Women Empowerment in Rural Areas through the Usage of Telecentres ‐ A Sri Lankan Case Study Author 1: Henrik Hansson Author 1 Institution: Stockholm University, Sweden e‐mail id:
[email protected] Author 2: Peter Mozelius Author 2 Institution: Stockholm University, Sweden e‐mail id:
[email protected] Author 3: Silvia Gaiani Author 3 Institution: University of Bologna, Italy e‐mail id:
[email protected] Author 4: Niranjan Meegammana Author 4 Institution: Shilpa Sayura Organization, Sri Lanka e‐mail id:
[email protected]
Abstract: Information and Communication Technologies can have a strong impact on the development of a region: telecentre networks are in particular interesting model for e‐learning dissemination to rural areas. The focus area of our investigation is Sri Lanka: the country has a long tradition in terms of gender equality – as it promotes an inclusive education system ‐ and the use of ICTs is widespread. So far 600 of the planned 1000 telecentres have been started following the Nenasala network model. This paper is based upon observations and interviews of women and men working in different roles (owner, manager, operator and user) at telecentres in rural Sri Lanka. The aim of the study is to analyze and discuss the role of telecentres in rural areas and their impact on women empowerment. Findings show that telecentres open up new channels of information and create career opportunities for women in rural areas. Through telecentres, women can 1
improve their life and be active participants in the rural development. However there still exists a need for further improvements and support for females in the Sri Lankan telecentre network. Keywords: Telecentres, Women Empowerment, Education for all, ICT4D, Sri Lanka
1. Introduction 1.1 ICT Use in Sri Lanka and the gender gap In Sri Lanka the acquisition of computer and communication technologies commenced with the opening up of the economy in the late 1970s and the country integration into the process of globalization thereafter. Computer usage, which was almost negligible in the early 1980s, showed a marked increase towards the end of the decade with many private and some public institutions embarking on automating of their systems. In the forefront were financial services, airlines, the travel trade, and some public utilities. Currently, a large portion of industries, and private and public institutions use computers for a variety of purposes ranging from production and financial control to the day to day word processing. The major information centres and libraries are also automated. The integration of Sri Lanka into the global economy, the continuing deregulation, privatization and foreign direct investment made advanced information and communication technologies available in the country towards the mid 1990s. At that time the telecommunications sector was upgraded from analogue to digital, satellite transmission systems were installed and the internal coverage expanded.
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The teledensity of 4 lines per 1000 population in 1983 increased to 14 in 1992 (Central Bank, 1999): now teledensity in Sri Lanka, including fixed and cellular phones, is 78.6 per 100 inhabitants1. These infrastructural developments made it possible for Sri Lanka to enter the 'information super highway,' where advanced information and communication technologies make the convergence of a variety of media products, entertainment, data and communications possible. The major private and public sector organizations as well as academic and research institutions have acquired communication technology and use it for business, educational, and information acquisition and dissemination purposes. Since obtaining Internet access almost a decade ago, services have grown, and without direct control by the Government. Currently there are 8 Internet Service Providers in Sri Lanka with over 25 third party ISP. The number of email and Internet subscribers has grown over these five years. Sri Lanka's mobile market reached 12 million subscribers by March 2009 over a population of nearly 20 million inhabitants (P. Budde, 2009). However in Sri Lanka data communication facilities are limited to Colombo and its environs, the Western province and the major provincial towns such as Kandy, Galle, Batticaloa, Gampaha, Kurunegala, etc. The situation is quite different in rural areas, where over 75% of the population lives – representing 90% of the Sri Lankan poor‐ and the infrastructures are not as good as in urban centres. In Sri Lanka 1.2 million people – of whom 70% women concentrated in rural areas‐ didn’t have any internet connection between mid‐2006 & mid‐ 2008 (P. Budde, 2009).
2. Extended background 1
Data from the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission of Sri Lanka,
June 2009.
