes´ıa de Eliseo Diego. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 83–86. Petitjean Roget, H. (1995). Fouille de sauvetage urgent site No. 97-1-12-314-16, trou delft: Un site funéraire postcabrallen sur l’oyapock en Guyane Fran¸caise. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 377–392. Petitjean Roget, H. (1997). Notes on ancient Caribbean art and mythology. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 100–108. Reyes, C., and Juan Manuel, R. C. (1996). Visión lascasiana del Indocubano. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 104–108. Robiou-Lamarche, S. (1995). Coulumón: el langostino celeste entre los Caribes insulares. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 343– 350. Rodr´ıguez, M. A. (1992). Diversidad cultural en la tard´ıa prehistoria del este de Puerto Rico. La Revista del Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe 15: 58–74. Roe, P. G. (1994). Ethnology and archaeology: Symbolic and systemic disjunction or continuity? In Oyuela-Caycedo, A. (ed.), History of Latin American Archaeology, Avebury, Aldershot, UK, pp. 183–208. Rostain, S. (1994a). L’occupation amérindienne ancienne du littoral de Guayane, Ph.D. dissertation, University of Paris I—Pantheon/Sorbonne, Editions de l’ORSTROM, Paris. Rostain, S. (1994b). The French Guiana coast: A key-area in prehistory between the Orinoco and Amazon rivers. In Versteeg, A. H. (ed.), Between St. Eustatius and the Guianas: Contributions to Caribbean Archaeology, Publications of the St. Eustatius Historical Foundation, No. 3, St. Eustatius, Netherlands Antilles, pp. 53–99. Société d’Histoire de la Guadeloupe (1995). Signes amerindiens: la roches gravées en Guadeloupe, Trois-Rivières—Parc Archéologique, Guadeloupe. Stevens-Arroyo, A. M. (1996). Juan Mateo Guaticabanú, September 21, 1496: Evangelization and martyrdom in the time of Columbus. The Catholic Historical Review 82: 614–636. Sued Badillo, J. (1995). The Island Caribs: New approaches to the question of ethnicity in the early colonial Caribbean. In Whitehead, N. L. (ed.), Wolves from the Sea: Readings in the Anthropology of the Native Caribbean, KITLV Press, Leiden, pp. 61–90. Tavares, G. (1996). L´ımites territoriales de los abor´ıgenes de la isla de Hait´ı a la llegada de los espanioles. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 34–47. Taylor, D., Biscione, M., and Roe, P. G. (1997). Epilogue. The beaded zemi in the Pigorini Museum. In Bercht, F., Brodsky, E., Farmer, J. A., and Taylor, D. (eds.), Taino: Pre-Columbian Art and Culture from the Caribbean, Monacelli Press, New York, pp. 158–169. Universidad de Puerto Rico (1996). Culturas ind´ıgenas de Puerto Rico, Colección Arqueológica, Museo de Historia, Antropolog´ıa y Arte, Recinto de R´ıo Piedras, Universidad de Puerto Rico. Valent´ın, G. R. (1996). Acerca de la fundación de la villa de San Salvador. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 87–99. van Gijn, A. L. (1993). Flint exploitation on Long Island, Antigua, West-Indies. Analecta Praehistorica Leidensia 26: 183–197. Versteeg, A. H., and Ruiz, A. C. (1995). Reconstructing Brasilwood Island: The Archaeology and Landscape of Indian Aruba, Publications of the Archaeology Museum of Aruba, No. 6, Oranjestad. Vargas Arenas, I. (1996). Historia arqueológica de Caracas. In Veloz Maggiolo, M., and Caba Fuentes, A. (eds.), Ponencias del Primer Seminario de Arqueolog´ıa del Caribe, Museo Arqueológico Regional Altos de Chavón, Dominican Republic, pp. 129–150. Vargas-Arenas, I. (1996). La arqueolog´ıa social: un paradigma alternativo al angloamericano. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 3–7. Vento Canosa, E., and González, R. D. (1996). Paleopatolog´ıa aborigen de Cuba. El Caribe Arqueológico 1: 31–38. Versteeg, A. H. (1994). Golden Rock diggers on Statia: The initial years. In Versteeg, A. H. (ed.),



PL142-76

April 20, 2000

15:37


167

Between St. Eustatius and the Guianas: Contributions to Caribbean Archaeology, Publications of the St. Eustatius Historical Foundation, No. 3, St. Eustatius, Netherlands Antilles, pp. 1–26. Versteeg, A. H., and Rostain, S. (eds.) (1997). The Archaeology of Aruba: The Tanki Flip Site, Publications of the Archaeology Museum Aruba, No. 8, Aruba. Walker, J. (1995). On the nature of Taino stone collars: The production technology. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 121–130. Watters, D. R. (1994). Mortuary patterns at the Harney site slave cemetery, Montserrat, in Caribbean perspective. Historical Archaeology 28: 56–73. Watters, D. R. (1997). Historical documentation and archaeological investigation of Codrington Castle, Barbuda, West Indies. Annals of the Carnegie Museum 66: 229–288. Watters, D. R. (1997). Stone beads in the prehistoric Caribbean. Bead Study Trust Newsletter 29: 7–8. Watters, D. R., and Petersen, J. B. (1991). Preliminary report on the archaeology of Rendezvous Bay site, Anguilla. In Cummins, A., and King, P. (eds.), Proceedings of the XIV Congress of the International Association for Caribbean Archaeology, Barbados Museum and Historical Society, Barbados, pp. 348–359. Watters, D., and Pettersen, J. B. (1995). Spatial analysis at Trants, Montserrat. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp.15–26. Whitehead, N. L. (1995). Introduction. In Whitehead, N. L. (ed.), Wolves from the Sea: Readings in the Anthropology of the Native Caribbean, KITLV Press, Leiden, pp. 9–22. Whitehead, N. L. (1995). Ethnic plurality and cultural continuity in the native Caribbean: Remarks and uncertainties as to data and theory. In Whitehead, N. L. (ed.), Wolves from the Sea: Readings in the Anthropology of the Native Caribbean, KITLV Press, Leiden, pp. 91–112. Wilson, S. M. (1993). Structure and history: Combining archaeology and ethnohistory in the contact period Caribbean. In Rogers, J. D., and Wilson, S. M. (eds.), Ethnohistory and Archaeology: Approaches to Postcontact Change in the Americas, Plenum Press, New York, pp. 19–30. Wilson, S. M. (1997). Introduction to the study of the indigenous people of the Caribbean. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 1–8. Wilson, S. M. (1997). The legacy of the indigenous people of the Caribbean. In Wilson, S. M. (ed.), The Indigenous People of the Caribbean, University Press of Florida, Gainesville, pp. 206–213. Wilson, S. M. (1997). Surviving European conquest in the Caribbean. Revista Arqueolog´ıa Americana 12: 141–160. Zucchi, A. (1995). Arqueolog´ıa histórica en la barra de Maracaibo (Venezuela): fortificaciones y asentamientos. In Alegr´ıa, R. E., and Rodr´ıguez, M. (eds.), Proceedings of the XV International Congress for Caribbean Archaeology, Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, San Juan, pp. 83–96.