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The average annual income per capita in Sri Lanka is approximately US$1,000, only slightly more than the retail price of a PC. Mobile phones as well are still quite expensive: from a recent analysis2 it has emerged that among those not planning to buy phones, males are more dependent on public phones, while women are more dependent on other peoples’ phones. It could also be affirmed that ICT individual usage is heavily tied to the location (urban vs rural areas), social class and income and there are no doubts on the fact that a ‘gender divide’ in terms of information and communication technology (ICT) access exists : there is in fact much concern that the economic growth and development brought about by ICTs are mainly accruing to a subset of men and as a consequence women are marginalized “from the economic, social, and political mainstream of their country” (Hafkin and Taggart, 2001). However, there are a few pilot projects currently being implemented to achieve island‐wide coverage through VSAT and a growing number of initiatives have accompanied the interest in the Internet including the proliferation of short duration training courses, cyber cafes providing casual, relatively cheap access, awareness raising and information dissemination through television, and projects to provide access to disadvantaged areas and to women.
3. Gender Equality in Sri Lanka Compared to India it seems that women in Sri Lanka are benefiting from a more equal situation. Sri Lanka does not have in fact the predominant Brahminic influence. In Sri Lanka women can be found in important positions back to the third century B.C. when the Bhikkhuni Sasana, a Nun Order was introduced. Later women often achieved high and important positions in the propagation of Buddism and Nuns had an active role when the Bhikkhuni 2
Dharmawardenem, H.S.( 2009), Sri Lanka, In Rural Transformation in the Asia and the Pacific 234‐253 Tokyo, APO.
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order was introduced in Tibet and China in the fifth century A.D. and in the early Sri Lankan kingdoms upper class females had rights in land equal to those of the males (Siriweera 2004). On the famous Sigiriya Mirror Wall3 women were not only depicted, they also wrote poetry and graffiti. Out of the 685 found and analyzed poets that have written verses on the Mirror Wall, 12 of them are female (Asian Tribune 2010). Sri Lanka was the first Asian country to allow voting rights without any restrictions to women in 1931 when the Donoughmore Constitution was implemented under the stewardship of Sir Herbert Stanley. In the first version the voting age was 21 for men and 30 for women, but this was later changed by the Colonial Office to 21 for all regardless of gender, education or property ownership (Yogasundram, 2008). In September 1959 the Sri Lankan Prime Minister S. W. R. D. Bandaranaike was shot by a Buddhist priest as a result of a plot where, amongst others, the first Sri Lankan female Minister Vimala Wijawardena was charged with conspiracy to murder (Yogasundram, 2008). In the elections the following year the widow Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, without any earlier political or administrative experience, became the first female Prime Minister in the world (Lankapage, 2010). Even if she later was called “The Prime Minister who came in through the kitchen door” she was in several ways a less tolerant and more aggressive leader than her late husband. In January 1962 her religious intolerance and administrative incompetence were the main reasons for a coup d’état (Yogasundram, 2008). However Sirimavo Bandaranaike managed to keep a political position in Sri Lanka during the following 30 years and was Prime Minister 1960‐65, 1970‐77, and from 1994 until her death in 2000. During the last period her daughter Chandrika Kumaratunga was the President of Sri Lanka. Also in the 21th century new career opportunities have been opened up for women
3 Sigiriya (Lion's rock) is an ancient rock fortress and palace ruin situated in the central Matale District of Sri Lanka, surrounded by the remains of an extensive network of gardens, reservoirs, and other structures. A popular tourist destination, Sigiriya is also renowned for its ancient paintings (frescos),[1] which are reminiscent of the Ajanta Caves of India. The Sigiriya was built during the reign of King Kassapa I (AD 477 – 495), and it is one of the seven World Heritage Sites of Sri Lanka
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and in 2009 Sri Lanka got their first female paratroopers (Sunday Observer 2009) and tuk‐tuk drivers (Daily News Magazine 2009). In many aspects Sri Lankan women have equal rights and have been enjoying universal suffrage since 1931. They are on average well educated as education facilities from primary to tertiary levels are open to all without discrimination. Women exercise their right to vote and some of them are playing leadership roles and shaping the development of their communities, although they earn less than men (US$ 2186 to $5,636 annually4). As the Global Gender Gap Index5 shows, male to female ratios in Sri Lanka is 0.96. Parity at birth is 0.94, and baby girls are often welcomed as a first born and lucky for holding the family together. Health facilities for women are very good with 97% of live births attended by skilled staff and a maternity mortality rate of 58 for 100,000 births6. Although social development indicators do not always tell the true story of realities, as Leelangi Wanasundera affirmed in her report “Rural women in Sri Lanka's post conflict rural economy”, it could be generally affirmed that women in Sri Lanka have the opportunity to take action in the economic, social, and financial affairs.
3.1 Computer training for Women's Advancement
Currently, several state universities, technical and vocational training institutes, private higher education institutes and other private computer schools have started to offer computer education. They range from degree programmes in computer science/information technology, to programming, and the use of various computer packages. There are specialised short duration training courses on accessing the Internet for the average users and web designing, web marketing for technical personnel etc. Although sex disaggregated 4
http://www.unicef.org/infobycountry/sri_lanka_statistics.html 5 The Global Gender Gap Index,1 introduced by the World Economic Forum in 2006, is a framework for capturing the magnitude and scope of gender-based disparities and tracking their progress. The Index benchmarks national gender gaps on economic, political, education- and healthbased criteria, and provides country rankings that allow for effective comparisons across regions and income groups, and over time. The Global Gender Gap Index examines the gap between men and women in four fundamental categories: economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, political empowerment and health and survival.
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statistics are not available it could be said that women are concentrated in courses that teach the use of computer packages (mostly word processing). The number of women who follow programming is limited and men outnumber women. Women following university ICT courses are predominantly male. This pattern of enrolment of women in IT reflects the gender role stereotyping that is seen in enrolment patterns at schools, universities, and technical institutions for other academic disciplines and vocational training courses. Females are channelled into 'feminine' areas of study: technology is the domain of males. There is only a small number of women students enrolled in telecommunication courses at the universities, consequently the skill levels of the majority of women in computer technology are at the level of word processing ‐ an extension of typing. In order to invert the current trend, some projects have been recently launched to increase women’ access to ICTs and reduce the gender gap in urban as well as in rural areas. The Open University of Sri Lanka for example is currently training primary and secondary school teachers in the use of gender‐ sensitive materials in the school and teacher education curricula, and is offering a number of computer programmes and courses that use gender‐ sensitive language. Distance education programmes have been also initiated for those who are still outside the system. The majority of these programmes is not differentiated by sex and is directed especially to women. Another example is provided by the Centre for Women's Research, with financial support from the Canadian International Development Agency, that in 2007 has initiated a project to develop an electronic information network by providing connectivity, initially, to the committee members of the Sri Lanka Women NGO Forum. Training in the use of email has
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been made available, technical support has been given and the network members are regularly kept updated on the use of Internet based services and through a discussion list (
[email protected]), which now has nearly 100 subscribers. Many efforts have been also put into producing live radio programmes on the subject of the Internet and use the Mobile Computer Laboratory to encourage women to increase their use of new technologies.
4. Women and ICT in Rural Sri Lanka The real challenge in communication and women empowerment through ICT is represented by the rural areas. In rural Sri Lanka 70% of women are involved in subsistence agriculture and production but often lack the capital, labour, time, educational, access to information and communication technology (Aluwihare‐Samaranayake, 2003) and are consequently weak in economic empowerment. Several decades of public investment in agriculture, irrigation and community development have not achieved lasting success in rural development. The agriculture extension services which provided much needed help in the form of field advice, innovation from scientists and researchers and sound commodity marketing principles to small holders have failed to meet the present demand (Dharmawardene, 2001). Currently, the government is putting much emphasis on appropriate information and communication‐driven development for shaping a knowledge society. In the past it may have happened that in setting up the telecentres quite often no gender analysis had been undertaken with the result that the centres were mainly owned by men and were in locations that women were usually not comfortable in going to (Gurumurthy, 2004). The opening hours were not suitable for women and the content provided was generic with little or no relevance to them. The operators were centre‐bound and had few outreach
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programmes to encourage poor, illiterate women or women with little or no education to use their services. Thus neither did women receive the information that they required for their empowerment nor did they get the IT skills to access the information that they required. Nowadays the new strategy in ICT diffusion requires a greater attention in catering to the specific needs of women. Issues like computer literacy and mobile and ubiquitous learning are supported both by the government and by single IT entrepreneurs. Networks to serve rural and semi‐urban populations include telecentres like ‘Nenasalas’, information and communication technology centres for the rural youth ‐ Vidartha centres (Liyanage 2006) ‐ Cyber Extension Centres of Department of Agriculture (Dharmawardene 2001). Besides the use of computer and internet facilities for knowledge transfer and storage, telecentres provide meeting space and a forum for the rural community for peer interaction. They are also useful in helping women villagers take advantage of information economy, access education, government information, health care and other services. This will help villagers and women in particular, in social recognition and career upgrading.
5. Telecentres in Rural Sri Lanka The Sri Lankan telecentre network model NenaSala started in 2004 within the eSri Lanka project which was a collaboration between the Sri Lankan Information and Communications Technology Association (ICTA) and the American company Intel. In a first pilot project 20 telecentres were started with a Global Bank funding. This successful model became later a nationwide programme with the aim to construct 1000 Nenasala in a network covering the entire Sri Lankan island (Gaiani, S, Hansson, H, Meegammana, N, Mozelius, P., 2009).
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Nenasala is a Sinhala word whose English meaning would be Hall of Knowledge. A Nenasala has mostly, but not always, 3 or more computers and an Internet connection. In early March 2010 about 600 out of the planned 1000 telecentres have been built and taken into use (Nenasala Official Web Site, 2010). The prime service of a telecentre in Sri Lanka is access to computers and Internet, but there are a number of other services offered by these centres. The type of services varies among telecentres and depends on individual entrepreneurship, skills, demands and other existing providers. The rural community needs a multipurpose telecentre offering services which otherwise would be available only in villages which require long distance travel. The telecentres we observed provided the following services: computer and employability courses, mobile phone cards, photo‐copying, print‐outs, stamps, newspapers and magazines, books, candy, CD/DVDs with film, music and computer programs.
6. Methodology Interviews and observations were conducted at five telecentres across Sri Lanka in 2010. The criteria for the selection of these Telecentres were that ‐ except for Embilipitiya ‐ in all of them women held leading positions and were recognized in the Telecentre network for their experience and community activities. As far as Embilipitiya is concerned, although led by males, women are equally involved in managing and delivering services and agreed to participate and to obtain a geographic spread of the cases. The table below shows the sites selected for the investigation. Table 1. Telecentres and their location Telecentre
Location
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Godakwela
Ratnapura district 7
Yodagama
Ratnapura district
Mahagama
Monaragala district 8
Embilipitya
Ratnapura district
Sooriyawewa
Hambantota district 9
Interviews were conducted focusing on the female experience of telecentres; opportunities, obstacles, challenges and improvements needed from their point of view. The interviews were recorded and written notes were taken during the conversation. The English language was used firsthand, but when needed, a translation into Sinhala was provided in order to clarify. The respondent could express herself either in English or Sinhala. The interviews were open ended but guided by an interview guide which contained questions about the respondents background and “start‐questions” divided into sub topics in order to get more detailed information. Examples of such “start‐questions” are: •
What advantages do Telecentres in Sri Lanka provide for women?
•
In which way do you think Telecentres managed by women are different from the ones managed by males? Can you give examples?
•
What are the main obstacles for women in Sri Lankan Telecentres?
•
What improvements would make a difference for women at Telecentres in Sri Lanka?
The interviews were conducted with: ‐
visitors at the selected telecentres
‐
telecentre owners at Godakwela , Yodagama and Sooriyawewa
7 The following link provides the exact location of Ratnapura District: http://www.geonames.org/1228729/ratnapuradistrict.html 8 The following link provides the exact location of Monaragala District http://www.geonames.org/1228729/monaragala-district.html 9The following link provides the exact location of Hambantoa District http://www.geonames.org/1228729/hambantoadistrict.html
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‐
telecenter manager at Mahagma telecentre
‐
three telecentre operators at Embilipitya.
The women managing the telecentres were in their thirties (age: 29, 30, 34, 37). One of them was married with children. The recordings and notes from interviews and observations were analyzed by coding, comparing and abstracting the information into overarching themes, a process used in qualitative research and further described by Patton, 2004; Glaser, 2005; Glaser 2006. In the following section the core findings are presented and discussed.
7. Findings and Discussions The interview information were analyzed and structured according to the following topics: female roles at telecentres, social responsibility and social cohesion, respect and trust, education, employment and security, multipurpose telecentres, obstacles and attitudes, and finally suggestions for the future. The findings are presented and discussed below. 7.1 Female roles in telecentres Four main female roles were identified in the visited telecentres: ‐ Owners, women who are the owners of the telecentre where they work ‐ Managers, women who are in charge for the organization of the telecentre ‐ Operators, women who work as teachers, facilitators or technicians ‐ Visitors, all females who use different services at a telecentre Female Telecentre owners are very rare across the country. A Telecentre owner is a person or an organization who has signed the agreement with the Information and Communication
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Technology Agency (ICTA) to obtain equipment for the Telecentre, is responsible for its equipment and operations. In most cases they invest their own resources to develop Telecentres and run Telecentres risking either loss or profit. Some of them have become rich, full time involved and some do it as a social service while being engaged in a different job. ICTA does not provide more than one Telecentres yet some have opened branches with their own money. Managers and operators are employed by owners sometimes on a fixed salary, but in most cases it’s calculated on the basis of revenue generated. Most of the operators are semi paid volunteers. There are more females working as managers, but they still constitute a minority compared to male managers. Considerably more females work as operators at telecentres. There are often several operators at each telecentre. An individual can combine the roles of being owner, manager and operator. Visitors at telecentres include all ages and both genders. However, young people use the computer services far more than the older generations do. At young ages, both boys and girls visit the telecentre equally much. It is also found that having a female manager encourages children and women using Telecentre services. 7.2 Social responsibility and social cohesion The interviewed women reported that women have more social responsibilities than males and they experience strong social pressure to take care of older family members and other relatives. The women who had children needed to combine child care with their Telecentre work, which meant that they often brought their children to the Telecentre. Work at Telecentres can be combined with these family duties, because the location and type of work. We observed that the female managers had their children at work, while male
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managers prefer not to bring their children to the telcentres. (Gaiani, Hansson, Meegammana, Mozelius, 2009; Gaiani, Meegammana, Mozelius, Hansson H, 2009). One of the important and popular applications used at the Telecentres was Skyping relatives working abroad. Family members often work abroad and send part of their earnings back to their families. Michele Ruth Gamburd (2010) reports that according to Sri Lankan Bureau of Foreign Employment (SLBFE) an estimated 1,792,368 Sri Lankans (9% of the island’s 20 million people) worked abroad in 2008. According to the same source 92% of the migrant workers work in the Gulf States. The distance technology facilitated by the Telecentres enabling close contact with relatives working abroad clearly has a large social significance. This is an application popular among old and young people as well since the direct audiovisual communication does not require any computer or literacy skills once the operators have set it up. However, the interviewees told us that women working abroad most often don’t have access to computer and Internet, while male migrant workers have it at their offices. Therefore more women attend the telecentre to talk to their husbands abroad than vice versa. One of the interviewees said that “Men focus on financial success, rather than social success”. She also argued that women are more committed than males, but discriminated by the business sector. Obviously the telecentre women we interviewed felt a strong social responsibility not only for their own kin, but for the community as a whole. An interviewee had both a bachelor and a master degree and had quitted a much better paid work in the textile industry in order to work at telecentre. She favored a work with learning opportunities and social dimensions. One of them worked 6 days a week and kept the telecentre open 08.00‐22.00. She did not take vacation at all.
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7.3 Respect and trust The professions a telecentre offers such as owner, manager and operator are suitable for university educated women looking for job opportunities in their rural community. There is not an abundance of qualified work in rural areas and few are intellectually stimulating. Women working at telecentres are well respected both for their work and the contributions to the local community. One particular advantage with telecentres administrated by women is that people had trust in them when it comes to leaving their children there, including letting them stay late hours. This may not have been the obvious choice if the telecentre was run by males only. However, most telecentre staff has local roots and are well known by the local community, as well as Telecentres located in public places like temples, welfare societies etc constitute a certain social control regardless of gender. 7.4 Education, employment and security Women benefit from the ICT training at the telecentres and other education activities which improve their chances to qualify for work. The emphasis on useful skills and education is evident. At the telecentres games are not banned, but discouraged and considered a waste of time. This focus certainly distinguishes the Sri Lankan telecentres from cyber/internet cafes in the Western world, where gaming is the most common activity. Games would probably recruit mainly male users, but women in classes recruit other women, providing the good circle. Another interviewee told us “A female manager recruits more female users, definitely”. The classes provided are about agriculture, health information and career development. At the telecentre women can get help in getting a job, through career planning and internet job seek.
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Another benefit the local telecentres provides for women are that women do no longer need to travel long distance. Women have less money than males and are less likely to own a car or bicycle. They need to use public transport, which means buses. The buses are not that frequent in rural areas. In particular traveling at night is not desirable for women. It can be dangerous with the risk of theft and abuses and it is not something a woman should do according to culture as one of the interviewees said. 7.5 Obstacles and attitudes As mentioned above females have less degree of freedom when it comes to mobility, due both the cultural expectations and their own social responsibility. But also in material terms, females don’t have the same resources. At the telecentres women generally occupy the less paid positions and are less paid for the same work. A female telecentre manager reported that male telecentre managers did not encourage them and appreciate them as equals. Due to the fact that male managers could leave easier and travel for further education, they can acquire up to date knowledge which female managers lack and wanted.
8. The future – by women and for women All women stressed the need for more skills in hard ware and soft ware in order to improve the services and to be equal to their male counterparts. Courses to improve English are also in demand. A continuous and systematic education for telecentre owners, managers and operators would be a key activity in improving their conditions. This further education needs to be organized with limited demand on travelling, since the female telecentre staff does not have the same opportunities as males when it comes to time and resources for travelling. Other improvements would be the introduction of new services in order to get more
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revenues. One good example is the initiative in Godakwela. The telecentre owner helps local women to sell their products at the telecentre and market them via the website www.handicraftlanka.com . This is a nice example which could be further promoted and expanded across telecentres. Similar approaches could be created for agricultural products, clothes e t c.
9. Conclusion Through telecentres, women can improve their life and be active contributors in fostering rural development. Self‐generating, self‐sustaining and self‐replicating livelihood improvement programme among rural communities using technology mediated open and distance learning will be the key of future rural development. ICT could allow women to overcome the barriers of time, space and socio‐economic factors and to bring a variety of learning resources to meet education and information needs of the rural sector. To obtain true gender equality we find it important to provide various kind of further training for the people working at telecentres. English training is a recognized key factor to general improvement, but to get women respected as professionals in all aspects, education on hardware and computer technology is even more important. Women currently working in Sri Lankan nenasalas should be given career opportunities, higher salaries and adequate in‐house training. A successful telecentre with access for everyone should be organized and designed by someone belonging to the telecentre movement. We believe in the idea of the multipurpose telecentre where the organization is built in a bottom‐up design to serve the local needs.
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Women managing telecentres add value and bring new perspectives to both female and male learners. In Sri Lanka there are successful telecentres run by males only for instance by Buddhists monks, but the female run telecentres is part of a functional multi‐organisational model in the country. Specific support should be given to further support active involvement of women and encourage them to manage multipurpose telecentres.
Acknowledgement We like to thank all persons at the visited telecentres for their hospitality and excellent collaboration. You have been more than helpful and we think that your general commitment is one of the key factors to the successful expansion of telecentre services in rural Sri Lanka.
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